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THE FATHER
OF
THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Nihil @Obstat -
Fr. Franciscus D. McSuHane, O.P., S.T.Lz.
Fr. Enyuarpus C. Daty, O.P., S.T.Lnz.
Imprimatur :
Fr. Raymunpbus Meacuer, O.P., S.T.Lr.
Prior Provincialis.
Imprimatur :
Ré™vs MicHaet J. CuRLEY,
Archiepiscopus Baltimorensis,
Baltimorae, die Aprilis 11, 1926.
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FATHER OF THE CHURC
IN TENNESSEE
OR THE LIFE, TIMES, AND CHARACTER OF
THE RIGHT REVEREND
RICHARD PIUS MILES, O. P.
THE FIRST BISHOP OF NASHVILLE
By
|/ THE VERY REVEREND
V. F. ODANIEL, O.P., 8S.T.M., Litt.D.
THE DOMINICANA
487 MicHI1GAN AvENUE, N. E.
WaASHINGTON, D. C.
For sale by
FREDERICK PUSTET CO. (Inc.)
NEW YORK CINCINNATI
52 BARCLAY STREET 436 MAIN STREET
Baus Deo Patri, et HFiliv
et Spiritut Sancto
PRESS OF
SAINT Mary’s INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL
1926
TO THE MEMORY OF THE
FOUNDERS OF SAINT JOSEPH’S PROVINCE
OF FRIARS PREACHER
BISHOP MILES COMPANIONS IN STUDY
AND
THE EARLY PRIESTS OF OHIO, KENTUCKY, AND
TEN NESSEE
BOTH SECULAR AND REGULAR
THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED
ay q :
wis
2 abe
ie Tm
CHAPTER
CONTENTS
PAGE
E ORE WORT ME. saat irate Ae ree eee reales xi
BInTHPeLACH ANDILAREN TAGE sitieireet.cicse ls eed eenans 1
Kentucky anp His BovHoop THERB.............0..00sc00es 23
CFOESETO AMAIN TIGECOSE: Sestecce case eh ore entrant. 51
Dons THE HasirT oF SAINT DOMINIC............cecceeee sees 75
Re.icious Proression, STUDENT, PROFESSOR............ 91
END OF STUDENT Days, ORDINATION.......ccccscceesscoeees 121
HART YUL RIESTHOOD ote eerie reece sce ed 141
Last Years UNDER FATHER WILSON........0...ceeeecceeeee 163
Four Years UNDER FATHER TUITE... ..cccccccsseccceeees 187
INETSSIONAR VAIN # GELIO see fe cartes seu cee rere ret ne eae 211
PRIOR SE ROVIN OLAL DISH OP ste saa secs aes eee 23}
HPA Fe Vee LEE NT ARES ET eee, seach ce teaak Gy hee oe eh ran eer We 263
First CaTHoLic CHURCH IN TENNESSEB........c0sccceeee 294
PAK ES UP OSSESSION | OF SHEL IS BOER. .c2:0. 8s hs sporeacccthacesh eae 315
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR..........00008 341
RIGHT ERMOUTL OOR 7. ttre belt pions ines cautael eee 371
TEOSSESGAND.« GAINS ec i oieieie hese des ener Ue sss heel ctau a ahaa neh d 393
PROGRESSIO LOWS LDU LT Oo TEAD acc iit attr ecco sues 419
TEATRO RUE CHROWICE oor eacete cet test cere ree oe tae herein aen tetese 444s
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES........ccsccsscsccecceecenscesees ATT
WARIOUS APOSTOLIC, IL FFORTSsscsyis2stesvectscetbrcitroaisecsess 508
THe CrRowNING oF A WELL-SPENT LIFBE..........00..0000 522
PLPREN TD IRVRED CE tate ceca cte teats Pheer dat Mca oe eteeD ras Snead Weare 560
PACE BIEN DUS WL eee ane ORE he LE LE. cu val ah ny 575
BIBTIOGR ARE VER cere elke sc eens cucalesicemecciehecesfioveb es 576
LD XU en Ne tes rete nv attnae venture 583
Vil
Ta ise BCA ea ss
Paar
toe ignitelcy sr iGhArd nr wyilles, O), Pita, .detvtsieccsese sss Frontispiece
PGmIgitarey werd ward > WemwiCks Oy, be occenccct pesccceregh este ses 83
Saint Rose’s Priory and Saint Thomas’ College..................., ae
MceVeTVORcy -oAllucl: LeaWilson, .b., sabe cdercesohencr est 185
Poe sC eV Lilcs me AU ALN. Ue uy ae. Meets eleetcac cad iesoteerctersale fender Eoneer tl ces 261
AvemeLL ey mio LO eti My Lem LALIT hss. oesnscse sh sttre net nat oereaekek are eee ants 314
Pac me IUCVaMm CODE Tiam mht DELL tuncsussccc;cttcty ates cuebcse-hevtsetalerstaeeees 314
em y MECMISI Ame OULD ev esscvenssreetescveast sh staccstsa tye neaerereredsa. 314
ame UPR OUTED LIME AD TILE ess sts secrers cys osredecceties sess tasot eter ences 314
Bishop Miles at the time of his Consecration.....................0+ 326
PatucopArrellee NASHVILLE SaHirst AAT BOY sssete.ccsegsscdh tessseeesedet ste: 326
Ploterosary GaAtnedrals NASD VILE). 7... pcedeenscsaspst ies -sesstnnneatonca ts 326
Teme CV PeMeVLICNACLE IVE CALCOT ese) sc teecicet heres case tocse in ve vaph anette decoys 390
eeBIUCY i) dines Wi Ely LAT KSON EOL tesccestteecengerscare decisions finn tyes 390
hem birst: CatholicnGnurch ati M empiissy...tsysessey-sesscesersedsecs ste 390
A eMIE Vem LV ORS COACH Laat sie tetcsicr ycuubsthatee ter sree gauveatese dee neae vce 4.02
SPL GY OMeYV ILI AIUMaEL OWE Crtins sassohvivauxes ss acsesas tesgiesseesnentovetetaboterits 402
Immaculate Conception Church, Clarksville... eeeeees 402
(ihesoeven, Dolors\ Cathedral, Nashville...ci tis. aiid ecsccescnee 426
RE MmLveY in) OSC DILG Sa, a DSICTOANIS a idcstseokaansessigsteflnvgiie toes teeecs Sa cote ee 473
CiemivcyreNiIcnOlasi itv ONO, P io... 0c ec Wivscetie sexsgsubsaccedy sn A738
iiiaciiiatce conception Church, | Knoxville: scvssatiscssites cee setses see 473
Seite y LOUD eV ned ACK UCL its ceets tie ractcastserconcsy ester cces (asuaels dontiversacs 499
Beemer ee LeCTIVY BV INCE DESO LOW Tic iceciatactcs tues tesco cveve-rracoss teed cea 499 °
Saints Peter and Paul’s Church, Chattanooga..................008 499
item ueveen) ONMmrts LEAT VEO), Deas tans. ce ascnasedrttibestneetiverdeceapests cases 505
Rem LU even) OUIIEA MUD OKELIRO) Li. terccas, tracceeashttet tyes secs cassicceececacsaies 505
Weer ittcuietitS te CA CHOC? I CCLOLVs..tevssscarcceeiitessecetaceseistrtaeeses senna te 505
ieav ervettevesamuciiilin Montgomery, O:PoV.G.2...7,.:.0.0- 515
Maem eens AMeS UN suCT ETO, CO). Lists. c sdvates acts csasshssanpnasnessdetantauts ccs 515
aie ise WemerOUne tiem layTiClign Oc ks sarsskek costes cis iedceareees te edie vencdtsAtss aes nese 515
ix
ILLUSTRATIONS
Paas
LEV ir) SNUATIUS | SVLTeo LL) ATCOsm Clee cctei spss cstraes tence tense meee 515
New poaintar éter sy Conech. geen pills, accra. ese 534
Bev anthony ei erane ois (), eceae eee eee: Seen a eee 548
Reve anes ey Gaal vie G); er ereneues tae tracy eevee ever tete eee een 548
Rtey arte DMeT ews V files lobar aqiien iy vii e seer ae eine et eee 548
TGV ie OL Teli N CALISe 2 OC). Diiveceme ciara harcate ean aey eee 548
Most= Rey, Joseph: se Alemany,. OQ. P22 tivecce. eceses eee 559
Woosterewn | homas ie GracesOi eee we eee 559
Hight) Rev eRichard Poo Miles, 4O7P ise ree ecterneee 559
Richt sRev.. 4) ames Whelan. @i Paneer eee 559
FOREWORD.
Only a specialist can fully realize the toil, research,
and patience involved in an effort to write a thorough
and accurate work in so untouched a field as that with
which, the present volume deals. Yet, it does not seem
too much for belief, a casual glance at a few of its
chapters, its voluminous footnotes, and its bibhography
will give even a careless reader some idea of the endless
labor, time, delving, and study, as well as the painstak-
ing care, devoted to its execution. ‘The difficulty of the
task was rendered all the greater by numberless errors
discovered in the few meager accounts written at an
earlier date, and the fact that much of our information
on the Church in Tennessee, Bishop Miles, and his early
entourage is largely derived from tradition.
Serious students, we venture to be assured, can hardly
fail to note the faithful, constant effort to make the
biography of the Father of the Church in Tennessee
complete and reliable in every detail. No stone was
left unturned in order to place the narrative on a bed-
rock foundation, drawing the life-story of the Friar-
Preacher prelate, in so far as might be, from only first-
hand sources. ‘The footnotes and quotations, let us
hope, will bring the conviction that in but few instances
did these researches fall short of their purpose. Sim-
ilarly, ever and always, were the venerable traditions,
whilst accorded the highest regard, thoroughly sifted
and examined in the light of every available document.
This, too, may be seen in many parts of the book.
X1
xii FOREWORD
Nothing was taken for granted. Even graveyards
were visited in the hope that the tombstones might
yield, as they sometimes did, desired dates and data.
Because of Bishop Miles’ early, long, and fruitful
associations with Saint Joseph’s Province of Friars
Preacher and the Church of Ohio, no less than that
of Kentucky, the story of his life is inseparable
from these institutions. In like manner, his birth in
Maryland, together with his honorable ancestry there
and the part which that colony played in the youthful
Catholicity of the United States, seemed to call for an
outline of the history of Lord Baltimore’s former pa-
latinate as a proper historical setting for the volume.
To all these subjects the same careful research was given
as to the life of the bishop himself and to the history
of the Church in Tennessee.
Doubtless general readers will constitute the greater
number of those into whose hands the book will fall.
For this reason, our constant effort was to write the
text in a popular style, but without departing from the
historical method. Few works of its kind are so pro-
fusely illustrated. Indeed, no effort was spared to pro-
cure pictures of the churches and priests of Tennessee
in Bishop Miles’ time. The copious footnotes and
references are principally intended for the student and
historian, that they may see at a glance the sources
from which the story is drawn.
Sometimes, though happily not often, what we
candidly believed to be the best interest of historic truth
obliged us to take friendly issue with previous writers,
and even to indulge in a little criticism of those who
were unfair to the subject of our narrative and his co-
laborers. However, few are the historians who are not
FOREWORD Xili
obliged to confront some such unpleasant experiences.
In all these instances we have sought to lay the plain
facts before the reader, and to give due credit to the
other side, if there was another side, that thus neither
truth nor charity should be infringed. For the same
purpose, the documents and their interpretation were
always submitted to others that, if needs there should
be, we might correct our views, as well as otherwise
better the book by the judgment of different minds.
This scrupulous care not to deviate from historic
truth or the square deal emboldens us to hope that the
volume will receive from the public and reviewers a rec-
ognition like unto the generous measure of praise which
was accorded its predecessors in the same field. It will
offer the historian a fund of information on our Amer-
ican Church which has never appeared in print before.
The charm of Bishop Miles’ character, we doubt not,
will combine with his deeply religious nature, spirit of
self-sacrifice, untiring zeal, and ceaseless labors in the
cause of religion to arouse the interest of readers in
his life-story, no less than to win their hearts, give them
great edification, and prove a source of good for their
souls.
Perhaps a Catholic writer in the United States could
not, at this time, better employ his pen than in rescuing
our early heroes and heroines of the faith from the
oblivion with which not a few of them are threatened.
Their memories should be preserved and treasured, as
well for the sake of religion as for the inspiration of
future generations; and the only way of effecting this
is by the written story of their lives. Gratitude de-
mands that much of us. Despite his long, faithful,
and fruitful toils for God and for souls, outside his own
xiv FOREWORD
diocese and the order to which he belonged, 'Tennessee’s
great first bishop was all but forgotten in a country
where his name should be a symbol of love, a token of
honor, and a pledge of fidelity. If this volume but
save for him the place which he deserves in our eccle-
siastical annals, the labor of writing it will not have
been expended in vain. Besides, as in the State, so
in the Church her history is largely what it has been
made by her noble men and women. Without them
the narrative of her centuries would be dull beyond
expression.
We take advantage of this foreword to express our
gratitude to all those who have, in various ways, aided
with the book. Perhaps special mention is due to the
Rev. Lucian C. Mercier, of the Third Order of Saint
Dominic, who has labored for many years in the ar-
chives of Europe, both large and small. During the
past decade and more, he has discovered, copied, and
sent to us many documents that were invaluable for
our work. When this biography was commenced, he
sought to obtain permission to continue the researches
which we had made in the Propaganda Archives down
to 1830 (the term set for us by the sacred congregation) ,
in order to give it the benefit of the bishop’s letters to
Rome and other documents relating to the Diocese of
Nashville; but the cardinal prefect did not feel disposed
to set aside the rule which closes the archives to investi-
gation after that date. However, Father Mercier
secured copies of a few such documents which were of
service in the cause.
Victor F. O’Daniet, O.P.
THE DomMINICAN House or STUDIES,
CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA,
WasHINcToNn, D.C., May 5, 1926.
The Father of the Church in Tennessee
CHAPTER I
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE
Tue Colony of Maryland must ever occupy a con-
spicuous place in the history of the Catholic Church
and the Order of Saint Dominic in the United States.
Its beginnings form one of the brightest chapters in
our national annals. It was in the former Baltimore
Palatinate that the Church first took root in English-
speaking America. There also were born the saintly
founder of the Dominican Order in our great republic,
the Right Rev. Edward Dominic Fenwick, and five
out of the first six recruits to the province of Friars
Preacher that he established. The colony was formed
under Catholic auspices, and begun by contributions
mainly from Catholic sources. So was it dominated
by Catholic ideas, whilst its first settlers were largely
if not principally Catholics.’
Perhaps none of the early English colonies were so
elite in their personnel as was that of Lord Baltimore.
Certainly none of them were founded on such broad
principles of freedom and Christian charity. Mary-
1 Whether Catholics or non-Catholics were the more numerous part
of the original colonists in Maryland has been, and still is, a much
debated question. Suffice it here to say that, in the opinion of the
writer, those who hold that Catholics were in the majority for some
years have the better part of the argument.
Z ]
2 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
land’s very corner-stone was liberty of conscience. She
gave the modern world its first example of unrestricted
religious toleration—a principle that afterwards happi-
ly became a keystone in our American civilization.
Others had dreamed of such a civic state; but Cecilius
Calvert, the father and founder of Maryland, was the
first to reduce it to practice either in the Old World or
in the New.
Another dominant idea that the second Lord Balti-
more inherited from his father, George Calvert, was to
make his American palatinate a refuge and a home for
all who were persecuted for conscience’ sake.” The
dream of his life, there seems no room for doubt, was to
convert it into a land of sanctuary in which his fellow
Catholics of England could find and enjoy the hap-
piness of worshipping God in accordance with the dic-
tates of their consciences in freedom and safety. Nat-
urally he felt a special compassion for those of his own
faith, because the hardships imposed on them in the
home country were oppressive beyond measure. How-
ever much we who have Anglo-Saxon blood in our veins
may dislike to admit it, from the time of Henry VIII
until well within the eighteenth century, with the ex-
ception of the short reign of Queen Mary, the perse-
cution of Catholics in England rendered the lives of
those who remained true to the old faith in that once
happy country not unlike the lives of the Christians in
the early ages of the Church.
2George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, had essayed to establish
a similar colony in Newfoundland, which he called Avalon; but he
failed in the attempt, largely on account of the cold climate. He then
obtained a patent for one in Maryland. He died, however, before he
could put his design into execution. His son Cecilius fell heir to his
rights.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 3
Baltimore was not only too broad of mind but also too
good of heart to confine his philanthropic enterprise to
those of his own creed. He knew well that the most
relentless and unmerciful of all tyranny is that of relig-
ious bigotry. He wished therefore to extend a protect-
ing hand to any and every one who suffered under its
oppression, irrespective of faith, race, or country.
Doubtless he wished also to prove to the world that
Catholics and Protestants could live together in peace,
harmony, and happiness. The necessity of such an ac-
cord for the success of his undertaking in the wilds of
America is the keynote of the instructions that he gave
his brother, Governor Leonard Calvert, for the manage-
ment of the colony.
As Bishop Russell correctly states: “It can now be
asserted without question that to Maryland belongs
the credit of having been the first government in the
world in modern times to successfully establish religious
freedom.” * Our unbiased non-Catholic historians give
the same conclusion. Nor was the wisdom of the lord
proprietary’s plan slow to manifest itself. Indeed,
largely owing to it, the Maryland Palatinate enjoyed
prosperity and happiness from the start, while hard-
ships and distress were commonly the lot of the other
English settlements in the present United States.
George Bancroft but tells the plain truth when he says:
No sufferings were endured; no fears of want were excited;
the foundation of the colony of Maryland was peacefully and
happily laid. Within six months, it had advanced more than
Virginia had done in as many years. The proprietary continued
with great liberality to provide everything that was necessary for
3See The Calvert Papers: Number One (Fund-Publication, No. 28,
pp. 127 ff). The first item in the instructions concerns this point.
4 Maryland; The Land of Sanctuary, p. 276
4 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
its comfort and protection, and spared no costs to promote its in-
terests. ... But far more memorable was the character of the
Maryland institutions. Every other country in the world had perse-
cuting laws; through the benign administration of the government
of that province, no person professing to believe in Jesus Christ
was permitted to be molested on account of religion.” Under the
munificence and superintending mildness of Baltimore, the dreary
wilderness was soon quickened with the swarming life and activ-
ity of prosperous settlements; the Roman Catholics who were op-
pressed by the laws of England, were sure to find a peaceful asy-
lum in the quiet harbors of the Chesapeake; and there, too,
Protestants were sheltered against Protestant intolerance. . . .®
The colonists enjoyed freedom of conscience, not less than
freedom of person and estate, as amply as ever any people in any
place of the world. The disfranchised friends of prelacy [ Epis-
copalians| from Massachusetts, and the Puritans from Virginia,
were welcomed to equal liberty of conscience and political rights
in the Roman Catholic province of Maryland.’
William Hand Browne, discussing Calvert’s instruc-
tions for the government of his palatinate, declares that
“equal justice and Christian charity to both Catholic
and Protestant was the keynote of his rule.”* In like
manner, David Ramsay tells us: ‘““Mankind then beheld
a new scene on the theatre of English America. They
saw, in Massachusetts, the Puritans abridging the rights
°*The words “no person professing to believe in Jesus Christ” refer
to “An Act Concerning Religion” passed by the Maryland assembly of
1649 (Maryland Archives, I, 244-247). The exclusion of tolerance from
the Jew and unbeliever, as expressed in this clause, was not in accord-
ance with the spirit and plan of Lord Baltimore. The “Act of 1649,”
so highly praised by some writers as a legislation in favor of religious
liberty, was in reality a notable narrowing of the broader tolerance that
had prevailed in the colony until that time, and must evidently be
attributed to the Puritan influence that had begun to make itself felt.
6 History of the United States (twenty-fourth edition), I, 247-248,
7 Ibid., p. 257. In the same place, speaking of the beginnings of Mary-
land, Bancroft says: “Its history is the history of benevolence, gratitude,
and toleration. Everything breathed peace but Clayborne.”
8 George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert, Barons of Baltimore, p. 57.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 5
of various sects; and the Church of England in Virgin-
ia, actuated by the same spirit, harassing those who
dissented from them in religion while the Roman Catho-
les of Maryland tolerated and protected the professors
of all denominations.”
Hardly indeed had the Maryland pioneers begun to
reap the fruit of their adventure when Baltimore invited
the persecuted Puritans in Virginia and the more sorely
tried Episcopalians in Massachusetts to his colony.
Calvert, however, was in advance of his age. Perhaps
the initial success of the palatinate gave him too im-
plicit a trust in human nature. At any rate, in view
of its results, this invitation seems an error, or at least
premature. Until then, with the exception of the diffi-
culty with William Claiborne and occasional threats
from the Indians, which were perhaps inspired by that
gentleman, there prevailed a happiness and harmony
unusual in pioneer colonies.
Trouble and even persecution all too quickly followed
the advent of the newcomers from Virginia and Mass-
achusetts. They soon forgot the charity, good-will, and
hospitality that had been shown them. In their former
homes they had been the persecuted; in their new abode,
overlooking the gratitude they owed the founders of
Maryland, they became persecutors, in accordance as
they gained the ascendency—first the Puritans, and
then the Episcopalians. Under the rule of both the
Catholics bore the brunt of the intolerance. Their
treatment forms an unpleasant subject to write about
at this day. Yet it is well for us to dwell on it, for it
shows the baneful effects of rampant religious prej-
udice.
9 History of the United States, I, 116.
6 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The consequences of such a spirit may be seen in the
insurrection incited by Richard Ingle in 1645; in the
reduction of the province by Claiborne, Richard Bennet,
and others in 1652: in the deposition of Governor Wil-
liam Stone in 1654; in all the subsequent train of mis-
chievous events that ended in the replacement of the
liberal policy of the first Baltimores by one of a religious
intolerance little less oppressive than that which had
preceded it in the mother-country. In a word, one of
the brightest chapters in our civic history was succeeded
by another that brings a blush to every American of
true blood.
It required all the adroitness and ability of Cecilius
Calvert, together with the power and influence of his
friends in England, to prevent his charter from being
annulled. Under his son and successor, Charles Cal-
vert, it was actually vacated. Indeed, the Maryland
assembly sought to have the third Lord Baltimore de-
prived of even his proprietary rights. The mother-
country, however, declined to sanction such a gross in-
justice towards one whose father had done so much for
the province. Benedict Calvert, the profligate son of
Charles, apostatized from the faith for no other purpose
than that of regaining the Maryland charter; but he
survived his father only a few weeks. Charles Calvert
II, son of Benedict, then became the fifth Lord Balti-
more. He had followed his father in the change of re-
ligion, and as a consequence the charter was restored
to him in its original terms, with the hearty approbation
of the Maryland assembly. It was a sad change both
for the welfare of the colony and for the happiness of its
people.
In spite of the spirit of opposition that began to man-
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE é
ifest itself soon after the advent of colonists from Vir-
ginia and Massachusetts, and grew as their numbers
increased, Maryland long enjoyed the reputation
abroad of being a province with religious tolerance. In
fact, it is not unlikely that many believed that those of
the old faith still constituted the greater part of its
population. For this reason, Catholic immigrants con-
tinued to seek homes there. Ireland and Scotland con-
tributed their quotas as well as England.”
Doubtless among those who came to the colony under
such an impression were some of the progenitors of the
subject of this sketch. The exact date when the first
Miles arrived perhaps could not now be determined.
Still it is beyond question that they were in the palati-
nate not many years after its foundation. Tamily tra-
dition, which seems to be borne out by documents, tells
us that Bishop Miles’ first American forbear was among
the early Maryland colonists; that he was English;
that he was a Catholic; and that he made his home in
Saint Mary’s County.
It is certain that settlers of this family name, though
apparently not numerous, were widely scattered
through Maryland. By 1725 we find them in Somerset,
Dorchester, Talbot, Calvert, Kent, Anne Arundel, Bal-
timore, Saint Mary’s, and Charles counties. The earli-
est record in which we have discovered the name is that
of the court of January, 1645, noting a credit of four
hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco to Robert Miles
which were received in 1643; but it does not state in
10 No doubt the reason that Catholics did not come to Maryland in
greater numbers than they actually did, after the first years of the
establishment of the colony, was their opposition to taking the oath of
allegiance and supremacy, which was required by law before they would
be allowed to sail.
8 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
what part of the colony he lived.“ The second is a de-
mand of Nicholas Miles for a survey of land, in behalf
of himself and his sons John and Peter, “‘on the condi-
tions of the plantation.” This was in November, 1651,
and indicates that they had been in the province for
some years.”
Circumstances, for he settled on Britton’s Bay, in
Saint Mary’s County, family traditions, and the hand-
ing down of the first name lead us to believe that this
Nicholas Miles was the progenitor of Tennessee’s first
bishop. Most lkely the John Miles who married
Mary Beckwith, granddaughter of Nicholas Harvey,
an intimate friend of Cecilius Calvert and a passenger
on the Ark or the Dove, was the son in whose name
the early colonist demanded a grant of land.”
Several individuals by the name of Miles must have
arrived in Maryland shortly after those just mentioned.
John Miles of Dorchester County is the only one of
these whose location is designated. Francis Miles, to-
gether with his wife (Catherine) and their children
James, John, Catherine, and Priscilla, was brought
or sent over by “His Excellency Charles Calvert’
himself, the son of the palatinate’s founder and its sec-
ond proprietary. They settled in Saint Mary’s County,
where “Miles Meadow” was surveyed for them in 1664,
which would indicate that they had come to America
sometime before.“
11 Maryland Archives, IV, 296. We follow the new style of dating.
Tobacco, it will be remembered, was then used as currency in Maryland.
12 Karly Settlers, Liber A.B.H., p. 233 (Land Office, Annapolis).
13 Early Settlers (Liber Q, p. 416) and Inventories and Accounts CEVS
179) show this Miles-Beckwith marriage (Land Office, Annapolis).
14 Karly Settlers, XVII, 531 (ibid.) ; Ricuarnson, Sidelights on Mary-
land History, 1, 289. There are a number of errors in the present
index to Early Settlers at Annapolis.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 9
The records also show a Thomas Miles in the colony
in 1657. ‘They do not tell where he lived; but in 1669
we find a person of the same name in Anne Arundel
County. One Tobias Miles of Calvert County was in-
dicted by the provincial court of April, 1672, because
his dog had bitten Sarah Carr the previous May;”
whilst the earliest will we have found by one bearing
this patronymic is that of a Tobias Miles, in Anne
Arundel County. It is dated August 16, 1691, and was
probated on March 16, 1692. He had a considerable
landed estate. A part of it, called “Brantry” (that is,
Bantry), was left to his younger son, then under eigh-
teen years of age, who bore the same name as his fa-
ther.” Again a “Tobias Miles, son of Tobias Miles,”
is remembered in the will (probated on February 16,
1666) of Nicholas Hammond of Calvert County.” If
these people belonged to the same family, as they prob-
ably did, it would seem from the names Carr and
Bantry that they were of Irish origin, or had Irish con-
nections. ‘Tobias would be a rather singular baptismal
name for a Catholic, whilst there is something of a
tradition to the effect that the Miles in Calvert and
Anne Arundel counties were Quakers.
A will of Henry Miles of Somerset County (dated
March 18, 1696, and probated February 20, 1697,)
shows that he was a fairly well-to-do planter. One
William Miles, a sailor or ship carpenter living in Kent
County in 1697, seems really to have belonged to Som-
15 Maryland Archives, (in the order recorded above) X, 534; II, 228;
XXXIX, 676.
16 Batpwin, Maryland Calendar of Wills, IV, 236.
Role 135.
18 Jbid., II, 126.
10 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
erset County.” Most likely he was a relation of Henry.
We have discovered no suggestion regarding the reli-
gion of these people. It is noteworthy, however, that
there were then, as there are now, few Catholics in that
part of Maryland.
Miles River, in Talbot County, was known by that
name before 1675. So do we find a noted plantation in
the same county called “Miles End” prior to 1700.
Doubtless they got their names from some early colon-
ists of that patronymic who had attained no little in-
fluence in the province.
Saint Mary’s County, the first established in the col-
ony, was always strongly Catholic, and the Miles there
seem certainly to have been of the same faith as the
greater number of their neighbors. Although they had
evidently been in the county for many years, the earliest
will we have found in its records by one of the name is
that of John Miles. It bears the date of February 20,
1697, and was probated on March 16, 1697. He left
six children—J ames, John, Nicholas, Henry, Edward,
and a daughter whose name is not given. James was
the eldest, for he was bequeathed the “home plantation.”
The remainder of the estate was equally divided among
his four brothers and sister. The fact that ao mention
is made of the wife in the will indicates that John Miles
was a widower at the time of his death; while the ap-
pointment of his son John as the guardian of some of
his brothers and his sister until they should attain their
majority shows that the children were still largely
minors.”
19 Maryland Archives, XXV;. 599; BALDWIN, op. cit., III, 172.
20 BALDWIN, op. cit., II, 133. This John Miles seems to have been
the son of the Nicholas Miles mentioned earlier. The father appears
to have died intestate.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 11
A. recurrence of the same first or Christian names
in families of the same patronymic points clearly to a
relationship, or common origin. It is one of the best
helps to the genealogist. For this reason, though per-
haps it could not now be proved, we are inclined to be-
heve that this John Miles, to whose will we have just
referred, was one of the early American progenitors
of the Right Rev. Richard Pius Miles. ‘The names
John, Nicholas, Henry, and Edward are frequently
repeated among the bishop’s relatives. It is a family
tradition that he was descended from the Miles of Saint
Mary’s County. So is it on record that some of his
kinsmen went from that locality to Kentucky. Indeed,
some years ago there were a number of families of that
name in central Kentucky who claimed relationship
with him, and whose forbears were said to have gone
west from the counties of Charles and Saint Mary’s.
Next in chronological order comes the will of Francis
Miles of Saint Mary’s County. It bears no date, but
it was probated on September 23, 1700.7" He left two
small plantations, known respectively as “Miles Mead-
ow and “Back Acres’, to his grandson Francis, son
of John Miles. In case of Francis’ death without issue,
“Back Acres” were to go to Robert, son of John Wise-
man; and “Miles Meadow” to Mary, daughter of John
Miles; and should she die without issue, to John, son of
John Miles. Catherine Wiseman, a daughter, was be-
queathed personalty.
The will of Susanna Miles of the same county is
dated February 23, 1702, and was probated on June
2, 1702. She left her plantation, known as “Halford’s
Folly”, to her daughter Catherine, wife of Edward
“1 [bid., II, 197.
12 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Horne. Robert, son of John Wiseman, and Mary,
daughter of John and Margery Miles, received some
personalty. The two last legatees, it will be recalled,
had benefitted by the testament of Francis Miles, a
circumstance that suggests a relationship between him
and the present testator, Susanna Miles. It is quite
possible that she was his wife; that she was a widow
when she married him; and that she had a daughter by
her previous marriage, the Mrs. Catherine Horne to
whom she gave her real estate.”
These two last wills deserve to be considered in
connection with another fact noticed at this time. From
the days of the insurrection of John Coode, in 1689, and
the appointment of Lionel Copley as governor by the
English crown two years later, Catholics were debarred
from holding public office. Yet we find a John Miles,
almost certainly the son of the Francis Miles mentioned
above, filling such a position in 1696. It is but natural
to wonder if he did not sell his faith for worldly honor
and profit, and if this were not the reason for which he
was passed over in the wills of Francis and Susanna
Miles, though his children were remembered in them.
In all ages there have been those who forsook God for
mammon.”*
Be this as it may, the fidelity of the Miles of Saint
Mary’s County to the faith, no less than their social
standing may be seen from their intimate associations,
22 Ibid., II, 239. These people seem evidently to have been the Miles
brought or sent over by Charles Calvert I. It would appear that Francis
Miles’ first wife died,and that he married again.
23 Maryland Archives, XX, 540. However, in justice to John Miles,
it should be noted that the test oath for office holders was introduced
only in 1699. Thus he might have held the position of public trust
without too much of a sacrifice of his religion.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 13
as shown in the public records, with the best Catholic
families in the colony. Such relations meant much at
that day. From Saint Mary’s County descendants of
the first settlers of the name gradually made their way
northward into Charles County, and thence into wes-
tern Prince George’s. In these two counties also they
were not only held in high regard, but were counted
as well among the truest members of the Church.
As in the case of their namesakes mentioned earlier
in the chapter, so in that of the Miles of southwestern
Maryland there are reasons for believing that they had a
Celtic strain in their blood; and that, though very likely
of different creeds, these various families were close
friends, if not even related. The Catholic Miles are
mentioned more than once in connection with persons
who were evidently Irish either by birth or by descent.
In the Maryland militia during the Revolution we
find a soldier with the significant name of “Murphey”
(Murphy) Miles, but we do not know from what part
of the colony he hailed.** Tobias Miles of Calvert
County had a son and a grandson called John. Sev-
eral of the Miles in Saint Mary’s and Charles coun-
ties bore the same personal designation. Thomas is
a name found in all these places; and Bishop Miles
had a brother and a nephew so called. ‘There were at
least three Henry Miles in Somerset County, which was
quite a common name among the Miles of Charles and
Saint Mary’s. So were there two landed estates known
as “Miles End”—one in Talbot and the other in Charles
County.
Although they do not afford positive proof, these
facts appear to be more than a case of mere coincidence.
24 Maryland Archives, XVIII, 232.
14 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
They seem clearly to point in the direction indicated.
As in England, so perhaps in Maryland there were
then few Catholic families without relations who did
not belong to the faith. In Ireland also, than which
no country in the world has suffered more in defense of
its religion, homes were sometimes divided by lapses
from the Church. A like division not infrequently oc-
curred through the conversion of the invader from Eng-
land. The original Miles, there can be no doubt, were
of unmixed British blood; but it is a matter of history
that more than one person of that name went over to
the Emerald Isle, where they became the forefathers
of some of the principal families in the land.” Thus
possibly, through intermarriage or conversion, we have
the explanation of the apparent difference of religion
among the Miles in the Baltimore Palatinate and of
their Irish connections.
In Maryland, after the power of government was
taken out of the hands of Catholics, there was tolerance
for all except those who had founded the colony on a
basis of religious toleration. 'They were disqualified
from holding public office, deprived of the franchise,
forbidden to erect churches, permitted to worship only
under the roofs of their own homes, fettered by every
kind of penalty. Jiven the right to have a private chap-
el in or attached to one’s house came from the English
parliament, which refused its consent to the more dras-
tic legislation of the colonial assembly forbidding all
Catholic worship.” Those were cruel days. May
their like be never seen again.
25 O’Hart, Irish Pedigrees, passim.
26 Maryland Archives, XXVI, 340-341, and 431-432.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 15
It was the misfortune of Maryland that she fell all
too often into the hands of unscrupulous and predatory
adventurers. Under their influence pernicious laws
were enacted. Well-meaning Protestants opposed such
legislation; but they could not stem the tide of prej-
udice. The well-springs of public opinion had been
too thoroughly poisoned by false, tireless, and not in-
frequently malicious propaganda against Catholicity.
Yet, under the guidance of their Jesuit missionaries,
the Catholics of the colony, for the greater part, proved
faithful to their religion. In spite of the ostracism,
handicaps, and even hardships against which they had
to contend, they increased in numbers. Their industry
and intelligence, their respect for law, their honest
dealing and blameless lives not only wrested admiration
from even the enemy, but also made them perhaps the
most highly regarded and influential element in the
province.
There is reason for believing that the ancestors of
Bishop Miles and their connections contributed not a lit-
tle towards the attainment of this good repute. No rec-
ord has been discovered that would cast a shadow upon
their fair name. They held no civic positions, it is true;
neither could they under the law. However, the Miles
of Maryland and their descendants seem to have had
little desire for such honors, for it is seldom that we find
one in public office, whether in their home land or in
the place of their adoption. They rather ambitioned to
do good and to serve in a private capacity, be it in the
Church or in the State. This was an admirable trait
of Nashville’s first bishop. Not many years ago one
used frequently to hear it said of him that he made a
splendid superior, that his confréres loved to serve under
16 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
him, that he consistently sought to avoid dignities, and
that he accepted authority only under obedience.
The Catholic Church, whilst somewhat monarchical
in form, is essentialiy democratic in spirit. She is adap-
table to every kind of government, for she recognizes
all legitimate authority as derived from God. It was
her inborn spirit of democracy that made her adherents
in the English colonies of America rally so nobly to the
cause of liberty when the break came between them and
the mother-country. Despite the intolerance and bur-
densome laws to which they had long been subjected by
their fellow citizens, the Catholics of Maryland forgot
their grievances at the call of duty and patriotism.
None flocked to the standard of freedom in proportion-
ately greater numbers or proved themselves braver than
they. ‘Their heroism, fortitude, and perseverance form
a bright chapter in our history, both civic and eccle-
siastical,
Albeit a peace-loving people, the Miles were not
among the slowest or least resolute to take up arms in
defense of the rights of the province. There were not
many of that patronymic in the former palatinate. Yet
we discover a goodly number of the name engaged in
the struggle for liberty.
In the Maryland revolutionary muster-roll, for in-
stance, we find mention of Kdward, Frederick, Henry,
“Henry of Joseph”, Jacob, James, John, Joshua,
“Murphey” (Murphy), Nicholas, Richard, Thomas,
Walter, and William Miles.” The Christian or given
name of Frederick appears three times; that of John,
apparently a favorite in the family, eight times; Joshua
four times; Walter three times; Nicholas, Richard
27 Ibid., XVIII, passim.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 17
and William each twice. The name of Joshua is also
given four times in the Journal and Correspondence of
the Maryland Council of Safety, and thrice in the
Journal and Correspondence of the Council of Mary-
land; that of Henry in the latter document once; and
that of Nicholas twice.” It goes without saying, of
course, that the repetition of the first name does not
always designate a different person. Yet when it oc-
curs often, or in distinct records, we have an indication
that it refers to more than one soldier.
It should also be borne in mind, in the same connec-
tion, that it is generally admitted that our revolutionary
records are incomplete, and that they were imperfectly
kept. Thus the above shows how nobly the Miles, in
proportion to their numbers, rallied to the sacred cause
of independence. As a rule, they enlisted early, and
fought until victory crowned their efforts. One Joshua
Miles of the “Western Shore” became a captain. Still
another, it would seem, of the same name, who belonged
to Harford County, attained the rank of first lieutenant.
A Nicholas Miles, apparently of Charles County,
served as second lieutenant; while one of the John Miles
and Walter Miles were corporals.
A different story is told of Robert Miles, a Batehen
at Annapolis. In May, 1779, he was placed under
arrest on the charge of having expressed sentiments
“inimical to the cause of America.” However, he soon
secured his release from prison under a bail of
SMO t G7, 000, and X12 25,170,
29 Tbid., XXI, 6, 7, 157, 327, 62, 414. The name “Levin Miles” also
appears several times in these revolutionary records; but, as there were
strong reasons for suspecting that it was an error, and that the real
name of this man was Levin Mills, we did not give him in the list of
Miles who served in the war.
3
18 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
three hundred pounds. His bondsmen were James
Reid and Henry Sibel.» But whence came this Miles
of apparent Tory inclination, or whether the charge
against him were true, we did not discover. Anyway,
accusations made at a time of such excitement should
not be too readily accepted. We should be slow to
impugn his honesty, even granted that the indictment
was based on fact. There were many who were Tories
by sincere conviction, for they sincerely questioned the
wisdom of the Revolution, as well as doubted the possi-
bility of its success.
That the Miles failed to attain higher positions in
the American forces may be attributed to various rea-
sons. First, be it said to their credit, they were patriots,
not men of ambition. ‘They enlisted in the cause on its
own merits, not for personal gain. They sought not
glory, but the autonomy of their country. So again
it could hardly be expected that religious prejudices
and intolerance would undergo so sudden and violent a
change that the oppressed should receive equal promo-
tion almost overnight. ‘Time was needed for such a
modification of sentiment and righting of wrongs. As
a matter of fact, the old-time bias still exists in parts
of the country.
Perhaps it could not now be shown that Nicholas
Miles, father of the subject of this biography, bore
arms in the American Revolution. The name appears
in the Maryland records; but it seems always to reter
to a soldier of Charles County, while the bishop’s father,
at this juncture, lived in Prince George’s.” Even if
30 Ibid, XXI, 401, 409, 423.
31 Although it appears that there was a Nicholas Miles of military
age in Charles County through the war, it is not improbable that the
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 19
he did not actually engage in the conflict, one may rest
assured that, like his fellow Catholics and connections,
he was deeply in sympathy with the cause of indepen-
dence, and that he contributed his quota towards its at-
tainment by way of assisting his native colony to carry
on the struggle. He was a man cf four or five and
thirty years of age, and married, when the war began.
It has been handed down to us that he was a husband
with strong family affection. ‘Tradition has wreathed
a halo around his brow as one of the brave men who
helped to free his country from bondage.
The scanty records point to Saint Mary’s or Charles
County as the birthplace of Nicholas Miles; and the
date of his birth, 1740 or 1741, suggests the first local-
ity, for it would seem that branches of the family
had begun to move northward only a short time before.
Possibly he was brought up in Charles County. There
are indications that he was married twice; but if this
be true, nothing is known of his first wife. The maiden
name of the second Mrs. Miles, however, was Miss Ann
Blackloc. For the date of this marriage Father Mar-
tin P. Spalding, O.P., gives July 23, 1771, which is
apparently correct.” It proved a happy union. Nich-
olas Miles himself was a splendid type of the southern
father of Nashville’s ordinary lived there at its outbreak. So it is
possible that it was he whose name is given in the records, that he
signed from Charles County, and that his place of registry was not
changed. After all, it is admitted that the revolutionary records are
far from complete.
382A photographic reproduction of the census of Prince George’s
County, in 1776 (page 87 of Gaius M. Brumbaugh’s Maryland Records:
Colonial, Revolutionary, and Church), gives Nicholas Miles’ age as
thirty-five, and that of his wife Ann as twenty-eight, It also shows
two children, a son aged ten years, and a daughter aged three. Seven
years between children would have been remarkable at that day, unless
some had died in the meantime. If the boy were a son of Ann
20 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
gentleman in colonial days. Ann Blackloc’s character
may be judged by the fact that she left in Kentucky
a lasting reputation of a lady who possessed all the
virtues that grace a Christian home.
Just where the marriage occurred we could not as-
certain; but we find the young couple settled in Prince
Blackloc, she was eighteen years of age when he was born. She was
forty-three when she gave birth to Bishop Miles. This would also
be somewhat singular, if her first child were born when she was only
eighteen.
For these reasons, one is antecedently inclined to believe that Nich-
olas Miles was married twice. If Father Spalding’s statement is correct,
as it very likely is, the question is settled. Father Spalding was born
at Bardstown, Kentucky, in the neighborhood of which, as will be seen
later, Bishop Miles was brought up. About thirty-five years ago, while
stationed at Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, he began to collect data on the
early fathers of the province, and took a particular interest in Bishop
Miles. There were then a number of more or less near relations of
the bishop still living around Bardstown. Doubtless it was from
family records, or a family Bible, in the possession of some of these
relatives that Father Spalding obtained his information.
The Catholic church records of that period have all been destroyed
by fires. The colonial law of Maryland, and even the early state law,
did not require a marriage license from the civil government, provided
the banns of the intended marriage were proclaimed in a place of
worship. This may explain why a diligent search failed to discover any
trace of that sort of the marriage between Nicholas Miles and Ann
Blackloc.
Blackloc seems to have been quite an uncommon name in Maryland,
for we found it in only three instances. Thomas “Blacklock” was a
witness to the will of Paul Busey of Prince George’s County in 1718.
Nicholas “Blacklock” died in Charles County in 1799, leaving eight
children, one of whom was named Nicholas and another Ann. Benjamin
Caiwood was their guardian, and also, together with John Spalding,
executor of the estate. Another Nicholas “Blacklock”, son of the
former, died in the same county in 1818. These Blacklocs or Blacklocks
of Charles County seem to have had connections in Virginia. Possibly,
therefore, Ann Blackloc was a Virginian and a convert.
We had much trouble in ascertaining the name of Bishop Miles’
mother. Several descendants of his sisters thought it was Blackloc.
Finally Mrs. Florida Young of Bloomfield, Kentucky, a great-grand-
niece, was discovered. Though a non-Catholic, she knew the family
history well. Her grandfather, Thomas Blackloc Miles; a nephew of
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE 21
George’s County in 1776.” There they were blessed
with seven children, four girls and three boys, who
attained mature ages. Of Miles’ early avocation we
know only that records of the day call him a carpenter;
which, at that epoch, often meant one whom we would
now term a builder.** It must have been so in his case,
for his occupation brought him a snug competency that
combined with his sterling character to make him one
of the influential men in the western’ part of Prince
George’s County.
Nicholas Miles, it seems, plied his business for six
years or more after his marriage to Ann Blackloc. In
1788, however, he purchased a farm of some three hun-
dred and fifty acres from Thomas Young, possibly of
the noted family stem of Catholic Youngs who owned
immense tracts of land in southern Maryland.” The
plantation bought by Miles appears to have lain not
far below the District of Columbia, and in the vicinity
of the Potomac River. The first census of the United
States, got up in 1790 in order to determine how many
members each of the thirteen original commonwealths
might send to the national congress, gives him six chil-
the bishop, was called Blackloc from the bishop’s mother. Similarly,
she said, the bishop had a brother called Edward Blackloc Miles, the
Blackloc being given him in honor of his mother. This Edward
Blackloc Miles is buried at Bloomfield. In the records at Bardstown,
the county seat, his name is generally given as Edward B. Miles; but
two or three times it is given as Edward Blackloc Miles. Mrs. Young
insisted that the name should be spelled “Blackloc;” and we have fol-
lowed the old spelling out of reverence.
33 BRUMBAUGH, Maryland Records: Colonial, Revolutionary and Church,
D.'o7:
34 Deed of Thomas Young to Nicholas Miles, Recorder’s Office, Marl-
boro, Maryland, Liber H. H., No. J. pp. 249-251; and deed of Nicholas
Miles to Joseph Messenger, Marlboro, Liber H. H., No. III. pp. 586-589.
39 Deed of Thomas Young to Nicholas Miles as in the preceding note.
The deed is dated January 4, 1788.
22 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
dren (two sons and four daughters), and makes him
the owner of eight colored slaves.*°
The subject of our sketch had not yet come into the
world; but he was born shortly afterwards, May 17,
1791, being the last of the children.” At his baptism
he received the Christian name of Richard. However,
a few years after the future bishop’s birth, his father
joined in the tide of emigration from Maryland to Ken-
tucky, and took him to the new west.
36 The First Census of the Untted States, 1790: Maryland, p. 96.
37 Because of the destruction, by fires, of all records at the Maryland
Catholic missions that go back to this time, the date of the bishop’s
baptism or birth can not be found at any of these places. The above
date of his birth, however, is that given in many brief accounts of his
life. Father Martin P. Spalding, O.P., also has it in his notes, and
it is probable that he got it from a family Bible. After the sixth
provincial council of Baltimore, convened on May 9, 1846, the Catholic
papers of the country gave an account of the event, together with the
names of the bishops who attended it, and the places and dates of
their births. Of Bishop Miles, for instance, the Catholic Advocate
of May 23, 1846, says: “Right Rev. Richard Pius Miles, Bishop of Nash-
ville, born in Maryland, 17th May, 1791.” The United States Catholic
Magazine (Baltimore), for June, 1846, has the same. Undoubtedly this
date is official, first-hand, and correct.
CHAPTER IT
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE
TRIBULATIONS are often blessings in disguise sent by
the Ruler of the universe for purposes little dreamed
of at the time when they try the courage of souls.
Such, there is every reason to believe, was the War of
the American Revolution. The Church was then in
evil plight throughout the English-speaking world. In
England and Ireland, it is true, her condition had some-
what bettered through a gradual abatement of relig-
ious prejudices, the repeal of some of the penal stat-
utes, and the suffering of others to remain in abeyance.
Yet in both countries the lot of the Catholics was still
hard almost beyond human endurance. In the Ameri-
can colonies, with the exception of Pennsylvania, their
trials rather increased than diminished. Indeed, at this
period intolerance was even more rampant in them than
in the mother-country. Is it not then probable that
the Revolution was sent by an unseen power for the
religious betterment and the happiness of the world?
The literature of that day shows beyond peradven-
ture of doubt that anti-Catholic bias had much more to
do with the Revolution than our historians are gener-
ally willing to admit. The Quebec Act, by which toler-
ance was granted to Catholics in the former French pos-
sessions, and the later decree of the British parliament
that forbade the occupation of the Ohio Valley by the
inhabitants of the original English settlements along the
23
24 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Atlantic seaboard, threw these colonies into a veritable
furore. An anti-Catholic mania took possession of the
popular mind, which played a large part in fanning
into open rupture the resistance to the principle of
taxation without representation.’ It is quite probable
that, had there been no Quebec Act, the break between
England and her American dependencies would have
been long delayed.
For this reason, a loyal citizen of the United States
can hardly look upon the spirit of intolerance at that
particular time otherwise than in the light of a godsend
in disguise. By mere accident, of course, this animus
brought blessings to both Church and State. It was
slow to change—so slow indeed that it perhaps pre-
vented a part at least of Canada from joining us in
the struggle for independence. As a matter of fact,
the ugly temper succumbed only under the combined
force of dire necessity, the assistance given us by
France, and the influence of such men as George Wash-
ington.
Incidentally the baneful effects of religious intoler-
ance at this epoch taught England as well as the United
States a useful and needed lesson. Doubtless it is to
the experience gained through the American Revolution
that is largely to be attributed the broader policy which
has marked Great Britain’s government of her foreign
possessions since that period. At home also, despite
relentless opposition, the contest for Catholic emancipa-
tion grew in volume and intensity until 1829, when it
was finally crowned with victory.
1 Throughout the length and breadth of the colonies the pulpits rang
with the most virulent denunciations of the Quebec Act and the Catholic
Church, while the country was flooded with pamphlets of the same char-
acter.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 25
The new American republic was quicker to act. In
the earliest congress of the youthful state ten amend-
ments were made to its lately adopted constitution, the
first of which declares: “Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof.” This was in 1789. A little
later (1791), through the ratification of the required
two-thirds of the original thirteen states, the amend-
ment became a part of the country’s fundamenal law.
‘or more than a century and a quarter has the statute
not only stood the test of time, but even helped to make
our constitution a model for those of other countries.
May it ever remain a primal keystone as well to adorn
our social fabric as to bind the land together in a peace-
ful, happy, united, and prosperous people.
It was befitting that the subject of our narrative
should have been born in the very year in which the
principle of religious toleration was incorporated in the
constitution. We should search in vain for a more kind-
ly, charitable, and practical exponent of tolerance than
was he in his daily life. ‘Thoroughly Catholic, he
claimed that right for himself, and he readily extended
it to others. It was in part this trait that enabled him
to gain the hearty good-will of every community in
which he lived.
Meanwhile, now that the clouds of war had dispersed,
the ways of peace had resumed their even tenor, no
intolerant laws guided the selection of homes, and no
parliamentary prohibition held the colonists back from
the west, the call of the fertile lands beyond the
Alleghany and Cumberland mountains became irre-
sistible. The earliest large stream of immigration
26 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
was into Kentucky.” Among the pioneer settlers were
many Catholics, who felt that priests would soon fol-
low in their wake, and that thus they could better
their worldly fortunes without a sacrifice of their re-
ligion.
With its fascinating legends of the battlefields and
hunting-grounds of the aboriginal American; the tradi-
tions of its fearless explorer, Daniel Boone; the charac-
ter of its bold, hardy pioneer hunters; and the spirit
of its brave and picturesque backwoodsmen, the story
of Kentucky never lacks interest. ‘The early annals
of few of our states are so rich in a charm ever old, and
yet always new. However, in a work like this we can
do no more than give a brief outline of its early history,
especially the Catholic part of it, as a background for
the narrative.
More than likely the first white men who set foot
within the territory now comprised in that state were
French. In 1673, Louis Joliet, accompanied by the
noted Jesuit missionary, Father James Marquette,
made his historic voyage of exploration down the Mis-
sissipp1 River. By some they are thought to have land-
ed at the juncture of the great “Father of Waters” and
the Ohio, where they visited the wandering Shawnees.
Others again think it probable that Robert de la Salle
touched the western part of what is now Kentucky in
1680 or 1681. Possibly, too, Father James Gravier,
S. J., sojourned a while with the mild and peaceful
Shawnees on a journey along the Mississippi in 1700.*
2 The immigration into Tennessee was earlier than that into Kentucky,
but it was not so great in volume.
3 Wess, The Centenary of Catholicity in Kentucky, pp. 13-14; Co ins,
History of Kentucky, I, 14-15. Shea (History of the Catholic Church in
Colonial Days, pp. 314-315) does not think that Marquette landed at
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 27
Be this as it may, from that time until fifty years later
rarely, if ever, was the solemn silence of Kentucky’s
primeval forests broken by the tread of human feet
other than those of the roving Indian.
However, the country had become known to the Eng-
lish on the Atlantic seaboard before the outbreak of the
Revolutionary War. The second half of the eighteenth
century was not far advanced when adventurous hunt-
ers, fur traders and even surveyors began to make their
way over the mountains, and descended the streams in
their westward course. Gradually they penetrated into
what is now central Kentucky. Such names as Mooney
and Fitzpatrick not only show the presence of the ubi-
quitous Irishman, but also suggest that there must have
been an occasional Catholic among the earliest explor-
ers, nearly all of whom were from Virginia and North
Carolina. Following these adventurers, perhaps insti-
gated by the reports they brought back about the rare
beauty, the extraordinary fertility, and the genial cli-
mate of the country, home-seekers from Maryland as
well as from the two states just mentioned soon com-
menced to set up their tents in the “land of hill and
vale.” +
While, as in all pioneer settlements, there were rough
characters among them, never perhaps was there a peo-
ple of a more chivalrous, daring, and fearless spirit than
the first white inhabitants of Kentucky. Nor were they
without need of dauntless courage. Regarded as ene-
the mouth of the Ohio. See also a reference to a letter from Shea
to Collins in the latter’s History of Kentucky, I, p. 509. The statements
that the Spaniards and English were in Kentucky at a very early date
seem to have no historical probability.
4 Later, settlers came from farther south, north and east, and even
from Europe; but the great bulk of them was from Maryland, Virginia,
and North Carolina.
28 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
mies and usurpers by roving bands of red men who
traversed the country in every direction, they lived, so
to express it, with their lives in their hands. ‘These
dangers were abated from late in 1782, when General
George Rogers Clark inflicted a severe defeat upon the
Indian allies of the English north of the Ohio. Yet
not until General Anthony Wayne’s historic victory
over the Miamis and allied tribes on the Maumee River,
August 20, 1794, and the treaty of Greenville, in 1795,
could the frontiersman of Kentucky feel that he was
free from the peril of redskins ambushed in the forests.”
The ban placed by the parliament of Great Britain
on emigration to the west was intended largely at least
to keep the people of its earlier colonies out of the
country formerly claimed by the French. Not unlikely
the measure was taken in part as a means of fulfilling
an article of the Treaty of Paris (February 10, 1763),
whereby England guaranteed liberty of conscience and
freedom of worship to the inhabitants, whether white
or red, of the territory ceded by France. 'This delicate
task could not with prudence have been entrusted to
the English settlements, or even successfully executed,
had their people been permitted to take up homes at will
in that part of America.
However, the inhibition received scant respect as re-
gards Kentucky. Yet emigration thither, properly
- speaking, did not begin until 1774, when the bonds be-
tween the colonies and the mother-country were near
the breaking point. Among the earliest emigrants,
there can be no doubt, were adherents of the faith of
S SPALDING, Sketches of the Early Catholic Missions of Kentucky,
pp. 18-21; Cotiins, op. cit., I, 257, and II, 139-140, 769; Bryant, A Pop-
ular History of the United States, IV, 116-118; Etson, History of the
United States, II, 225-226.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 29
Lord Baltimore’s original palatinate. Still the first
Catholics, of whom we have any definite record, to settle
there were Doctor George Hart, William Coomes and
family, and perhaps Abraham and Isaac White. They
moved westward in the spring of 1775. Coomes was a
native of Maryland, but went to Kentucky from Vir-
ginia. Hart was born in Ireland, and had made his
home in Maryland. He was probably Kentucky’s first
physician. Similarly Mrs. Coomes appears to have
been the state’s first school-teacher.°®
While, as the Hon. Ben. J. Webb suggests, members
of the same religion could doubtless have been found
in the steady stream of home-seekers that flowed into
that region for ten years after the above date, the real
Catholic emigration began in 1785. At the outset, they
were nearly all from Maryland, and principally from
Saint Mary’s, Charles, and Prince George’s counties.’
Still, other parts of the former Baltimore Colony
contributed their quota towards Kentucky’s early Cath-
olic population. Washington County may serve as an
instance. We learn from a letter of the pastor at Saint
Mary’s, Hagerstown, that by the summer of 1796 the
parish had become depleted through emigration. Few
of the faith remained, other than those who had not the
means to go west. Hagerstown was a center whence
various stations were attended in northern Maryland
and southern Pennsylvania. Now Father Bodkin re-
commended that it should be made a mission, and Km-
mitsburg appointed as the place of residence for the
priest.
6 SPALDING, op. cit., pp. 23-24; Wess, op. cit., 24-25.
7 SPALDING, op. cit., p. 25; WeBB, op. cit., pp. 24, 26.
8 Rev. Francis Bodkin, O.P., Hagerstown, Maryland, to Bishop Car-
roll, Baltimore, July 5, 1796, (Baltimore Diocesan Archives, Case 1, T. 5).
30 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
We may form some idea of the exaggerated reports
spread abroad about the new west from the fact that
many were induced to leave a country so wholesome
and beautiful and a soil so productive as that in the
neighborhood of Hagerstown. It was believed that
wealth surely awaited those who went to Kentucky.
Rumor, in fact, pictured the land beyond the mountains
as a veritable agricultural Kl Dorado. As Bishop
Spalding elegantly expresses it:
The reports carried back to Virginia and Maryland by the first
adventurers who had visited Kentucky, were of so glowing a
character as to stimulate many others to emigrate thither. The
new country was represented as a sort of promised land, with
exuberant and fertile soil; and if not flowing with milk and honey,
at least teeming with all kinds of game. This rich country now lay
open to the enterprising activity of the white man; and its fertile
lands could be obtained by occupation, or purchased for a mere
trifle; and the emigrants might subsist, like the Indians, by hunt-
ing, until the soil could be prepared for cultivation.?
It was but natural that these fascinating stories
should make a strong appeal to the people in Saint
Mary’s, Charles, and Prince George’s counties, Mary-
land. Much of the land there, through long and un-
scientific cultivation, had become greatly impoverished.
Accordingly, in 1785, the heads of sixty Catholic fam-
ilies in these three counties, but the greater number res-
idents of Saint Mary’s, formed a league, and pledged
themselves to emigrate to Kentucky as circumstances
should permit."° They were aware of the dangers they
would have to encounter, not on the way only, but even
after they had settled in their new homes. With the
tales of the beauty, climate, and productiveness of this
earthly paradise were interspersed those of the horrors
BID TCL iD:
10 Wess, op. cit., p. 27.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 31
committed by the red man. But that was America’s
age of chivalry. Such perils could not chill the growing
spirit of adventure in the brave hearts that had just
thrown off the yoke of dependence.
Like their forefathers who had _ sacrificed much
for conscience’ sake, these sturdy Catholic pioneers
treasured their faith above every worldly possession.
They realized, too, that prudence is the better part of
valor. Thus the league of families had a twofold pur-
pose. Settling in the same locality would not merely
serve as a protection against bands of Indian marau-
ders; it would likewise the more readily secure the con-
solations of religion through the services of a priest.
In the association were relations as well as friends of
Father John Carroll who had just been appointed pre-
fect apostolic of the United States, and was therefore
on the way to become the father of our American hier-
archy. Some of the leaders of the alliance no doubt
consulted him on the project. Nor could he have failed
to praise it. Tradition at least tells us that he encour-
aged the scheme of Catholic colonization, and promised
either to send a clergyman with the first band of settlers,
or to procure a pastor for their souls as soon as possible.
Be this as it may, he was naturally anxious to build up
the Church in the vast extent of territory under his
spiritual jurisdiction.
Twenty-five of the sixty families must have left
Maryland at once, for we are told that they reached
Kentucky the same year in which the league was
formed. ‘The remainder followed in the years 1786,
1787, 1788, 1789, 1790, and, 1791." Among those who
migrated in 1787 or 1788 were Philip Miles and his son
11 SPALDING, op. cit., pp. 25-27; Wess, op. cit., pp. 27-28. The United
32 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Henry, from near Leonardtown, Saint Mary’s Coun-
ty. They were relations of the subject of our narra-
tive, the Right Rev. Richard Pius Miles, Father of the
Church in Tennessee.” Meanwhile others joined in the
emigration, swelling the westward march to enormous
proportions. As Bishop Spalding expresses it: “Men
and women, young and old, caught up this spirit; and
soon nearly half of Virginia and Maryland was in mo-
tion for the west.” *
The rush for “the land of promise” became particu-
larly noticeable after the cessation of danger that came
with Wayne’s victory and the treaty with the Miamis,
in 1794 and 1795. Prior to that time, as the banks of
the Ohio between Cincinnati and Louisville were es-
pecially infested by Indians, the more ordinary route
for the home-seekers was overland to Pittsburgh, and
thence down the river in flat boats to Limestone, the
present Maysville, Kentucky. From that point the
pioneers labored their way through the forests to the
properties they had already secured, or to the location
wherein they hoped to settle. It was a weary method
of travel for even the stout hearts of the past.
So journeyed the first five and twenty families of
the league.* Of the remainder some no doubt followed
the same route. Others braved the greater danger, and
States Catholic Miscellany of December 1, 1824 (Vol. III, pp. 337 ff) has
an article on this subject that is full of inaccuracies.
The writer is a lineal descendant, in the fifth generation, of the
Leonard Hamilton and Benedict Spalding mentioned on page 27 of
Bishop Spalding’s Sketches of the:Early Catholic Missions of Kentucky.
12 Wess, op. cit., p. 68. Webb nowhere speaks of any connection
between Philip Miles and Nicholas Miles, the father of Bishop Miles;
but the descendants of these two noted pioneers almost feel that they
are still related.
13 Op. cit., p. 23. 14 Wess, op. cit., p. 27.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 33
descended the river to Louisville. In this way, they
lessened their journey by land in Kentucky by nearly
two thirds, as well as avoided much of its hardship.
Many of the band must have been keenly disappointed
when they reached their future homes on Pottinger’s
Creek, for they were not slow to discover that the soil
in this locality, with the exception of a few purchases,
was poor in the extreme.
History records much sharp practice in the acquisi-
tion and sale of land at that period. Possibly the Cath-
olics who belonged to the above league were victims of
such unfair dealing. At any rate, it is generally be-
lieved that speculators in the east obtained large areas
in Kentucky, and sold this part of it to these prospective
colonists by misrepresentation before they left Mary-
land.” The tradition seems well grounded, for other-
wise it would be difficult to understand why they set-
tled in so barren a part of the country. Perhaps, how-
ever, undue credence in the current reports led them
to buy without seeing, for they believed that every part
of the ultramontane region was fertile.
Be this as it may, it was now too late to remedy the
error. A partial payment had been made, and bonds
given for the rest. Few of the settlers, thus deprived
of their means, had any option but to remain where they
were. Might not the whole affair have been the prov-
idence of God who knows that all too often worldly and
spiritual wealth do not happily harmonize?
This Catholic colony, called the Pottinger’s Creek
Settlement from the stream that ran through it, lay in
what is now western Marion and southern Nelson Coun-
ty. It was the first formed in the state, and at the date
15 [bid., p. 32. This tradition still exists.
4
34 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of its foundation was all in the latter county, which then
had many times its present area. In connection with it
we have an example of sacrifice on the part of the pio-
neers of the Church in the west for the sake of their
souls that has edified more than one historian. Al-
though the land was of the poorest, and the situation
uninviting, many still took up homes there. The
nucleus of a large Catholic colony had settled in the
localty. ‘Thither therefore they went, in spite of tem-
poral disadvantages, that they might secure the con-
solations of their religion for themselves and _ their
children.*®
Some of the later arrivals of the alliance fared better
than the first. They did not make their purchases until
they reached Kentucky, which enabled them to select
more fertile farms in adjacent districts, or even in the
bottom-lands along Pottinger’s Creek and the little
river known as the Rolling Fork. Philip Miles, a near
relative, if not a brother, of Nicholas, the bishop’s father,
seems to have followed this wiser course; for he bought
a beautiful home in sight of the present village of New
Hope, where his descendants lived until within the mem-
ory of the writer. He was a man of fine judgment, and
quite possibly Nicholas Miles acted on his advice when
he himself determined to move to Kentucky.“
16 Jbid., p. 32; SPALDING, op. cit., p. 25.
17 We are inclined to think that Philip and Nicholas Miles were
brothers. It is said that Bishop Miles claimed near relationship with
“Harry” Miles who succeeded his father (Philip) on the plantation
near New Hope; and that he always visited him when he came to
Kentucky. Edward Miles, a son of Harry, who lived and died on the
farm owned first by his giandfather, and then by his father, also claimed
a rather close relationship with the bishop. Father Thomas Miles, S.J.,
a brother of Edward, claimed near kinship with the subject of our
narrative. All of which indicates that Harry Miles and the bishop were
first cousins, and Philip and Nicholas Miles brothers. The Catholic
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 35
Most of the Catholic colonists who were not members
of the league, more prudent as regards their earthly
fortunes, chose other sections of the state for their
abodes. Yet with few exceptions, wherever they set-
tled, they purchased contiguous tracts of land from
the same motive that inspired the association in Mary-
Jand and brought so many together on Pottinger’s
Creek. Thus this proto-Catholic settlement in Ken-
tucky was followed in quick succession by a number of
similar communities.
The colony on Hardin’s Creek, Marion County, for
instance, and probably that on Elkhorn Creek, Scott
County, long known as Saint Francis’, began in the
following year (1786). The Cartwright’s Creek Set-
tlement, in Marion and Washington counties, and that
of “Poplar Neck’, near Bardstown, Nelson County,
had begun before the close of 1787. ‘Then came the
one on the Rolling Fork, Marion County, in 1788.
The colony near Hardinsburg, Breckinridge County,
dates from 1790. Both 1792 and 1795 are given as the
date of the birth of the Cox’s Creek or Fairfield Set-
tlement, which was in Nelson County.”
However, it is noteworthy that, with the exception
of Saint Francis’, all these Catholic communities took
root in what was then Nelson County. This civic divis-
ion of Kentucky, therefore, holds in the Church of
that state the place which Saint Mary’s County holds
in the Church of Maryland—the cradle of its Catholic-
ity. Nelson was the fourth county established in Ken-
Advocate of February 19, 1885, gives an obituary of “Brother G. Miles”,
a Jesuit lay brother in Missouri, who, it says, was born in Kentucky,
in 1802, and “was a relative of the late Bishop Miles. ...and of Rev.
Thomas H. Miles, S.J.”
18 Wess, op. cit., p. 26, and passim.
36 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
tucky, the act being passed by the general assembly
of Virginia in 1784, eight years before the erection of
the territory into a state, and the name given it in honor
of ex-Governor Thomas Nelson.” Subsequently, by
division and subdivision, it became the parent stem of
many other counties. The old cathedral church still
remains Bardstown’s greatest glory, just as its chief
pride is that it was once an episcopal city, whilst its
keenest regret is the loss of its dignity as a place of resi-
dence for a Catholic bishop.
Thus from Nelson the faith largely spread through
Kentucky, in the same way that it had radiated from
Saint Mary’s through Maryland, whence it passed over
the mountains. Indeed, for a number of years Nel-
son’s original seven settlements comprised the greater
part of the Catholic population of Kentucky, which
Father Badin estimated at about three hundred fam-
19 Kentucky was the Indian name for that part of the country, which
was a common hunting ground for various tribes. Its forests, under-
growth, cane-brakes, and ravines, together with the battles of the aborig-
ines on its soil, have deservedly given the word the meaning, whether
right or wrong, of “the dark and bloody ground.” The attempt of Colonel
Richard Henderson and his company of land speculators, in 1775, to
organize more than half of the present state into a separate common-
wealth, under the designation of Transylvania, failed dismally; for in
1776 Virginia claimed all the territory now included in the state by
virtue of her royal charter, and established it into a county. In 1780,
she divided it into three counties, to which she gave the names of
Fayette, Lincoln, and Jefferson. In 1784, Nelson was added to the
number ; in 1785, Bourbon, Mercer, and Madison; and in 1788, Mason and
Woodford. In 1790, the country became a distinct part of the Union
under the title of “Territory south of the Ohio.” In 1792, the State of
Kentucky was erected by the national congress, being the first created
west of the mountains. The same year (1792), Washington, destined
long to be the home of the subject of our narrative, Scott, Shelby, Logan,
Clark, Hardin, and Green counties came into existence. During the
greater part of this time the struggle for conquest by the whites and
defense by the Indians was one of the bravest and most sanguinary in
American annals.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 37
ilies as early as 1793.°° Immigration, still mostly from
Maryland, continued to augment the number of the
faithful. Later these first colonies sent out nucleuses
of other similar settlements into different parts of the
state. |
Smaller Catholic communities or isolated families
were also scattered here and there in widely separated
places. Unfortunately, they could seldom be visited
by the few missionaries, were out of touch with Catholic
influences, and received little or no instruction in their
religion. Because cf these privations, together with the
environments in which they lived, they or their children
were soon lost to the Church.
A like sad story has to be told of Saint Francis’ (la-
ter Saint Pius’, and now White Sulphur), in Scott
County. 'That mission seems to have got a wrong start.
Webb thinks it had too much wealth, with the resultant
spirit of pride. At any rate, every priest in charge
of the place had trouble with the people.” Catholicity
has almost died out in the locality, and it is said that
few of those descended from the founders of the col-
ony profess the faith of their forefathers. Perhaps
the whole history of that settlement is a verification of
the old adage: “The enemies of man are the world, the
flesh and the devil.”
The seven notable Catholic communities that origi-
nated in Nelson County were either already founded or
in process of formation when Nicholas Miles, father of
the future bishop and apostle of Tennessee, left his
home in the east. The precise time of his arrival in
Kentucky can not now be ascertained. But the date
20 SPALDING, op. cit., p. 65; Wess, op. cit., p. 163.
21 Wess, op. cit., p. 88.
22 Many documents attest this fact.
38 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of the deed for his farm in Prince George’s County,
Maryland, to the Rev. Joseph Messenger, August 6,
1795, indicates that he started for the west late in that
year or early in the next.”
No doubt he had been in correspondence with Philip
Miles, or other relations and friends among the earlier
pioneers. From these he would have learned the diffi-
culty, if not impossiblity, of procuring in the new coun-
try household, farm, and other utensils, as well as arti-
cles that make for the beauty and comfort of a home.
Thus, for he was not only of a practical turn of mind,
but also in good circumstances, we may believe that he
carried as many of these chattels with him as he well
could. Many of the wealthier emigrants at that time
took such a precaution. That Nicholas Miles followed
this wiser course is suggested by the fact that we dis-
covered no record of any sales by him in Maryland,
except that of his farm. It would also indicate that
he transported his colored servants at the same time,
especially since it would have been expensive to pro-
cure such help in a young state still quite unsettled.
Now that danger from Indians was passed, two log-
ical ways lay open for the journey. One was via the
national highroad to Pittsburgh, and then down the
Ohio River in flat boats to Louisville; the other across
Virginia, through the Cumberland Gap, and into the
almost untouched forests primeval of Kentucky. As
he was able to meet the greater expense of the first
route, one is inclined to think that he chose it rather
than the latter, with the length of time it required, the
hardships and ceaseless toil it involved, and the anxiety
23 Liber J. R. M., No. 3, pp. 586-589, Recorder’s Office, Marlboro,
Maryland.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 39
incident to the care of the number of persons under his
charge.
However, it will be remembered that Nicholas Miles
had eight colored slaves in 1790. He probably had
more by this time. Possibly, therefore, he may have
sent his wife, children, and colored women by the easier
way, together with one or two men servants to look
after their needs; whilst he himself travelled by the lat-
ter route, having with him the rest of the colored men
to help with the chattels and guard whatever domestic
animals he took to the west. Whichever way he jour-
neyed, the old-time covered emigrant-wagon was in-
dispensable for the portage and protection of the wom-
en folk and equipment, whether for house or farm. He
was a builder by occupation. ‘Thus, in case he went to
Kentucky by the northern route, he and his colored men
could themselves have constructed the simple boats on
which they descended the Ohio.”
The hospitality for which Kentucky is noted was then
in its flower. On their arrival, therefore, the wayfarers
24 The earthly remains of the writer’s great grand-father, Joseph
O’Daniel, lie somewhere in the Cumberland Gap. He was on his way
with his family from Maryland to Kentucky, in the first years of the
nineteenth century. When almost through the break in the mountains,
he retraced his steps in order to have something made at a blacksmith
shop that he had passed only a short distance, but told the family to
continue their way, and he would soon overtake them. As he did not
return as soon as was expected, they waited for him. Two days or
more thus went by. Then his son Joseph (the writer’s grandfather) and
a colored man went back to look for him. To their horror they learned
that he had been captured, taken into the mountains, robbed and slain
by thieves, who made away with his fine horse. In those days it was
not an uncommon thing for such a catastrophe to befall single travellers
or small bodies bound for the west while they were in the fastnesses
of the Cumberland Mountains. Unable to recover their loss, the sor-
rowing family journeyed on to central Kentucky, where they located
in the Cartwright’s Creek Settlement.
40 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
were no doubt sheltered by friends, especially by Philip
Miles, until they could secure a home of their own.
But it would seem that the head of the newcomers was
in no hurry to establish himself definitely. Possibly
he wished to get a better idea of the trend of the settle-
ments, and engaged in his former business until he
found a location that suited him. No less staunch in
his faith than practical in the affairs of the world, the
father of the future bishop wanted his homestead with-
in ready reach of the busy priests as well as on good soil.
He would have his family, whose souls he prized above
earthly treasure, in a place where they would be under
the wholesome influence of the Church and able to prac-
tise their religion.
As the reader will recall, the Cox’s Creek Settlement
was the last of the notable Catholic colonies established
in the early days of Nelson County. It lay in the north-
ern part of the county, slightly to the east, whence it
gradually stretched into the present Spencer County.
The country was rolling, beautiful, and well watered;
the climate healthy; the soil not only fertile but likewise
adapted to almost every kind of produce. Although the
settlement was little more than started at the time of
Nicholas Miles’ arrival in Kentucky, some of Mary-
land’s finest old Catholic families soon began to take
up homes there. In 1797, for instance, Clement Gar-
diner, a wealthy man, purchased a large farm where
now stands the town of Fairfield.” Doubtless these
people had already attracted Father Badin’s attention,
for Gardiner set apart a large room in his house te
serve as a chapel for the neighborhood.
29 Gardiner purchased his farm from “Nicholas Paul alias Powell”.
The deed for it is dated July 3, 1797, and is in Deed Book 7, pp. 191-192,
in the Recorder’s Office, Bardstown, Kentucky.
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 41
Few of the Catholic colonies held out such bright
worldly prospects as did that just beginning on Cox’s
Creek; nor did any give better promise in matters re-
ligious. Nicholas Miles did not leave Maryland under
stress of need, for he possessed an ample sufficiency on
which to live in comfort there. Although advanced in
years, he braved the hardships of the western wilds in
the interest of his children. He determined therefore
to make his home in this newest Catholic settlement,
which offered splendid opportunities for them, both
temporal and spiritual. Besides, some of the friends of
his boyhood and young manhood had located in that
vicinity.
Towards the end of 1799, he purchased a farm of
somewhat more than two hundred acres from one Zeb-
ulon Collings. The fertile tract of land lay on F'ro-
man’s Creek, a branch of Cox’s Creek.”° It was situated
perhaps six miles, a little to the northeast, from Bards-
town, the county seat; and not much less west from the
present village of Fairfield, that afterwards rose on
the farm owned by Clement Gardiner, almost in the
center of the settlement. The location must have ap-
pealed strongly to Nicholas Miles for his purpose. In
those days, Catholics considered themselves fortunate if
they were so near a church or chapel. But our anxious
father had one on each side of his home; for, besides
the station at Clement Gardiner’s, there was another
at the house of Thomas Gwynn, half way between Miles’
and Bardstown, near the site of the present Nazareth
Academy. Moreover, Saint Joseph’s, a small log struc-
ture, stood just outside the capital of the county.
26 Collings’ deed to Miles for the farm is dated December 2, 1799,
and is in Deed Book 5, p. 502, in the Recorder’s Office, Bardstown,
Kentucky.
42 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Kagerness to get settled down in his new home, one
may readily believe, caused the good man to take pos-
session of his purchase at once, and to build a house.
Doubtless also, like those of even the wealthiest among
the pioneers, it was a temporary structure of logs adapt-
ed to meet the needs of the family until a more commo-
dious dwelling could be erected.
Here Nicholas Miles began life anew in Kentucky
at the age of nearly sixty years. The change must
have been no little trial. But that was a hardy period,
and he was a man of his time, as well as one who would
shrink from no hardship in behalf of his family. ‘The
days of fear from raids by Indians were over; the man-
ners of the people had become somewhat less rude.
But heroic labor was still required to clear away the
forests, fence in the fields, prepare the soil for cultiva-
tion, and supply the farm with domestic animals. Pro-
tection of the crops and the younger stock from birds
and wild beasts offered a serious problem. ‘There were
few places of market, little ready money, and few arti-
cles of merchandise for sale.
However, these disadvantages were counterbalanced
by the ease with which game of every kind could be pro-
cured from the forests. ‘The men and boys—often even
the women—went armed for this purpose, as also for
protection against bears and wildcats or a chance pack
of wolves. 'The table was ever supplied with the choicest
venison. Fresh milk and butter were plentiful. The
bread was made from the meal of Indian corn cooked
in a marvelous variety of ways. It provided a whole-
some food on which the pioneers throve.
Fortunately the women were not less brave or indus-
trious than the men. They carded and spun wool and
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 43
flax or hemp, raised and prepared by the men, wove it
into cloth, and made clothes for the family. The skins
of wild animals, particularly those of deer, were not
infrequently used for the same purpose. Moccasins
often served as shoes. Caps made from the furs of rac-
coons or rabbits were common articles of apparel. For
years all classes and sexes dressed principally in home-
spun, the cost of overland transportation in the primi-
tive way making finer and more delicate fabrics a rare
luxury for even the wealthy. ‘The richest were not too
proud to wear at home garments wrought on the spot.
Plain clothes were the custom of the day. The gen-
tler sex did little prinking. Yet the women folk are
said to have looked quite neat in the quaint costumes
made by their own hands. Perhaps not a few dainty
dames of today would be surprised to learn that, in the
summer time, their great-grandmothers or even grand-
mothers in Kentucky went to church with their home-
made bonnets decked with the silk, tassel, and green
husks of Indian corn. Vanity has ever been the privi-
lege of woman. Still this innocent adornment more
than once brought down upon ‘her the denunciation of
the zealous missionary.”
Cisterns or wells were few, if any. For this reason,
the houses or cabins were ever located near a spring.
The furniture was ordinarily of the most primitive
character. Although that in the Miles home was no
doubt somewhat better than the general run, even from
the start, the following description gives an idea of the
interior of the dwellings of most of the pioneers at the
time Nicholas Miles settled in Kentucky.
27In days gone by the writer often listened to his grandmother and
other old people tell of the scoldings they used to get in sermons for the
vanity they displayed in their dress.
44 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
No pictures ornamented the bare walls. Stools
served the purpose of chairs; the tables were slabs of
timber roughly put together; wooden plates and ves-
sels took the place of our modern chinaware. Even
the spoons and forks were either wooden or tin. ‘The
beds, if not lain on the floor, were placed on rough
puncheons, supported by legs of a kind, or by wooden
pins fastened in the sides of the house. All these arti-
cles were home-made, except the tin forks and spoons,
which were few. Long-stemmed gourds, grown on the
premises, were used for drinking purposes. Tin cups
were a luxury almost as rare as an iron fork. ‘The
pocket or hunting knife served at the table as well as
in the field or on the chase. Perhaps bear and buffalo
skins no longer principally constituted the blankets
for the beds; yet these articles were still manufactured
at home. Sheets, when present, were a delicacy made
of unbleached flax or hemp spun and woven by the
ladies of the household.
Such was the miliew in which grew up Tennessee’s
first Catholic bishop, who went to Kentucky when only
five years of age. It was a great change from the more
elite life in older Maryland, yet a good preparation for
the work that lay before him. Besides, his father
located happily in the west, for the Cox’s Creek Settle-
ment was one of the most faithful to its religion in the
state, and offered good temporal advantages. It pros-
pered from the start. An idea of its growth and of
the character of the people who founded it may be
gleaned from the Hon. Ben. Webb, who writes:
In the year 1800, the Cox’s Creek Settlement, afterwards
better known as that of Fairfield, was composed of between forty
and fifty families. The names borne by the heads of these families,
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 45
so far as the writer has been able to secure them, were: Clement
Gardiner, Nicholas Miles, Thomas Elder, Francis Coomes, Zach-
ariah Aud, Thomas Aud, James Knott, Austin Montgomery, Rich-
ard Adams, Thomas Higdon, Austin Clements, Wilfred Wathen,
Raphael Hagan, Richard Coomes, Walter Simpson, James Simp-
son, Archibald Pitt, Richard Jarboe, Valentine Thomson, John
Payne, James Speaks, Benedict Smith, Joseph Gardiner, Charles
Wathen, Thomas Lilly, John Lilly, Thomas Brewer, Richard
Clark, Daniel Rogers, Clement Clark, Ignatius Drury, — Mitch-
ell, Charles Warren, James Spalding, Joseph Clark, — Daugh-
erty, Hezekiah Lucket and Hilary Drury.?®
To those conversant with the Catholic history of Ken-
tucky this list reveals a community well worthy of note.
Some of the best known names in the annals of Catholic-
ity in the state appear there. A number of the per-
sons mentioned were not only exemplary characters;
they also deserved well of the Church and their adopted
county. Webb speaks of the cluster in terms of spe-
cial praise, and gives sketches of several of those who
composed it. From them or their descendants have
come a goodly quota of vocations to the ministry of the
Church and to our various sisterhoods.
Nicholas Miles himself was by no means the least
worthy or unimportant personage in this group of fine
families. God blessed him both temporally and spiritu-
ally. Indeed, in spite of his age when he went to the
new west, he seems to have prospered more than most
of his neighbors. Honest and possessed of an excellent
character, in addition to a good mind and judgment,
he soon became one of the most influential citizens of
Nelson County. If we may trust a still extant tradi-
tion, the people admired him, trusted him, and sought
his advice. His word was as good as his bond. So far
as the writer has ascertained, he held no political posi-
23 Wess, op. cit., p. 114.
46 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
tion. Possibly, imbued with the true Miles spirit, he
wanted none. He did not need such remuneration for
the support of his family, and he had little desire for
honors.
It has been handed down to us that he was an affec-
tionate husband and a kind father, anxious to bring up
his children in the fear and love of God. Doubtless in
this duty he found the best of helpmates in his wife,
whom tradition represents as an excellent lady and fond
mother. Like many of the early Catholic women in
Kentucky, she was pious, deeply attached to her relig-
ion, and little imbued with the spirit of the world.
In short, she was a worthy mother of the worthy son
whose life is sketched in these pages.
A family blessed with parents like these could not
but be happy. Perhaps their greatest sorrow was the
lack of priests properly to attend to the spiritual needs
of the people. Kentucky was a distant, lonesome, and
arduous field for which it was hard to procure mission-
aries. Letters show that this problem formed one of
Archbishop Carroll’s chief difficulties and regrets.
Most of those who undertook the task either became
disheartened by the trials and left it for other spheres
of labor, or sank under the weight of the burden. Much
of the time from the date of Nicholas Miles’ arrival
there (1796), until the summer of 1805, Father Badin
was the only priest in the state. Even when he had
assistance, the various missions could not be visited of-
tener than once in a month or six weeks. When he
was left alone the intervals between the ministrations
were much longer.
Fortunately the people had been well trained in
Maryland. Even when there were no divine services on
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 47
Sunday, the best Catholics gathered at the church, chap-
el, or station, where they read the mass prayers, said
litanies, and recited the Rosary. The family of Nicho-
las Miles, one can not doubt, was one of the most faith-
ful in attendance at these pious exercises. Tradition
has it that at times mass was offered up in his house;
but ordinarily this sacred function was performed at
Clement Gardiner’s (or Saint Michael’s, Fairfield)
and Thomas Gwynn’s, which were more conveniently
situated for the faithful. On such occasions the Miles
thought nothing of riding horseback to those places and
Saint Joseph’s, or even to Poplar Neck, five or six miles
the other side of Bardstown.
The sacrifices which the Catholics of that day made
for the sake of their religion stand out in bold contrast
with the spirit of ease and indifference that charac-
terizes many in our generation. It has been said that
in. his after life as priest and bishop the subject of our
narrative often spoke of how strict his parents were that
everyone should attend mass whenever possible. He
loved them, and his gratitude went out to them with
special force because of the way in which they looked
after the interests of his soul.
Another topic on which he loved to dwell was how,
in his youthful days, he went to church riding horseback
behind his father or mother, or an older brother or sister.
Not infrequently the father of a family would take one
child in his lap, while another, or even two, were perched
behind him, their little legs dangling down by the horse’s
side. It was a heroic time that made staunch men and
women.
One of the greatest problems with which the pioneers
of Kentucky had to contend was the education of their
48 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
children. Still, largely thanks to Irish schoolmasters
who emigrated to America in numbers, more than one
intellectual giant was reared in the backwoods of that
state. No doubt the same difficulty gave Nicholas anx-
ious moments. Some of his children were past the
school age when he moved west. There the older girls
very likely followed the custom among the better fam-
ilies of the day, and helped the mother to instruct their
younger brothers and sisters. It has also been handed
down to us that Nicholas Miles kept a private tutor
at his home. ‘he tradition is borne out by the fact
that Richard had laid the foundations of a good educa-
tion by the time the Dominicans arrived in the neigh-
borhood.
Nicholas Miles, as has been seen, fared well in Ken-
tucky—perhaps even beyond his fondest hopes. In
1812 he added another small tract of land to his former
possessions. But in the next year, possibly unable
longer to look after his farm because of age, he seems
to have purchased some acres where the town of Bloom-
field now stands, and to have started a country store.”
At any rate, there is something of a tradition to the
effect that he died while engaged in business there, and
that he and his son Kdward were among the founders
of the town, if it does not even owe its existence to their
initiative. ‘The old homestead of Edward Miles, al-
most palatial in size and appearance, still stands just
outside Bloomfield. We could not discover whether
it was built by him or by his father.”
29 Deed Book 9, p. 476, and Deed Book 10, pp. 48-50, in Recorder’s
Office, Bardstown, Kentucky.
30 Will Book E, pp. 28-29, Recorder’s Office, Bardstown Kentucky,
gives the will of Nicholas Miles. It is dated February 27, and was
probated October 20, 1823. His wife Ann and son Edward were execu-
KENTUCKY AND HIS BOYHOOD THERE 49
Meanwhile the children married into some of the best
Catholic families in Nelson County. Charity, the first
to leave the parental home, was united in marriage to
Ralph Lancaster by Father Badin on April 21, 1798.
Milly, or Matilda, became the wife of Clement Hagan,
February 4, 1799, Father Badin officiating again.
Thomas married Christina Gardiner, daughter of Clem-
ent Gardiner, whose house long served as a station for
the people of Cox’s Creek Settlement. ‘This was on
December 9, 1805. Father Badin also presided at this
ceremony. When Mary joined in wedlock with Robert
Livers, November 8, 1806, she obtained the muiunistra-
tion of Father Charles Nerinckx. ‘The tireless Badin,
who ordinarily attended that mission, must have been
on an apostolic tour in another part of the state.”
It was a common thing in those days for one daughter
to remain single, at least until comparatively late in life,
and play the role of good angel to the rest of the fam-
ily. Ann Miles, unless she were the youngest girl,
would seem to have taken this part in the home of her
parents; for the register shows that she married Daniel
Smith on June 23, 1815. Father John B. David, later
coadjutor bishop of Bardstown, performed the cere-
mony for her.” The inscription on the tombstone of
tors. They gave a bond for eight thousand dollars. Thomas Miles
and Robert Livers were their securities.
31 Manuscript list of early marriages in Nelson County (in County
Clerk’s Office, Bardstown) got up by William J. Dalmazzo from the rec-
ords in the court house.
32 See preceding note. The careful Webb is in error when he says
(op. cit., p. 79) that this daughter of Nicholas Miles was named Cath-
erine. Doubtless, however, he is correct in the statement that Daniel
Smith belonged to Washington County, and later moved to Louisville,
where he became one of the pillars of Saint Louis’ Church. The
descendants of Nicholas Miles through these various marriages, like
those of practically all the pioneer settlers of Kentucky, are scattered
in many parts of the United States.
5
50 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
himself and wife Rebecca shows that Edward B. Miles
married still later, and that she died first; while the
settlement of his estate reveals the fact that he left no
children.
But God had a higher vocation in store for good
Nicholas Miles’ youngest child, Richard. Tradition,
both in the family and in Saint Joseph’s Province of
Friars Preacher, represents him as a clever boy much
given to piety. Possibly he was one of Father Badin’s
altar boys for the stations at Thomas Gwynn’s and at
Clement Gardiner’s. ‘The zealous missionary’s busy
life left him little time to do much in the way of foster-
ing vocations, which may have turned the mind of the
pious youth towards the Order of Saint Dominic, in-
stead of the priesthood in the ranks of the diocesan cler-
gy. Of this, however, future pages will tell.
CHAPTER III
GOES TO SAINT ROSE'S
PERHAPS we can not begin this chapter better than
with a relation of the circumstances that led the Domin-
icans to Kentucky contrary to their original plans.
This course will involve a repetition, it is true, of much
that has been told in the Life of the Right Rev. Ed-
ward Dominic Fenwick, founder of Saint Rose’s, and
later the first bishop of Cincinnati. Still the plan is no
less necessary as a historical setting for any complete
sketch of the I*ather of the Church in Tennessee than
it was for the story of the apostle of Ohio. No man
can be properly understood without a knowledge of
his environments, and of the various currents of
influence that flowed into the stream of his life.
One of the prime motives that inspired the league of
sixty families in Maryland for emigrating to Kentucky
was the more certainly to secure a pastor for their souls;
another was to render his labors easier and his life less
lonely, as well as his work more effective, by having
his flock gathered in one settlement." However, the
scarcity of priests in the United States, the multitudi-
nous calls for help, and the distance of the western mis-
sion made it hard in the extreme for Father Carroll to
send them a spiritual shepherd. There can be no doubt
that the vicar apostolic’s heart went out to them in their
privation. They were his charge, for his authority ex-
1 SpapinG, Early Catholic Missions, p. 25; WEBB, op. cit., ps 27.
51
52 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
tended throughout the country, while not a few of them
were perhaps connected with him by ties of both blood
and friendship. But he could not do that which was
impossible.
In this way, two years elapsed before the five and
twenty families of the league who emigrated first had
the happiness of seeing an ambassador of Christ in
their midst. One can more readily imagine than por-
tray the joy that filled their hearts when he arrived, for
their lonesomeness was all the more desolate because
of the long privation of the succors of religion. ‘This
early missionary was Father Charles Whelan who had
formerly labored in New York City, where he began the
first church in our greatest American metropolis.
Father Whelan reached Kentucky during the year
1787. Unfortunately we have only the meagerest rec-
ord of his labors there. He was a member of the Order
of Saint Francis, pious, zealous, humble, and gentle.
He had lived in the refined society of Europe, and seems
to have been of too mild a disposition to cope with the
difficulties of rough backwoods life, where the people
had perhaps become somewhat intractable through long
deprivation of the sacraments, no less than through lack
of spiritual guidance.
All the while the toilsome missionary was overbur-
dened with his ministry to others, he had no priestly
companion with whom he could consult, or to admin-
ister the waters of grace to his own soul. Rest he knew
none. His incessant travels and his poverty did not
even permit him to erect an humble home for himself,
or a modest temple of worship for the people. Some of
the Catholics treated him rudely, whilst the spirit of in-
tolerance on the part of not a few non-Catholics wor-
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 53
ried him. For these reasons, he returned to the east in
the spring of 1790, after a little more than two years
of labor in the wilds of Kentucky.’
Some six months later in the same year, the Rev.
William Rohan appeared in the settlements. He had
exercised the ministry in Virginia; but it is said that
he went into Kentucky with a band of emigrants from
North Carolina and eastern Tennessee. Our most volu-
minous Catholic historical writer, John Gilmary Shea,
is greatly in error when he says that this missionary was
a Dominican. Like his predecessor, Father Rohan was
of Irish parentage. However, he seems to have been
educated, if not born, in France. He performed the
sacred functions in Kentucky for only a few months.
Yet, before the close of 1790, he built the first Cath-
olic church erected in the state. It was located in the
Pottinger’s Creek Settlement, and was later consecrated
to the service of God under the title of Holy Cross.’
2 Bapin, Origine et Progrés de la Mission du Kentucky, p. 2; SPALDING,
Early Catholic Missions, pp. 41 ff, and Life of Bishop Flaget, pp. 73-74;
Wess, op. cit., pp. 156-158; Sura, Life of Archbishop Carroll, passim;
O’DanieEL, Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 71-72.
Mr. Webb insinuates at least that Father Whelan was a man of
violent temper and rather hard to get along with. However, he had
various charges in the east, and the writer has found no accusation
made against him in any of these places. On the contrary, he seems to
have been a very mild character. He died at Saint Mary’s Church on
White Clay Creek, New Castle County, Delaware, not far from Wil-
mington, March. 21, 1806. At the time of his death he was pastor
of Saint Mary’s, whence he attended several missions in Delaware and
southeastern Pennsylvania.
In his Life of Archbishop Carroll (pp 271-272), Doctor John G. Shea
says that Father Paul de St. Pierre, O.C.D., was in Kentucky in 1785,
and gives as his reference a letter of the Carmelite to the archbishop.
However, it should be noted that there is no tradition of the presence
of this priest in the state; nor have we been able to find any such
document at Baltimore.
3 Spaupinc, Early Catholic Missions, p. 49, and Life of Flaget, p. 74;
54 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The next three years were a period of spiritual exile
and desolation for the Catholics in the west like unto
that of Babylon for the chosen people of old. Mean-
while Father John Carroll had been appointed the first
bishop of the United States, and had gone to England
and received episcopal consecration from the Right
Rev. Charles Walmesley, O.S.B., vicar apostolic of the
Western District, August 15, 1790. ‘The new prelate
reached Baltimore on his return journey, December 7
of the same year.* His heart must have been saddened
by the situation of the faithful in Kentucky, and by
their appeals for a priest who could give them the bread
of eternal life. Still, however much it pained him, it
was long before he was able to grant their petition.
God, in His wise counsel, knows well how to draw
good out of evil. Thus He turned the afflictions
brought upon the Church of Europe by the French Rey-
olution into a source of blessings for that of the United
States. Nor was Kentucky, mayhap in answer to the
prayers of the good people there, overlooked in the di-
vine dispensation. Among the ecclesiastical refugees
who came to Baltimore were the Revs. Michael Bernard
Barriére and Stephen Theodore Badin. ‘The former
was already in priestly orders; the latter a subdea-
con. Ordained on May 25, 1793, Father Badin was
not only the first man raised to the priesthood by Arch-
WEsp, op. cit., pp. 26, 70, 158-159; Sura, Life of Carroll, p. 272;
O’DanieEL, Life of Fenwick, p. 72.
It is certain that Father Rohan labored for a time in Virginia, shortly
after he came to America. Spalding (page 29 of his Early Misstons)
tells us that he was in Tennessee for more than a year before going to
Kentucky, and that towards the end of his life he went to Saint Thomas’
Seminary, near Bardstown, “where he died piously, about the year 1832.”
4SHEA, op. cit., pp. 359, 369; Guitpay, Life of Archbishop Carroll
pp. 373, 383.
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 55
bishop Carroll, but even the first upon whom that sacred
office was conferred within the present limits of the
United States.”
These two clergymen were chosen for the desolate
western mission. Barriéere received the appointment of
vicar general. They began their journey on September
6, 1793, and travelled by the easier and safer way of
Pittsburgh. At Gallipolis, Ohio, they broke their river
voyage in order to visit the remnants of the French still
in the ill-fated Scioto Colony, which they found in a de-
plorable spiritual situation. They left the boat again
at Limestone (now Maysville), Kentucky, whence they
struck out for Lexington and the Catholic settlement
in Scott County. They arrived at Lexington in time
for the younger priest to say mass there on the first
Sunday of Advent, which fell that year on the first day
of December. Father Barriere, for they had but one
chalice, then rode sixteen miles in order to perform the
same good office for the people in the Catholic settle-
ment of Scott County.°
With Father Badin this mass at Lexington marked
the beginning of labors in Kentucky that extended over
a period of more than a quarter of a century, as well
as justly won for him the title of apostle of the state.
Barriére soon tired of the hardships and loneliness of the
backwoods, or perhaps felt it impossible to learn the
English language at his age. He left the missions for
New Orleans in the April of 1794.‘ In this way, did
S BADIN, op. cit., p. 3
6 BavIN, op. cit., p. 16; Spatpinc, Early Missions, passim; Wess, op.
cit., passim; O’DANIEL, op. cit., pp. 72-73. For further information
on Father Badin the reader is referred to Spalding’s Early Missions,
Webb’s Centenary, and the author’s Life of Fenwick.
7 After leaving Kentucky, Father Barriére was given a mission in
an extensive district in southern Louisiana known as Attakapas. There
56 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the youthful Badin, not yet twelve months ordained,
and only five and twenty years of age, have the entire
burden of the widely scattered Catholic settlements
thrown on his shoulders. It must have been a severe
shock for him. A man of less spirit would have lost
courage, and followed the example of the senior clergy-
man.
The reader can imagine what exertions so extensive
a pastoral charge demanded that the various stations
might be even occasionally visited, confessions heard,
and the faith kept alive in the hearts of the people.
With all this, in addition to sick calls from far and near,
the lonely missioner may be said to have practically lived
on horseback, then the only way of travel. Fortunate-
ly, nature had blessed him with a buoyant spirit that
was proof against dejection, an iron constitution that
nothing could break, and a nervous energy that seemed
never to tire. The wonder is that he effected so much
under almost unparalleled handicaps, rather than that
he did not accomplish more.
One can hardly but believe that the Catholics of
Maryland had some knowledge of the difficulties with
which their friends and relations in Kentucky had to
contend in the practice of their religion. Yet the
stream of immigration did not lessen. Krom this fact
we may conclude that Bishop Carroll must have given
solemn assurances to the home-seekers that the dearth
of missionaries would soon be remedied. In fact, it
he labored hard and faithfully until in extreme old age. In 1824, he
returned to his native Bordeaux, but died eight days after his arrival.
Father Charles L. Souvay, C.M., who feels that he left Kentucky because
of his despair of learning the English language, has a very nice sketch
of his life and work in Louisiana in the Saint Louis Catholic Historical
Review for October, 1921 (Vol. III, pp. 242-294): “Rummaging through
old Parish Records”.
GOES /TO SAINT ROSE'S 57
was towards the end of this religiously forlorn period
that Nicholas Miles took his family to the west. Little
Richard, then only five years of age, went with the
rest.
On February 26, 1797, Father Badin and his desolate
flocks were gladdened by the arrival of the Rev. Mich-
ael J. Fournier, an affable and zealous French clergy-
man. Meantime the veteran missionary had put up a
rectory or priest’s house near the center of the Catho-
lic settlements, where now stands the mother-house of
the Sisters of Loretto. He called it Saint Stephen’s.
Here he and Father Fournier lived together for a time,
although they made an apportionment of the missions.
Badin, who was the vicar general, ordinarily attended
the more distant places; but he retained Nelson County,
in which the Cox’s Creek Settlement was situated, as
a part of his charge. ‘Thus he was the pastor of Nich-
olas Miles and the subject of our narrative. After a
twelvemonth’s sojourn at Saint Stephen’s, Fournier
built a residence for himself in the colony on the Roll-
ing Fork, near the present Church of the Holy Name
of Mary, Calvary. The division of the work, however,
continued practically the same as before.”
A little later, to the joy of all the faithful in the state,
the clerical force in the missions was increased a hun-
dred fold. The Rev. Anthony Salmon reached Saint
Stephen’s on January 31, 1799. Father John Thayer
8 Father Fournier, Kentucky, to Bishop Carroll, Baltimore, March 2,
1797 (Baltimore Archives, Case 8 A, M 1); Badin to same, March 2, 1797
(ibid, Case 1, E 7). Spalding’s Early Missions (p. 73) tells us that
Fournier fled from France to England, and that he taught French in
London for about four years before coming to America.
9 Father Badin to Bishop Carroll, March 4, 1798 (Baltimore Archives,
Case 1, E 9); Spaupine, Early Missions, pp. 74-75; Wess, op. cit., passim.
58 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
arrived a few days later.’? Salmon and Fournier had
been fellow students and brother priests in the Diocese
of Blois, France, before the French Revolution. 'Thay-
er, a former Presbyterian minister in Massachusetts,
was converted and received into the Church in Rome,
but studied and was ordained at Paris. Never before
had Kentucky been blessed with so many ambassadors
of Christ. All finally promised well for the spiritual
welfare of the faithful there.
In the new disposition of things Father Thayer took
up his residence in Scott County, where a house was
erected for him. Father Salmon made his home at
Saint Stephen’s with the vicar general; whilst Father
Fournier remained on the Rolling Fork. This arrange-
ment seems to have left Father Badin freer to give more
attention to the smaller and more remote Catholic set-
tlements, isolated families, and whatever else demanded
his care.
The field of labor assigned to Father Salmon includ-
ed Nelson County." In this way he came into contact
with Master Richard Miles and his father. It is said
that the amiable missionary soon won the hearts of his
flock. Tradition also tells us that at times he said mass
at the home of Nicholas Miles, that he had no truer ad-
mirer than this staunch Catholic gentleman, and that
he showed a particular interest in little Richard, whose
piety possibly foreshadowed his future life. It is not
improbable that the vocation of the future Father of the
10 Father Salmon, Kentucky, to Bishop Carroll, Baltimore, May 27,
1799 (Baltimore Archives, Case 8 B, G 5); Badin to same, February 20,
1799) (ibid) Cusevli ale pe
11 Father Badin to Bishop Carroll, October 9, 1799 (Baltimore Archives,
Case 1, E 16), and February 20, 1799, as in the preceding note; SPALDING,
Early Missions, pp. 74-81; Wess, op. cit., passim.
GOESTIO,SAIND ROSE'S 59
Church in Tennessee received its first impluse from this
friendship.
These fair prospects were short-lived. Death and
other causes all too soon thinned the sacerdotal ranks—
nay, left the people again with little spiritual succor
and guidance. 'The first to fall a victim to his zeal was
Father Salmon. He was thrown from his horse, while
on his way to the station at Thomas Gwynn’s. He had
not recovered from a spell of sickness contracted, says
Spalding, from excessive labor and exposure. Perhaps
the weak state of his health helped to make fatal the fall,
from which he died at Mr. Gwynn’s the next day, No-
vember 10, 1799. Father Salmon was the first priest
to die in Kentucky.” The Gwynn home stood not far
from that of Bishop Miles, who was then a boy nearly
nine years of age. It has been handed down to us that
he remembered the sad event well, and that he was
wont frequently to speak of it in after life.
Less than four years later, February 12, 1803, Fa-
ther Fournier also passed to his eternal reward. He,
too, was a victim of his zeal. His death, although oc-
casioned by an accident in a saw mill, the state’s apostle
says, “was chiefly caused by his excessive labours and
long rides.” *°
Conversion and ordination failed to take all the old
leaven of Puritanism out of Father Thayer. This fact
combined with other causes to make his ministrations
unacceptable. Accordingly, he exercised the sacred
functions in Kentucky for only about two years. Later
he returned to the east, going thence to England, and
12 SpatpinG, Early Missions, 77-78 ; WEBB, op. cit., pp. 138, 168-169.
13 Father Badin to Bishop Carroll, April 11, 1803 (Baltimore Archives,
Case A Special, L 12); Spatpinc, Early Missions, p. 75; WeEsB, op. cit.,
pp. 111-113.
60 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
finally to Ireland, where he is said to have spent the last
years of his life in the service of the poor in Limerick.*
Thus was the stalwart Badin again left alone for
more than two years in the pastoral care of Kentucky.
His labors now became greater than they had ever been.
The missions had grown in both size and number; the
distances he had to travel were lengthened; the sick-calls
were multiplied; there were more scattered Catholics re-
mote from the districts oecupied by the faithful. The
good priest’s cares had no end. One can form some
idea of his toil when it is recalled that the places he was
obliged to visit extended, from east to west, over a dis-
tance of some one hundred and thirty or forty miles,
and from north to south perhaps seventy miles. I*ew
missionaries could have faced so much in such a soli-
tary situation. From this point of view his life was
truly heroic.
Letters in the diocesan archives of Baltimore show
that not only did the solitary pastor of Kentucky send
urgent appeals to Bishop Carroll for spiritual assist-
ance; the people themselves joined in the supplication.
Money was forwarded to defray the expenses of travel
for priests from the east to the west.” Rumors or prom-
ises of aid often raised hopes that were soon disap-
pointed. We can imagine the interest aroused in the
bosoms of the backwoodsmen by a proposal to establish
14 Spatpinc, Early Missions, pp. 78-81; Wess, op. cit., pp. 169-174.
In his Life of Archbishop Carroll, pp. 420-427, Doctor Guilday gives
some interesting biographical details of Father Thayer. He labored
in many places, and the documents of that day show that he proved
successful in none, unless it were in his charity work in Limerick, where
he died in 1815. Prudence and judgment were not among his qualifi-
cations.
15 Father Badin’s voluminous correspondence in the Baltimore archives
shows that he did not spare himself during this trying time, nor from
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 61
a community of Franciscans in Scott County under the
leadership of Father Michael Egan, afterwards the
first bishop of Philadelphia. Surely the good people
must have felt that finally God had heard their
prayers.”®
Hiventually, late in the summer of 1804, Father Ba-
din received a visit from the Rev. Urban Guillet, su-
perior of a band of Trappists who had been driven from
France by the revolution, and were temporarily located
at Pigeon Hills, not far from Gettysburg, Pennsyl-
vania. Father Guillet’s purpose was to find a suitable
home for his brethren in one of the Catholic settlements
of Kentucky. The idea greatly pleased the state’s vet-
eran missionary. Yet he felt that the presence of a com-
munity whose life was wholly contemplative would
rather offer him a place of occasional retreat than
lighten his labors, or aid in distributing the bread of
life to the starving Church of the west."
Almost immediately after his arrival in Kentucky,
Father Badin estimated the number of Catholic families
1794 to 1797 when he was also alone. Besides, the same archives have
a number of letters from the people appealing for priests. One of these
is signed by one hundred and four men of the Cartwright’s Creek Settle-
ment. It bears no date, but some one has written “1808” on it. This, how-
ever, seems to be a mistake. It must have been written around 1803, and
very likely led to the Dominicans settling there. In the last years of
the eighteenth century some thirty-five or forty families, among them
those of Joseph Fenwick and George Hamilton, his son-in-law, moved
from Kentucky to the Spanish possessions in Missouri in order to be
able to practise their religion.
16 Badin to Carroll, December 6, 1804 (Baltimore Archives, Case A
Special, L 10); American Catholic Historical Researches, IX, 75-76.
~The documents also show that Father John Dubois, founder of Mount
Saint Mary’s College, Einmitsburg, Maryland, and later the third bishop
of New York, once thought of going to Kentucky.
17 Badin to Carroll as in the preceding note; and same to same,
September 7, 1804 (Baltimore Archives, Case A Special, L 11).
62 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
in the state at some three hundred. By the time of
which we speak these had increased a hundred fold, for
in a letter to Bishop Carroll dated August 31, 1803,
he states: ““Having made a new census of the different
parishes, I find the number of Catholics amounts to up-
wards of seven hundred families.’”**> Doubtless, how-
ever, the wide territory over which the faithful were
scattered, the many matters that demanded the time
and attention of the lone priest, and other difficulties of
the day rendered it impossible to make a complete cen-
sus.
Indeed, it is quite probable that the Catholic house-
holds were considerably in excess of Father Badin’s es-
timate. Very likely the number in 1803 was nearer that
which he gives in another statement more than three
years later. In a letter of March 14, 1807, he tells his
ordinary that he has counted nine hundred and seventy-
two families.” For nearly two decades those of the
faith had flocked into Kentucky in ever increasing vol-
ume, not merely from Maryland, but also from other
parts of the country, and even from Ireland.
Together with this letter of March 14, 1807, Father
Badin sent Doctor Carroll a list of nineteen parishes
or stations with churches or prospects of having them
in the near future. Apart from their interest as a mat-
ter of history, these places and their respective distances
from Father Badin’s residence will give the reader a
better idea of the forces that led the Dominicans to
Kentucky, and serve as a further background for our
narrative.
1. Saint Stephen’s, then in Washington, but now
18 Baltimore Archives, Case A Special, L 1.
19 Jbid., Case 1, I 3.
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 63
in Marion County. Mass was said in Father Badin’s
house for the faithful.
2. Holy Cross, in the Pottinger’s Creek Settlement,
then also in Washington County, but now in Marion.
It was five or six miles west of Saint Stephen’s.”°
3. Saint Francis’, in Scott County, built in 1796 or
1797, and seventy-two miles northeast.”
4. Saint Ann’s, in the Cartwright’s Creek Settle-
ment, Washington County, built in 1797 or 1798—
about seven miles east.
5. Saint Joseph’s, near Bardstown, Nelson County,
which was built in 1797 and 1798—thirteen miles north.
6. Holy Mary’s, in the Rolling Fork Settlement,
in Washington County, but now in Marion and about
five miles from the present Lebanon—thirteen miles
southeast. The church there was under way.
7; Saint Thomas’, in “Poplar Neck”, on the Beech
Fork, Nelson County, eleven miles north.
8. Saint Charles’, Washington County (now in
Marion County), eight miles southeast. This church
was built in 1806.
9. Saint Michael’s, in the Cox’s Creek Settlement
(now Fairfield), Nelson County, twenty-four miles to
20 Washington County was cut out of Nelson County in 1792, the
same year that Kentucky received the honor of statehood. Marion
County was formed, in 1834, by a division of Washington County.
21 In no other early Catholic settlement of Kentucky has religion fared
so badly as in that of Scott County. From the beginning the parish
gave its pastors trouble. It was the most favorably situated of them all
from a worldly point of view, for the land was very fertile. Perhaps the
people gave too much attention to their temporal welfare, making a god of
mammon at the expense of their souls. It seems unfortunate that a
number of the best families of the colony, including several Fenwicks
who were leaders in church affairs, removed to Missouri. The parish
has dwindled down to seven or eight families, of whom only about
three can claim any connection with the original Catholic settlers.
64 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the north. It seems that a log temple of prayer had
been begun there, if it were not even in actual use. The
reader will remember that this was the parish to which
Nicholas Miles belonged.”
10. Saint Clare’s, near the present Colesburg, in
Hardin County—twenty-four miles to the northwest.
11. Saint Benedict’s, Shelby County, thirty-five or
forty miles north.”
12. Saint Anthony’s, “near the forks of Rough
Creek”, Breckinridge County—eighty miles to the west.
It is now the parish known as Axtel.
13. Saint Christopher’s, “near the Kentucky River’,
Madison County—eighty miles east by north.
14. Saint Louis’, in the present City of Louisville,
which was more than fifty miles north.
15. Saint Peter’s, in Lexington, seventy miles to
the northeast.
16. Saint Bernard’s, Adair County, thirty-four
miles southeast. ‘he church for this congregation was
subsequently built in Casey County, where now stands
the village of Clementsville.
17. Saint Patrick’s, Danville, Mercer County (now
Boyle County )—thirty miles east.
22For one reason or another, there was considerable trouble about
building the little log church at this place, which caused it to be a long-
drawn-out affair.
23 Father Badin’s list and a letter from him to Bishop Carroll, sent
from “St. Benedict’s, Shelby County, May 12, 1808” (Baltimore Archives,
Case 1, I 7), show that this station was then in Shelby County. A
communication to the United States Catholic Miscellany of December
16, 1826, tells us that it was in the part of Shelby County taken (in 1824)
to help in forming that of Spencer. The distance of Saint Benedict’s
from Saint Stephen’s is given in Bishop Maes’ Life of Father Charles
Nerinckx (p. 126) as thirty-three miles. But a letter of Father Badin
to Bishop Carroll, October 5, 1805 (Baltimore Archives, Case 1, G 10)
says it was about forty miles from his home.
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 65
18. Saint John’s, Bullitt County, twenty-five or
thirty miles northwest of Saint Stephen’s. The church
there was in course of erection.”
19. Springfield, Washington County, nine or ten
miles to the east.”
One would have expected to see Harrodsburg men-
tioned in the above list. The nucleus of a Catholic col-
ony gathered in that neighborhood, thirty-five or forty
miles northeast of Father Badin’s home, at an early
date. Although it never became numerous, still it
would seem to have deserved notice. Possibly its omis-
sion was an oversight.
The spiritual desolation of the faithful in that dis-
tant part of his diocese and Father Badin’s endless la-
bors gave Bishop Carroll great anxiety. He had expe-
rienced no little difficulty in finding priests ready to set-
tle in the remote mission, or capable of sustaining its
hardships and privations. It was but natural, there-
fore, that he should turn his thoughts to the Dominicans
from the English province, when Father Edward Dom-
24Maes (op. cit., p. 127) makes Father Nerinckx say that place was
only fifteen miles from Saint Stephen’s. But this is evidently a typo-
graphical or other error.
29 The church afterwards built by the Dominicans in Springfield was
called Saint Dominic’s. Saint Rose’s, which was under way at the
time Father Badin sent his list to Bishop Carroll (and about half way
between that incipient town and Saint Ann’s—two miles from each),
long delayed the necessity of a church in Springfield. The pretermis-
sion of Saint Rose’s in the list is a surprise.
This schedule of churches and stations by Father Badin is in the
Baltimore Archives, Case C. Special, L. Maes’ Life of Nerinckx, pp. 126-
127, with a few exceptions, was used for the distances of the various
missions from Saint Stephen’s, as these are not given in Badin’s list.
In addition to his list, Father Badin sent the Bishop a map of Kentucky
drawn by himself, with the location of the churches, etc., indicated by the
letters of the alphabet, and an accompanying explanation of their pros-
pects. This document is also in Case C Special, L, of the Baltimore
Archives. Saint Rose’s is given in this chart.
6
66 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
inic Fenwick proposed to make a foundation within his
jurisdiction. Before Fenwick made his request, the
bishop himself had urged Father William B. Short, the
English provincial, “to embrace a fine opportunity
which offered of obtaining a most advantageous settle-
ment in the United States.” This was in 1802, if not
earlier.*° Quite probably Baltimore’s prelate wished
then to have them locate in Kentucky; for we know of
no other place so sadly in need of priests at the time,
nor one that seemed to proffer better opportunities
for a body of religious men.
Father Fenwick, who began the negotiations that
happily resulted in the establishment of the Friars
Preacher in the United States, was born in Saint Mary’s
County, Maryland, in 1768. When a mere youth, he
had been sent to Holy Cross College, conducted by the
English Dominicans at Bornheim, Belgium. While
there he learned to love the Order, and realized the
good that it might effect for the Church in his native
land. For this reason, he joined the Province of Eng-
land with the express purpose of one day starting the
institute of Saint Dominic in our youthful republic.”
He received the Dominican habit at Bornheim on
26 Bishop Carroll, Baltimore, to Rev. Richard Luke Concanen, O.P.,
Rome, November 21, 1806 (Archives of the Dominican Master General,
Codex XIII, 731); O’Dantet, Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 114-115.
Bishop Carroll states in his letter: “So long ago as 1802, I had urged
Mr. Short, then the Provincial of it [the Order] in England, to embrace
a fine opportunity which offered of obtaining a most advantageous settle-
ment in the United States.” As Father Short’s term of office as provin-
cial ended in 1798, it would seem that the bishop had written to him at
an earlier date, but had forgotten the precise time. Father Short died
in 1800.
27 This fact has always been a tradition in Saint Joseph’s Province
of Friars Preacher. Researches of late years have shown it to be stated
in more than one document belonging even to Fenwick’s lifetime.
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 67
September 4, 1788, and was raised to the priesthood
early in 1793.°° In June, 1794, the community was
obliged by the French revolutionists to seek refuge in
England, where he spent the next ten years of his life.
Although the college at Bornheim was re-opened on
the restoration of peace, the uncertain and unhappy po-
litical horizon of Continental Europe, together with the
secularization by Pius VII of all religious in the coun-
tries under French domination, not only prevented the
educational institution from prospering again, but even
rendered impossible the practice of the Order’s char-
acteristic life. On the other hand, the strong anti-Cath-
olic prejudices of Engand, which bore with special force
against religious institutes, also gave a gloomy outlook
for the future of the Friars Preacher in that country.
These circumstances convinced the young American
that the time had come for him to undertake the pur-
pose for which he had entered the Order. They more-
over induced three of his companions to offer their ser-
vices in the pious enterprise—the Revs. Samuel Thomas
Wilson, William Raymond Tuite, and Robert Anto-
ninus Angier. Just when Fenwick first broached the
subject to Bishop Carroll can not now be ascertained;
but it is certain that the proposal was warmly espoused
by the father of the American hierarchy. It received a
similar approval from the Dominican Master General,
the Most Rev. Pius J. Gaddi, to whom the project was
made known by his assistant, Father Richard Luke Con-
canen, later the first bishop of New York.”
25 Book of Receptions and Professions (Archives of the English
Province) ; records of the Cathedral of Saint-Bavon, Ghent, Belgium.
29 The facts recorded in this and the preceding paragraph are shown
by the correspondence given in chapters III, V, VI, VII, and VIII of the
Life of Bishop Fenwick, and by the last part of the history of Holy
68 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The first two letters that passed between Fenwick
and Concanen on the matter are no longer extant; but
those that still remain show that the correspondence be-
gan as early as 1802.°° Another, addressed to Carroll
and dated January 12, 1804, indicates that the bishop
had been notified of the design prior to this latter date.”
In the beginning, Father Thomas A. Underhill, then
provincial in England, gave his ready consent that Fen-
wick might return to his native land. However, when
others began to enlist in the American enterprise, Un-
derhill opposed the whole plan. Nor were his objec-
tions without reason, for his province could not well
afford to lose so many of its best men. The question
was then referred to the General. He decided in
favor of the New World.”
Cross College, Bornheim, Belgium, in Father Raymund Palmer’s Life
of Philip Thomas Howard, O.P., Cardinal of Norfolk. Writing from,
Georgetown, District of Columbia, to Father Richard L. Concanen,
Rome, October 14, 1805, Father Wilson says: “Ever since the notice I
received from our Archbishop, Monsignor Roquelaure, that all religious
in France, being now secularized by His Holiness, were entirely under
his jurisdiction, I have turned my thoughts to America, where a new
prospect opens of laboring with success” (Archives of the Dominican Gen-
eral, Codex XIII, 731). Father Concanen, a friend of Bishop Carroll,
and for a time his agent at Rome, took a keen and helpful interest in
the establishment of the Friars Preacher in the United States. Since
writing a sketch of Concanen, some years ago (Catholic Historical
Review, January and April, 1916), we have discovered the date of his
birth, He was born in the Diocese of Elphin, December 28, 1847
(Diario dt Roma, May 11, 1808).
30 A letter from Fenwick, Carshalton, England, to Concanen, Rome,
March 15, 1803, shows that two previous letters had passed between
them on the subject (Archives of the Dominican General, Codex XIII,
Toa
31 Baltimore Archives, Case 3, R 1.
32 There were two Fathers Underhill in England, Thomas A., who
was provincial at this time, and Gerard A., an elder brother. They
frequently went under the alias of Plunkett. Fenwick began his com-
munications with Rome through Father Gerard. The relations between
Fenwick and the English provincial through all the controversy are truly
GOES) PO DAINTAEROSES 69
Fathers Fenwick and Angier reached Maryland late
in November, 1804. ‘There they were joined by Wilson
and Tuite nearly a year later. Before the arrival of
any of these clerical forces, Bishop Carroll had _ ac-
quainted Father Badin with their desire, and signified
his intention of sending them to Kentucky. It was wel-
come news to the lonely missionary.” Fenwick was a
native of Maryland, the state from which by far the
greater number of Catholics in Kentucky, or their par-
ents, had come. Doubtless, therefore, Doctor Carroll
felt that the American Friar Preacher and his English
associates would understand the people better than
priests with a foreign tongue, as well as be better un-
derstood by them. One of the aims of the Dominicans
was to establish a college for the education of youth,
and the Church in the west had no Catholic schools for
its children. This gave an additional reason for placing
them in that part of the vast Diocese of Baltimore.
Fenwick had confidently expected to set up the stand-
ard of Saint Dominic on land inherited from his father
in Maryland. However, he bowed to the solicitation
of Bishop Carroll that he should visit Kentucky in the
spring of 1805, in order to see if he could not find a
suitable location there for himself and confreéres. Sat-
isfied with the prospects offered by the new west, he
returned to await Fathers Wilson and Tuite. He did
edifying. See Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 62-63 and passim,
33 Fenwick, Saint George’s, Maryland, to Carroll, Baltimore, November
29, 1804 (Baltimore Archives, Case 3, R 3); Wilson, Georgetown, District
of Columbia, to Concanen, Rome, October 14, 1805 (Archives of the
Dominican General, Codex XIII, 731); Badin to Carroll, December 6,
1804 (Baltimore Archives, Case A Special, L 10), and February 26,
1805 (ibid., Case A Special, L. 9). For later relations between Father
Badin and the Dominicans in Kentucky see Life of Bishop Fenwick,
Chapter VIII, p. 127 ff, and Catholic Historical Review, April 1920 (VI,
Poe andegoy f).
70 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
not wish to come to a definite decision without the con-
sent of his co-laborers.™
Whilst the leader of the little band of Friars Preacher
was on this journey, Father Charles Nerinckx, of mis-
sionary fame, started from Georgetown College for the
same sphere of activity. He left at this particular junc-
ture in order to accompany the Trappists of Pigeon
Hills, who, under Father Guillet, were about to depart
for Kentucky. However, the field was large, and gave
promise of a good harvest; the labors many. Besides,
the Trappist’s vocation largely witholds him from the
ministry. For these reasons, a few weeks after their
arrival at Baltimore (September 10, 1805), Fathers
Wilson and Tuite were dispatched on to Kentucky.
Because of the upsetting of their wagon on the western
slopes of the Alleghany Mountains, from which both
received wounds that retarded their progress, they did
not reach their destination until late in December.
Father Angier, at the request of Bishop Carroll, was
left to labor temporarily on the missions of Maryland.
Business connected with the settlement of his paternal
estate detained Fenwick.”
While waiting the arrival of the superior in Ken-
tucky, Tuite resided at the house of Thomas Gwynn,
34 Fenwick to Concanen (Rome) from Carshalton, England, March 15,
1803, and Piscataway, Maryland, August 1, 1805 (Archives of the
Dominican General, Codex XIII, 731; Carroll to same, November 21,
1806 (ibid.) ; Fenwick to Carroll, Saint George’s, Maryland, November
29, and Washington, December 15, 1804 (Baltimore Archives, Case 3,
R 3 and 4).
35 Life of Fenwick, passim. Not many years ago one used frequently
to hear the old fathers tell how Father Wilson had an arm broken and
Father Tuite received an ugly cut on his forehead when the horses ran
away and overturned the wagon as they were descending the mountains.
Bishop Miles, Father Nicholas D. Young, and Father Samuel L. Mont-
gomery were given as the authorities for the statement. The tradition
GOES TO7SAINT, ROSE'S 71
where Father Salmon had died. Thence he attended
the faithful in Nelson County. In this way, he became
the temporary pastor of Nicholas Miles, whose resi-
dence, it will be recalled, stood in the vicinity of the
Gwynn station, and whose youngest son was destined to
become one of the glories of the Friars Preacher in the
United States.
The great Wilson stopped at the home of one Henry
Boone, an exemplary Catholic who lived in the neigh-
borhood of Saint Ann’s. From there he looked after
the Cartwright’s Creek Settlement, which had become
perhaps the largest parish in the state. Almost simul-
taneously he gathered around him a few boys who man-
ifested a desire for the priesthood. ‘These he lodged
with Boone and others, and began to teach them in one
of his benefactor’s cabins.”
This little makeshift of a school was the beginning
of the first Catholic college west of the Alleghanies.
Among its pupils were Robert and Nicholas Young,
nephews of Father Fenwick, who went to Kentucky,
probably with their preceptor, with the intention of
joining the Order. Another was the subject of our nar-
rative, Richard Miles. It has been handed down to us
that he approached “good Father Tuite”, when that
faithful priest took charge of the missions in Nelson
still lives in the province and in Washington County, Kentucky. It is
said that Wilson never fully recovered the use of his arm and that
Tuite carried an ugly scar to the grave. Shea speaks of this mishap in
his History of the Church in the United States, III, 274.
36 Letters of Fathers Badin and Nerinckx substantiate the tradition
of the province about Fathers Wilson and Tuite making their homes
for a time with Messrs. Gwynn and Boone. Father Stephen Byrne speaks
of it in his manuscript sketch of the province, as also does Shea (See
preceding note). The tradition about both this and the school is still
strong in the province and in the vicinity of Saint Rose’s.
72 THE FATHER OF THE/CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
County, made known his wish to consecrate himself to
God, and was sent at once to study under Father Wil-
son.”
Master Miles was near the close of his fifteenth year,
or had just entered on the threshold of his sixteenth,
when he came under the influence of the masterful mind
of the Rev. Samuel 'T. Wilson, whom Bishop Spalding
designates “one. of the most learned divines who ever
emigrated to America.” ** Only a short time before,
because of the lack of educational institutions in Ken-
tucky, the youthful backwoodsman could hardly have
aspired to so sublime a state. Doubtless, therefore, his
unsullied heart thrilled with joy and gratitude because
of the opportunity of realizing a vocation that pos-
sessed his soul. Nor can we doubt that his parents
gave him their blessing and sincerest encouragement
when he left the parental roof, for they were pious
people who could but see the hand of God in the favor
shown their youngest child.
Father Fenwick wound up his business in Maryland
in June, 1805. Before the close of the next month,
we find him again in Kentucky. Eager to set his pious
enterprise on foot, he almost immediately purchased a
large plantation from one John Waller, who is said
to have been anxious to leave a locality in which so
many Catholics had settled. The farm lay on Cart-
wright’s Creek, in Washington County, about half way
between Springfield and Saint Ann’s Church—some
37 In times past the writer often listened to the older priests recounting
how Father Nicholas Young and even Bishop Miles himself used to tell
about the days they spent under Father Wilson at this school. There
is no stronger or more reliable tradition in the province than that
concerning the facts recorded in this paragraph.
38 Early Missions, p. 154.
GOES TO SAINT ROSE’S 73
two miles from each—, and about eight miles east of
Father Badin’s residence.®”
There stood on the Waller land a two-storied brick
house. ‘This was hurriedly remodeled. Fathers Wilson
and Tuite, together with the students of the former,
were then called to their new home, which was blessed
and opened in December, 1806.*° It was dedicated to
Saint Rose of Lima, America’s first flower of sanctity.
Thus this modest little domicile, one of the earliest brick
buildings erected in Kentucky, became not only the
first Dominican priory, but even the first convent for
men in the United States, with the possible exception of
the temporary establishment of ‘Trappists, which was
transplanted from Pennsylvania to Kentucky, and
thence to Missouri and other places until they returned
to Europe. ‘Today, therefore, save alone the Francis-
can monastery at Santa Barbara, California, which was
founded under Spanish domination, Saint Rose’s is
the oldest convent of men in the country. Well may
it be proud of such a distinction.”
39In the Recorder’s Office, La Plata, Charles County, Maryland,
are two deeds of Fenwick to Joseph Gardiner bearing the date of June
5, 1806. Father Badin, writing to Bishop Carroll, September 17, 1806,
says that Fenwick purchased the Waller plantation within three days
after his return to Kentucky (Baltimore Archives, Case A Special, L 15).
Perhaps one of the reasons for his haste was Father Badin’s unconquer-
able proclivity to interfere in every sort of affair.
40 Fenwick, Springfield, Kentucky, to Carroll Baltimore, March 1,
1807 (Baltimore Archives, Case 3, R 8). Waller’s deed of his farm to
Fenwick is dated December 1, 1806; but it would seem that the renova-
tion of the Waller house was completed by this time.
41 The Trappists came over from France in 1803 or 1804, and settled
at Pigeon Hills, Pennsylvania. In 1805 they moved to Kentucky, loca-
ting at the foot of Rohan’s Knob, near Holy Cross Church; but in the
spring of 1807 they removed to Casey County. Thence, in 1809, they
went farther west, stopping for a while near Cairo, Illinois, and finally
settling at Florissant, Missouri. In 1810, they moved to Cahokia, Illinois,
74 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
It was in this mother-priory of his native land that
Richard Miles got his first real insight into the life of
a Friar Preacher. From the start, tradition tells us,
he showed fine Judgment, no mean talent, a spirit of
tireless industry, and a fund of sensible piety. Father
‘Tuite now became one of his teachers, with the result
that a life-long friendship soon sprang up between the
two men. Fenwick’s time, because superior, was mostly
taken up with the ministry and the new buildings
that he almost immediately got under way. However,
the stay of the future apostle of Tennessee in the “Wal-
ler mansion’, as the people called it, was of short dura-
tion; but to tell of this change will be the burden of the
next chapter.
Eventually, in 1813, they left this place for the east, and after a short
sojourn in New York City returned to France. It is admitted by all
that they were a community of exemplary men, but they had the
misfortune of being under an unpractical and capricious superior.
The liberty with which they went from place to place indicates that none
of their establishments had the canonical status of a convent.
Saint Mary’s Coliege (now a Seminary) under the Sulpicians in
Baltimore, Georgetown College and other houses of the Jesuit Fathers
in the east, although communities, were not convents in the strict sense
of the word. Father Matthew Carr, O.S.A., had built the Church of
Saint Augustine and a rectory for his order in Philadelphia several
years prior to the opening of Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky; but the Augus-
tinian house does not seem to have become a convent until at a later date.
CHAPTER IV
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC
FatHer Edward D. Fenwick’s original idea was to
establish a house in Maryland that should be really an
extension of the English Friars Preacher. He hoped,
no doubt, that, with God’s favor, this place would in
time become the mother of other similar institutions,
and that eventually the way would be prepared for an
independent province of his Order in his native coun-
try. But the Master General, the Most Rev. Pius Jo-
seph Gaddi, determined to take the proposed American
convent under his own immediate jurisdiction. He so
notified Fenwick through Father Concanen. ‘The rea-
son for this decision was the well-known jealousy
against British influence that existed in the United
States at the time.’
On second thought, however, Father Gaddi resolved
to found a separate and distinct province from the out-
set, with Father Fenwick as its superior.” Behind the
change of mind on the part of the Master General lay
several factors. One was the slow and uncertain mail
service, together with the distance from the seat of
Christendom; another the dangers that encompassed the
Holy See, and threatened a break of communications
between Rome and the New World. Furthermore,
1Concanen, Rome, to Fenwick, Carshalton, England, November 19,
1803 (Archives of the English Province).
2Concanen to Pius VII, November (?), 1804 (Copy in Archives of
the Dominican General, Codex XIII, 731).
75
76 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Gaddi doubtless wished to see the religious in-
stitute over which he presided take its place among the
laborers for the glory of God, the spread of the Church,
and the salvation of souls in our new and promising re-
public, as it had done so nobly in Latin America. Un-
der the existing circumstances, the surest way to this
end was to place Fenwick’s enterprise on an autono-
mous basis from the start.
Indeed, the General’s zeal in the matter was such
that it led to an incident that has few, if any, parallels
in the long history of the Order of Friars Preacher,
since the early years of its existence. ‘The law is most
positive in its exaction that there must be at least three
convents before a province can be established. In this
instance, by virtue of apostolic authority of course, the
erection of one was decreed even before it had a single
house. Archbishop Carroll, by another extraordinary
procedure, was empowered to found it and to deter-
mine where it should set up its standard.”
The documents to this effect arrived in Maryland
early in October, 1805.4 Behind them one can clearly
discern the kindly guiding hand of Father Richard L.
Concanen, who espoused F’enwick’s cause from the be-
ginning. Tor years the Irish assistant of the Domini-
can Master General had unselfishly given much of his
time and thought to the aid of the Church in missionary
countries; but he seems to have had an especial love for
that of the United States. The claims of the Catholics
3 Father Gaddi might have awaited Bishop Carroll’s answer, and then,
having obtained the beneplacitum apostolicum, erected what is known as
a congregation. But he felt that, under the circumstances, the best
thing to do was to proceed as recorded in the text.
4 Fenwick, Zacchia, Maryland, to Carroll, October 10, 1805 (Baltimore
Archives, Case 3, R 5).
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 77
here appealed so strongly to his heart that only age
prevented him from offering his services in their behalf.
Through study, no less than through correspondence
with Archbishop Carroll, whose friend and agent he
was, he had become conversant with our needs, as well
as knew the venerable patriarch’s longing desire for
more zealous ambassadors of Christ. F’rom Fenwick he
had learned that prelate’s wish to have the Friars
Preacher come to his assistance.”
F’ew clergymen in Rome were better known at the
Propaganda than Doctor Concanen, or so completely
possessed the confidence of its cardinals; for he had
long been the medium used by many bishops under its
jurisdiction in their dealings with that sacred congre-
gation. For the same reason, he stood high in the es-
teem of the Sixth and the Seventh Pius. At the pres-
ent time the latter Pontiff was still in Paris, whither
he had gone to crown Napoleon Bonaparte emperor of
France. ‘I‘hence rumors floated back that combined
‘with the uncertain state of Europe to render dangerous
any further delay in stabilizing Fenwick’s project.
Armed, therefore, with the approbation of Father
Gaddi, and encouraged by his knowledge of the Prop-
aganda’s anxiety to do all in its power for the Church
in the young American republic, no less than by the
well-known friendship between himself and Doctor Car-
roll, Conecanen placed his request before that august
° There are a number of letters of Concanen to Carroll in the Bal-
timore Archives. Others from Carroll to Concanen exist in the Propa-
ganda Archives and those of the Dominican Master General, Rome. It
was the friendship between the two illustrious ecclesiastics that led to
Concanen’s appointment as the first bishop of New York. See, on this
subject, the Catholic Historical Review for January, 1916, (I, 400-421),
and April, 1916 (II, 19-46, and 73-82).
78 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
body of the Roman curia. His trust did not prove un-
grounded. ‘The answer of the sacred congregation
was in the form of a decree that authorized the bishop of
Baltimore, as delegate apostolic, to create the proposed
province of Friars Preacher in his vast diocese, if it
met with his approbation.
Father Gaddi himself entertained so firm a confidence
in favorable action in the matter on the part of Bishop
Carroll that, apparently. along with the document
from the Propaganda, he had Concanen forward let-
ters patent of the Order’s head appointing Fenwick
superior of the future province, and naming it after his
own patron, Saint Joseph. ‘True to the General’s ex-
pectation, Doctor Carroll not only accepted the power
conferred upon him, but even lost no time about put-
ting it into execution. Moreover, he seems to have
allowed Fenwick full liberty in the choice of a location
for his purpose in Kentucky.°
6 Decree of March 11, 1805. The date of this decree shows that it was
enacted while Pius VII was in France; but it was held in abeyance
until his return to Rome. He signed it on May 19, 1805. Cardinal
Michael di Pietro and Archbishop Dominic Coppola, respectively the
prefect and secretary of the Propaganda, affixed their signatures to the
document on June 1, 1805. It seems certainly to have been forwarded
to Baitimore at the same time that Father Gaddi’s letters, dated June 22,
1805, were sent to Fenwick.
Concanen had addressed a letter (in the name of Fenwick) to Pius
VII late in November or early in December, 1804. The document is
not dated; but on December 22, 1804, following its custom in such
affairs, the prefect of the Propaganda wrote to Carroll in order to
ascertain his will in the matter. Now, owing to the slow and doubtful
mail service and the danger of further delay, the sacred congregation
resorted to the decree mentioned in the text as the surest way of setting
the business on its feet. Copies of all the documents relating to the affair
(in Concanen’s own handwriting) are in the Archives of the Dominican
Master General. See also the Catholic Historical Review as in the
preceding note, and Life of Bishop Fenwick, chapters III and V. It
is worthy of record that the Dominican Master General, out of gratitude
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 79
It was with this authority that Father Fenwick pur-
chased the Waller farm, renovated the little brick house
that stood on it, and established the Convent of Saint
Rose. Although, because of its remoteness from any
large center of population, one would hardly pick out
the same site today for a priory or college, it would have
been difficult nearly a century and a quarter ago to se-
lect in Kentucky a localty that gave greater promise
for the realization of the Friar Preacher’s design. The
future development of the country could not be even
surmised, for the state was almost entirely given to ag-
riculture. It had no cities, nor any towns whose pros-
pects were assured, or where Catholicity had gained a
firm footing. 'The plantation that he purchased lay al-
most in the center of the Catholic settlements, while it
was in the very heart of one of the largest and most
prosperous of them.
Moreover, the Waller land was good; the country
round about it rolling, beautiful, picturesque; the clim-
ate mild, equable, and healthy. Through the farm se-
cured for the community flowed Cartwright’s Creek,
which, though now of little service, then furnished an
abundance of water-power for running, the greater
part of the year, a grist and a saw mill that stood near
the house. ‘These equipments, indeed, were almost in-
dispensable aids for such an institution in the back-
woods of that period.‘. While not trained in generosity,
nor, as a rule, blessed with an abundance of the goods
for Bishop Carroll’s friendliness in the matter, placed the noted Balti-
more prelate in the list of the Order’s benefactor’s, and made him a
participant in its prayers and good works in perpetuum.
7 Fenwick’s letters show that he set much store on these mills, while
tradition tells us that they long stood the community in good stead.
It is not more than twenty-five years since the old-time waterpower
flour mill was torn down, after proving a blessing to the community
and neighborhood for nearly a century. Lack of water was the reason
for its discontinuance.
80 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of this world, the people were chivairous and hospita-
ble. They could not be coerced, but they were singu-
larly tractable under wise and kindly leadership. Firm
in the faith, as well as true to its practices, it would
have been hard to discover a better Catholic body. The
same remains true to this day.”
The diminutive convent proved too small from the
start. Father Fenwick therefore began work at once
on a larger and more substantial building of brick, three
stories in height and some seventy-five feet in length
by about thirty in width, that would serve not only as
a priory and novitiate for the community, but also as a
preparatory college for candidates of the Order. The
site chosen for the new structure lay some four hundred
yards west of the former Waller home. Possibly it
was selected not less because of its beauty than because
it was farther removed from the miasma and dampness
which sometimes arose from the creek that ran hard by
the first convent.
Fenwick himself blessed and opened the new abode on
March 19, 1807. It was a joyful occasion on which
people of every creed gathered from near and far to
witness the ceremonies.” Whilst plain in outline, the
second Saint Rose’s, when completed, was one of the
largest and most imposing edifices in the State of
Kentucky. Fortunately it still stands on the crest of a
little hill, a happy reminder of a past that is rich in
traditions as well as full of inspiration.”
8 These statements are borne out by every reliable authority.
9 Fenwick, Lexington, Kentucky, to Concanen, Rome, July 10, 1808
(Archives of the Dominican General, Codex XIII, 731).
10 The building has been recently renovated, and strengthened by a
broad, substantial porch of re-enforced cement, and the walls covered
with an incasement of the same material.
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 81
Perhaps not even the founder of the province and his
confreres experienced greater joy at the opening of the
new convent than did Tennessee’s future bishop. He
must have regarded it as an augury of the realization
of his heart’s holiest aspiration. At any rate, there he
now took up his abode, and it remained his home for
one and twenty years.
No drones were tolerated in the youthful institution.
Yet Richard Miles was not one whom the better and
more commodious quarters would entice to waste his
time. He needed not the spur of Father Wilson, for
he had been brought up to a life of industry, while his
thirst for an education and the hope of soon receiving
the habit of Saint Dominic gave added zest to his stud-
ies. ‘Tradition informs us that God blessed him with a
ready, retentive memory as well as a good mind—an in-
dispensable requisite for rapid progress. There can
be no doubt that he was one of the six youths who, Fa-
ther Fenwick writes to Father Concanen, July 10, 1808,
“have made much progress in Latin, . . . are verbally
received, and will be solemnly admitted to the habit
and novitiate on St. Rose’s day, in August next.” ™
However, the leader of the enterprise seems to have
counted too fast. Perhaps his wish to see this event, the
first of its kind in the province he had just established,
take place on the feast of the proto-convent’s patroness
was father to the thought. Perhaps also it had been
actually decided that the six postulants should be
clothed with the habit on that day, but it was afterwards
found to be more convenient or better that the recep-
tion should be deferred until a later date.
11 See note 9 above.
7
82 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Be that as it may, a change of authority over our
youthful aspirant to the religious life and the priesthood
should be noted here. Krom the beginning of his cor-
respondence with Rome, Fenwick had strongly urged
that his former professor, the Rev. Samuel 'T. Wilson,
should be placed in charge of the American project.
Although it was his conception, and the province was
to be in his own country, Fenwick’s humility was such
that it convinced him that he had not the ability suc-
cessfully to carry out the plan. On the other hand,
he had unlimited confidence in Wilson. With him at
the head of affairs, he was sure all would go well; with-
out him, he feared lest the attempt to found the pro-
posed new province should prove a dismal failure.
Because of these repeated solicitations, Father Fen-
wick was not appointed provincial, but simply superior,
in the Master General’s first official letters.” Yet the
spirit of self-abnegation shown by the American Friar
Preacher won the heart of the highest authority in his
Order. Indeed, so tradition at least tells us, such was
Father Gaddi’s confidence in his humble confrere that,
when he finally decided to appoint a provincial, he sent
two letters patent to Fenwick, one nominating him to
the office, and the other conferring it upon Wilson. A
personal letter that accompanied these two documents
authorized him to choose for himself which one should
be put into execution.
Without hesitation, so the story runs, the meek son
of Saint Dominic tore up the letters of his own appoint-
ment, and handed to Father Wilson those that made
12 Letters patent of Fenwick’s appointment, June 22, 1805 (Archives
of Saint Rose’s Priory). In practically every letter of Fenwick to Con-
canen Wilson’s name came up as the man who should be appointed
superior.
THE RIGHT REV. EDWARD D. FENWICK, O. P.
FOUNDER OF THE PRIARS PREACHER IN THE UNITED STATES,
AND THE FIRST BISHOP OF CINCINNATI
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 83
him the head of the province. ‘These documents bore
the date of February 27, 1807, but they did not reach
Kentucky until Ocotober of the same year. The next
day that for Wilson was read before the little commu-
nity, and Fenwick gladly took his place in the ranks of
his brethren, whilst his friend assumed the reins of
authority.”
Thus Father Wilson became the first provincial of
religious men in the United States.“ Strange to say,
and of course because of the incipient state of the
enterprise, the same document made him also prior of
the house. He was now Richard Miles’ superior in a
13 Letters patent of Father Wilson’s appointment (Archives of Saint
Rose’s Priory). The only extant letter of Fenwick to Concanen after
Wilson’s appointment as provincial is that of July 10, 1808 (referred to
in note 9 of this chapter). It gives the time of the arrival of Wilson’s.
document, and tells us that it was read before the community the day
after its reception; but it does not even allude to any appointment of
himself to the office of provincial. However, this proves nothing, for such
an omission was only in keeping with Fenwick’s spirit of humility.
The tradition of the province on the matter is so definite, lively, and
persistent that it demands a place in the history of the Friars Preacher
in the United States. Nay, it is of such a character that it brings con-
viction to one conversant with those early days. This tradition found
expression in the sketch of Bishop Fenwick in the Catholic Telegraph
(a paper founded by him), January 12, 1833, a few months after his death.
14 The Jesuit Fathers in the colonies, prior to the unfortunate sup-
pression of the Society, August 16, 1773, belonged to the English province,
and were under a superior appointed from that country. From the time
of the revival of the Society in the United States (1805), by virtue of
a vivae vocis oraculum, and the affiliation of its members here with the
Russian Province, the fathers were governed by a superior appointed
from Russia. On August 7, 1814, the Society of Jesus was restored the
world over. But the Jesuit mission of Maryland was not formally
erected into a province until 1833, when Father William McSherry was
appointed its first provincial.
As early as 1797 a province of the Augustinians was established at
Philadelphia, and Father Matthew Carr was appointed vicar provincial.
But ‘t does not appear to have had a formal convent or a provincial
unt’. after the date of Father Wilson’s appointment in Kentucky.
84 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN: TENNESSEE
double sense. Father W. R. Tuite became master of
the postulants; while Father Robert A. Angier, who
came from Maryland about the same time that the
Master General’s letters arrived (possibly he took them
with him from Baltimore), temporarily increased the
staff of professors. Although the times were hard,
Fenwick could with truth tell his friend, Father Con-
canen, that the “young province” had so far succeeded
“beyond all expectation’, and that every one was
pleased and happy.”
Perhaps none were happier than the subject of our
narrative. Unfortunately, as Father Wilson was little
given to writing letters, and the first superior, now that
he no longer had charge of affairs, seldom engaged in
such pastime, we have few documents that throw lght
on the early religious life of the future bishop. With
truth does Bishop Spalding say: “The Dominicans in
Kentucky did much and wrote little.”** However,
what with tradition and what with the scanty data that
still remain, we can follow the young man’s course
with a fair degree of certitude.
The days ran smoothly along for him, though anx-
ious in expectation of receiving the habit. Unfortun-
15 Letter of July 10, 1808, as in note 9 of this chapter. Father
Angier, who had been left in Maryland at Carroll’s request, reached
Kentucky about October, 1807. By the close of 1808, or early in 1809,
owing to another request of the bishop, he became resident pastor in
Scott County, whence he attended other missions in the north and east.
Father John C. Fenwick, S.T.Lr., an uncle of Father Edward D.
Fenwick, had intended to join his brethren in Kentucky; but Bishop
Carroll urged so strongly that he should remain in Maryland, where he
had labored on the missions since about 1800, that he was left to con-
tinue his toil there. He died at Saint Thomas’ Manor, Charles County,
Maryland, August 20, 1815. See Life of Bishop Fenwick, passim, for
both of these clergymen.
16 Spatpinc, Early Missions, p. 149.
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 85
ately, for the reasons given, the date of this important
event in his life can not now be determined with pre-
cision. In July, 1808, Fenwick wrote to Concanen that
the thirtieth of the next month, the feast of Saint Rose,
had been set for the clothing of six postulants. Others
have stated that Bishop Miles was given the habit on
October 10, 1808. Yet, in default of documents defi-
nitely settling the question, the date of his religious pro-
fession inclines us strongly to the belief that the cere-
mony was deferred, and that it did not take place until
1809—most likely late in April or early in May. What-
ever the time it occurred, those who then donned the
white frock and black mantle of the Friar Preacher were
Richard Miles, Robert Young, William Willett, Step-
en Montgomery, Samuel Montgomery, and Chris-
topher Rudd. All six were native Americans. Wil-
lett was born in Kentucky; the others, with the possible
exception of Rudd, in Maryand. All, save Young, had
been brought up in Kentucky.”
17 Fenwick’s letter as in note 9 of this chapter; Suea, op. cit., 274-275.
The Dominican noviceship is a twelvemonth; nor can it be prolonged
beyond that period without grave reason. The profession of Miles
and his companions could not have been deferred more than six months
without permission from the Master General. There is no record or
tradition of its having been delayed, nor any known cause why such
action should have been taken. On the other hand, in the documents
of the day there is clear evidence of an ardent desire to hasten matters
as much as was compatible with efficiency. For these reasons, in the
absence of any positive record or proof to the contrary, since they did
not make their religious profession until May, 1810, it seems almost
certain that they received the habit in April or early May, 1809. Shea
says that Nicholas Dominic Young received the habit with Bishop Miles.
But the fact that he did not make his profession until several months
later, August 4, 1810, shows that this is an error. He was younger than
the others, and there is a very distinct tradition in the province that
Father N. D. Young’s clothing with the habit was deferred because of
his age and health.
86 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Before their investiture the postulants were subjected
to a serious examination by the superior and his coun-
cil. In addition to this, as is required by canon law and
the Order’s constitutions, they were obliged to answer
certain important questions regarding the motives that
induced them to seek admission into the religious life.
They were also required to give a solemn assurance
that they had no duties or responsibilities that might
require them to remain in ‘the world. The Order, for
it never loses sight of the claim of parents, does not
admit those whose services are indispensable at home.
Even the youthful Province of Saint Joseph, great as
was its need of subjects, faithfully adhered to this rule.
Because of its place in the ecclesiastical annals of the
west, if for no other reason, this event deserves a further
word in our narrative. If it were the first time that
such a ceremony was held in public in Kentucky, as it
probably was, for the Trappists who had given the
habit to novices at a prior date most likely did so in
private, it must have aroused no little interest. ‘Tra-
dition tells us that numbers went to witness it, and
that many were disappointed because the chapel was too
small to admit them. It is a pity that all could not be
accommodated, for the investiture of a Friar Preacher,
while brief and simple, is a beautiful and solemn rite
that leaves a lasting memory, as well as makes a pro-
found impression. Doubtless the parents of these six
firstlings of the province, especially Nicholas and Ann
Blackloe Miles, never forgot that occasion.
When the time appointed for the ceremony came, the
candidates entered the conventual choir, which then
also served as a chapel for the people. At a signal
given by the superior they prostrated themselves on
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 87
the floor, their arms outstretched in the form of a cross.
“What do you seek?” (Qwid quaeritis?), asked the su-
perior. “God’s mercy and yours” (Misericordiam Dei
et vestram ), replied the postulants. Then, at another
signal, they arose, and knelt while they reverently lis-
tened to the instruction of the prior.
The prostration typified immolation of one’s self on
the altar of humility and obedience. The intent of both
question and answer was to signify to the youthful can-
didates that, if they were to live the life of true religious,
they should no longer seek self; that henceforth they
should be subject to the will of their superior in all
things not sinful. They were not to do the work of
their own choice, but that which was assigned to them.
They would have to live and labor, not where they
pleased, but where they were sent. The provincial
might send them anywhere within his jurisdiction; the
Master General to the furthermost parts of the earth.
All this was explained to them, together with the obli-
gation they were about to assume of bearing patiently
the onera and austerities imposed by the rule of Saint
Dominic—a wise regulation, for the life of a Friar
Preacher is not an easy one. In its entirety it is a
life of prayer, sacrifice, and heroic labor for the salva-
tion of souls. Of the mercy of God the applicants were
assured, on condition that they proved faithful to the
rule of the Order.
At the close of his address, the superior asked: “Do
you wish, by the grace of God, to undertake all this
in the measure of your strength?” 'The six candidates
answered in chorus: “I do.” Then the prior added
the prayer: “May God complete that which He has
begun.” And the community answered: “Amen.”
88 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
While the strains of “Come, O Holy Ghost” (Veni
Creator) rose heavenwards, Richard Miles and his five
companions knelt in turn before the superior, laid aside
their secular garb, and were clothed with the flowing
tunic, the long scapular, and the capuche—all of snow
whiteness. Over these was placed the black mantle to
complete the Order’s habit. Then they prostrated
themselves for the second time, while the prayers of the
liturgy were recited to invoke God’s blessings upon
them. When the signal was given, they arose and were
sprinkled with holy water. ‘Then, while their brethren
chanted the T’e Dewm, they received the kiss of peace
from each member of the little community—a symbol
of the new brotherhood in which they had been enrolled.
All the above is formula whose significance is conse-
crated by time and usage. It is sacrosanct rubric ren-
dered more venerable by ages of custom. The circum-
stances of time, place, and the incipient state of the com-
munity must have made the affair all the more impres-
sive and inspiring on that occasion.
Father Wilson, of course, because both prior and
provincial, officiated at the ceremony. Nor can one
doubt that the fact of its being the first incident of its
kind in the province combined with the charm and sig-
nificance of the ceremony to inspire the learned divine
to give one of those eloquent and exquisitely instructive
discourses, traditions of which still live in central Ken-
tucky. In years past one not infrequently heard echoes
of this very event from those who knew of it through
their parents or others who were present on the occa-
sion.
The investiture was preceded by a retreat of ten days,
as required by the Order’s constitutions. No doubt,
DONS THE HABIT OF SAINT DOMINIC 89
again, Richard Miles made a review of his life to the
guide of his soul in a general confession. This was in
further preparation for the momentous step he was
about to take. We may rest assured that the youthful
aspirant’s tender conscience caused him to make ready
for it with his whole heart.
At baptism, by which we are received into the fold
of the faithful, the Church requires us to take the name
of some saint. The idea is to give us a model after
whom we should pattern our lives, and a patron who will
intercede for us in heaven. Similarly, in the Order of
Saint Dominic, as in most other religious institutes, it is
the custom, at the reception of the habit, to add the
name of another saint to that by which one was known
in the world. ‘This second patron then becomes the ex-
emplar that should guide the religious in his efforts to
attain perfection. Richard Miles took the name of Pius
in religion, after the great Dominican Pope, Pius V,
the last of the Sovereign Pontiffs to receive the honor of
canonization.**
Almost irresistible is the impulse to attempt a por-
trayal of the impression made on one of the suscep-
tible character of Nicholas Miles’ youngest child by the
ceremony in which he took a conspicuous part in the
backwoods of Kentucky more than a century ago.
However, in view of the impossibility of doing justice
to his sentiments, suffice it to say that it really marked
the beginnings of the Order of Friars Preacher in the
18 Samuel Montgomery, at the reception of the habit, became Brother
Louis; William Willett Brother Thomas; Stephen Montgomery Brother
Hyacinth; Christopher Rudd Brother Antoninus. Of Robert Young’s
religious name there is no record; nor has it been handed down to us
by tradition. For this reason, whenever his name occurs, we shall speak
of him as Brother Robert. Possibly he took his baptismal name also
in religion.
90 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
United States; and that Brother Pius, for this was
the name by which Richard now became known, fully
realized the significance of the step he had taken. He
resolved to become a worthy priest and a faithful mem-
ber of the institute he had joined, one of whose bright-
est ornaments is the great athlete of the faith (Saint
Pius) after whom he took his name in religion.
Through observance of rule, practice of virtue, and the
spirit of obedience he became a model in the community,
grew in divine wisdom, and gained favor with men no
less than before God.
CHAPTER V
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR
ALTHOUGH Father Fenwick’s humility prevented him
from realizing the gifts with which nature had endowed
him, the success of his work had so far surpassed per-
haps his fondest hopes. He sowed with wisdom. ‘Thus,
whilst the location and poverty of the mother-house,
the later development of the country which ran north
of Kentucky, and other circumtances rendered prog-
ress necessarily slow, providence blessed his efforts
in the quality, if not in the quantity, of the harvest.
However, the richest legacies that he left his brethren
at Saint Rose’s were holiness of life and the practice of
every Christian and religious virtue. They must have
exercised a vital force in the formation of Brother Pius’
character, for with him they were objects of personal
observation.
Fathers Fenwick and Wilson were men of one mind
and one heart. The latter, too, was a man of God,
who gave his all for the good of the Church and the
salvation of souls. His position as prior and provin-
cial, as well as his continuance at Saint Rose’s, brought
him more in touch with Nashville’s future bishop.
Closer still were Father Tuite’s relations with him, for
his office of master of novices made him their immediate
superior. His duty required that he give them every
possible attention. That he trained so spiritual a man
as the patriarch of Tennessee’s Church speaks well for
91
YZ THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
his piety. But tradition and a few scattered documents
tell us that, owing to the paucity of priests, he was often
obliged to spend Saturday and Sunday on the missions,
and that on these occasions Father Wilson took his
place in the novitiate.’
Father Angier had become a settled missionary in
the northern part of the state before the first reception
of postulants to the habit. Yet it is but reasonable
to suppose that the good word of his apostolic labors
had its part in cheering the subject of our narrative in
the solitude of his noviceship, and in strengthening him
in his vocation.”
The part of the house allotted the novices was on the
third floor. However, of Brother Pius’ novitiate there,
or the twelve months that intervened between his recep-
tion of the habit and his religious profession, but little
is known. Even this little has come down to us more
by tradition than in records. Yet through both these
channels we know that the extreme want of the com-
munity rendered its life harder than it would otherwise
have been; that, even under such circumstances, the
constitutions of the Order were rather too rigidly than
too leniently carried out; and that only the brave and
strong could hope to persevere.
These hardships explain why by far the greater num-
ber of those who entered the novitiate in the early days
did not remain to take the vows. For instance, Chris-
topher Rudd, Brother Antoninus, who received the
1]t is evidently this fact that explains why one sees Father Wilson
noted now and then as novice-master, in addition to his other offices.
2 The sending of Father Angier to labor on the missions in northern
Kentucky involved a heavy loss for Saint Thomas’ College, then about
ready to be started. It was done at the request of Bishop Carroll,
although the sacrifice of him greatly crippled the teaching faculty.
RELIGIOUS“PROFPESSION: STUDENT, PROFESSOR 93
habit with Bishop Miles, though a deeply religious
man, found the life more than his strength could stand.
He is said to have completed his education in the col-
lege. Later he became a physician and a citizen who
yielded to none in the popularity he gained in Wash-
ington County, or in the influence for good that he
wielded among its people. In after life he retained
the name of Antoninus which he received in religion,
in addition to that of Christopher given him at baptism.
For four years he was the state senator from his dis-
trict, and for three its congressman.°
Similarly, Nicholas Young, who took the name of
Dominic in religion, was the only one of several who
are said to have received the habit with him about the
first days of August, 1809, to remain for profession.
Indeed, afterwards it became necessary to modify con-
siderably the austerities of the life led at the institu-
tion in order to temper it even to the hardy sons of the
Kentucky pioneers. Despite the modification, those
who were later sent abroad to complete their studies, as
well as those who came to the province, after having
made their novitiate in Kurope, found religious life
there much easier than in the backwoods of the west.*
3 Wess, op. cit., p. 79: CoLitins, History of Kentucky, II, 749. Webb
speaks of Doctor Rudd having been educated at Saint Thomas’ College,
but does not mention that he was in the novitiate. Some are averse,
without cause, to telling such things. Father Byrne’s manuscript sketch
of the province and tradition, however, leave no doubt about the fact.
Doctor Rudd’s memory is still cherished in Washington County, and no
one hesitates to state that he once wore the Dominican habit.
4A letter of Father Wilson to the Rev. John A. Hill (Rome), dated
March 16, 1818, and one of the same Father Hill, from Saint Rose’s,
in Kentucky, November 21, 1821, to some friend in England, give a very
clear idea of the trials and privations of the little community. Wiailson’s
letter (extracts in an Italian translation) is in the Propaganda Archives,
America Centrale, Vol. IV, No. 138; Hill’s is published in the London
94 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The same tradition tells us again that none bore
these trials and hardships more bravely than did
Brother Pius Miles. A true son of Saint Dominic, he
was joyous under them. Nay, so it is said, he was
wont in after years to speak of his novitiate as the hap-
piest period of his hfe. ‘There was nothing gloomy or
morose in his nature. Doubtless this buoyant disposi-
tion combined with the grace of God to sustain the
youthful candidate in whatever temptation may have
crossed his path.
Nothing daunted by trials and privations, Brother
Pius advanced in virtue as well as made ready for his
religious profession. This pivotal event in his life took
place on May 13, 1810.° It was of a Sunday, chosen
no doubt that the people of the neighborhood might
Catholic Miscellany, I, 327-328. However, neither document details the
hardships by any means so fully as does tradition.
5 For the precise date of the profession of Brother Pius and his
companions (Samuel and Stephen Montgomery, Thomas Willett, and
Robert Young) we have had to depend on the Analecta Sacri Ordins
Praedicatorun for January, 1900 (IV, 440). There used to be at
Saint Rose’s three or four small books, some ten inches long by eight
wide and one thick, with mass, church, community, and miscellaneous
records down to about 1830. The writer often had them in his hands.
Unfortunately, some years ago, they found their way into a bonfire
during one of those spasmodic and careless house-cleanings by which
so much priceless material for history has been destroyed. Most likely
the then editor of the Analecta got the date of these professions from
these books, through the medium of some friend, before their destruction ;
for we know of no other source from which he might have obtained his
information. Father Samuel L. Montgomery, one of the five, says in
a letter that he made his profession in May, 1810, but he does not give
the day of the month.
The Analecta does not mention the profession of Brother Robert
Young. This omission was probably either because the editor wished
to give the names of only those who became priests; or because the
one from whom he got his data, under the impression that he wanted
only those who attained the priesthood, did not copy the name of Robert
Young in the list which he sent. We will refer to Brother Robert again
later in this chapter.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 95
the more easily witness a spectacle the like of which
few, if any, of them had ever seen. It was perhaps the
first public affair of the kind no less in the west than
in the new province of Friars Preacher; for the Trap-
pists who had professed two or three novices at an
earlier date seem to have done it in private. The day
selected for the occasion confirms the old tradition that
Saint Rose’s Church, but lately dedicated, was filled by
the crowd that came for the ceremony, and that it
long formed a frequent topic of conversation among
the Catholics in that part of the state. Doubtless
Brother Pius’ parents and relations were among the
number.®
At the same time, the Catholics of New York City
were in anxious expectation of the arrival of their first
bishop, the Right Rev. Richard L. Concanen, O.P.
Father Fenwick, at the instruction of the provincial,
journeyed to the east in order to welcome the friend
and patron of Saint Rose’s. No doubt he delayed his
departure from Kentucky on account of the profession
of Brothers Pius Miles, Thomas Willett, Samuel Mont-
gomery, Stephen Montgomery, and Robert Young on
May 138, 1810, and that of Brother Dominic Young on
the fourth of the following August.’ The two Youngs,
6In bygone days the author often heard old people of Saint Rose’s
and neighboring parishes speak of this profession. His own maternal
grandmother, Mrs. Lucy (Edelen) Hamilton, a woman of fine mind
and extraordinary memory, was present at the ceremony. She was a
girl ten years of age at the time.
7The Analecta (see preceding note) gives August 4, 1811, as the date
of Father Nicholas Dominic Young’s profession. This is evidently a
typographical or other error. Both tradition and the ordo of the
province give August 4, 1810, as the date of the event. Besides, Bishop
Spalding’s Life of Bishop Flaget (page 69) shows that Father Young
(then a novice) was in Maryland in 1811, and met Flaget at Pittsburgh
in June of that year. He had certainly made his profession prior to that
date; for he could not have left Saint Rose’s for such a journey during
his simple novitiate, without breaking it and having to make it anew.
96 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
it will be remembered, were his nephews. He seems
to have started for New York immediately after the
latter event.” Naturally he was anxious to witness the
first religious professions in a branch of his Order that
he had lately established, and all the more so because
two of his own family were thus to bind themselves to
God.
Nothing could be simpler, nor yet more sublime in
its significance, than the profession of a Friar Preacher.
As a modern writer beautifully expresses it:
- The ceremonial on this occasion has always been simple in the
extreme. The absence of all external splendour sets in clear light
the superhuman beauty and the profound signification of what is
taking place. Great sacrifices call for no display, still less for
any long and formal ceremonies. Here is simply a man who is
giving himself to God, wholly, unreservedly, until death. And
he does so in a few brief words shorn of all rhetoric; yet no one
who retains any sense of supramundane realities can fail to be
stirred to the depths of his soul when he witnesses such a scene.
With his hands laid between those of the Prior, and resting on
the book of Constitutions, kneeling like some vassal of old before
his suzerain, the novice pronounces in a loud voice the formula
which is to decide his life forever.?
In 1857, Pius IX enacted a law by which the mem-
bers of religious orders were required to take, at first,
only simply perpetual vows. ‘These were to be fol-
lowed by solemn vows three years later, unless a dis-
pensation should intervene. Today, by virtue of
the new code of canon law, religious must first take
temporary vows for three years, and then the solemn.
In the olden times solemn vows were taken from the
8 Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 173-174.
9 Jacguin, Le Frére Précheur Autrefois et Aujourdhu, p. 168 (Father
Hugh Pope’s translation under the title of The Friar Preacher Yester-
day and To-day, p. 140).
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 97
start, and the greater number of theologians held that
they constituted an engagement from which not even
the Sovereign Pontiff could grant a dispensation.”®
Brother Pius Miles and his four companions made
their profession under the old law. With one heroic
act they cut themselves away from the world, and
bound themselves irrevocably to the service of God in
the life of a Friar Preacher. This was precisely what
Brother Pius wanted. ‘The valiant soldier of Christ
wished to be linked with the Blessed Master by bonds
that could not be easily severed. We may rest assured,
therefore, that, during the ten days’ retreat which pre-
ceded it, he prepared for the joyful event with his whole
heart and soul.
It is of such a ceremony that Father Jacquin speaks
in his Le Frére Précheur Autrefois et Aujourdhui.
The copy of the formula of profession which Brother
Pius made for himself, and used at that time, no longer
exists. In default of it, we take that which is found
in the constitutions, and, by filling in the names suited
to the occasion, give an English translation of the words
by which he bound himself to the way of perfection on
that memorable day of his life.
I, Brother Richard Pius Miles, make my religious profession,
and promise obedience to God, to the Blessed Virgin Mary, to
our Holy Father Saint Dominic, and to you, Very Rev. Samuel
Thomas Wilson, Prior Provincial of this Province of Saint Joseph,
acting in the place of the Most Rev. Pius Joseph Gaddi, Master
General of the Order of Friars Preacher, and his successors, ac-
cording to the Rule of Saint Augustine and the Constitutions of
10 We speak here of religious orders in the strict canonical sense
of the term, not of religious congregations. The Society of Jesus also
formed an exception to the rule of Pius IX, for its members do not
make solemn vows until some years after they have taken the simple.
8
98 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the Friars Preacher. To you and to your successors I promise obe-
dience until death.
Brother Richard Pius Miles, of the Order of Preachers.1
Solemn words these, clear, vigorous, to the point—ex-
pressive of a heroic and complete sacrifice of one’s self
to God. They were typical of him who thus immolated
himself on the altar of divine love that thirteenth day
of May, 1810. Well had he pondered over them;
thoroughly did he understand their meaning. ‘They
gave him a picture of his future life. It was a picture
that pleased him, despite the sacrifice involved, for in it
was shown the narrow but sure path that leads to God
and eternal happiness with Him in heaven.
First of all, he pledged obedience to God, for in obey-
ing he would submit his will to that of the Creator
rather than to that of man. He promised obedience to
the Blessed Virgin, which reminded him that the Queen
of Heaven is the patroness and protectrix of the
Order, to whom its members owe a special filial devo-
tion. No mention was made of the visible head of the
Church; but Brother Pius knew well, as do all his breth-
ren, that the entire institute is under the Pope, and
must render obedience to him as the Vicar of Christ
on earth. The young Friar Preacher also promised
obedience to Saint Dominic. This told him that the
founder of the Order, next to the Divine Master, was
the ideal after which he should strive to model his life
as a religious.
It will be noticed that Brother Pius made his pro-
fession to Father Wilson, the local superior or provin-
cial, acting not in his own name, but in that of the Mas-
ter General. ‘This fact merely showed him wherein lie
11 Constitutiones Fratrum S. Ordinis Praedicatorum, Paris, 1886, pp.
151-152
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 99
the supreme authority and principle of unity in the
Order. It did not free our American cleric from the
obligation of full and unqualified obedience to any and
every superior under whom he might be placed. In-
deed, addressing Father Wilson in the last sentence
of his profession, he said: “To you and to your succes-
sors I promise obedience until death.”
The norm of the obedience that he was to render he
saw Clearly specified in the words “according to the
Rule of Saint Augustine and the Constitutions of the
Friars Preacher.” But we must not forget that he
obliged himself to follow these in addition to the laws of
the Church and the Catholic code of morality, which
teach submission to every legitimate authority as coming
from God.
Thus, the reader can hardly have failed to remark,
obedience is the keynote to the profession of the youth-
ful Friar Preacher. Indeed, it is pivotal in every order.
Without it no religious institute could long survive.
It is expressly to. emphasize this important truth
that in the Order of Saint Dominic the vows of poverty
and chastity are not mentioned in the formula of pro-
fession. ‘They are contained in that of obedience as
beauty and sweetness in the rose.
Not content with the observance of the general com-
mandment of our Lord: “Render therefore to Caesar
the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that
are God’s’, Brother Pius was anxious to bind himself
to follow even the divine counsels. His wish to be per-
fect impelled him to the religious state, for he knew
that such a life would oblige him to strive after perfec-
tion.”
12 The religious life is rightly called a state of perfection, because he
100 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
In the instructions on the aims and purposes of the
Order that he received during his novitiate he learned
that he must labor for something more than his own
personal sanctification; that Saint Dominic established
his institute expressly for the salvation of souls; that the
vocation of every Friar Preacher, therefore, requires
him to keep this idea ever uppermost in his mind; and
that the specific means by which he is to carry out the
chivalrous Spaniard’s dominant design in the founda-
tion of his institute are preaching and teaching the word
of God.” In fact, all a Dominican’s studies, the obser-
vance of his rule, and everything else must subserve the
prime object of his Order, which is the salvation of souls.
This idea the subject of our sketch never lost sight of,
whether as a scholastic, priest, or bishop.
A Friar Preacher’s higher course of studies (that is,
philosophy, theology, and the accompanying branches)
begins after his profession, unless he has made them,
in part at least, prior to entering the Order. He is
supposed to have completed the classics before he re-
ceives the habit. The novitiate proper should be given
wholly to his spiritual formation. But those days of
stress, when priests were few and the calls for laborers
as well many as urgent, necessitated a partial dispen-
sation from the rigid law. Yet the superiors were care-
ful that the mitigation involved no serious interference
with the routine of novitiate life.
who embraces it obliges himself to aim at perfection. It is no sin
for a religious not to be perfect; but it is a sin for him not to desire
or aim at perfection.
13 The first Declaratio in the prologue of the constitutions states em-
phatically that the Order was specially founded for the salvation of
souls, and that the specific means for the attainment of this end are
preaching and teaching the word of God.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 101
There can be no doubt that Brother Pius applied
himself to the classics between the time of his reception
and that of his profession, and little doubt but that he
had become proficient in Latin when he took his vows.
In the olden days ecclesiastical students were diligently
drilled in that language. It is this that explains how
they mastered it so quickly. Some of the early fathers
educated at Saint Rose’s were excellent Latin scholars.
We recall, for instance, the Rev. Joseph T. Jarboe,
who, it is said, could quote both the prose and poetry
of the ancient Romans by the hour.”
Tradition tells us that Bishop Miles was also a good
Latinist. Nor is its truth to be doubted, for his teach-
ers, Fathers Wilson, Angier, and Tuite, were men of
ability and education as well as trained in the art of
pedagogy. It would be interesting to know just how
they first taught Brother Pius and those who began
their novitiate with him. Works on the classics could
hardly have been found in Kentucky at that time, and
these proto-Catholic professors brought few books with
them. Possibly, until this defect could be remedied,
they used a system akin to the modern Berlitz method
of languages, than which perhaps no other gives such
satisfactory progress in beginners. ‘There is something
of a tradition in the province to that effect. KF urther-
more, it tells us that they supplemented this manner
of instruction with written lessons which they required
the students to learn by heart; and that the results were
splendid.”
14 Father Jarboe could repeat the classics with marvellous facility
even after he had attained the age of eighty years.
15 Tradition tells us that Father Wilson wrote a Latin grammar and also
an entire course of theology adapted to the needs of England and the
United States. But shortly before his death the collection of manuscript
102 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Be this as it may, Brother Pius began the study of
philosophy soon, if not immediately, after his religious
profession; for he had made four years in the classics
prior to that time—no mean course, if we consider the
day and the special attention then paid to Latin.
Theology followed philosophy in due order. ‘These
two sciences were, of course, accompanied by the study
of other branches of learning, such as Scripture, history,
and polemics, the last of which was then much in vogue.
In all did he give satisfaction to his superiors. In
Father Wilson, we should not forget, he had the ad-
vantage of studying under one of the most learned
scholars, and perhaps the best philosopher and theolo-
gian, then in the United States.
Although he is not usually given this credit, the fu-
ture prelate numbered among his gifts an artistic taste
and no mean talent for music. Fortunately, in spite
of his busy life, he was able to develop them under the
guidance of F’ather Tuite. There had long been a tra-
dition about these two men having decorated the par-
lors of the second Convent of Saint Rose. And five or
six years ago, when the plaster was removed from this
part of the structure in the course of its renovation, the
brick walls were found to be covered with graceful fes-
toons and other ornaments in water-colors. Hardly
does it seem probable that there was any one else in
Kentucky at the time capable of such artistic work."®
disappeared. It is thought that he himself, through an exaggerated spirit
of humility, committed these compositions to the flames. Possibly he
had even other writings which he destroyed in the same way. Spalding’s
Early Missions (p. 154) speaks of the tradition as regards the course
of theology.
16 Tradition has it that they also decorated the first Saint Rose’s
Church.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 103
As a musician, indeed, Brother Pius was considered
a prodigy in the backwoods of the west. His talent
along this line not only brought him into prominence
among the people, but also proved a valuable asset for
the college and church at a time when it was not easy
to procure persons with musical attainments except on
the Atlantic seaboard, or in the former Spanish and
French settlements beyond the Mississippi River.
Even after his ordination he retained charge of the
parish choir, and presided at the organ for at least one
episcopal consecration.”
Father Wilson, in a letter to the Rev. John Augus-
tine Hill, O.P., tells us that the early students at Saint
Rose’s were taught French and Italian, in addition to
the courses ordinarily given in seminaries.’* Bishop
Miles is said to have had a good knowledge of both these
languages, a rather extraordinary acquisition for an
American at that time who had been entirely educated
at home. More than likely he taught these branches
in Saint Thomas’ College while a professor in that in-
stitution.
From the outset, it will be recalled, the founders of
Saint Joseph’s Province of Dominicans had intended
to establish, in connection with their convent, a college
for the education of secular youth. Accordingly, prep-
arations for the erection of a church and still another
building for educational purposes were got under way
even before they took possession of the new priory.
17 Webb speaks of Bishop Miles’ musical talent in his Centenary of
Catholicity, pp. 207 and 211. A contributor (from Paducah, Kentucky,)
to the Catholic Advocate of April 24, 1847, speaks of how he learned
music under Father Miles. The contributor seems to have attended
Saint Thomas’ College in the twenties of the nineteenth century.
18 See note 4 of this chapter. Father Hill had lately entered the
Order in Rome for the American province, and was making his studies
there.
104 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Great quantities of brick were burned for these struc-
tures in 1807; since, with an eye to the future, it was
determined to make them large enough to meet all
demands for years to come.”
However, the realities could not keep pace with the
zeal of these pioneer builders. Father Fenwick’s patri-
mony had been exhausted by what had already been
accomplished; financial depression bore heavily on the
country; the people, although both Catholics and non-
Catholics had hitherto contributed generously of their
brawn and time in the enterprise, were not able to ful-
fill their promises of money. It would seem, in fact,
that, discouraged by hardships or even the difficulty of
making ends meet in the necessaries of life, they now
became disheartened, largely lost interest in the educa-
tion of their children, and no longer showed the same
readiness to give the little community the aid of their
muscles in the erection of the proposed church and
college.
In this way, the two structures rose much more slowly
than had been expected. Because of the untoward cir-
cumstances, the postulants, novices, and professed cler-
ics were obliged to measure their strength, between
classes and religious exercises, with that of colored ser-
vant, hired man, and sturdy farmer in making brick,
lime, mortar or plaster, felling trees, sawing and haul-
ing lumber, rearing walls, or whatever work was nec-
essary for the common good.*® This toil was their rec-
19 Father Fenwick, Lexington, Kentucky, to Father Concanen, Rome,
July 10, 1808 (Archives of the Dominican General, Codex XIII, 731).
20 The reader need hardly be told that negro slavery prevailed in all
“the southern states at this time, and that every white man with means
had his slaves. Institutions formed no exception to the rule. Indeed,
fortunate was considered the lot of a colored person who belonged to a
Catholic clergyman or institution, for in such hands he was sure to
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 105
reation. ‘They had little other diversion. Their lives
were a succession of periods at prayer, study, and man-
ual labor.
The priests themselves were not above taking part
in such menial toil and good-natured rivalry. It has
been handed down to us that Father Wilson, a stockily,
well-built Englishman, could hold his own in lifting
with the strongest of the laborers. Learned divine and
provincial though he was, he spent many of his spare
moments in this way, for it was useful to the commu-
nity, as well as gave him the physical exercise necessary
for health. Father ‘Tuite, cast in a more delicate mold,
could not perform the heaviest toil; yet he did whatever
he could, and his time permitted.
Father Fenwick, weak but wiry, busied himself
without surcease at every sort of occupation. He was
both missioner and syndic. On his return from a mis-
sionary tour, he would take a rapid survey of what had
been accomplished, and then join in the work himself.
Before leaving on another journey in quest of souls
to be saved, he mapped out what he wished to be done
during his absence. His zeal and restless activity left
him little repose.
Brother Pius Miles did his part bravely. Even
after he became a member of our American hierarchy,
he used frequently to speak of how his face was
browned by exposure, while his hands were blistered
and callous from manual toil in his student days and
early priesthood. Apparently, perhaps with a view of
encouraging them in their lighter trials, he loved to
recount these experiences before the younger men of
receive not only humane treatment, but also due consideration for his
soul,
106 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the province in which he had been a distinguished
leader.”*
Such things may appear almost insupportable to
many of our readers. Possibly they would be for our
generation, accustomed as we are to every manner of
luxury. Yet we must remember that life in the past
was vastly different from what it is at present. It was
harder in every way, although it had its counter-
balance of a free-heartedness and contentment to which
we are almost strangers. Besides, some of the trials
that have been detailed were imposed by a necessity
that knew no law.
In the mind of the serious student of history, even
though he be glad that he escaped them, there can be
small doubt that such hardships conduce to formation
of character. ‘They had not a little to do in the making
of the grand personages of bygone days, the perusal of
whose noble lives affords no less delightful than instruc-
tive pastime. ‘Trial and privation have their advantages
as well as their disadvantages. Few men have ever
amounted to much without having passed through them.
In the story of the first bishop of Tennessee they are
as a flavor, give it the additional charm of sympathy,
21 There is no tradition in the Province of Saint Joseph more definite
or more persistent than that about the manual toil of its early
members in the construction of Saint Rose’s Church and Saint Thomas’
College, and even in the fields. We have a very distinct recollection
of hearing the following priests tell how Bishop Miles had edified
them with recitals of his early experiences along these lines—the
Revs. Sydney A. Clarkson, James V. Edelen, Osman A. Walker, John
A. Bokel, Constantine L. Egan, Michael D. Lilly, John H. Lynch, John
B. McGovern, Denis J. Meagher, Jeremiah P. Turner, Dominic H. Noon,
John A. Rochford, and Joseph H. Slinger. The old lay brothers were
wont to tell the same story, and also the old sisters at Saint Catherine’s,
near Springfield, Kentucky, and at Saint Mary’s of the Springs, Col-
umbus, Ohio.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 107
and show what manner of man he was, just as they
had their part in preparing him for the hard labor
that God had in store for him. It speaks well for him
and his confreres that we find no word of complaint
from them, however oppressive their toil or adverse
their circumstances. ‘They always wrote kindly of the
people, and praised their good-will, but never criticised
them for their lack of support.
Because of the many drawbacks, Saint Rose’s Church
was not completed until late in 1809, although it had
most likely been in use before that time. Its dedica-
tion took place on the feast of Christmas, which fell
that year on Monday. ‘Thus the occasion was a two-
fold source of joy for the parish and community. It
is worthy of note that it was the first brick Catholic
church finished west of the Alleghany Mountains; and
that, albeit far from sumptuous, it was for some years
considered one of the finest temples of divine worship
in the country.”
Events of note now began to succeed one another
with greater rapidity in Kentucky. On November 4,
1810, the Right Rev. Benedict J. Flaget, who had been
appointed bishop of Bardstown in April, 1808, was
consecrated in Baltimore by Archbishop Carroll. He
arrived at Father Badin’s residence, where he was to
make his home temporarily, in June, 1811. ‘There the
fathers of Saint Rose’s formed a part of the committee
22 Rev. S. T. Badin to Archbishop Carroll, February 5, 1810 (Baltimore
Archives, Case 1, I 7). In this letter Father Badin writes: “The church
of St. Rose was opened on Christmas Day; that of St. Patrick [,Dan-
ville,] will be opened probably on the 17th or 18th of March.” This doc-
ument certainly refutes the contention that Saint Patrick’s was completed
before Saint Rose’s. It was commenced before, but it rose still more
slowly, a circumstance that shows how hard it was to build in Kentucky
in those days, if one had to depend wholly on home aid.
108 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
for his reception.“” Whether Brother Pius and the
other scholastics accompanied them can not now be
known; but it is quite probable they were also present,
for there was certainly an effort to make the occasion
as solemn as possible. None of these candidates for
the priesthood could hardly have ever seen a bishop
before. None of them had been confirmed, although
they were already professed members of a religious
order. For them, therefore, Doctor Flaget’s arrival
was a source of genuine joy for more reasons than
one.
In the little band of clergy and seminarians that
accompanied the saintly prelate to Kentucky was a
young subdeacon, the Rev. Guy Ignatius Chabrat,
destined later to become auxiliary bishop of Bardstown.
He was soon to be raised to the priesthood. Since
there was no other church in the new diocese well suited
for so notable an occasion as the first sacerdotal ordi-
nation not only in the state but even in the entire west,
or large enough to accommodate all who might wish to
witness it, Father Wilson suggested that Saint Rose’s
should be used for the purpose. Bishop Flaget grate-
fully accepted his proffer. ‘There, accordingly, Father
Chabrat was priested on ember Saturday, December
21, 1811. The event aroused considerable pious senti-
ment among the people; but unfortunately, as the
weather was bad, only a few could attend the cere-
mony.”
23 SpatpING, Early Missions, pp. 182-192; and Life of Bishop Flaget,
pp. 60-72.
24 Bishop Flaget to Archbishop Carroll, January 1, 1812 (Baltimore
Archives, Case 8 A, K 3). Doctor Flaget says here: “On the 21 of
December I had the happiness of ordaining Mr. Chabrat priest. The
ceremony was performed in St. Rose’s Church; but as the weather was
RELIGIOUS: PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 109
Kither Father Tuite or Brother Pius must have
presided at the organ and directed the music for the
occasion. Most likely it was Brother Pius, for the
priests were wanted in the sanctuary. At any rate,
there originated at the time a life-long friendship
between the newly ordained clergyman and the youth-
ful Friar Preacher, which afterwards perhaps had its
part in the promotion of both to the miter.
The joy caused by the ordination of the first priest
in Kentucky was soon followed by an event of sadness
for the community at Saint Rose’s, which one may
believe brought no little sorrow to the subject of our
narrative. Brother Robert Young failed in health
shortly after his religious profession. Tradition tells
us that his uncle, Father Fenwick, took him and his
brother, Nicholas D Young, to Maryland in the hope
that the air of his native state might restore the invalid’s
health; and that he did not live long after his return
to the west. t
No doubt Brother Robert was then on his way back
to Kentucky, and was one of those who, Bishop
very unfavorable, the congregation was small. Everything was carried
out with much propriety and fervor. Previous to the ceremony, Mr.
Badin explained minutely everything that was to be done, which gave
great satisfaction to the people and myself.”
In both his Early Missions and his Life of Bishop Flaget, Bishop,
Spalding states that Father Chabrat was ordained on Christmas Day, 1811.
Other writers, naturally, have followed him. We always felt that
the feast of Christmas was an extraordinary time for an ordination;
and all the more so in the Kentucky of that day, where the clergy were
obliged to multiply their exertions in order that the people might hear
mass on Sunday or a holy day of obligation once in a month or six
weeks. This letter of Bishop Flaget, there can be no doubt, gives the
correct date of the ordination of Father Chabrat. The truth of it is
confirmed by the presence of Father Badin—perhaps other diocesan
priests also—, and by the fact that the advent ember Saturday is one
of the appointed days for ordination.
110 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Spalding informs us, were with Father Fenwick when
he met Bishop Flaget at Pittsburgh, in May, 1811.”
While the date is not certain, Brother Robert Young
seems to have died in 1812. His was the first death
in the incipient province, and it is said that he was
a plous young man who gave much promise. Pos-
sibly these two facts have contributed more than
anything else to keep his memory so long in tradition,
albeit he did not live even to complete his studies.”°
25 SPALDING, Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 69.
26 Strange to say not a record of Brother Robert Young can now be
unearthed at Saint Rose's. Possibly something about him found its
way into the bonfire mentioned in note 5 of this chapter. Not even a
tombstone marks his grave. Doubtless he was buried in a part of the
parish graveyard set apart for the community. In 1829, Father Raphael
Mufios started another burial place for the fathers and brothers, to which
he had transferred the body of Father Wilson, who died five years before.
However, no mention is made of a transfer of Brother Robert. He had
been dead seventeen years, and there was then no one left at the convent
who was there at the time of his death, and there were no tombstones in
the graveyard at this period. Possibly ignorance as to the exact spot
where he lay determined Father Mufios not to distrub his place of rest.
Until quite recently only wooden crosses marked the graves in the
cemetery of the community. Often these were allowed to fall and rot
until all trace of the names, and sometimes even the memory of the
buried, was lost.
Fortunately a strong and definite tradition in the province kept the
memory of Brother Robert Young alive. The writer often heard the old
priests who knew Father Nicholas D. Young well say that he frequently
told them that his brother Robert, about two years and a half older than
himself, was in the first band of novices to receive the habit and make
his profession at Saint Rose’s, and that he died there as a clerical novice.
Father Fenwick, in his letter of July 10, 1808, telis Father Concanen that
he has two nephews among the postulants at Saint Rose’s, who range
from fifteen to nineteen years. Father Dominic Young, born in 1793,
was fifteen years of age, which would make Brother Robert seventeen.
Father Young, who spent the last year or two of his life in Washington
City, retained a clear mind and memory until the end. A little while
before his death, the fathers at Georgetown College gave a dinner in his
honor, one of the purposes of which was to have him give them a history
of the noted Young family. Our late friend, the Rev. Edward I. Devitt,
S.J., then a young man and a student of history, was one of the instiga-
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RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 111
The college, a much larger structure, rose more
slowly than the church. It appears to have been built
piecemeal, as circumstances permitted. Almost every-
one worked on it. But in 1812, on the receipt of a
legacy left the community by Bishop Concanen, Father
Fenwick brought it to completion in a hurry.”
tors of the plan to bring the venerable clergyman to Georgetown. Father
Young, Father Devitt often told us, was in fine fettle on the occasion.
As he talked, Devitt and others, so posted that he could not notice them,
took down what he said. The story appeared in the Georgetown College
Journal of January, 1879. In it Father Young states that his brother
“Robert became a Dominican, and died at the age of twenty-one.” This
fact, as he was about two years and a half older than Father Young,
and the latter was born on June 11, 1793, would make the date of
Brother Robert’s birth late in 1790 or early in 1791, and that of his death
about 1812.
The extant records of the college conducted in connection with Saint
Rose’s date back to shortly after 1812. In them one finds an occasional
mention of Brothers Pius Miles, Dominic Young, Stephen Montgomery,
Thomas Willett, and Louis Montgomery (his companions in the noviti-
ate), but Brother Robert’s name does not occur once.
The late Rev. Hugh Ewing of Columbus, Ohio, whose mother was
a niece of Father Nicholas D. and Brother Robert Young, had an old
family Bible, which is now in the possession of his sister, Mrs. Charles
W. Montgomery of Newark, Ohio. It gives the date of Ignatius Young’s
birth as December 29, 1790; that of Nicholas, the priest, as June 11, 1793;
and that of Robert as February 21, 1795. Such family records are
often inexact in some particular. If we exchange the dates of birth
between Robert and Ignatius, making the former the elder, and born
December 29, 1790, it fits in with almost mathematical nicety with the
tradition of the province, the statement of Father Nicholas D. Young,
and the scanty records of Saint Rose’s. To the writer the Bible record
seemed clearly to say: “Robert Young died Jan.[uary] 6th, 1812.”
Father Ewing maintained that the year was 1822; and the last time we
saw the book “1822” was written in fresh ink. It is not stated that
Robert was a Dominican; but the fact that he did not attain the priest-
hood, and his early death in the backwoods of Kentucky, would account
for this lapsus. General Hugh Ewing, father of the Rev. Hugh Ewing,
got out a genealogical tree of the Fenwick and Young families, in which
he followed the family Bible. He states that Robert Young “died without
issue,’ but does not mention that he was a religious.
27 Father Fenwick to Jacob Dittoe, Lancaster, Ohio, May 25, 1812
(Archives of Saint Joseph’s Priory).
112 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Meanwhile, however (seemingly from late in 1808,
or early in 1809), the school had not only been in
action; it had also gained a good repute. It was called
Saint Thomas’ College, after the patron of Catholic
schools, Saint Thomas of Aquin, the great Dominican
theologian. In the beginning, the boarders were
lodged partly in the first convent (the former Waller
home), and partly in the portion of the new priory
intended for postulants.**~ Classes were held in the
parlors or any available place. But, in accordance as
it was made ready for their reception, both boys and
classes were gradually removed to the college proper
until it sheltered the entire secular element of the
institution.
No sooner was the edifice completed than Saint
Thomas’ College began really to flourish in point of
numbers. Besides the inmates, there were not a few
day scholars, both boys and young men, who came
28 Father Fenwick is not always clear and definite in his statements.
In one place in his letter of July 10, 1808, to Concanen he seems to say
that there were twenty-two postulants at Saint Rose’s and immediately
afterwards that there were twelve. If there were twelve, only his
nephews, Robert and Nicholas Young, paid for their education ($100.00
per annum); if twenty-two, twelve paid that sum. Whichever the
number, ten were being educated gratis.
As has been seen, the tradition that Richard Miles was one of these
postulants, and that he had been with Father Wilson from the time he
lived at the home of Henry Boone, can hardly be questioned. Nicholas
Miles, Richard’s father, was a man of considerable means for the day,
generous, large-hearted, and possessed of too much family pride to let
his son be educated without pay. For this reason, together with the
tradition that a large number of boys placed themselves under the fathers
at this time (although few persevered), we are inclined to think that
the number of postulants was twenty-two, and that Richard Miles was
one of those who paid $100.00 per annum. As we learn from a letter
of Fenwick to Bishop Carroll, May 7, 1808 (Baltimore Archives, Case 3,
R 10), there were then eight postulants at the institution. Possibly all
these had come from the school at Boone’s.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 113
from the neighborhood, some of whom are said to have
ridden eight or ten miles in order to take advantage
of the opportunities thus offered them. Although
religious bias ran rather rampant at the time, many
forgot their prejudices under the impulse of the col-
lege’s good name and their desire to obtain an education.
Indeed, it seems quite sure that at times Saint Thomas’
had as many, if not even more non-Catholics than
Catholics among its students. Thus it accomplished
much good in the uplift of the state and in the way of
breaking down the spirit of intolerance as well.
As early as 1806, Fathers Fenwick and Wilson had
journeyed through the state on horseback in order to
make known their project of establishing a college ;*”
nor did they afterwards slacken their efforts. Now
their zeal began to bear its reward in every way,
except in a pecuniary remuneration. Kentucky was
then a new commonwealth sparsely settled; the people,
as a rule, had very limited means; the financial de-
pression continued; ready money remained scarce.
One marvels rather that so many went to the college
than that more did not attend it. We may call those
days heroic for both the professors and their charges.
Comparatively few at least of the students at Saint
Thomas’, it has also flown down to us on the stream
of tradition, could pay all their board and tuition even
in the currency of Kentucky, which lost perhaps half
of its value when it was necessary to purchase articles
outside the state.” Many paid partly in kind; not a
2) Fenwick, Scott County, Kentucky, to Bishop Carroll (Baltimore
Archives, Case 3, R 11). This letter is not dated, but other documents
show that it was written early in Ocober, 1800.
30 That was in the days when the idea of state banks ran rampant.
Their paper money, unbacked by specie, was sometimes even almost worth-
less in another state.
9
114 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
few partly or wholly in labor. Before the completion
of the church and college, most of these spent a few
hours each day in helping in whatever way they could
with the rising structures. Later they were employed
at any kind of light work that was helpful to the insti-
tution or conducive to their support. ‘The commodities
or produce received from the pupils, some of whose
parents were small merchants, proved useful for the
table and in other ways, though more frequently than
not they were far from being the most beneficial method
of payment for the community.
In this connection we may mention Robert Abell,
later on one of Kentucky’s most efficient missionaries
and noted pulpit orators. Some writers mention that
he was in Saint Thomas’ College; but they do not tell
that he was once a Dominican novice. Perhaps they
were not aware of this fact; or perhaps they preferred
to pass it over in silence. However, his failure there
involves no disgrace, nor the recording of it any indel-
icacy. He himself was not ashamed of it; neither did
he hesitate to tell how he had once worn the habit. It
was felt that his vocation lay in another than a religious
life. For this reason, he left the novitiate, but wisely,
and very probably on the advice of Father Wilson or
Father Tuite, went to the diocesan seminary. He is
a credit to Saint Thomas’ College and Saint Rose’s
priory no less than to the Church of Kentucky.
Never did he give up the friendships that he formed
during his college and novitiate days with the Friars
Preacher, among which we may note those with the
future bishop of Tennessee and Father Nicholas D.
Young. Like Christopher Rudd, he retained a grate-
ful recollection of Saint Rose’s throughout his life.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 115
Father Abell lost his father when he was ten years
of age. The tradition of the province places him at
Saint Rose’s in the early years of the institution; yet
it does not seem to include him among the postulants
there in May, 1808, in whom Father Fenwick found
much consolation.” ‘Ten of these were educated gratis.
Young Abell was most likely taken in the same way,
for his widowed mother possessed no generous share
of the goods of this world. Be this as it may, as long
as he lived, the great preacher loved to visit his alma
mater and the scenes of his early school days. Often
he made a retreat there.
Some years back, the older priests of the province,
who had made their noviceship at Saint Rose’s, or lived
there, and met him on these occasions, were wont often
to speak of how he claimed many privileges on the
strength of early associations. One of these was that
of going to the novitiate to see the novices and students.
On these visits he never failed to recount the old times,
his experiences as a student and a novice, and how he
had worked on both Saint Rose’s Church and Saint
‘Thomas’ College.
“Yes,” he would say in a jocular way, “I helped to
build both the church and the college. ‘Then they sent
me away. Father Wilson thought I did not have
enough talent to become a son of Saint Dominic. But
I think I have done pretty well—dquite sufficient to
prove him wrong, and that I would have made a very
creditable Dominican. However, God rest him, he was
a great, learned, and holy priest, no less than an elo-
quent jpreacher. IJ profited much from him. The
31 Letter of July 10, 1808, to Concanen. Tradition has it that he
received the habit after Father Nicholas D. Young made his profession.
116 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Lord willed it so. Hence I am a member of the
Church militant among the secular clergy, instead of
among the fathers of Saint Rose’s, a place that I love.
I’m sorry; but the ways of God are not the ways of
man. I owe it to Saint Rose’s that I am a priest of
God, for which I can not be too grateful.” ”
Father Abell, eloquent preacher that he was, lost no
opportunity to deliver a speech. On the occasions of
his visits at Saint Rose’s he invariably gave the young
men a discourse. In these talks he extolled the virtues
of the founders of the establishment, spoke of the first
priests trained there, told of the hardships and priva-
tions which all bore bravely, gave exhibitions of Father
Wilson’s style of oratory, and descanted on the studious,
tireless habits of the boys in those days. The noted
clergyman’s genial spirit and fidelity to his alma mater
combined with his lectures (for such we may call them)
to render his stays pleasant and welcome as well as
interesting and instructive. From superior and master
of novices he received every courtesy. The doors of
the priory were ever open to him. He saw it, and it
made him feel perfectly at home.*?
32 Mr. Webb (Centenary of Catholicity, p. 109) quotes a letter in which
it is stated that Father Abell went from Saint Rose’s to the diocesan
seminary in 1811. But the old fathers of the province thought this date
was too early, for on the occasions of his visits to Saint Rose’s he
always declared that he had helped on the college until its completion, and
this was in 1812. This contention is sustained by the date of his ordina-
tion and the rapidity with which the first students of the seminary were
advanced to the priesthood. However, it should be noted that the date
usually given as that of his ordination, August 14, 1818, can not be
correct; for Spalding’s Life of Bishop Flaget (pp. 183-205) shows that
the bishop left Kentucky for Detroit in May, 1818, and did not return
until the end of June, 1819. We wonder if the real date of Father
Abell’s ordination might be August 14, 1817.
33 Fathers Charles H. McKenna, William Quinn, and William F.
Linahan were the last to die of those who used frequently to speak of
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 117
One of the greatest difficulties against which our
educational institutions had to contend in the early days
was that of getting a sufficient corps of suitable pro-
fessors. Catholic colleges were especially tried in this
way. They received no public aid; they had scant
means. Besides, those of the faith, for the protection
of which they were largely founded, were not only
vastly fewer in numbers, but also possessed of much
less wealth than non-Catholics. Because of these han-
dicaps, in the schools under church auspices the pupils
in the higher grades helped with the teaching of those
in the lower branches. We find the practice in about
all our early American Catholic colleges. It was not
uncommon even in institutions that were accorded
public help.
However, the plan, though not the best in itself, had
its advantages in those pioneer days. First of all, in
more than one instance it rendered possible a Catholic
school which could not have been maintained under
any other system. Again, it enabled many an ambitious
young man, by thus making at least a partial payment
for his education, to carry his own studies to a point
of completion to which otherwise it would have been
idle for him to aspire. It gave the budding student-
professor confidence, taught him to think for himself,
and often afforded him an insight into his subject-
matter that he did not get from his teachers.
The method would receive little support from modern
educators; yet some of the greatest men of the past
worked their way through college in the double capac-
Father Abell’s visits. It seems that, even when on distant missions,
he rarely, if ever, let a year pass without at least a brief visit to his first
alma mater. Always did he eulogize Father Wilson’s solid, instructive,
and eloquent sermons. Some have thought that he imbibed much of his
ambition and inspiration for preaching from the learned Friar Preacher.
118 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
ity of student and professor. We find them in the
fields of literature, the classics, philosophy, the pro-
fessions, and even pedagogy itself, no less than in that
of commerce. Fortunately, therefore, the system was
not regarded with an unfavorable eye by the public at
that period. ‘That those not of the faith made no dis-
crimination against Catholic colleges merely because
they were so conducted is evidenced by the fact that they
often selected them for the education of their sons in
preference to schools favored by state patronage, or
under the auspices of their own creed. ‘They realized
that these institutions were guided by educated clergy-
men who took good care that no teacher proved derelict
in his duty, and that the moral character of the
students was trained at the same time that their minds
were developed.
That the Dominican College of Saint Thomas, in
Kentucky, was conducted on this plan seems beyond
question.** The first bishop of Nashville had com-
menced his studies before the opening of the college
proper; but there is little doubt that he made a part
of his classical course in it. At the same time, fol-
lowing the custom of the day, he aided Fathers
Wilson and Tuite in the instruction of the students
less advanced than himself.
After his religious profession, as has been seen, he
began his higher studies. Along with these also, for
there was little time for leisure in those days, he
continued to lend a hand to the professorial staff in
34 This was one of the topics on which Father Abell was wont to
speak during his visits. Webb insinuates it on page 204 of his Centenary;
Fenwick (letter of July 10, 1808) tells Concanen that the fathers intend
to adopt it. Indeed, because of the small number of priests, the college
could not have been carried on otherwise.
RELIGIOUS PROFESSION, STUDENT, PROFESSOR 119
whatever way it was required. He still took his turn
at manual labor, as he was needed, or the occasion
presented itself. ‘The office of prefect fell to him in
regular turn. In all these duties, tradition tells us, the
youthful Friar Preacher acquitted himself to the
satisfaction of his superiors. No more could be ex-
pected of one engaged in so many things. He is said
to have shone especially in philosophy and theology.
Yet he did not suffer these various occupations to
interfere with his religious life or observance. Punc-
tuality in attendance at the community exercises was
one of his characteristics. He never failed to be among
the first who appeared for them, unless prevented by
an order from his superior, or the duty to which he
was assigned.
Those who may be tempted to doubt that one could
have made much progress in the highway of education
under such conditions should remember that the simple
games of the past took little time. ‘The youths of that
era were satisfied with less than are those of today.
They lived under sterner conditions, which made them
more serious, filled them with greater regard for their
elders, gave them a readier spirit of obedience, rendered
them more docile to the laws and regulations of their
superiors, caused them to be industrious. ‘They rose
earlier, and labored later.
They were not afraid of work. Baseball, football,
basketball, and our other athletic sports were unknown
to them. The hours which modern youths in school or
college give to these pastimes and festivity they gave
to toil that was useful in many ways. ‘They did not
take up all the topics taught the present generation,
not a few of which are fantastic or merely ornamental;
120 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
but what they did study they learned more thoroughly.
Too often we simply teach our boys to walk on stilts;
those of a hundred years ago were trained to tread on
terra firma. They mastered principles and elements,
thus laying a solid foundation whereon they could after-
wards build through personal industry—which, after
all, is the real objective of a college education.
Brother Pius Miles spent more than ten years of
such a student life before his ordination. It was a
period which combined with a splendid religious train-
ing to give him that character, at once charming and
stalwart, which made him an ornament to the hierarchy
of our American Church, no less than to its priesthood.
CHAPTER VI
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION
OnE could ask no better criterion whereby to judge
the character of a man than the life he leads and the
spirit with which he lives it. Tried by such a test,
Bishop Miles stands out as a personage who compels
admiration.
While, as Bishop Spalding states, the Dominicans
in Kentucky wrote little, they were certainly faithful
to their calling and zealous in the cause of God. They
worked hard, and performed their duties well. During
the time that he was superior, Father Fenwick wrote
to his friends, Bishop Carroll and Father Concanen,
frequently enough to leave us letters that throw much
light on the earliest days of Saint Joseph’s Province
of Friars Preacher. But from that date letters become
sadly few. Fortunately, however, those that have
survived the destructive agencies of time clearly estab-
lish the truth of a living and inspiring tradition of
the province, which, it can not be repeated too often,
informs us that its founders and first recruits were
scrupulously exact in the obligations of their state of
life, when there was every reason to excuse them from
a rigid observance. Even under the most adverse
circumstances they sought minutely to carry out the
rules and constitutions of their Order.
The year in which the subject of our narrative was
raised to the priesthood, for instance, the Master Gen-
121
122 THE FATHER OF)THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
eral writes to congratulate the little community at
Saint Rose’s on its spirit of religious observance, and
to encourage it in that holy practice, despite the dif-
ficulties which stood in the way. ‘This was in 1816.
No doubt the General’s letter was in reply to one from
Father Wilson, no longer extant, giving an outline of
the life led by himself and confréres.*
Similarly, we have the letter (or rather extracts from
it in an Italian rendition) from the provincial to
Father Hill mentioned in the previous chapter. Al-
though written on July 23, 1820, four years after the
ordination of Bishop Miles, the document is pertinent
to our subject just at this point, for it affords a pic-
ture of the circumstances under which he lived, studied,
and was trained, whether intellectually or spiritually.’
It is a detailed account of the daily community life
at the convent, apart from the college, written to Father
Hill in order to give him an idea as well of the needs
of the little band of Friars Preacher as of the privations
that he and some companions whom he expected to
join him at Rome should be prepared to put up with
on their arrival in Kentucky. In view of the scarcity
of data, the communication is precious beyond estimate.
For these reasons, in spite of its length, we translate
the entire document back into its original language.
My dear Brother in Christ :—
I received your letter of August 13, [1819, ?] eleven months
later. The present letter will serve as a commentary on another
that I wrote to the Most Rev. Father General, in which I begged
him for your speedy departure, and constituted you my procurator.®
Please, therefore, let him see this letter also.
1 Father Pius J. Gaddi to Father Wilson, March 16, 1816 (Archives of
Saint Rose’s Priory.)
2 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, (Vol, IV, No. 138).
3 We could not find this letter of Wilson at Rome.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 123
We carry out community life to perfection. No one has a far-
thing in his own name; nor does anyone even think of having money
here in a country where there are neither books nor any other
desirable objects to purchase. We wear the tonsure just as you
do at the Minerva. I enclose a sample of our clothes, habit, and
so on. Since our principal concern is to live without the need of
buying, we have all necessaries in our power; that is, food and
clothing, except the secular dress for the missionaries. We have
a blacksmith, a shoemaker, and a tailor; but we need a joiner
and a mason for the mills, since the repairs on these and their
maintenance amount to some two hundred dollars a year.
We also need lay brothers, not for heavy labor, but for the
direction of our negroes, of whom there are twenty-seven.* These
servants are very easily controlled and industrious. I place so
much trust in them that J dismissed our overseer last fall, an
action that, in the way of saving, gained us a fourth of the pro-
duce of the mills and farm. Indeed, as Americans have little
idea of economy, a few lay brothers would be very useful, for
they would about double our income [from the farm]. I hope to
find one before long. Two or three others would not be too many.
There are twelve of us in the community. Of late we have
met with some severe losses. Two of our wagon horses died,”
and our grain crops failed for two years in succession. Moreover,
like the other people in this part of the country, we have been
obliged to sell on credit. In this way, we shall probably lose
also the portion of the farm products which we did not consume,
and which we sold on credit, for the past two years. The sum
amounts to six hundred dollars. These things, however, should
not dishearten you, nor prevent you from bringing along with
you the religious of whom you have written to me, as well as some
lay brothers; for we have considerably over four hundred acres of
land, which, if cultivated a little more, will supply us all with
the means of a decent maintenance.®
4 This number must be a typographical error, for it seems that the
institution never had so many colored servants.
5 “Due cavalli da carretta.” Carretta means either a cart or a carriage
but it is almost certain that Saint Rose’s had no carriage at this early date.
6 The Italian rendition of Father Wilson’s letter makes him say: “We
have considerably over two thousand acres of land,’ which is a gross
124 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
So far Father Wilson’s letter gives us, in addition
to a literal confirmation of the tradition of the prov-
ince, an edifying picture of the spirit of personal
poverty and common life practised by those early
Friars Preacher, than which one would hardly ask for
a better proof of religious observance. It reveals the
courage with which they bore privations, without lay-
ing claim to any superior merit therefor. As a matter
of fact, it seems certain, the document rather tones
down the hardships of the community than gives them
in their full measure. From it we conclude that the
produce brought in through the students in the college
almost supplied the table with food and the community
with material for making clothes, which left a surplus
from the farm for sale, small and uncertain as were the
profits thus realized.
Furthermore, the document affords a glimpse into
the happier lot of our quondam enslaved Africans who
belonged to Catholic institutions, where their bodily
comforts were no less carefully looked after than their
spiritual welfare." Nor should we overlook the length
exaggeration undoubtedly due either to an oversight of the translator, |
or to Father Hill’s well-known fertile imagination. The tone of his letter
shows that Father Wilson was speaking only of the Saint Rose farm,
which originally had four hundred and fifty acres, and there is no record
of more having been purchased prior to this time. Hence our re-trans-
lation of “considerably over four hundred acres of land.” Jacob Dittoe,
it is true, had lately given Father Fenwick three hundred and twenty
acres of forest land in Perry County, Ohio, for an establishment there.
Besides, the community of Saint’ Rose had purchased twelve hundred
acres of similar land in Union County, Kentucky, of which we shall
speak later. The intention was to establish a college in Western Ken-
tucky, but Bishop Flaget objected. As matters stood at this time, the
fathers were heavily in debt for this property, and were holding on to
it in the hope that they might sell it for something like what it cost,
and use the proceeds for a plantation near Cincinnati.
7 For a sample of the love which the old-time colored servants of Saint
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 125
of time it took Father Hill’s letter to reach its destina-
tion. The slow mails of that day rendered the life of
religious communities all the more difficult, because they
impeded communication with the higher authorities
abroad.
Father Wilson insisted, as long as he lived, on the
tonsure being worn by the novices and those whose
duties kept them at the college and convent. But, tra-
dition tells us, his successor, Father Tuite, for reasons
of health, and because he did not think it productive
of good in a non-Catholic country, had the practice
discontinued, about 1824 or 1825. Besides, the priests
on the missions could not go tonsured into the places
where they were often obliged to travel. Why then
should it be worn by any? However, the kindly man
is said to have incurred the displeasure of Bishop
Flaget by this action, for he felt that it was a relaxation
of discipline, albeit the tonsure had not been worn any-
where else in the United States.
You can therefore invite them [continues Father Wilson] to an
abundance of pork, bacon, cabbage, turnips, and somewhat indif-
ferent potatoes. They will also often have chicken, duck, goose,
and turkey. From September until Christmas we have fresh meat
[pork] that is fairly good. All these things are from our farm.
But you must let them know that they will meet with tastes that
will hardly appeal to their palates, unless they are skilled in the
culinary art; for the fowl here are a little insipid, which, I fancy,
comes from a lack of vegetable salts in their food, the sea being
at so great a distance from us. For this reason, we are obliged
to give salt to hogs, sheep, cattle, and the like.
So you see we are not so badly off for the days on which meat
is allowed.« We should be just as fortunate as you are in
Rose’s entertained for the institution, see the writer's An American
Apostle (or Life of Father M. A. O’Brien), p. 187.
8 The community ate meat at three meals a week; that is, for dinner
on Sunday, Tuesday, and Thursday. But tradition tells us that, because
126 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Europe, if our Americans knew anything about cooking. You will
note the lack of such knowledge from their way of cooking fowl.
Scarcely is a stranger arrived, when they send the negroes and
dogs after the chickens. They take the first on which they lay
hand, place an iron kettle on the fire, wring the heads off the
chickens, thrust them into the kettle of boiling water while the
flesh is still quivering, and leave them there until the feathers are
ready to come off. Immediately the feathers are removed, the
chickens are drawn and put into a slowly boiling pot. Finally,
they are laid, together with some bacon, in a basting-pan until
they are browned. Then they certainly have a musty odor and
a distasteful flavor.
We are very unfortunate as regards vegetables. It seems that
but few of the seeds of England and Flanders are suitable or
adapted to this warm climate, for they grow too fast. Generally
speaking, I can not do better than liken our bread to that which
you yourself made the first time you attempted to make bread at
Bornheim.” Our water is hard or a bit limy, often muddy, and in
the summer time not very fresh. In many things, it is true, we
might better our condition; but we have so much to do that, without
lay brothers and a little more money with which to provide accom-
modations, our lot must remain a trifle cruel. Thus it is not
altogether out of love, but also somewhat out of personal interest,
that we are so anxious to see you and your companions.
It will be especially on the days of abstinence that the Euro-
peans will experience their greatest difficulty.1° We can not have
a single mess of fish during the entire year, although a creek runs
only a short distance from the house. While merely a dry furrow
of the work in the college, it was now and then given to some also on
another day. Yet some one always abstained from meat even at these
meals.
9 Father Hill was a convert, and had been a married man and an officer
in the British Army. After his retirement, at an early age, he went to
live at Bornheim, Belgium. His house stood near the college of the
English Dominicans, of whom he was an intimate friend. By mutual
consent, and the approbation of the Holy See, he and his wife separated
that he might become a priest. She went to live with a community of
nuns in Belgium. See Life of Bishop Fenwick, passim.
10 The days other than those mentioned in note 8 of this chapter were
called days of abstinence.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 127
in the summer time, it rushes along like a torrent in the winter.
Instead of fish we use apple pie and other pastry. Salt mackerel
is exceedingly scarce. A single one costs a quarter of a dollar.
When Europeans first arrive in America, they fancy that they
can manage things better than those who were here before them.
But they very soon discover that they are mistaken; because, for
instance, if one knows how to make bread, he can not do it with-
out being able to make the yeast also—and something more, even
to the building of the oven. In case he can do all these things,
he will be in good luck if he can find everything that he needs.
For example, there is nothing here out of which to make yeast,
except salt and sugar.
So remember the saying of poor old Decker: “Come to a beau-
tiful country, where you will find an abundance of all things,
provided you bring them with you.”
to me, holds in regard to all the sciences. That is to say, you
can make no progress, unless you know all their accessory branches.
The same thing, it occurs
I hope to be able, on your arrival, to regale you with a little
home-made beer; for we have here a young Irishman, a professed
novice, who makes it well.1! Up to the present, our beverage has
been miserable water tempered with a most wretched sort of
spirits, which, if it be ever extracted from grain, has the strongest
taste of smoking, or rather chewing tobacco.”
But we go on improving every day. So we tried to make some
cider a few days ago. However, here again, as usual, we did
not succeed. Our apples ripen too soon, and the iron vessels turn
black. Accordingly, we had to give up the enterprise. Neverthe-
less we have four hundred ‘later trees that are doing well. We
haven't enough laborers to make cider or anything else in that
line without infringing on the time for studies and other duties.
In a word, you can form no idea of the great need we have of help.
I was about to forget Father Tuite’s vineyard. It has fifty-
five vines that yield an abundance of mediocre grapes. Hence
we can have wine also, when you come, if you can show us how
to make it. Note well, we have a clumsy old wine-press. The
il This was either Brother James Thomas Polin, Brother Hyacinth
McGrady, or Brother Thomas Martin, all of whom afterwards became
noted priests.
12 Evidently Father Wilson knew little about tobacco.
128 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
wine for mass, which we never touch except at the altar—not
even in case of sickness, costs five dollars a gallon, or for four
bottles.
Doubtless the reader has not been able to repress a
smile at some parts of Father Wilson’s letter. Yet,
on the whole, it gives an accurate picture of country
life in Kentucky a hundred years ago. ‘The same
spirit of hospitality still prevails there, while the cus-
toms have changed little in many respects.
However, one is at liberty to disagree with the
distinguished clergyman’s prejudice against chicken
cooked so soon after it is killed. Connoisseurs in deli-
eacies of the table universally, not only praise the
method of cooking chicken in the rural districts of the
south, but even declare that nowhere else has it so
exquisite a flavor. Almost the same scene as that de-
scribed by the learned divine may be witnessed today
by a traveller throughout the states below the Mason
and Dixon Line, when he stops for a meal even at the
humblest household. Indeed, a southern countryman
cares little for chicken, unless it is prepared for the
table soon after it has been killed. ‘The bacon, when
it is used, inproves stewed or basted chicken, while it
receives a delicious flavor in return. Father Wilson
evidently preferred the English custom of keeping
meats until they are “good and ripe” before putting
them into the oven.
One would hardly expect so much wit in such a
serious student and busy man as the provincial. No
doubt he used the amusing details in order to tone down
the trials and privations of the community, lest Father
Hill and his companions should be frightened, perhaps
even swerved from their good intentions. Be that
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 129
as it may, the document shows a keen sense of humor
which its writer employed with dexterity for their
pleasure. Jor this reason, one is prepared to overlook
a few inaccuracies and likely a little exaggeration,
which, after all, may be due in part to a faulty Italian
rendition of the original. Although it is not so stated,
it was evidently the demands of the college that kept
the brethren so occupied that they had little time to
arrange conveniences for themselves.
Having given his friend an account of the convent’s
temporal affairs, Father Wilson proceeds to lay before
him a more detailed recital of the religious and educa-
tional side of its life. The story reflects no little credit
on the institution, especially if we consider the adverse
circumstances against which it had to contend. It
reveals, in fact, a genuine spirit of mortification, no
less than an earnest effort at advancement as well
intellectual as spiritual, in all of which, tradition
assures us, Brother Pius Miles set a wholesome ex-
ample. On this point the document says:
As for the disposition of our time, it is as follows. We are
on our feet at four o’clock every morning, and make a half hour’s
meditation. There is silence until the conventual mass, which is
said three hours later; that is, at seven o'clock. During that time
we also say the little hours of prime, tierce, and sext. ‘These are
followed by a collation, when it is permitted; and it consists of
warm milk just taken from the cow, for in the summer time the
milk becomes sour very quickly. At times a little tea is allowed
those who prefer it. We have the same for supper.t? After the
collation (that is, at eight o’clock), the bell is rung for silence,
13 We fancy that something was left out here in the Italian translation
of Wilson’s letter; for it seems certain that a morsel of bread must have
been taken not only at supper, but also at breakfast. Doubtless, too,
sorghum molasses (perhaps, at times a little butter) was used with the bread.
10
130 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
which continues until dinner. On the fast days of the Order we
take this meal at eleven o’clock; and on those of the Church at
twelve, or midday. The rest of the year we dine at one o'clock.
We follow this rule in order to have the fresher part of the day
for study.
We say none immediately before or immediately after dinner,
according to the time prescribed for it. Before dinner we have
a short meditation. From Trinity Sunday to the end of August
we avail ourselves of the privilege of saying matins the previous
evening, in accordance with the rubrics (§ 36). At this time
vespers are said at three o'clock, P.M., and compline at four,
followed by ten minutes’ meditation. Silence from this time until
six o clock; then matins, supper, and recreation until the night
prayers that we say at eight.
From the end of August to Trinity Sunday we say matins
immediately after the morning meditation; that is, at four o'clock,
A.M.; and vespers at four, P.M.; silence thence until six, when
we have supper. This is followed by recreation until compline,
said at seven. Compline finished, all retire for the night.
On feasts with simple octaves we say matins and lauds at mid-
night. On those of the Order, and the higher feasts, we sing
compline, together with the Salve, and more or less of the whole
office, according as our choir permits; for only one of our young
men understands the chant well.14 The singing is accompanied
by the organ.
As we have no lay brothers, those who are not priests work in
the garden or do some other kind of labor a part of the after-
noon. This is a necessity, although it really interferes with their
studies. Four lessons in theology [and philosophy] are given in
the morning and one in the afternoon each week. The simple
novices and postulants are assiduously drilled in Latin. A spiritual
instruction is given them every day an hour before dinner. Thanks
to the late Bishop Concanen, nearly all of whose library was left
to us, we are not so badly supplied in the way of books. The
most of our young men know French and Italian. However, we
need Touron’s works on the lives of the saints and illustrious men
14 More feasts had simple octaves according to the Dominican rubrics
at that time than are so honored today.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 131
of our Order, some good books of controversy, and commentaries
on the Scriptures.
On Sunday mornings we teach catechism and Christian doctrine
from ten to eleven o’clock. Then comes solemn high mass, for
which the community sings the Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, and Agnus
Dei. In place of the Alleluia or the Gradual, a hymn is sung by
some of the congregation in the gallery at the rear of the church,
under the direction of an Italian who teaches them and accom-
panies the singing with a clarinet. A sermon is preached after
the mass.
We have a bell of French make for the church, but it is cracked.
We have also some relics, but are in need of a pyx. That which
we have is Roman and made of copper plated with silver. The
silver has become perfectly black. The parish, which surrounds the
convent, is composed of three hundred and ten families. Besides
these, however, there are many young men who work here and
there through the country. The families have an average of eight
souls, and should pay an annual assessment of half a dollar for
each person over ten years of age; but we can scarcely collect two
hundred and fifty, or at the most three hundred dollars a year.
Even this sum is paid in kind, and not in coin, whereby we lose
a third of the value it would have were it given in money.
We should be perfectly content if the parish brought us even
sufficient means to provide the horses and secular clothing necessary
for the missionaries, which I fear will never be the case. None
the less, we do not cease to perform gratis all religious functions,
such as baptisms, marriages, and the like. The out missions bring
us nothing. Now and then we get a dollar; but this by no means
suflices to defray the expenses of them.1® Our people here, while
rich in lands and victuals, are poor in money. The taxes are of
little moment. Ours amount to only four or five guineas a year.!?
15 Evidently this Italian was a professor in the college. Father Miles,
however, is said to have had charge of the choir as long as he remained
at Saint Rose’s.
16 At this time two Fathers were in Ohio, one in Scott County, Ken-
tucky, and one in Lexington. They barely supported themselves, and
contributed little or nothing to the upkeep of their convent; perhaps at
times they were an expense.
17 According to some accounts that we have seen of that day this sum
did not amount to more than twelve or fifteen dollars.
132 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Conversions of Protestants are infrequent and somewhat long-
drawn-out affairs. The reason of this is that there are only seven-
teen missionaries, eight of whom are members of our Order, for
the states of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, and Tennessee, a vast
stretch of territory as large as all Europe. Even the bishop and his
coadjutor are included in this number of priests.!®
Our latitude is between the thirty-sixth and the thirty-seventh
degrees. During the dry season it is very warm; but after the
rains the weather is as moderate as in Flanders. The hot weather
rarely begins before June, and it generally continues until Sep-
tember. Winter commences around Christmas. At times the cold
is intense, especially from four until ten o'clock in the morning.
The rest of the day is milder.
We need missals, breviaries, diurnals, a collectarium, a cere-
monial of the Order, a martyrology, etc., etc., etc.
Father Thomas Wilson.
In spite of its length, one lays down the above doc-
ument with a regret that the entire original could not
be given, instead of extracts perhaps hurriedly made
by the first translator who knew little or nothing about
America. ‘The letter reveals the broad, orderly mind
and keen insight of an eye-witness to the things of
which he wrote. Because of an inability to differentiate
strictly between what would be and what would not
be useful for the history of the Church in the United
States, it is very probable that points of much impor-
18 The translation of Father Wilson’s letter makes him say that there
were seventeen priests in the states mentioned; but it would seem that
there were eighteen The Dominicans were Fathers S. T. Wilson, E. D.
Fenwick, W. R. Tuite, R. P. Miles, S. L. Montgomery, W. T. Willett,
S. H. Montgomery, and N. D. Young, The diocesan clergy, besides
Bishops Flaget and David, were apparently the Reverend Charles
Nerinckx, G. I. Chabrat, Anthony Ganilh, R. A. Abell, Charles Coomes
(the first of that name), William Byrne, George A. Elder, and James
Derigaud. A Rey. Peter Schaeffer had been ordained prior to this time,
but he soon returned to Belgium because of ill health. Father Angier,
O.P., had gone to Maryland for the same reason. Indiana seems to
have been attended occasionally from Kentucky, the Rev. Anthony Blanc
(later archbishop) having been called to New Orleans from Vincennes.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 133
tance as well as of great interest were omitted in the
Italian rendition which we have used. ‘The whole doc-
ument, as it now stands, forms but one paragraph;
and there are other signs that it gives us only a sum-
mary of Wilson’s real letter, with merely the points
that appealed to the translator’s ideas. Possibly it is
in this way that we are to explain the failure to men-
tion Saint Thomas’ College run in connection with the
convent.”
It was wise in Father Wilson to forewarn the pro-
spective recruits to the province from abroad of what
they should expect in the wilderness of Kentucky.
That he gave them a true picture of the strict religious
life that prevailed there is evidenced by a letter of
Father Hill himself. Shortly after his arrival from
the Convent of the Minerva, the residence of the Order’s
General and its historic House of Studies in Rome,
he assures a friend in England that the diet of the
little community is indeed “very plain’, and its lite
quite “sufficiently severe.” 'That the members enjoyed
good health he seems to attribute to the providence
19 There are partial Italian renditions of two other letters of Wilson
and one of Fenwick to Hill (also a similar French rendition of Fenwick’s
and one of Wilson’s) in this same year (1820), and a petition of Hill
to the cardinal prefect of the Propaganda in the archives of that sacred
congregation in conjunction with that which we have translated. Father
Hill was a brilliant and learned man, an eloquent preacher, a good
priest, and a zealous missionary; but he lacked judgment. He never
succeeded in getting all the old leaven out of himself, while he retained
too much of the military spirit to be placed at the head of things. He was
also something of a dreamer. Unfortunately he won the confidence of
Fathers Fenwick and Wilson, which caused the latter to appoint him
his representative at Rome. At once he entered on the chimerical scheme
of uniting the English and American provinces, which caused some un-
necessary hard feelings. Some years ago, we had a talk with the late
historian of the English Province, Father Raymund Palmer, on this sub-
ject; not without reason he was very positive in his censure of Father Hill.
134 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of God who “tempers the wind to the shorn lamb.’ *°
History combines with tradition, so strong and direct
that it impels conviction, to fill out the story. It is
known that wheaten bread was a luxury not often
indulged in by the settlers of Kentucky. Pork and
bread made of maize were their mainstay of life.
Because they ate the former at only three or four meals
a week, the fathers depended principally on the latter.**
Fortunately it could be prepared in a variety of ways,
from which we have the names “‘corn bread’, ““‘hoe-cake’”’,
“corn pone”, “Johnny-cake’, “corn dodger’, “sweet
pone”, “corn-cake’’, and so on. However prepared,
it was not unwholesome; neither was it unsavory on the
rather rare occasions, when butter could be used with it.
At other times omnipresent sorghum molasses made at
the home served to render this common staple more
acceptable to the palate. Ordinarily necessity required
the use of lard in its preparation.
The best of all that the community could command
went to the tables of the growing youths in the college.
In fact, not infrequently the money that came from the
wealthier boys was used to help the poorer. While
nothing could be too good for their young charges, the
fathers, novices, and postulants were content with the
bare necessaries of life.
Father Wilson himself tells us, early in his letter,
that all his brethren’s clothes were made at home, with
the exception of the better secular suits for the mis-
sionaries. These outfits, however, were reserved for
distant journeys and special occasions. Nobody,
20 Letter dated November 21, 1821( London Catholic Miscellany, I,
327-328.)
21 See note 8 of this chapter.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 135
unless he was almost continually engaged in apostolic
work at a distance, had such a suit specially for himself.
One was used by several men of about the same size,
for in those days a little misfit caused no comment.
The secular dress ordinarily worn by the priests
for work in the parish and on the adjacent missions was
made of jeans.
Indeed, the wearing apparel of the community was
not merely home-made; it was also home-spun and
home-woven. Although they have now disappeared, the
writer has often seen around the convent relics of the
old-time wool-carder, spinning-wheel, loom, and other
appliances for making cloth. Its colored servants
were especially valuable because of this sort of work,
for the price of more delicate stuffs was prohibitive
to the institution’s slender means.
At that time the world had not so much as dreamed
of the modern utilities for which electricity is now
employed. Perhaps nowhere in Kentucky was gas
used for lighting purposes. Of kerosene or other oil
lamps there were few, if any, in the state. The first
artificial hight for reading and study at Saint Rose’s
was furnished by grease from pork. It was poured
into a shallow metal vessel of the shape and about the
size of a pie-pan, with a ring-like handle on one side
that it might be carried in safety, and a mouth or
slight depression on the other. A strip of cloth, pre-
ferably woolen, soaked in grease lay in the pan, with
one end projecting a little over the rim at the mouth.
This was the wick. Another vessel for the same
purpose (in which the same material was used, and
which probably came into service somewhat later)
looked not unlike a cheap incense-boat, or an alchemist’s
136 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
lamp. Candles, though used on the altars, and probably
in the choir for the recitation of the divine office, did not
come into general vogue at the institution until after the
subject of our narrative had been sent to other fields of
labor.”
Father Wilson passed over such items as the above
when writing to his friend, for they were common to
every household in that heroic era of brave men in the
new west. But the reader, we venture to believe, has
not passed over the kindly way in which Father Wilson
speaks of the people and palliates their failure to assist
his community, when he might have indulged in some
censure—perhaps justly, in view of the modest sum
asked of them for the support of their pastors, and the
fact that the college was for the education of their
children.
This trait, however, was characteristic of those early
Friars Preacher, and especially of Fathers Fenwick
and Tuite. We have in it a fact that speaks volumes
in their praise, no less than indicates that they were
of the kind that shrink from no drudgery for the good
of souls. During the period of his education, the
Father of the Church in Tennessee drank deeply of this
spirit, which caused it to guide him through all his
apostolic days.
The course of philosophy and theology in the Order
of Saint Dominic is long and profound. At the time
of which we speak, owing to the circumstances with
which the reader is now familiar, that given in Saint
Joseph’s Province could not be carried out to the full
length. Nevertheless it was thorough and painstaking.
22 Even within recent years numbers of these out-of-date vessels, molds
for candles, and old-fashion candle-sticks might be seen on the premises.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 137
As the grease lamps were not conducive to study after
dark, the community probably burned little midnight
oil. Early to bed and early to rise was the rule. Even
the literati of that period worked by day. Hence,
perhaps, the reason why it used to be said of the
brethren at Saint Rose’s that “the sun never caught
them in bed.”
Since time was precious and occupations many,
Brother Pius Miles and his companions, unless other-
wise occupied, were rarely seen without a book or their
notes in hand. In this way, they were ready for ordi-
nation after six years in their higher studies; that is, at
the end of the second semester of 1815-1816. We can
rest assured that none of them, either during their
studies or in the retreat that immediately preceded it,
prepared for this important event in their lives with
greater care or more earnestness than Brother Pius.
In view of his serious character, one can not doubt but
that it dominated his thoughts from the time he finished
his novitiate.
This ordination deserves special notice in the Catholic
history of Kentucky for various reasons. Never before
had so many been ordained at one time in the state. The
four (Miles, Willett, and the two Montgomerys) were
the first priests wholly prepared in the west for the
ministry. One of them, Father Willett, was Ken-
tucky’s first native son to attain the priesthood; while
another, the subject of our sketch, was the first cler-
gyman entirely educated west of the Alleghany Moun-
tains who became a bishop.
Yet, strange to say, no contemporary record of the
event can now be found. Perhaps stranger still is it
that Bishop Spalding, although he followed the diary
138 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of Bishop Flaget when writing the life of that pious
prelate, should not have noted the ordination as priest
of one of his own most intimate episcopal friends.”
However, the year 1816 is always given as that in
which he was ordained. Sometimes it is stated that it
was in the month of September; and this is the tradition
of the province. Mr. Francis X. Reuss, who spent
years in serious investigation, for his valuable little
book, places the event on ember Saturday in Septem-
ber of the above year, which appears very likely, in
view of the fact that this is one of the canonical times
for ordination, and would make it occur on September
21, 1816." In fact, we have seen this precise date given
for the bishop’s ordination, but we could not find on
what authority it was stated.
Whatever the date, saintly Bishop Flaget made him
an ambassador of Christ. The ceremony, it has come
down to us by a tradition that seems unquestionable,
took place in Saint Rose’s Church, and aroused so much
pious curiosity that the sacred edifice could scarcely hold
all who went to witness it. Quite naturally the people
of that parish were the most keenly interested, for the
Dominicans were the pastors of their souls, while
Willett and the two Montgomerys were members of
it. To the writer’s personal knowledge, the occasion
23JIn the preface to his Life of Bishop Flaget Spalding tells us that
this prelate kept a diary from 1812 to 1834. This record the learned
divine used extensively for the above volume. Chapter VI (pp. 115-147)
covers the years 1814-1816, but it makes no mention of Bishop Miles’
ordination; although his Early Catholic Missions places it in 1816. Only
the first volume of the Flaget diary is now known to exist. The writer
discovered it in the former seminary, at Preston Park, Louisville. It
is now at Notre Dame University. Throughout it the bishop notes his
actions day by day.
24 Biographical Cyclopedia of the Catholic Hierarchy in the United
States, p. 75.
END OF STUDENT DAYS, ORDINATION 139
was long remembered and formed a frequent topic of
conversation. It could hardly have been otherwise;
for this was the first ordination of Dominican priests
in the United States, and accordingly marked an epoch
not only in the history of the new American province
of Friars Preacher, but also in that of the first parish
which it took under its charge.”
Piety characterized the religious life of Saint Rose’s.
It dwelt deep in the heart, though it was not the kind
which sometimes sits gracefully on the face. ‘This
spirit, there is every reason to believe, combined with
Brother Pius’ native disposition to cause his ordination
to make a profound impression on him. ‘Thoroughly
did he realize that he was now an, anointed of the Lord,
25 In times past all the old people of Saint Rose’s Parish used to speak
about the ordination of Bishop Miles, Father Willett and the two Mont-
gomerys having taken place in the church there. The tradition is still
universal both there and in the province.
Father Howlett (St. Thomas’ Seminary, p. 58) says that the two
Montgomerys were ordained in St. Thomas’ Church, Poplar Neck. But
this statement can not be correct, unless Miles and Willett were also
ordained there, which is highly improbable. Spalding, quoting Bishop
David (in Early Catholic Missions, p. 224), simply says that three or-
dinations had taken place in the Poplar Neck church by November, 1817.
Two of these ordinations were those of the Revs. Peter Schaeffer and
James Derigaud; the other seems to have been that of Father Anthony
Ganilh.
It does not seem at all probable, even were there no tradition to the
contrary, that Bishop Flaget would insist, or consent, that the four
young candidates to the priesthood should be taken to a smaller church
for an event so notable at that time; or that they should be ordained
any where except in a church of the Order, they being its first fruits
in the country. There was all the more reason for ordaining them at
Saint Rose’s, if, as seems to have been the case, the new Saint Thomas’
was under construction and not yet ready for such a ceremony; for
then the ordination would have had to be performed in the oid log-cabin
of achurch. As a matter of fact, Father Derigaud, who was raised to the
priesthood in January, 1817, is supposed to have been the first man or-
dained in the new Saint Thomas’. Reuss (op. cit., p. 75) says that the
bishop was ordained at Saint Rose’s by Doctor Flaget.
1440... THE FATHER OF (THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
and consecrated to the work of saving souls, no less
than bound to a life of evangelical perfection. How
faithfully he fulfilled this vocation we hope to reveal
in the course of these pages.
Of the earthly joys brought the young priest by
his ordination the principal must have been the happi-
ness which he saw that it gave his venerable parents to
realize that they would leave on earth a son who would
intercede for them at God’s altar. Doubtless they were
present on the occasion, and among the most interested
of the spectators. ‘The mother was then sixty-eight
years of age. The father’s seventy-seven years told him
that his life’s journey could not be far from its end.
That on which their youngest child became a messenger
of Christ, and that on which he offered up his first mass
in their presence, were possibly the happiest days of
two long, exemplary Catholic lives.
' Tennyson, if we mistake not, wrote:
“And lay thine uphill shoulder to the wheel,
And climb the Mount of Blessing.”
This Father Miles, for thus he now became known,
had bravely done. ‘The way was far from smooth, it
is true; but with courage had he followed the light which
beckoned him on. Blissful, therefore, was he in the
thought that at last he could begin the work of an
ambassador of Christ.
CHAPTER VII
EARLY PRIESTHOOD
Tue College of Saint ‘Thomas, attached to the Con-
vent of Saint Rose, in Kentucky, seems to have attained
the zenith of its glory and numbers about the time of
which we have now to speak. Although he himself had
been a student all the while, tradition at least tells us
that Brother Pius Miles had played no little part in
its notable success. The financial condition of Ken-
tucky and the west had perhaps never been so good as
it was at this juncture. Thus, with the addition of the
four young priests, Fathers Miles, Willett, and the
two Montgomerys, the future of the pioneer college
promised well.
Unfortunately for it, however, Father Robert A.
Angier had been obliged to relinquish the care of the
missions in the northern part of Kentucky. Accus-
tomed to community life and educational work abroad,
the stress of his missionary efforts and. lonely existence
in the wilds of the new west gradually undermined his
health, both physical and mental. This was in 1815."
1 Father Wilson to the superior of the Jesuit Fathers in Maryland,
May 5, 1816 (Archives of the New York-Maryland Province of the Society
of Jesus, Case 205, Z 17) ; extracts from letter of same to Rev. John Hill,
in Rome, September 11, 1820 (Propaganda Archives, America Centrale,
No. 138); Father Fenwick to Jacob Dittoe, in Ohio, April 20, 1816
(Archives of Saint Joseph’s Priory); Spaxtpinc, Early Catholic Missions,
and Life of Flaget; Wess, Centenary of Catholicity, and O’DANizL, Life
of Fenwick—passim.
In his letter to Hill, if the document is correctly rendered, Wilson
141
142 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Fenwick then combined this charge, as best he
could, with that of his apostolate in Ohio. But now
it became necessary for him to give all his time to the
Catholics of the latter state, the needs of whose grow-
ing Church demanded his constant attention. Out of
the goodness of his heart, therefore, Father Wilson sent
Father Samuel L. Montgomery to replace Father
Angier at Saint Francis’, Scott County, and other
missions in northern Kentucky.’
Meanwhile, the faithful had greatiy increased in that
part of the Diocese of Bardstown. They lived in widely
separated localities, between which the roads were often
almost impassable. Accordingly, Father Willett, who
had become a prey to pulmonary consumption, was
soon sent to the aid of Father Montgomery, and sta-
tioned at Lexington, whose growing congregation had
erected a church and rectory. His superiors hoped
is positively uncharitable, even unjust to Angier. However, the communi-
cation was confidential; but Hill honored the trust reposed in him by
giving the Propaganda a translation of the document. The letter itself
shows that Father Angier had been a complete nervous wreck, and
that this condition was brought on by overwork and the loneliness of
his life—to which we may add the troublesome character of a part of
his congregations. In 1816, Father Wilson sent him to Maryland in
the hope that his health might be restored. There he took charge of
several missions, on which he labored faithfully and fruitfully for over
eight years. In the report of his diocese to the Propaganda (1818)
Archbishop Maréchal says that he has three English priests, and that he
would to God that he had more like them. One of these clergymen was
Father Angier. In 1825, he went to England. Father Edward I. Devitt,
5. J., (Records of the A. C. H. S. of Philadelphia, XXII, 241) says he
undertook the journey in order to obtain help for his poor missions.
Doubtless his English brethren persuaded him to remain in his original
province, for he did not return to America. There he was a Preacher
General, received other honors, and labored on for nearly a quarter
of a century longer. He died on December 20, 1850, in Antwerp, where
he was chaplain of the Alexian Brothers.
2 Early Catholic Missions, Life of Flaget, Centenary of Catholicitw
and Life of Fenwick, passim.
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 143
that the outdoor life imposed by such a pastoral
charge, for attendance on the scattered missions would
keep him in the open air a great part of the time, might
not only prolong the life of the zealous and talented
young clergyman, but even so restore his health that he
could realize the promise of his student days.°
Perhaps even before Father Willett’s departure from
Saint Rose’s, a similar response to the call of charity
towards souls had deprived the west’s first Catholic
educational institution of another of its useful members.
Father Fenwick was overpowered in Ohio by labors no
less trying than multifarious. He could not attend to
all the needs of the faithful. The loneliness of his
life was even greater than had been that of Father
Badin’s in Kentucky some years earlier. In_ this
dilemma he applied for assistance from his brethren.
Father Nicholas D. Young, therefore, ordained on
December 18, 1817, was at once sent to the aid of his
reverend and revered uncle.*
For these reasons, of the first five priests trained
at Saint Rose’s only Fathers Richard Miles and
Stephen H. Montgomery remained to help with the
college, the parish attached to the convent, and _ its
adjacent missions. ‘Thus the ordination made little
change in the life of the subject of our narrative other
than the standing it gave him, a substitution of min-
isterial labors for his own class work under Fathers
Wilson and Tuite, and the privilege of saying mass,
the last of which he treasured more than words can
express. ‘The added dignity did not lessen his humility
or his spirit of obedience; but it deepened his piety, and
quickened his zeal—a true sign of a real man of God.
3 See note 2 of this chapter. 4 Life of Fenwick, passim.
144 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Active, industrious, and spiritual, endowed with a
good mind that had been well trained, and possessed of
splendid judgment, it was but natural that he should
have been one of the mainstays of Saint Thomas’ Col-
lege even before his ordination. Now, as a priest, he
became still more useful in that capacity. The institu-
tion had no better disciplinarian. Following the custom
of those days, for it was necessary, he taught several
branches in the college. In addition to this, he helped
with the education of the candidates for the priesthood.
The students not only admired him; they loved him,
whether as professor or confessor. ‘Their parents,
whether Catholics or non-Catholics, esteemed him; nay,
they placed implicit confidence in his advice. Father
Miles’ name was on every lip, and his assistance was
sought in every emergency.
Neither the regard that he commanded, nor the trust
reposed in him was undeserved. Forthright and frank,
somewhat reserved, yet open and affable, he ever gave
the impression: There is a man whom I should like to
have for a friend—a person of genuine worth in whose
hands one would be safe. With a mild, quiet strength
of character and firmness of principle he combined a
whole-souled, kindly, and generous disposition, which,
when he was once understood, won and held the heart.
Never was he known to deceive, or to betray the faith
placed in him, or intentionally either to hurt the feelings
or injure the reputation of even an adversary.”
Doubtless it was these sterling qualities that so en-
deared the future bishop of Tennessee to Father Wil-
son; for it has been handed down to us that perhaps
5 Frequent echoes of the praises that the old people used to heap upon
Father Miles are still heard in central Kentucky.
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 145
there was no other person (not even excepting Father
Fenwick) in whom the provincial placed such unlimited
confidence, or to whom he entrusted so many of his
confidential and important affairs. A true priest would
hardly ambition a higher encomium from his superior.
In this case, coming as it did from a man of Father
Wilson’s learning, judgment, and character, it be-
speaks a splendid tribute to great merit.
Father Miles was an all-round man, useful in what-
ever kind of labor his superiors employed him. Yet
perhaps in no place did he prove more valuable than
in the college. Indeed, his long and intimate connec-
tion with that institution, no less than the distinguished
services that he rendered it, calls for a further word
on Saint Thomas’ College. Unfortunately, thanks to
the fault for which the Friars Preacher have been so
often censured by historians the world over, that of not
keeping records ot their own work (which is about
the only sphere of labor in which they have lagged),
it is now impossible to do the subject the justice that
it deserves. Because of the same carelessness as regards
personal glory, even by far the greater part of the ac-
counts which must have been written of matters per-
taining to the former Saint Thomas’ are irrevocably
lost.
However, this handicap is partially offset by another
source of information which appears more creditable
than lore ordinarily obtained in this way. In the coun-
try, villages, and small towns, because of the greater
leisure of the people and the fewer distractions that
engross their minds, traditions are not only kept longer
but also more faithfully than in the busy marts of com-
merce and industry. The more intelligent the people,
il
146 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the more trustworthy the knowledge thus preserved.
Possibly nowhere in the world have the early tradi-
tions of their Church been more keenly treasured or
better retained than by the Catholics of Kentucky,
which still remains largely agricultural; and they are
decidedly intelligent—many of them educated. ‘This
is perhaps especially true of the neighborhood around
Saint Rose’s, which is in the very heart of the state
and in the center of the first Catholic settlements.
There has been practically no immigration into that
part of Kentucky since Saint Thomas’ College got well
under way. Thus the traditions concerning this col-
lege have been handed down from generation to gener-
ation with almost incredible uniformity. ‘Their trust-
worthiness is further substantiated by the few docu-
ments that still remain, and by the traditions of Saint
Joseph’s Province of Friars Preacher. It is in this
way that we know for certain that the college pros-
pered, in point of numbers, from the very beginning.°
Whatever the source of information, be it ever so
meager, it assures us of the above fact, as well as tells
us that the institution was held in the highest regard,
that students came to it from far and near, and that
perhaps no college in the land at that day had a more
respectable curriculum. All this is the more credible
in that the founders of Saint Thomas’ were expert and
experienced educators, men who had aided in bringing
Holy Cross College, Bornheim, Belgium, to the zenith
of its renown.’ Doubtless it was a continued growth
in the number of pupils, together with the annoyances
6 The stranger visiting the rural portions of Kentucky inhabited by
Catholics can not but be struck by the vividness of their traditions.
One might say that the people almost live on them.
7 PautmMeErR, Life of Cardinal Howard, passim; Life of Fenwick, passim.
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 147
and inconveniences inseparable from the attendance of
day-scholars at boarding schools, and the increased ex-
penses, that explains the following entry in an old ac-
count book chiefly devoted to the college.
1815
F.[ather] T.[homas] Wilson, at Easter, reassumed the care
of the College. The pension was raised from seventy-five Dollars
to one hundred and twenty-five. Agreed to admit no more externs,
and to dismiss the present ones as soon as their term is out.®
Temporary illness, it seems, had obliged Father
Wilson to entrust the charge of Saint Thomas’ into
other hands for a while. It is said, in fact, that for a
time serious fears were entertained lest his sickness
should prove fatal. Tradition informs us that the
resolution to exclude day-pupils aroused a veritable
storm in the town of Springfield and through Wash-
ington and Marion counties; and that the furore
caused it to be cancelled.? It would seem also that a
like opposition to the advancement of the board and
tuition bill from seventy-five to one hundred and twen-
ty-five dollars a year resulted in a compromise on one
hundred. Although it would be ridiculous to attempt
to run a boarding school on such terms in our day, it
should not be forgotten that a century ago a hundred
dollars represented a sum of no small consideration.
Another record of interest appears shortly before
the date of the bishop’s ordination, which reads: “Jef-
ferson Davis arrived July 10, 1816.” *° The president-
to-be of the ill-fated Confederate States of the South,
8 Page 16.
9 What is now Marion County was then a part of Washington County. |
Many boys from the remoter parts of these counties are said to have
boarded with their relations or friends, who lived nearer the college,
during the school year, and to have attended as day pupils.
10 Page 47.
148 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
then a boy only eight years of age, had travelled on a
pony all the way from the extreme southwestern county
(Wilkinson) in the state of Mississippi. Scarcely
could one wish a better proof of the wide repute which
Saint Thomas’ College enjoyed. The distinguished
statesman is said to have retained a strong affection
for the place throughout his long and eventful career.
Possibly it was, in part, this love that caused him, on
one occasion when he met Father Matthew A. O’Brien,
to kneel and ask the venerable priest’s blessing.”
It was but natural that Mr. Davis’ recollections
should prove inexact in some particulars as regards
that part of his hfe when dictating, at the age of
seventy-nine or eighty years, the course of his early
boyhood. In addition to his great age, one must con-
sider the delicate state of his health at the time.”
Besides, all his associations, environments, and activities
tended to dim his reminiscences of the days he spent
at Saint Thomas’. However, his experiences there will
be best told by himself. They brought him into
intimate contact with Nashville’s first bishop, throw
light on the times, and show that boys, even at that
era of rigid discipline, were still boys, and occasionally
indulged in innocent pranks. As quoted by his affec-
tionate widow, Mrs. Varina (Howell) Davis, the story
runs:
My first tuition was in the usual log-cabin school-house; though
in the summer, when I was seven [eight] years old, I was sent
on horseback through what was then called ‘““The Wilderness’ —by
11 Jefferson Davis, Ex-President of the Confederate States of America
(By His Wife), p. 8.
12 Q’DaniEL, An American Apostle (Life of Very Rev. Matthew
O’Brien), p. 297.
13 Jefferson Davis as in note 11 above, pp. 2-3.
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 149
the country of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations—to Kentucky,
and was placed in a Catholic institution then known as St. Thomas,
in Washington County, near the town of Springfield.
In that day (1815) [1816] there were no steamboats, nor were
there stage-coaches traversing the country. The river trade was
conducted on flat- and keel-boats. The last named only could be
taken up the river. Commerce between the Western States and
the Lower Mississippi was confined to water-routes. The usual
mode of travel was on horseback or afoot. Many persons who
had gone down the river in flat-boats walked back through the
wilderness of Kentucky, Ohio, and elsewhere. We passed many
of these daily, on the road... .
The party with which I was sent to Kentucky consisted of
Major { Thomas] Hinds, (who had charge of the famous battalion
of Mississippi dragoons at the battle of New Orleans), his wife,
his sister-in-law, a niece, a maid-servant, and his son Howell, who
was near my own age, and like myself, mounted on a pony. A
servant had a sumpter mule with some supplies, besides bed and
blankets for camping out. ‘The journey to Kentucky occupied
several weeks.14
At this point of his narrative the venerable man tells
of a halt at Nashville, where Major Hinds wished to
visit his friend and former commander, General Andrew
Jackson. In lieu of Mr. Davis’ youthful impressions
of this noted pioneer of Tennessee, for they have no
bearing on our subject, we take occasion to note two
ships in his memory. The records show that this jour-
ney was in 1816, instead of 1815; and that the young
traveller was eight years of age, instead of seven, as
stated in his story. Small matters these, it is true; yet
it is well to correct them for the sake of historical
accuracy.
In the same connection it is worthy of note that it
is probable Major Hinds also brought his own son
Howell to Kentucky in order to place him in Saint
14 [bid., pp. 8-11.
150 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Thomas’ College, for we find the registry of a “Hynes”
at almost the same time as that of Master Davis. The
boy’s first name is not given, but the similarity of the
pronunciation of “Hinds” and “Hynes” might easily
account for the error in spelling found in the records.
This mistake could have been rendered the easier by
the fact that there was already an Alfred Hynes in the
school. Continuing his life story, the ex-president of
the Confederacy says:
The Kentucky Catholic School, called St. Thomas’ College,
when I was there, was connected with a church. The priests were
Dominicans. They held a large property; productive fields, slaves,
flour-mills, flocks, and herds. As an association they were rich.
Individually, they were vowed to poverty and self-abnegation.
They were diligent in the care, both spiritual and material, of
their parishioners’ wants.
When I entered the school, a large majority of the boys belonged
to the Roman Catholic Church. After a short time I was the only
Protestant boy remaining, and also the smallest boy in the school.
From whatever reason, the priests were particularly kind to me—
Father Wallace, afterward Bishop of Nashville, treated me with
the fondness of a near relative.
As the charge has been frequently made that it is the practice
of the priests in all their schools to endeavor to proselyte the boys
confided to them, I may mention an incident which is, in my case
at least, a refutation [of the arraignment]. At that period of
my life, I knew, as a theologian, little of the true creed of Chris-
tianity, and under the influences which surrounded me I thought
it would be well that I should become a Catholic, and went to
the venerable head of the establishment, Father Wilson, whom
I found in his room partaking of his frugal meal, and stated to him
my wish. He received me kindly, handed me a biscuit and a bit
of cheese, and told me that for the present I had better take some
Catholic food.
I was so small at this time that one of the good old priests
had a little bed put up in his room for me. There was an organ-
ized revolt among the boys one day, and this priest was their
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 151
special objective point. They persuaded me to blow out the
light which always burned in the room; so, after everything was
quiet, I blew it out; then the insurgents poured in cabbages,
squashes, biscuits, potatoes, and all kinds of missiles. As soon as
the light could be lit, search was made for the culprits, but they
were all sound asleep, and I was the only wakeful one.
The priests interrogated me severely, but I declared that I
did not know much and would not tell that. The one who had
especial care of me then took me to a little room in the highest
story of the monastery and strapped me down to a kind of cot,
which was arranged to facilitate the punishment of the boys; but
the old man loved me dearly and hesitated before striking me a
blow, the first I should have received since I had been with the
monks. He pleaded with me: “If you tell me what you know, no
matter how little, I will let you off.” ‘Well’, said I, “I know one
thing. I know who blew out the light.” The priest eagerly prom-
ised to let me off for that piece of information; and then I said:
“I blew it out.” Of course I was let off, but with a long talk
which moved me to tears and prevented me from co-operating with
the boys again in their schemes of mischief.!°
These reminiscences of one of our most noted and
single-minded statesmen, given out near the close of his
life, demand little comment. They breathe a spirit
not merely of respect, but likewise of affection for the
former Kentucky college in which he had laid the foun-
dations of his later education. The amusing incident
which he recounts, and which has ever been typical of
life at boarding schools, bears out the tradition as
regards the kindly discipline that prevailed at Saint
Thomas’. Perhaps it was somewhat out of the ordinary
in that day when rigid corporal punishment was too
often regarded as the best, if not the only, means of
correction. ‘The gentle system which prevailed at the
institution in Kentucky is said to have borne excellent
results. Doubtless, however, severe measures could be
15 Jbid., pp. 11-15.
is2 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
employed when necessary, but they seem to have been
_ the exception.
Father William R. Tuite was undoubtedly “the
good old priest” placed in special charge of Master
Davis, and with whom the boys conspired to have a
little fun. It has been handed down to us that his
kindly disposition at times led the boys to attempt
tricks on him. However, he was a good professor.
The youths loved him, and would do almost anything
for him.
Like most outsiders, young Davis labored under the
erroneous impression that the convent was wealthy.
Similarly, tradition leads us to believe that he was de-
ceived as regards the Catholic students so greatly
outnumbering the non-Catholic, and as to his soon
being the only non-Catholic at the school, unless this
happened in the time of vacation, when nearly every
one had gone home. Possibly the fact that all attended
the religious exercises, which was required for the sake
of discipline, led the youth to believe some to be Cath-
olics who were not of the faith. Father Miles became
bishop of Nashville. There was no Father Wallace
at the convent. So it would seem that the venerable
ex-president confused Father Willett’s name with that
of Wallace, and that he had been misinformed as to
which one of his former professors attained the miter.
The records do not tell us when Master Davis left
Saint Thomas’ College; but he himself says that he
was away from home for two years, from which we
may conclude that he studied there from 1816 to 1818.
Furthermore, he states that he had been sent to this
distant school without his mother’s knowledge or con-
sent (for what reason we do not know); that she
HARLYMPRIESTHOOD Leo
became impatient for his return; and that her anxiety
was the cause of his recall. Possibly, therefore, had not
Mrs. Davis’ discontent intervened, this distinguished
statesman might have been numbered among the grad-
uates of the first Catholic educational institution in the
new west.’°
Another tradition substantiated by the Davis recol-
lections is that as long as he lived, the personal mag-
netism of pious and learned Father Wilson drew youth
to him in trusting confidence as a magnet draws steel.
Father Stephen Badin writes that the number of
students at Saint Thomas’ College soon exceeded a
hundred.“ The tradition of Saint Joseph’s Province
and Washington County, Kentucky, assures us that
at one time there were more than two hundred pupils,
certainly no ordinary enrollment for a boarding school
at that period. This large number, we are convinced,
must have been attained during the time that the former
confederate chieftain was there, for obstacles of which
we shall speak in the next chapter seem certainly to
have lessened the attendance in later years.
Scanty and incomplete as are the extant records, they
show names representative of not a few of the most
respectable families in Kentucky, both Catholic and
non-Catholic. Such, for instance, are the names: Baker,
Bates, Boone, Bullock; Calhoun, Clark, Clay, Crughan;
Durbin, Duval; Gough; Hagan, Hill, Hite, Hopkins;
16 Jbid., pp. 15-16. The tradition is that, unlike her husband and illus-
trious son, Mrs. Davis was strongly biassed against things Catholic, and
that this prejudice had its part in her discontent.
17 Photostat copy of an extract from his article “L’Etat de la Religion
Catholique dans le Kentucky, et dans les Territoires Voisins” in L’Amt
de la Religion, December 8, 1819. The extract is in the Propaganda
Archives, America Centrale, Vol. IV, No. 56.
154 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Janes, Jones, Joyce; Kelly, Kruggs; Lancaster, Love,
Lucas; McElroy, Mackay, Manning, Maxey, Micken,
Montgomery, Moore; Ormsby; Polin, Pope, Prather;
Rowan; Sanders, Simms, Skidmore; Tarlton, Thomas,
Tool, Toon; Worland. A few names suggest Ohio or
even Maryland.
Louis and Henry ‘Tarrascon were probably sons of
John or Louis Tarrascon, early French millers of
Louisville, Kentucky. ‘The other French names (over
twenty in number), it seems certain, were borne by
young men and boys from Michigan, Louisiana or the
vicinity of Saint Louis. Spanish youths, from Latin
America, had not yet begun to come to the United
States for their education.
In connection with James Boisleduc, whom tradi-
tion associates with New Orleans, the records reveal
an incident that is at once full of interest and illustra-
tive of the time. Like Jefferson Davis, he came all the
way on horseback, arriving at the college on Sunday,
August 13, 1815. Evidently his father had instructed
him to dispose of his steed, and to use the proceeds in
part payment for his education. It was sold at public
auction. Possibly the animal looked its worse from the
long journey; for it brought only twenty-five dollars
and twenty-five cents, out of which the crier received
one dollar for himself, and twenty-five cents for the
state. Another French student, Julien De Pestre, who
arrived just a month earlier, seems to have been for-
tunate enough to hire the use of his horse for the
return journey of a young man who lived in the same
part of the country as he, and was about to leave
school."®
18 Account Book, pp. 15, 16.
BOR UYOPR LE onOOD 155
Tradition has it that a number of Saint Thomas’
students attained no little distinction in their after life.
Thus the Hon. James P. Bates, a state representative
from Barren County for many years, is said to have
been the James Bates whose name appears in the
records. Similarly, David W. Maxey, the representa-
tive from Hart County in 1845, it is said, was the same
Maxey noted in the records without his first name.
John, William, and Minus Pope who went to school
there, we are told, were sons of the Hon. John Pope,
one of Kentucky’s noted lawyers and statesmen, in the
state legislature, a congressman and senator of the
United States, long a resident of Washington County,
and for six years governor of the Territory of Arkansas.
Stephen Ormsby, another of its students, is said to
have been the son of the Hon. Stephen Ormsby, long
a lawyer of note, a congressman, and a judge of the
circuit court who commanded the highest respect of
all with whom he had to deal. Mr. Webb claims that
the Hon. John Rowan, Jr., son of one of Kentucky’s
most illustrious lawyers and judges, studied at Saint
Joseph’s College, Bardstown.”? But the tradition
around Saint Rose’s has ever been that he was a student
of the former Saint Thomas’ College attached to that
institution. Certainly the name of Rowan appears in its
books, though without the student’s first name; and the
date given by Webb (1823 at the earliest) seems too
late for John Rowan’s school days. The Green Clay
who studied at Saint Thomas’, there appears to be no
doubt, was the son of doughty General Green Clay,
one of the noted pioneers of Kentucky.”
19 Centenary of Catholicity, p. 281.
20 None of the students mentioned in the last three paragraphs seem
to have been Catholics.
156 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Elisha J. Durbin became a priest of the Diocese of
Louisville, and was one of its most faithful and efficient
missionaries. Thomas J. Polin and James V. Bullock
entered the Order of Saint Dominic, as members of
which they rendered conspicuous services to the Church
—the first in Kentucky, and the latter in various parts
of the country.”
The above were all boarding scholars; those whom
we now mention were most likely day pupils, for they
lived in Washington County, in the vicinity of the
college, whence few boarders were obtained. Richard
Rudd, a brother of the Christopher A. Rudd spoken
of in a previous chapter, served in our last war with
England, settled in Bardstown, was one of Nelson
County’s most highly respected citizens, and repre-
sented his district in the state congress for four terms.
Captain James Rudd, another brother, moved to Louis-
ville, where he was no less a pillar of the Church than
a leader in civic affairs. He held many offices in the
city and was its state’s congressman three times.”
Robert C. Palmer became a physician who enjoyed
a wide reputation, and served in the state senate for
seven years. Doctor Palmer was not a Catholic. A
21 Father Durbin had been a parishioner of Father Angier in northern
Kentucky. Tradition tells us that he went to Saint Thomas’ College with
the intention of becoming a Dominican, and that he was actually a postu-
lant. Doubtless his love for Father Angier drew him thither. Later,
however, he changed his mind, went to the seminary and became a priest
of the diocese. He retained his love for the Order as long as he lived.
He was especially fond of Father Angier, whose praises he sang until
the end of his long life. See Webb’s Centenary of Catholicity, pp. 92, 364.
22In his Centenary of Catholicity, pp. 79, 303, 304, Webb speaks of
these Rudds in terms of praise, but he does not state that they went to
Saint Thomas’ College. Although their names do not appear on any
record (in fact, we have found no record of any day pupil), the tradition
about them being students of St. Thomas’ is too strong, direct and persis-
tent to be at all doubted. The same remark applies to all those men-
tioned here as day-scholars. With two exceptions, they were surely
Catholics.
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 157
man of exceptional character, and having a wide prac-
tice, he was beloved in Washington and the adjacent
counties. William Osbourn represented the same
county as its congressman in the thirties. William T.
Hamilton, the writer’s grandfather, was elected to a
similar position from Marion County in 1849, serving
one term. Like Doctor Palmer, James P. Barbour, a
state representative in 1841, was not a Catholic.
Benjamin and Richard Wathen, after they graduated
in medicine, settled in Breckinridge County. An
honor alike to the profession they followed, and to the
religion they professed, it is no matter for surprise that
they enjoyed not only the good-will but also the high
esteem of all, whatever their walk in life or their creed.
‘Webb says of them: “Among the Catholics of the
county [that is, Breckenridge], especially, there should
be none to forget how much they did for religion in
their day that has not yet ceased to reflect benefits on
the living. ... Their Catholic zeal was proverbial,
and in no emergency were they ever known to respond
ungenerously.” **
Passing over others of perhaps lesser renown, we may
now mention Judge Charles C. Kelly of Springfield,
one of Kentucky’s legal lights. He held important
positions; yet he was not less faithful to his religion
because of his profession or busy life. It is worthy of
note, in this connection, that in the state constitutional
convention of 1849, Garrett Davis, prominent in the
“Native American” movement, later a leading spirit
in the “Knowing-Nothing” party, ever an adversary of
the Catholic Church, introduced an amendment to the
constitution of the state that would have deprived Cath-
23 Centenary of Catholicity, pp. 154-155.
158 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
olics of their civil rights. Strange as it may seem today,
the proposed change was not defeated without consid-
erable difficulty, and after much heated controversy.
Among its most effective opponents were Judge Kelly
and Captain James Rudd who were members of the
convention. Thus two former students of Saint
Thomas’ College had a prominent part in frustrating
the legalization of one of the most tyrannical acts ever
attempted against the Church in the United States.**
Nearly all the men mentioned in the foregoing pages
had entered the college before Bishop Miles was
ordained. Some of them had perhaps left it and begun
their life’s work. But he took a generous share in
their education, whereby he contributed not only
towards the advancement of the state, but also the
betterment of society, as well as helped to break down
religious prejudices against the Church and to broaden
her sphere of influence through men, albeit not her
members, stationed in different parts of the country,
24 See WEsB, op. cit., p. 304, and Cotrins, History of Kentucky, Ul, 82.
Ignatius Spalding of Union County also took a prominent part in the
defeat of the Davis proposal. There is a tradition that Spalding was
educated at St. Thomas’, but we did not include him in the list, for it
could not be so well substantiated. However, he was an educated man,
and there was no other Catholic school at the time from which he could
have received his education.
Christopher or Richard Rudd, if not both of them (for both were in
the senate at the time), took an active part in the debate for the incor-
poration of Loretto and Nazareth Academies. So did Doctor Richard
Forest, who is also said to have been an alumnus of Saint Thomas’.
(See Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, IV, 557 ff; and Cotttns, op.
cit., II, 749). Another noted man who, it has been persistently handed
down to us, was a student at this Dominican college was the Rev. James
M. Lancaster of Kentucky; and the tradition seems to be supported by
a letter of Bishop Miles, in which he tells Archbishop Eccleston that
he had known Father Lancaster from his childhood. (See note 34 of
Chapter XVIII).
EARLY PRIESTHOOD 159
acquainted with her teaching and her spirit. The
same occupation continued to demand most of his time
at the period of which this chapter speaks. However,
it was by no means his only work.
We remember one or two letters of Bishop Flaget
prior to this time, in which he says that only Father
John B. David, rector of the diocesan seminary, and
Father Samuel T. Wilson, provincial of the Domin-
icans and president of Saint Thomas’ College, could
claim the privilege of remaining at home on Sundays.
The rest of the clergy had to play the part of mission-
aries, which took them out for the days on which the
faithful were obliged to hear mass. This statement
confirms the old tradition that Father Tuite, even
though master of novices, went to Danville or some
other place practically every Sunday. Father Wilson
looked after the large congregation at Saint Rose’s,
just as Father David took care of that at Poplar
Neck, where the seminary was situated.”
Things had changed little since that time, for the
increase of the clergy had not kept pace with that of
the Catholics, ever all too scantily provided with spiri-
tual shepherds for their souls. Thus Father Miles had
many missionary labors in addition to those connected
with the college. Now that Father Tuite was growing
old, he no doubt sought to lighten his burdens by taking
his place as often as circumstances permitted. Doubt-
25 This seminary was also called Saint Thomas’, which, we are sure,
occasioned a few statements in Hon. Ben. Webb’s Centenary of Catholicity
anent the early education of Fathers Abell and Durbin that seem cer-
tainly to be erroneous. A very definite tradition in the province assures
us that the fathers at Saint Rose’s attended Danville from the time Bishop
Flaget arrived in Kentucky until the death of Father Wilson; that
Father Tuite gave up the place when he became superior; and that this
action was the beginning of the misunderstanding of which we shall
speak in another chapter. They resumed charge of the place years later,
and continued it until 1865.
160 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
less, whenever possible, he went on the longer journeys
in order that the older man might be less exposed to
fatigue and the headaches to which he is said to have
been subject.
Tradition assures us that the young priest soon
acquired a reputation as a good confessor. White and
black, young and old, the sinner as well as the devout
found in him one who could wisely direct their souls
and soothe their consciences. This repute, together
with his prudence, kindness, patience, and open char-
acter, brought him crowds of penitents from near and
far. Indeed, from the outset, Saint Rose’s became a
favorite place for confessions to which the people
flocked from the surrounding parishes. It still remains
such, largely because of the example set by Bishop
Miles and his teachers. Possibly that not a few are
today in the enjoyment of eternal bliss is due to his
fidelity in this all-important part of a priest’s vocation.”°
While perhaps he could not be called an orator from
the point of view of fervid flights of eloquence or
rounded sentences—which, in fact, would neither be
expected from nor suited to one of his character—
Father Miles was soon considered a good speaker. He
had a splendid voice; a clear, distinct pronunciation;
a pleasant delivery; graceful gestures. His sermons
were well prepared, instructive, solid and orderly; his
language simple, the words so chosen as not to be over
the heads of his audience. He was a man of fine phy-
26 In the days of Bishop Miles’ young priesthood Saint Rose’s was one
of the very few country places where mass was said every Sunday.
Thither, on those Sundays on which there were no services in their own
churches, the people flocked from the adjoining parishes for many miles
around. This circumstance also brought the fathers almost innumerable
confessions.
BAKUYOEURIEST HOOD 161
sique, full six feet in height, with an attractive coun-
tenance, a face at once strong and kindly. ‘Traditions
are still extant about how the people loved to hear him
preach. ‘They are no less distinct about him being
an interesting conversationalist, the charm of whose
personality was accentuated by his rich barytone voice
and well-modulated cadences. It was a treat to hear
him sing mass.
Even at this early period our Friar Preacher dis-
played a tact for dealing with non-Catholics, which ere
long became one of the characteristics of his priestly
ministrations. ‘They esteemed him, as well as admired
him, and went in numbers to hear him preach. He was
unusually successful in making converts. However,
we shall have occasion to touch on this topic time and
again in the course of our pages; for, impressed with the
lofty dignity of the ministry and his vocation of saving
souls, he zealously devoted himself to this sublime work
no less than to the spiritual advancement of those
within the fold of the faith.
Two notable events in the Catholic history of
Kentucky, with which the tradition of Saint Joseph’s
Province connects the subject of our narrative in a
useful way, fall within the period covered by the
present chapter. The one is the consecration of the
first cathedral in the state; the other the first episcopal
consecration west of the Alleghany Mountains.
August 8, 1819, Bishop Flaget consecrated the Cathe-
dral of Saint Joseph at Bardstown. Seven days
later, the feast of the Assumption, he consecrated the
Right Rev. John B. David his coadjutor in that sacred
edifice. In the latter ceremony, it should not be
omitted, the saintly prelate was assisted by Fathers
12
162 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Charles Nerinckx and Wilson, O.P.*
Bishop David, an accomplished musician, not infre-
quently presided at the organ for high mass. But
he could not well perform this office at the time the
cathedral was consecrated, for he had to preach a
sermon in explanation of the ceremonies. At his own
consecration, of course, it was impossible for him to be
the organist or to direct the choir. Accordingly, so
tradition at least tells us, the services of Father Mules
were sought and obtained in this capacity for both of
these notable occasions. Doubtless he enhanced the
music with his own superb voice, and thus contributed
not a little to the solemnity of the events.
27 This extraordinary favor was conferred on Fathers Nerinckx and
Wilson because there was no bishop west of the Alleghany Mountains
to be had for the ceremony. It was, of course, given them by virtue
of the apostolic authority of the Pope.
CHAPTER VIII
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON
AccipDENT and fortune are often the circumstances
that determine the course of events, whether in the
lives of mdividuals or in the progress of a society.
As the poet expresses the same idea:
‘All states have changes hurried with the swings
Of chance and time, still riding to and fro.” *
Such was the situation of the little American province
of Friars Preacher, of which Father Miles had now
become a leading member, at the present period of his
busy career. Much depended on the way in which
the pendulum should swing.
The founders of Saint Joseph’s Province had fore-
seen that the only way of guaranteeing a continuation
of their labors in behalf of the Church in the new west
was to begin with the establishment of a novitiate which
would supply them with properly home-trained and
educated priests. They saw slight prospects of get-
ting a sufficient number of subjects, if even any, from
abroad—and perhaps felt that those to the manner
formed would be better suited for work in America.
Father Fenwick’s letters show that one of the dominant
ideas in the founding of Saint Thomas’ College was
to obtain candidates for the Order and means for
their support.
Bishop Flaget and Father John B. David must have
1 Quar_es (Francis), Emblems, III, 1.
163
164 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
gone to Kentucky with similar ideas as regards the
diocese, for both of them had had experience in teach-
ing, as well as received their baptism of missionary
labors. Wilson, we know, possessed the confidence and
affection of the bishop. At least one of the early dioc-
esan consultations was held at Saint Rose’s. We have
also seen several letters in which the holy prelate calls
the learned Friar Preacher the shining light of his
diocese.” Doubtless the scholarly divine advised a sem-
inary, and perhaps a college also, as the one hope of
success for the new diocese, for he was a single-
minded man without guile.
However this may be, a seminary and college were
soon uppermost in the bishop’s thoughts. He wisely
brought from France to Kentucky three or four
candidates for the priesthood; and when he obtained
possession of the historic farm left to the diocese by
Thomas Howard, thither he tranferred his students
from Father Badin’s residence, and opened a seminary
under Father David. 'The new institution he named
Saint Thomas’, in honor of the patron saint of the donor
of the plantation. This was in the fall of 1811. From
this date the saintly prelate anxiously looked forward
to the time when he would be able to erect a cathedral
in Bardstown, the episcopal seat, and to locate the sem-
inary and start a college in its immediate vicinity.°
God gradually prospered these zealous designs. The
cathedral was dedicated in the summer of 1819; the
2“Fulgens lumen dioecesis meae,” and “fulgens lumen in dioecese mea”
are the expressions that he uses.
3 SpaLpING, Early Catholic Missions, and Life of Bishop Flaget; Wess,
op. cit.; How ett, St. Thomas’ Seminary—all passim. It is sometimes
said that the bishop took four seminarians with him to Kentucky; but
letters published by Spalding in the works referred to incline us to
believe that the number was three.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 165
advanced seminarians took possession of their new
quarters at its side some weeks later; the college opened
early in 1820—all placed under the patronage of
Saint Joseph. Before the close of the same year
(1820), Father Wiliam Byrne started Saint Mary’s
College in what is now Marion County.* The college
at Bardstown was eighteen miles northwest from that
of Saint Thomas conducted by the Friars Preacher;
Saint Mary’s ten or eleven miles south of that of the
Dominicans.
What is now to be recorded, we trust, will merit no
adverse criticism. It not only falls within the sphere
of our narrative, but is even demanded in order to
round out the life-story of Nashville’s first bishop, for
he is said to have taken an active part in the affairs.
We censure no one; defend no one. Perhaps, indeed,
no one deserves censure, whilst no one needs defense.
All were within their rights, as far as they went.
Doubtless, too, all sought the greater glory of God,
each striving to do his best in accordance with his own
light.
A steady stream of tradition, distinctly borne out
by two letters of Father Wilson,” tells us that the
difficulty of three colleges being able effectively to
operate in such close proximity, especially in a new
and thinly settled state, was foreseen; and that Bishop
Flaget wanted Father Wilson to convert Saint Thomas’
into a mere preparatory school for the candidates of
his Order, so that the two newer diocesan institutions
might enjoy a larger patronage. The saintly prelate
4SpatpinG, Life of Flaget, pp. 211 ff; and Early Missions, pp. 265 ff.
5 Letters to Father Hill (in Rome), March 6 and September 11, 1820
(Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. IV, No. 138).
166 THE /PATHER OF THE CHURCH IN (TENNESSEE
was emphatically an honest man, perhaps almost over-
zealous for that portion of his diocese which lay within
the State of Kentucky. Far be it from us, therefore,
even to suspect that in this matter he acted from any
motive other than what he felt was for the broader good
of religion. Still, it must be admitted, his request
was one to which Wilson could not readily accede.
Father Miles is said to have opposed it strenuously.
When the matter became public, the people of Union
County, whence Saint Thomas’ College had drawn a
goodly number of students, offered to raise a sub-
scription in order to help Wilson and his associates to
purchase land and erect a similar institution there in
leu of Saint Thomas’ College. Their generous offer
was accepted, for it seemed a good way out of the
difficulty, especially in view of the splendid soil in
Union County, the wealth of its inhabitants, and its
distance from the other two educational establishments.
A fertile tract of twelve hundred acres was secured
on Lost Creek, near Uniontown, and partially paid
for by the people. To this plan, however, Bishop
Flaget, acting, as Father Wilson believed, under the
influence of Bishop David, refused to consent.® ‘Thus
the precipitous purchase, made no doubt in good faith
as a happy solution of the dilemma, left matters in
statu quo.
But Saint Rose’s found itself burdened with a
heavy debt; for the fathers felt that they were no less
bound to refund the money contributed in Union
6 Letters as in the preceding note. The original deed for this land
(Recorder’s Office, Frankfort, Kentucky) bears the date of September
13, 1819. It is from Joseph and William Trotter to (Rev.) Samuel L.
Montgomery, who acted for Saint Rose’s. Saint Mary’s College had not
been started at the time, but preparations for it were under way.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 167
County for this purchase, than to raise that which
still remained due on it. Meanwhile the pall of the
financial crisis of 1819 and subsequent years fell upon
the country. Banks failed right and left. Land and
produce became almost valueless. The fathers were
unable to collect the bills due to them for their educa-
tional work, whilst few could afford to send their sons
to college.’ Thus the number of students at Saint
Thomas’, as was but natural, declined to perhaps half
of what it had been.
Here we may briefly interrupt our narrative in order
to explain an assertion; of Father Badin anent the
Dominican college. Kentucky’s apostle left the state in
the spring of 1819, when the discussion about its being
limited to a preparatory school for the Order must
have been at its height. Doubtless he took it for
granted that Father Wilson gave in to the wishes of
his friend, Bishop Flaget. It is only in this light that
we can understand the venerable missionary’s statement
in L’Ami de la Religion et du Rot, December 8, 1819,
to the effect that Saint Thomas’ had been closed, and
that the fathers were confining their educational work
to their novitiate. Certainly the assertion is erroneous.”
Meantime Bishop Flaget explained to Father Wil-
7 Wilson’s letters as in note 5 above.
8 Father Badin says nothing about the cessation of the college in his
Origine et Progrés de la Mission du Kentucky, published in Paris, in 1821;
and a Latin postcript to the pamphlet (over the names of Fathers Wilson
and Tuite clearly indicates that it was then in operation). Bishop Spalding
(Early Missions, page 160) says that it closed in 1819 or 1820. He most
likely followed Badin’s first statement. A close scrutiny of Doctor Spald-
ing’s Early Missions and Life of Bishop Flaget shows that he was too busy
a man to take the time necessary to look up dates. At least, he is often
inexact in them. The whole drift of the present chapter shows that he was
in error, when he says that the fathers closed Saint Thomas’ because they
found educational work incompatible with that of the missions.
168 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
son that he had opposed the Union County project
because he had written to Rome asking that a Domini- |
can be appointed bishop of Ohio, and that the missions
of that promising state be placed in charge of the
fathers. This information, together with prospects of
recruits from abroad, turned all thoughts towards the
north. Wilson determined, if at all possible, to retain
the land near Uniontown until the return of good
prices, so that the proceeds from it might be used in
the purchase of a like property for the support of a
college which they hoped to start in the vicinity of
Cincinnati.2 HZtowever, committed to the work of
education which they loved, they maintained Saint
Thomas’ College in operation; and it continued to draw
a fair quota of pupils, despite the hard times and its
two younger competitors.
One is pleased to see that this difference of opinion
did not disturb the amicable relations between Bishop
Flaget and Father Wilson. Indeed, in the report of
his diocese which the humble prelate sent to the Laity’s
Directory for 1822, we find a brief paragraph which
clearly shows the error of Father Badin and Bishop
Spalding as regards the time when Saint Thomas’
closed its doors. Having spoken of his seminary and
other affairs of his diocese, Doctor Flaget proceeds to
say:
The Dominicans have likewise established a college in Ken-
tucky, which is greatly frequented, and promises to be of great
benefit to the Diocese. Dr. Wilson is at the present time president
of it, a gentleman of known piety and talents.!°
9 Letters to Hill as in note 5 above. In view of the fact that what
is called “the French period” in the American Hierarchy was just then
beginning, one can hardly blame Father Wilson’s fears lest a Frenchman
should be appointed bishop of Cincinnati.
10 Page 110.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 169
Among the greatest handicaps with which the fathers
had to contend was a scarcity of members. Candidates
seem to have come in fair numbers, but they did not
persevere. They soon found the trials too severe for
them. In his letter of September 11, 1820, to Hull,
Father Wilson says the convent has even less difficulty
in sustaining subjects than in finding those who are
brave enough to bear the burdens of its life. None
came from abroad, and none remained for profession
for some years after Father Nicholas D. Young pro-
nounced his vows. In this way, it was necessary to
employ lay teachers, no less than to continue the old
system of having the more advanced students assist
in the instruction of those in the lower classes.
Ever faithful Father Miles’ zeal and_ practical
mind made him one of the provincial’s principal sup-
ports in all these perplexities. He was called “‘the
power behind the throne;” but this was said of him
with no tinge of malice. As a matter of fact, he exer-
cised his influence with such fine Judgment, and in so
admirable a spirit of fairness and disinterested zeal
for the better good, that it neither aroused jealousy
nor evoked adverse criticism.
Albeit, for the reasons given, the future of their
institution must have at times appeared gloomy, the
fathers appear to have toiled on with a buoyant spirit.
Possibly they were confident that God, in whom they
placed their trust, would bless their efforts in His
own good time. At the present juncture these hopes
seemed on the point of realization. Thomas James
Polin, John Hyacinth McGrady, and James Vincent
Bullock had made their professions. ‘Thomas H. Mar-
tin had almost compieted his novitiate, whilst Charles
170 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Pius Montgomery, a younger brother of Father Samuel
Montgomery, had received the habit. Charles Dom-
ine Bowling and Joseph Thomas Jarboe were
postulants still in the college, but had almost completed
their classical course. All these were young men of no
little promise; so had they been with the fathers long
enough for them to be assured of their characters.
The outlook grew still brighter in the early fall of
1821, when Father John A. Hill, Brothers John
Thomas Hynes, and John Baptist Vincent De Ray-
maecker, Mr. Daniel Joseph O’ Leary and two or three
other postulants, whose names we have not been able
to discover, arrived from Europe.** They were the
first foreign recruits. Hynes was ready for ordi-
nation; the same is true of De Raymaecker, although
he had not pronounced his vows, having the singular
experience of making a part of his novitiate under Hill
at sea while on the journey to America. O’Leary
and the others were students in theology. Martin and
McGrady, mentioned above, had about completed
their divinities; Polin was not far behind them.
Thus the prospects of a more rapid increase in num-
bers and better equipment for educational work had per-
haps never appeared so glowing. Doubtless no one
rejoiced more in these promises than the subject of our
narrative. If only Father Hill had been kept, at least
for a while longer, in the ranks of the subjects, they
would likely have materialized. An excellent priest
11 Rey. F. P. Kenrick to Bishop Rosati, New York, August, 1821, and
Bardstown, Kentucky, September 24, 1821 (Saint Louis Archives) ; Father
John A. Hill to same, Springfield, Kentucky, September 29, 1821 (ibid.).
During their stay in Rome and on their journey thence to the United
States a friendship arose between Fathers Hill and Kenrick which had
its part in the trouble to be recounted in the next chapter.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 171
though he was, zealous, splendidly educated, and an ora-
tor of the first rank, the premature placing of him in
authority combined with other circumstances of which
we shall soon speak to engender division, rather than
strength, and in the end to close Saint Thomas’ College.
About the time of the arrival of the above recruits
bulls were received from Rome erecting the Diocese of
Cincinnati, and appointing Father Edward D. Fenwick
its first bishop. ‘There could then be little doubt but
that the proposed college in or near the new episcopal
city would soon be a reality. However, to Father Fen-
wick his nomination was as unexpected as a bolt out of
the clear. Genuinely humble, he buried himself in the
forests of Ohio in the hope of thus escaping the dreaded
responsibility; and when he was finally discovered it
required all the authority of his superiors in order to
induce him to accept the miter.” As stated in his life:
Father Fenwick was raised to the episcopacy by Bishop Flaget
on the octave of the Epiphany, Sunday, January 13, 1822. The
consecration, the second of the kind performed west of the Alle-
ghany Mountains, took place at Saint Rose’s, a church that the
friar himself had erected. By papal dispensation two of his col-
leagues, Fathers Wilson and Hill, assisted at the ceremony which
was carried out with all the pomp and splendor possible in the
backwoods of Kentucky. Right Rev. John B. David, coadjutor
of Bardstown, preached the sermon. Attracted in part perhaps by
the novelty of the occasion, but especially by the love and esteem
in which the well-known missionary was held, people came from
far and near to see him enrolled in the Church’s episcopacy.
12 Fenwick, Kentucky, February 9, 1823, to Archbishop Maréchal (Bal-
timore Archives, Case 16, W 1); Rev. John A. Hill, Kentucky, November
21, 1821, to a friend in Europe (London Catholic Miscellany, I, 327-328) ;
same, Kentucky, January 27, 1822, to Father Benedict Olivieri, Rome,
(Propanganda Archives, Scritture Originali, Vol. 929); Spatpinc, Early
Missions, pp. 157-158, and Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 217; O’DaAntEL, Life
of Fenwick, pp. 242-243.
172 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Fenwick was now a bishop. But possibly no Christian
prelate was ever confronted with greater destitution than that
which Cincinnati’s first ordinary had to face. He had taken the
vow of poverty, and he had practised it with scrupulosity. He had
not a farthing that he could call his own. The poor convent from
which he had been taken could help him but little. Fortunately,
the people of Saint Rose’s Parish, though themselves poor, agreed
to take up a subscription in his behalf. In the meantime, while
the funds necessary to take him and his retinue to the episcopal
city were being thus collected, the new prelate conferred holy
orders on a number of his confréres in the same church in which
he himself had been so lately consecrated. Fathers Thomas H.
Martin, John Hyacinth McGrady, J. T. Hynes, and J. B. V. De
Raymaecker, the last two of whom have already been mentioned,
were raised to the priesthood.
Bishop Fenwick had made it a condition of accepting the miter
that Father Wilson, the provincial, would go to Cincinnati in the
capacity of vicar general. Accordingly, having obtained between
four and five hundred dollars in paper money from the people of
Kentucky, and got together whatever vestments, chalices or other
articles his convent could spare, the saintly prelate started for his
episcopal city, accompanied by this learned divine and Fathers
Hill, Hynes, and De Raymaecker. The journey, which must have
taken several days, was made in an old-fashioned cart, then an
indispensable possession of our pioneer backwoodsmen, drawn by
two horses in tandem fashion—all a gift of Saint Rose’s to his
lordship. The weather was rainy; the roads, lately cut through the
forests, were rough and muddy. In places they consisted merely
of trees felled and laid side by side over marshes and low places.
More than once the conveyance, carrying both the episcopal suite
and their luggage, broke down. The travellers, obliged to swim
the Kentucky River which was swollen by recent rains, were in
great danger of losing their lives.
The evening before they reached their destination, the ecclesias-
tical caravan halted at a roadside hostel for supper. As it was
Friday, the bishop instructed the lady of the house to prepare any-
thing she pleased for their meal, except meat. Surprised at such
instructions from travellers so way-worn, she suggested that per-
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 173
haps they would like to have chicken. On being told they would
not take even this dish, she asked: “‘Are you of those people whom
they call Jews, and who crucified our Saviour? Or are you
Romans?” ‘To which the holy prelate kindly replied: “No, my
good lady, we are Christians. We are Catholics; but some people
call us Roman Catholics, because the head of our Church resides at
Rome.” Another source of amusement to the pioneer innkeepers,
especially to the younger ones, was the sign of the cross made by
the travellers before and after eating.
The meal, considering the day and the times, was all that could
be desired, and was enjoyed by the wayfarers. A bountiful piece
of pie which all, except the bishop, thought was made of prunes,
formed the last portion. The famished priests had begun to eat
this dish with evident delight, when they noticed that his lordship
had set his plate aside, and was amused at the others. Asked why
he had done so, he replied with a smile: “It is mince. But con-
tinue. I have every reason for dispensing you.”
It was on Saturday evening, apparently March 23, that the
travellers, after many difficulties, arrived at Cincinnati. Putting
their horses and cart in the stable of the hotel, they went to Michael
Scott’s for supper; but the unexpected arrival of so many made
it necessary to send out for their first meal in the episcopal city.
As Scott’s home was not large enough to accommodate his guests,
together with his own family, an empty house within the municipal
limits was rented for Saturday night and Sunday. ‘The building,
it would seem, had but one room. Fortunately it was a spacious
chamber. Here the little band of exhausted ecclesiastics slept
soundly on pallets spread on the floor.
On the morrow, no doubt, mass was said in this room and the
Scott home, as well as in the little suburban church of which we
have spoken. It was at this last place, of course, that the papal
bull erecting the new See of Cincinnati was read by Father Wilson,
and that Bishop Fenwick was installed in his diocese with “humble
ceremony and silent panegyric.’”’ He needed none other.!*
These noteworthy events, one may rest assured, had
13 Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 243-246, The sources whence the in-
formation contained in this quotation is drawn are given in the footnotes
on the same pages.
174 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
no more keenly interested a participant than Father
Miles. But we must not overlook the part which the
Father of the Church in Tennessee took in the ceremony
of the consecration of the apostle of Ohio. As Mr.
Webb says, Father Miles was regarded as “quite a
musical prodigy.” "* Accordingly, he was chosen to
direct the music for the occasion, and presided at the
organ. His melodious voice no doubt could be heard
above all the others. It is said that the church could not
afford even standing room for the crowd that came to
witness the event, and that all, whether clergy or laity,
were delighted with the way in which he acquitted him-
self of his part in the program. ‘The tradition concern-
ing the whole occurrence is among the many sweet
memories that cluster around the walls of the venerable
institution and the life of Father Miles there.
Bishop Flaget was accused by more than one of his
brethren in the hierarchy of what may be termed zealous
selfishness for that part of his diocese contained in Ken-
tucky. Rarely did he station any of his own diocesan
clergy elsewhere. With the possible exception of Fa-
ther Savine, the Canadian priest who accompanied him
to Bardstown in 1811, and seems to have labored for a
while in Illinois,’® the missionaries in that state and
Michigan were either there before he became bishop, or
were borrowed from New Orleans or Saint Louis. The
same is true of Indiana until 1823, when the Rev. John
Leo Champonnier was stationed at Vincennes, remain-
ing the state’s sole missionary until 1827, or later. In
1833, however, the year before the erection of the See
of Vincennes, we find Father L. Picot in that city and
14 Centenary of Catholicity, p. 207.
15 We have never been able to learn Father Savine’s baptismal name.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON Woe
Father Simon Lalumiere at Oak Ridge, Davis
County.”
Father Edward D. Fenwick had begun his labors in
Ohio before Kentucky became a bishopric, whilst the
Dominican provincial sent Father N. D. Young to
Fenwick’s aid in that part of Bishop Flaget’s charge.
Tennessee, it must be admitted, was sadly overlooked;
for, with the exception of the temporary sojourn of the
Rev. James Cosgreve at Nashville, in 1828, no priest
was stationed in that state until it was erected into a
diocese.“ Not until 1843, when the Rev. Ignatius A.
Reynolds was selected as bishop of Charleston, did the
saintly Flaget even willingly consent that one of his
clergy should be taken for the head of another episco-
pal see.
However, Webb assures us, in answer to Father Fen-
wick’s ardent plea for spiritual aid, on the day of his
consecration, Doctor Flaget consented that Francis V.
Badin, then in deacon’s orders, should transfer his alle-
giance to the Diocese of Cincinnati.’*> Father Anthony
Ganilh enlisted in Fenwick’s cause of his own accord.
Francis Badin was raised to the priesthood in Cincin-
nati on Holy Saturday, April 6, 1822, his ordination
being the first in Ohio, just as that of his older brother,
Father Stephen T. Badin, had been the first in the
United States. Immediately afterwards the younger
Badin and Ganilh proceeded to Detroit, Michigan,
16 Catholic Almanac, 1833, pp. 41-42; ALerpinc, The Diocese of Fort
Wayne, p. 18, and The Diocese of Vincennes, pp. 82-97; Annales, III,
TAL
cane Banner and Nashville Whig, March 28, 1828. The Umted
States Catholic Miscellany, May 17, 1828, gives this priest’s name as
Cosgrave. If he were French, Cosgreve is probably correct. Otherwise,
his name was likely Cosgrove.
18 Op. cit., p. 207.
176 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
where they were to help the Rev. Gabriel Richard, over-
burdened with labor since the return of the Revs. John
Bertrand and Philip Janvier to New Orleans.”
Before Bishop Fenwick’s consecration, a matter of
importance had been got under way at Saint Rose’s that
demanded Father Wilson’s attention. From the time
they settled in the west—even prior to Fenwick’s de-
parture from England—the fathers had wished to es-
tablish a community of Dominican Sisters in America,
but had been deterred from any attempt to put the pious
design into execution by the lack of means to insure its
success.”” Possibly convinced that he had not long to
live, Father Wilson seems to have felt that, unless the
project were undertaken now, it might never be realized.
At just what date can not today be determined,
Father Wilson obtained Bishop Flaget’s approbation
of the enterprise. ‘Then the authorization of the Order’s
head, the Most Rev. Pius Maurice Viviani, was se-
cured.” Backed by these credentials, the learned divine
launched the sacred and long-contemplated project by
an eloquent sermon on the beauty and heroism of a voca-
tion to the religious life in the sisterhoods of the Church,
which he preached at Saint Rose’s a Sunday or two after
Bishop KFenwick’s consecration. ‘The beloved Friar
Preacher made a strong plea for postulants to enable
19 Life of Fenwick, pp. 247-248, and passim. See also sources given
there.
20 Several of Fenwick’s letters to Father Concanen, and one at least
of Concanen’s to Fenwick, touch on this subject.
21 Father Viviani was vicar general of the Order from 1820 to 1823.
In one of the books of his administration we read: “Die 24 Martii, 1821.
Auctoritate Apostolica Nobis commissa, conceditur facultas Patribus
Provinciae Nostrae Kentucki fundandi Collegii pro Tertiariis Ordinis
Nostri in eadem Provincia Kentucki et Ohio.” (General’s Archives, IV,
268). See also Minocur, Pages from a Hundred Years of Dominican
History, pp. 42 ff.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 177
him to initiate a work which he had long had at heart.
He painted in roseate colors the blessings which the sac-
rifices and labors of those who should thus give their
lives to the service of God would bring not only upon
themselves, but also upon the congregation, the State of
Kentucky, and even the American Church at large.
Tradition tells us that Father Wilson’s discourse pro-
duced a deep impression. It would seem that he set a
day on which any young ladies who might feel disposed
thus to consecrate themselves to the Divine Master
should call to see him at the convent. At any rate, on
Thursday, February 28, 1822, nine young women of the
parish offered their services for the provincial’s under-
taking, which, in the light of the work then set on foot,
one does not hesitate to say was inspired from on high.
They were Marie Sansbury (later the community’s first
superior), Mary Carrico, Mary A. Hill, Mary Sans-
bury, Rose Sansbury, Rosanna SBoone, Judith
McMahon, Severly Tarleton, and Molly Johnson.”
Doubtless Father Miles’ zeal made itself felt in all this,
for no priest was held in higher esteem by the congre-
gation, wielded a stronger influence for good, or cher-
ished a deeper sympathy for the pious undertaking.
This generous response to his appeal must have re-
joiced the heart of the founder, as well as made him
feel that God was with him in his new enterprise. How-
ever, he wisely determined to give his protégés a trial
of the life they would be expected to live before invest-
ing them with the habit of the Sisters of the Third Order
of Saint Dominic. They were therefore located in a log
cabin, with one room and a loft, which stood on Saint
22 Records of Saint Catherine’s Academy, and MINOGUE as in the pre-
ceding note. The Record, Louisville, Kentucky, May 29, 1902.
13
178 THE FATHER OF THE ‘CHURCH IN: TENNESSEE
Rose’s farm about half a mile east of the convent, in
the direction of Springfield. Father Miles was appoint-
ed their chaplain and spiritual director. No _ better
could have been selected.
Meanwhile the provincial made ready for his northern
journey for the installation of Bishop Fenwick at Cin-
cinnati. Despite his one and sixty years of age and the
hardships attendant on travel at that period, he hurried
back to Saint Rose’s immediately after that ceremony
in order to preside at another of perhaps not less beauty
and significance, albeit simple in the extreme. The nine
postulants for the sisterhood were at the solemn high
mass in the parochial church on Easter Sunday, April
7, 1822. After the services and sermon Miss Marie
Sansbury was called to the altar railing, where, in pres-
ence of the congregation, she was vested in the tunic of
a Dominican Sister, over which were placed the scapular
and veil. She took the name of Sister Angela. Never
before had this religious garb been seen in Kentucky,
or even in the United States.
It is no matter for surprise, therefore, that the cere-
mony profoundly impressed the people of Saint Rose’s
Parish, or that it was long remembered and spoken of
throughout the neighborhood. Later in the same day,
no doubt in the afternoon, Father Wilson gave the
habit to Sister Margaret (Mary Carrico), Sister Mag-
dalen (Judith McMahon), and Sister Columba (Sever-
ly Tarleton), in Saint Magdalen’s Chapel, as the little
log cabin had. been named, in honor of the penitent sin-
ner. At both ceremonies he was assisted by Father
Miles, who had prepared all things for them, no less
than instructed the sisters in the rubrics and constitu-
tions.”°
23 Records of Saint Catherine’s Academy, and MinocuE as in note 22
above.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 179
Doubtless the decision to defer the reception of the
other young ladies a little longer was caused by their
youth, which suggested the prudence of further trial.
Meantime Miss Molly Johnson, finding that she had no
vocation to the religious life, wisely returned to the
world. But in her stead came Miss Elizabeth Sansbury
(a younger sister of Mother Angela), and Miss Teresa
Eidelen. Accordingly, in the absence of the provincial
for reasons which will soon be seen, Father Miles him-
self officiated at the second investiture in the little log
Saint Magdalen’s. This was on August 3, 1822, when
Sister Ann (Mary Hull), Sister Catherine (Mary Sans-
bury), Sister Frances (Rose Sansbury), Sister Rose
(Rosanna Boone), Sister Euphrasia—later Sister Mag-
dalen (Teresa Edelen), and Sister Mary Benven (Eliz-
abeth Sansbury) received the habit.**
Soon, if not immediately, after the impressive cere-
mony of Easter Sunday, Father Wilson had returned
to Cincinnati, where important matters claimed his at-
tention. One of these affairs was the establishment of
a college, towards which steps had already been taken;
for in one of the public prints of the city we read:
We congratulate the Roman Catholicks of this city and environs
on the arrival of the Rt. Rev. Dr. Fenwick, lately consecrated
Bishop of Cincinnati and the State of Ohio. This circumstance
interests not only the Catholicks but all the friends of literature and
useful knowledge, as we understand that his intention is ultimately
to open a school, aided by the members of his order long dis-
tinguished for their piety and learning.’®
Indeed, it seems quite certain that the fathers, as a
consequence of the disfavor which Bishop Flaget now
24 Ibid.
29 Liberty Hall and Cincinnati Gazette, March 30, 1822. See also the
London Catholic Miscellany, 1, 475.
180 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
manifested towards Saint Thomas’ College, had deter-
mined to transfer this institution to Cincinnati, and to
use the place in Kentucky merely as a convent and no-
vitiate—perhaps eventually even to give it up altogeth-
er, for it had not yet become hallowed by the associa-
tions which at present render it sacred. ‘Tradition has
it that Fathers Wilson and Miles advocated disposing
of the convent and college structures to the sisters, and
that this wish was the reason why they were housed in a
cabin on the farm, and why such scant preparations
were made for the commencement of their community.
Nor is the motive far to seek. Sisters would be needed
for schools and spiritual works in Ohio. While it was a
problem whether vocations to such a life could be found
in the newer State of Ohio, the experience of the Sisters
of Loretto and the Sisters of Charity showed that they
might be expected in Kentucky.
With these purposes in view, Fathers Stephen H.
Montgomery, John McGrady, and Thomas Martin
were called to the north. But Bishop Flaget, vigilantly
eager for the good of his own diocese, strongly opposed
the measure. He even appealed to Cardinal Consalvi,
prefect of the Propaganda, to prevent its execution.
Strange to say, although he perhaps had no competency
in the matter, the cardinal at once ordered that the little
band of Friars Preacher should be divided between Ohio
and Kentucky. Stranger still, he issued the command
without taking the trouble either to consult their pro-
vincial or to hear their side of the case.*° On the other
26 The prefect of the Propaganda to the superior of the Dominicans
in Kentucky, July 27, 1822 (Archives of Saint Rose’s Convent, Spring-
field, Kentucky); Fenwick to Archbishop Maréchal, February 9, 1823
(Baltimore Archives, Case 16, W. 1); Fenwick to the prefect of the
Propaganda, April 16, 1823 (copy in Archives of Notre Dame University).
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 181
hand, it affords no little edification to see Wilson, for
the sake of harmony, readily obey a command that likely
did not bind in law or conscience, even though it was
fraught with evil consequences both to his Order and to
the diocese of his former confrére, Bishop Fenwick.
Father Wilson, as a result of this interference, was
soon obliged to return to Saint Rose’s. Father Hill
then took his place as vicar general in Cincinnati.
However, the ill-advised ordinance of Cardinal Con-
salvi, preventing as it did a concentration of forces,
not merely long stood in the way of a more rapid growth
for the American province of Friars Preacher; it was
likewise a source of much annoyance to Bishop Fen-
wick, and greatly impeded the progress of religion in
Ohio.
Fortunately, although the number of students had
perhaps somewhat decreased because of the preoccupa-
tions about Cincinnati, Saint Thomas’ had not been
closed. Father Samuel Montgomery was therefore re-
called from the missions in northern Kentucky. Father
William T. Willett was left at Lexington only for the
sake of his health, which would not permit him to engage
in educational work.*’ With his diminished forces the
provincial set himself to the reorganization of the col-
lege in the hope that it might soon attain, if not exceed,
its highest number of pupils. In these efforts he placed
the greatest reliance on Father Miles, who was a tower
of strength in all that made for good.
—There are many documents showing Fenwick’s bitter disappointment
at this turn of things. Cardinal Consalvi’s order reached Kentucky in
October, 1822, just when matters were assuming shape in Ohio.
27 Father Willett died in Lexington on May 6, 1824. For notices of
this talented and pious friend of Bishop Miles see Spalding’s Early Mis-
sions, p. 159, and Life of Bishop Fenwick, pp. 286-287.
182 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Meantime, that he might still help impoverished and
distressed Bishop Fenwick so far as he could, Wilson
used his authority to send Father Hynes to Rome,
where he had studied, and Father McGrady to Ireland.
The mission of both was to obtain means and mission-
aries for Ohio. It is a pity that Hynes did not return,
for subsequent events show him to have possessed rare
talents for just such work as was then needed in the
new diocese. While he was at Rome the higher author-
ities saw fit to send him to British Guiana, where he
became a veritable apostle, and eventually bishop. Still
it is not improbable that he welcomed the change for
the reasons that follow.”
Hardly had these two men started on their way when
Father Hill began to disturb the even trend of affairs.
As in Rome, while Wilson’s procurator, he had sought
to unite the English and the American provinces of
Friars Preacher; so now, in his capacity of vicar gener-
al, he gained the confidence of Bishop Fenwick, and
used his influence in order to divide the little American
Province. He induced the postulants whom he brought
from abroad to join him in Ohio. But there only one
of them, the saintly Father Daniel J. O’Leary, re-
mained for profession.
Father Hiull’s influence, there can be no doubt, was
the power that brought about the historic agreement
between Father Wilson and Bishop Fenwick, on the
eve of the latter’s journey 'to Europe in the late spring
of 1823, for the erection of a separate province of the
28JIn some of his letters Bishop Fenwick speaks as though he had sent
these two priests to Europe. However, he was not their superior. Pos-
sibly Father Wilson sent them at his request. The Annales de la Prop-
agation de la Foi, January, 1839 (XI, 92 ff), give a sketch of Father
Hynes’ labors in British Guiana.
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 183
Order in Ohio independent of that in Kentucky. Fa-
ther Miles, tradition declares, opposed the measure with
all his might, yet in his characteristically mild and gen-
tle way. The provincial also strongly doubted the wis-
dom of the division; but he felt that, under the circum-
stances, it was perhaps the best thing that could be done.
For this reason, greatly as he disliked to do so, he with-
stood the arguments and entreaties of his trusted friend.
Father Tuite, though the mildest of men, yet a not
disinterested witness in the affairs, says that the turn
of events broke F'ather Wilson’s heart; which is no doubt
true, for it necessitated starting anew at an age when
most people look for a surcease from toil.” However,
he found a source of courage in the subject of our nar-
rative and other valiant confréres, and bravely took up
the task. To Father Miles he entrusted the charge of
the sisters, but helped him, as opportunity permitted,
in the preparation of them for their work of teaching.*”
If Doctor Wilson and Father Miles (for the latter
may justly be styled a co-founder) had done no more
than establish Saint Magdalen’s Community of Domini-
can Sisters (now known as that of Saint Catherine of
Sienna), their names would still deserve to be inscribed
in letters of gold in the annals of our American church
history. By natural and legal division, subdivision, and
inspiration it has become the parent stem of various
provinces of Sisters of Saint Dominic, whose members
29 Letters to Father Velzi, January 23 and July 24, 1828. The dis-
turbing tendency of Father Hill’s influence is patent from various sources.
30 This explains why Father Miles’ name, instead of Father Wilson’s,
appears in nearly all the earliest records of the convent. In one of his
letters, written some years after this time, Bishop Fenwick speaks as
if Father Hill gave the habit to the first sisters, which is certainly erron-
eous. Likely the holy prelate, owing to the crowded works of his life,
became confused on this matter.
184 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
run into thousands, teach Catholic schools, conduct
academies and colleges, and carry on works of charity
throughout the length and breadth of the land. The
work of the two priests, no less than their memory, still
lives in and through these pious ladies. Everywhere
are their names blessed.**
Saint Thomas’ College held its own with its competi-
tors. In fact, it prospered, considering the times.
Father Miles rendered it efficient services, in spite of his
care of the sisters and: his labors in the parish and on
the missions. But Father Wilson’s course was near its
end. God had decreed to give the great man the reward
of his long and faithful life. He died, almost on his
feet, May 23, 1824. Webb rightly says of him:
Father Wilson’s administration of the foundation of St. Rose
was in all respects admirable. He seemed to have felt in advance
that the great coming want of the country, in respect to Catholic
interests, would be a properly trained and educated clergy; and
his grand idea was to make the institution over which he had been
placed a source of supply to the ranks of the priesthood. . . .°
[The province’s] after expansion, and the happy results of its
foundation, now to be seen in the heart of the country, and extend-
ing from seaboard to seaboard across its face, are to be attributed,
in a great degree at least, to the wise direction given to the little
31 Jt was during this eventful period of his life that Father Mules lost
his venerable father. The precise date of Nicholas Miles’ death can
not now be determined; but his will, dated February 27 and probated
October 20, 1823 (Will Book E, pp. 28-30, Recorder’s Office, Bardstown,
Kentucky), shows that he died in that year (at the age of eighty-two or
eighty-three), and sustains the tradition that he remained active almost
to the end of his long life. Although, in the natural course of things,
he could ‘not have expected his father to live much longer, and must
have realized that he had been unusually blessed in having him even to
such an age, one is justified in the belief that so devoted a son felt the
loss keenly. Mrs. Miles survived her husband, and is said to have lived
several years after his demise. We could find no record of her death.
32 Centenary of Catholicity, p. 203.
ra ee (aso!
7
VER YVaR Ee Veeo ANU Eats WILSON? OO; PS sreMe
THE FIRST PROVINCIAL OF A RELIGIOUS ORDER IN THE UNITED
STATES, ANDSIAE FIRST. PRIESTSLOSRECELVE THE DEGREE
OF MASTER OF THEOLOGY IN THE COUNTRY
LAST YEARS UNDER FATHER WILSON 185
community of St. Rose by its second [first] provincial three quar-
ters of a century ago..... oS
Father Thomas Wilson was fitted by nature and grace, as well as
by culture, for the position to which he had been appointed. He
commanded both admiration and respect, the first on account of his
great learning and acknowledged talents, and the last because of
his adherence to the right on all occasions, and the virtues he prac-
ticed in the sight of men. It were impossible that between such a
preceptor and his pupils there should not have grown up affection
on the one side and reverence on the other. That he loved them is
shown by his solicitude in everything that concerned them, and
most especially in their advancement in the knowledge of divine
things; and that he was held by them in the most profound rever-
ence is evidenced by the fact that in their after-lives they never
appeared weary of rehearsing his praises. . . .°4
What he did for secular education in the congregation of St. Rose
and far beyond its limits, and what he did for the Church in Ken-
tucky in supplying it with zealous priests to uphold and continue
God’s work in the land of his adoption, must in the future, as in the
present and the past, make his name a by-word of honor among
Catholic Christians all over the country.®*°
As the same author says, Father Wilson was. honored
by all with whom he came into contact. Owing to his
merits, the representations of Father Fenwick, and the
initial state of the province, his appointment as pro-
vincial and prior was usque ad revocationem (until re-
voked). So he held the position until his death—nearly
seventeen years. No one, with the possible exception of
Father Hill, found fault with his government; no one
wanted any other as superior in his stead.
More than forty years have passed since the historian
of the Church in Kentucky penned the words we have
just quoted, and over a century since the great Friar
Preacher’s death. Yet his name is still “a byword of
honor” not only in the province of the brethren which
33 Ibid., p. 204. 34 Ibid., p. 206. 35 Ibid., p. 208.
186 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
he helped to found, but also in the parish of Saint Rose,
central Kentucky, and beyond. His influence is still
felt; his memory still gives added zeal to the labors of
one generation of confréres after another, though the
province has grown greatly, and its members are many
times the number of his day.
The first provincial had no more ardent admirer, no
truer friend, no more willing or faithful helper than
Father Miles. Thus, while his death was deeply re-
gretted by all, none could have felt it more keenly than
the future bishop of Tennessee.
CHAPTER IX
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE
SHORTLY before he left Cincinnati for Rome to seek
aid for his impoverished diocese, Bishop Fenwick and
Father Wilson agreed jointly to ask the General of the
Order for a division of the little band of American
Friars Preacher into two provinces. ‘This was in May,
1823. One of the reasons for the step was certainly
to obviate future difficulties between the dioceses of
Cincinnati and Bardstown over the matter of locating
Dominican missionary priests. Little less certain is it
that the scheme was evolved by Father John A. Hill,
or that his influence practically forced Father Wilson
into such a compact."
When Bishop Fenwick reached the Eternal City, as
he had not made known his intention of going thither,
the Most Rev. Joseph Velzi, Vicar General of the
Order, was absent on a visitation of the Kingdom of
The Two Sicilies. But Father Alexander Bardani,
whom he had left in charge at Rome, received the re-
quest favorably, and on January 11, 1824, issued letters
patent for the erection of the Province of Saint Louis
Bertrand in the Diocese of Cincinnati. He also ap-
pointed Father Hull its provincial, doubtless at the sug-
1A joint letter of Fenwick and Wilson to the General of the Domin-
icans. It bears no date, but it was evidently written very shortly before
the bishop started for Rome, at the end of May, 1823 (Archives of the
Propaganda, America Centrale, Vol. IX). A number of documents show
Hill’s activity in the matter.
187
188 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
gestion of Bishop Fenwick. Saint Joseph’s Province
was confined to the limits of the Diocese of Bardstown.
But, before the documents in the affair reached their
destination, the great Wilson had passed to his eternal
reward.”
However, the erection of the Province of Saint Louis
Bertrand, or the separation of the fathers in Ohio from
that of Saint Joseph, was to become operative only in
case the measure should be approved by a majority
of those in Kentucky, a condition that was not fulfilled.®
This defect, of course, vacated the entire enactment.
Father William R. Tuite succeeded Wilson at Saint
Rose’s, and a very definite tradition assures us that his
stand in the matter was largely responsible for the mis-
carriage of the division project. In this way, although
a holy, quiet, and inoffensive man, he incurred the dis-
pleasure of those who favored two provinces—all the
more so because his action prevented the fathers in Ohio
from receiving the means and property that were to go
to them in accordance with the Fenwick-Wilson com-
pact.*
2 Patent erecting Saint Louis Bertrand’s Province —a copy in the
handwriting of Father Stephen Byrne, O. P. (Archives of Saint Joseph’s
Priory, Somerset, Ohio). Shea tells us (History of the Catholic Church
in the United States, III, 352) that the original of this patent is in the
Archives of Notre Dame University; but we did not find it there. Doubt-
less Father Byrne made his copy from this before it was taken from
Cincinnati. There are two copies of it in the Archives of the Dominican
General, Rome—an unsigned one in Codex IV, 269, Letters 1822-1839, p.
10; and one signed with Velzi’s name in Codex V, 26. But it seems cer-
tain that Bardani signed the latter in Velzi’s name. Both these copies are
dated January 18, 1824.
3 Velzi to Tuite, August 23, 1827 (Archives of Saint Rose’s Priory,
Springfield, Kentucky). There are several documents to this effect, but
the original letter on the matter to Wilson has been lost.
4 The Fenwick-Wilson letter to the Dominican General as in note 1
of this chapter. The same appears from several documents. It should
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 189
Father Hill, it would seem certain, received no direct
notice from either F'ather Bardani or Father Velzi about
the condition on which the Province of Saint Louis Ber-
trand had been founded, and refused to take Father
Tuite’s word for it. Quite naturally Bishop Fenwick’s
sympathies were with Hill. Rome let the matter drag
on for nearly four years without action. There are clear
indications that, because of the small number of priests,
Father Velzi himself regarded the existence of two prov-
inces with little favor, but disliked to do anything that
might offend Fenwick, or appear to reflect on the action
of his own vicar. So he permitted the affair to remain
at a standstill, not without a serious drawback to the
interests of his brethren in the United States.°
Father Hill had the support of Father N. D. Young,
the bishop’s nephew. Between them they gained the
co-operation of the Rev. Frederic Rese. Because of the
oppressive work of the college, in consequence of the
diminished forces brought about by the emigration to
Ohio, Father Tuite gave up the charge of Danville and
other missions, by which he aroused the wrath of Bishop
Flaget.© When therefore Father Hill and his sympa-
thizers approached that zealous prelate about the mat-
ter under consideration, they found him in a receptive
be noted in this connection that these documents seem to show Bishop
Fenwick (pious, meek, and just though he certainly was) too anxious to
get possession of the little property owned by his brethren in Kentucky.
No doubt he was led to this by his straits, and felt that he was justified
by the fact that most of what they had came through him. With Father
Hill the property consideration was quite an important item.
5° Velzi to Tuite, August 23, 1827, as in note 3 of this chapter; same
to Fenwick April 26, 1828 (ibid.).
6 Father William T. Willett died in Lexington, May 6, 1824, a few
weeks before the death of Father Wilson. Father Tuite’s refusal to send
another priest to take his place there, although he could not have been
expected to do so, is said to have greatly angered Bishop Flaget.
190 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
mood for their representation of the case. Through him
the Rev. Francis P. Kenrick, a learned young priest of
his diocese, ‘was also partly drawn into the affair.‘
All this, there can scarcely be any room for doubt,
was largely responsible for a number of criticisms
against Father ‘Tuite’s administration and his intimate
friend, Father Samuel Montgomery. Some complaints
were even sent to Rome by Bishop Flaget and Father
Kenrick.> However, a study of the lives of Tuite and
Montgomery, together with the manuscript literature of
the day, shows these remonstrances to have been not
only hasty, but also made with little or no reason.
Letters, his own included, prove that the bishop’s
piety and honesty did not always safeguard him against
undue credence to groundless talk, or harshness in eriti-
«ism, or lack of charity in his judgment. One whom he
suffered to deceive him was an unscrupulous overseer
who had. been discharged by Fathers Tuite and Mont-
gomery, respectively the superior and syndic at Saint
Rose’s. Fathers Hill and Young he let convince him
that Tuite really had no authority. It seems certain
that Hill sought to get Dominican Sisters for Ohio
through the bishop rather than through ‘Tuite and Miles,
although they were under the jurisdiction of the Order;
and even that he endeavored to persuade them all to go
to the Diocese of Cincinnati.”
7 The facts recorded in this paragraph are shown by a number of docu-
ments—some in the Propaganda Archives, and some in those of the prov-
ince and Saint Rose’s Priory. Father Kenrick afterwards became bishop
of Philadelphia and archbishop of Baltimore.
8 There are several of these letters in the Propaganda Archives and
those of the Dominican General.
9 Tuite to Flaget, March 28, 1826 (?) (Archives of Saint Rose’s
Priory) ; Hill to Fenwick, October 23, 1824 (Archives of Saint Joseph’s
Priory, Somerset, Ohio) ; M. Johnson to same, July 18, 1825 (ibid.)
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 191
The whole affair is an illustration of the proneness of
human nature to bias, especially when one’s interest is
concerned, and of the inconsistencies into which it not
infrequently leads the best of us. Possibly it is the tra-
dition of his part in this matter that has prevented Fa-
ther Hill from being held by the province in the esteem
and reverence to which his zeal, labors, virtues, and
ability should entitle him. He did extraordinary mis-
sionary work in Ohio, while he was universally loved
and admired by the people.
More than one of the interested parties sought to
enlist the subject of our narrative on their side. But
Father Miles was too well balanced to be drawn from
what he belived to be his duty. Evidenty he defended
his friend and superior, whose rights he could not but
see had been unjustly attacked, which alone would have
won the sympathies of a man of his character. Still
he sought to pour oil on the troubled waters. Even
this wiser course seems to have offended Doctor Ken-
rick. On the other hand, Father Tuite was somewhat
incensed because he did not take a more active part
in his behalf, which he wrongly felt to be the result
of ambition. Whilst the future prelate was perfectly
content to let Father Hill have some of the sisters
for Ohio, he stood firm against him taking the entire
community. In this resolution he naturally had the
support of his provincial.’®
Father Tuite also maintained the even tenor of his
ways. Indeed, he showed a strength that few would
have expected of one with his mild disposition. His
life is an apt illustratation of the old saying: “Still
10 Tuite to Velzi, January 23, 1828, and July 29, 1828; Hill and Johnson
to Fenwick as in the preceding note.
192 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
water runs deep.” With the faithful co-operation of
Miles, Montgomery, and Polin, then the only priests
in the community, he effected much good in the College
of Saint Thomas as well as in the congregation. Stu-
dents came to the school in goodly numbers as well from
a distance as from the state and parish.
In this connection we distinctly recall meeting one
of its former professors in the distant past, I’ather
Joseph T. Jarboe, then almost an octogenarian, who had
just retired from his long labors in 'Tennessee in order
that he might end his days at Saint Joseph’s, Somerset,
Ohio. On his way north he stopped for a week or more
at Saint Rose’s for a last visit at the place where he
had entered the Order, made his studies, and spent
many years of his life. He was in high spirits and fine
reminiscent mood; his mind good; his memory excellent.
More than one evening he entertained the novices with
recollections of his early days there. Besides, we had
the good fortune to be appointed to look after his
needs. Again, when he left, we were delegated to take
him in a buggy to the home of his nephew who lived
about eleven miles distant.
On all these occasions, for his mind seemed full of the
subject, the patriarchal old priest discoursed at length
on Bishop Miles, Fathers Tuite and Samuel Mont-
gomery, and the college which, he said, had a large
attendance for that day. It was an excellent school.
Some splendid men, both Catholic and non-Catholic,
were educated in it. They were a credit to every
profession. He loved the work of teaching, but the
effort to combine it with his own studies so undermined
his health that it was feared he would not live until his
ordination. Fathers Charles D. Bowling, James V.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 193
Bullock, and Charles P. Montgomery, the last named
afterwards provincial and nominated bishop of Mon-
terey, California, also came in for much _ praise.
Bowling was one of the most ascetic men he ever knew;
Bullock the most extraordinary linguist with whom he
had come into contact. Like Jarboe himself, they were
professed clerics, but helped in the college. Excessive
work kept them “as thin as rails.”” Quite a number of
lay professors were likewise employed in the institution.
Saint Thomas’ College had almost as many students
as Saint Joseph’s and Saint Mary’s together until a
French priest came up to Bardstown from Louisiana
with his whole school.** One of the most unfortunate
things that ever happened to the province was the
closing of Saint Thomas’ by Father Mufios. When
he spoke of this action the aged clergyman’s cheeks
reddened as if with indignation. Bishop Miles was
president of the college during Father Tuite’s term
of office.
It would appear, in fact, that, when better times
returned, Saint Thomas’ bade fair soon to outstrip its
palmiest days. The United States Catholic Miscellany
of November 10, 1827, in an account of the jubilee ser-
vices given at Saint Rose’s in the previous September,
says: “Contiguous to it [that is, the convent, | is erected
a school of public instruction, the number of whose
11 This was the Rev. B. Martial who had conducted a school in a
country house of the Ursuline Sisters of New Orleans. He came up to
Bardstown in 1825, and brought fifty-four students with him. In 1826
he went to Rome and took with him a letter to the prefect of the Prop-
aganda from Bishop Flaget, in which the zealous prelate says that this
increase of students had fortunately put his college on its feet. See also
Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, I, No. V, p. 74, and III, 184; and
SPALDING, Early Missions, p. 280.
14
194 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
pupils is daily increasing.” Similarly, “A Brief Ac-
count” (Breve Narrazione) of the jubilee, which Bishop
Flaget sent to Rome, states that there are four colleges
in the diocese, one of which is conducted “by the Do-
minican Fathers who belong to the Convent of Saint
Rose,” where many youths are educated.”
Apostolic work kept pace with that of education.
In truth, Saint Rose’s was the model parish of the
diocese. The Hon. Ben. Webb but states a plain fact,
when he says:
The congregation of St. Ann, the first over which pastoral
supervision was exercised by the Dominican Fathers, and that of
St. Rose, by which it was succeeded in 1808, and which is still
subject to their care and guidance, has at no time been regarded
otherwise than as a model congregation of Catholic christian souls.
As early as the year 1826 [1827], on the occasion of the jubilee
preached that year in Kentucky, it exceeded all others in the
State in the number of those who approached the sacraments of
penance and the Holy Eucharist. Whereas the highest number
of communicants in any one of the other congregations of the
diocese, on the occasion referred to, was but four hundred and
ninety-five, (that of Holy Cross,) no fewer than eight hundred
received holy communion in the single church of St. Rose.1*
Futhermore, the Breve Narrazione referred to above
reveals the almost incredible fact that the communions
at Saint Rose’s nearly doubled those at the cathedral,
12 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. IX. In the Annales as
in the preceding note, III, 174 and 197, mention is also made of the
Dominican college, showing it in operation in 1826 and early in 1828.
Father Kenrick likewise speaks of it in a letter to the prefect of the
Propaganda, October 27, 1827, and says that it is under the direction
of Father Miles (Propaganda Archives, Vol. IX, as above). All this
clearly shows the error of Badin and Spalding, when they tell us that
it was closed in 1819 or 1820. The same error is found in Father J. A.
Burn’s The Catholic School System in the United States (p. 178). He
took the date from Spalding.
13 Op. cit., p. 205.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 195
and were well-nigh one fifth of the entire number
received in the one and twenty parishes of the diocese
on that notable occasion.’* The correspondent of the
United States Catholic Miscellany, who signs himself
“J. M.,” declares: “The solicitude of the pious people
to gain the spiritual treasure of the Jubilee caused them
to anticipate the sun’s morning appearance, and to wait
until after he had hid his lustre, that they might have
access to the confessors.” Nearly eight hundred, he
says, approached the sacred table by the end of the
week. As it was impossible to hear the confessions of
all, it was necessary to defer the completion of the
jubilee until a later date; which must have carried the
number of communions to considerably over eight
hundred.*”
The Miscellany’s accounts of the jubilee exercises
in the various churches, about all from the pen of “J.
M.,” show clearly that at none of them did the people
manifest such piety, fervor, and earnestness, or turn
out in proportionately such great numbers, as at that
of Saint Rose. Indeed, their spirit of religion so im-
pressed Bishop Flaget that it moved him to write to
Bishop Fenwick:
I have just returned from an apostolic excursion, during which,
aided by several of my young missionaries, I gave the jubilee in
three parishes. The first one was that of Saint Rose, where some
eight hundred persons received holy communion. ... I declared
14 Spalding (Life of Flaget, p. 260) says that over six thousand per-
sons received communion during the jubilee which is evidently an exag-
geration; for the Breve Narrazione, following parish by parish, gives the
number as four thousand three hundred and fifty. This document is
in the handwriting of Father F. P. Kenrick who everywhere helped to
conduct the jubilee.
15 Edition of November 10, 1827. “J. M.” was likely an assumed name,
for we have not been able to discover any priest in the Louisville Diocese
at that time to whom it may apply.
196 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
publicly that I had not expected to find in this parish such
fervor as it had manifested; and that I was greatly consoled in
that I could bestow only the highest praise on the piety of the
faithful and on the zeal of the priests who directed them.'®
This splendid manifestation of faith was a sponta-
neous outpouring of the heart. Its reason is not far
to seek. Father Tuite and his associates (Fathers
Miles, Samuel Montgomery, and Thomas J. Polin)
were zealous and holy priests, notwithstanding the
uncharitable strictures that cropped out in the unpleas-
ant relations to which reference has been made. ‘They
understood their people; their people understood them.
True shepherds of souls, they were ever at their post
of duty, which brought out the parish in numbers for
all spiritual exercises. Anent their leader, who bore
the brunt of the ill-will, Mr. Webb writes thus:
Of Father William Raymond Tuite and his labors the writer’s
knowledge is limited to the simple fact that he was a most
amiable and praiseworthy priest. ... He remembers having
heard him spoken of by a friend, years ago, as one toward
whom naturally tended the affection of his parishioners of the
congregation of St. Rose, and as having lived a life filled with
merits, and having died the death of the just.1?
Thus the misunderstanding and unpleasantness did
not chill the zeal or ardor of the fathers for the salvation
of souls. As a matter of fact, they never labored harder
or with greater fruit than at this very time. Cognizance
was taken of their apostolic toil not merely in America,
but even in Europe. Of how Father Nicholas Sewell,
provincial of the Society of Jesus in England, was
impressed by the reports of their spiritual endeavors
may be judged from his letter to Father Enoch Fen-
wick, S.J., of Georgetown College, written when the
16 Letter dated October 10, 1827 (Notre Dame Archives).
17 Op. cit., p. 208.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 197
agitation was at its height. “The Dominicans [he says ]
are doing great things for the glory of God in Ohio,
Kentucky, etc.; let us emulate their example and renew
the zeal of our forefathers.” **
Similar in tone is a communication which appeared
in the Catholic Advocate of April 24, 1847. It covers
the period of which we are speaking, and shows how
the memory of the zeal of these early fathers was
treasured by those who came under its influence. ‘The
language reveals a good mind at the same time that it
indicates an education which must have been received
at Saint Thomas’.
In your number for the 3rd of April [says the writer] I read
a communication upon “Catholic Institutions, Convents, Schools,
etc., in Kentucky”, which called forth many serious reflections.
The writer of that article has taken me back, in thought, not
only to the days of my youth, but to the very place of my nativity.
O how long will the scenes and reminiscences of my childhood
last! I have lived nearly half a century, and yet I am unable
to forget the good old land of my early home.
Yes, St. Rose is a venerated name, which, though I could live
for centuries to come, I cannot forget. For it was within her
sacred walls that I received that salutary Christian instruction,
at the hands of pious Fathers Wilson, Tuite, Miles, Willett, and
Polin, which I hope, with the grace of God, never to forget. . . .19
It was there that I used to go to early Mass, when I wished to seek
a reconciliation with an offended God, in the holy sacrament of
18 Letter from Stonyhurst (?), England, and dated September 28, 1824
(Archives of the Maryland-New York Province of Jesuit Fathers, Case
204, K 14).—Doubtless some of the writers of the uncharitable letters
of this time afterwards regretted their actions. This is certainly true of
Father Francis P. Kenrick.
19 We are inclined to think that the Advocate’s correspondent con-
founded Father Willett with Father Samuel Montgomery. Willett did
not remain long at Saint Rose’s after his ordination. Montgomery spent
more time there. Father Polin seems to have been ordained shortly after
Father Wilson’s death; and this fact shows that the Advocate’s com-
munication covers the period of which we treat in this chapter.
198 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
penance. Never, never, can I eradicate from my remembrance the
holy counsels of Father Polin. He was the most holy man I ever
knew. And no one, I will venture to say, ever knelt at his feet
and did not go away a better man.
It was there, too, that I learned the little that I know of
sacred music, under the tuition of the Right Rev. Bishop of
Nashville. O what satisfaction did I then enjoy, on Saturday
and Sunday evenings, when the young people would assemble at
church, with the good Bishop, then a Priest, at our head, and with
the organ, we would sing the joyful hymns and anthems appro-
priate to the time. It was there, too, that I used to go on Sunday
evenings to hear the Fathers of St. Dominic chaunt, or sing the
Vespers. In fine, it was there that every facility was afforded to
the sincere Christian for the practice of his duties as such, and
all efforts were made to reclaim sinners from the evil of their
WAYS.) 6 7s ts
[Signed] A.”
Paducah [ Kentucky], April 11, 1847.”
After the death of Father Wilson, the subject of
our narrative seems to have acted as master of novices.
But he held the position for only a short time, for it was
given to Father Polin soon after his ordination. As the
reader may readily imagine, the zealous priest found
ample employment in the ministerial and educational
duties attached to the parish of Saint Rose and the Col-
lege of Saint Thomas of Aquin. Yet to tell of his labors
along these lines at the present period of his life were
largely to repeat what has been recounted in previous
chapters. Suffice it then to say that in all things he
was one of Father Tuite’s mainstays, even as he had
been one of Father Wilson’s—and then pass on to
another phase of his apostolate which had come into
prominence at this time.
Shortly after the ordination of the apostle of ‘Ten-
nessee, one of the ministers in Springfield, possibly
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 199
aroused by the doctrinal sermons that drew crowds to
Saint Rose’s, commenced a series of violent attacks on
the Church and everything Catholic. At first, little
attention was paid to his harangues by the fathers.
However, when they began to engender bitterness be-
tween the Catholics and their neighbors, as well as
otherwise to disturb the tranquillity of the neighbor-
hood, the priests were obliged to take up the cudgels, no
less in the interest of peace than in their own defense
and that of the Church. Gradually the trouble maker
was reduced to silence by the masterful refutations de-
livered, some in the courthouse in Springfield and some
from the pulpit at Saint Rose’s. Then he tried the
same tactics in Bardstown, where he came into conflict
with the Right Rev. John B. David.”
Naturally, Fathers Wilson and Tuite, because the
senior clergy, were the leading spirits in this contro-
versial bout. Yet it has been handed down to us that
Father Miles, though ordained only a short time, played
a no inconspicuous part in the affair. Doubtless he was
guided in these efforts by his mentor, Father Wilson,
to whom he had recourse in every uncertainty. Be this
as it may, the discussions not only brought him into
prominence as an able controversialist, but also pre-
pared the way for other fruitful labors along some-
what similar lines.
Although he had commenced such work prior to the
present period of his life, he now became especially
active in lecturing on the Catholic faith to mixed
audiences in and around Springfield. Huis favorite
method of carrying on this apostolate was that of
20 See introduction to Bishop David’s Vindication of the Catholic Doc-
trine concerning the Use and Veneration of Images, etc.
200 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
question and answer. Father Samuel Montgomery,
whenever they could arrange to be together, proposed
the stock objections against the Church and the diffi-
culties in her tenets. Father Miles solved them. His
clear, logical mind, happy expression, and urbane man-
ner stood him in splendid stead in these endeavors.
Perhaps not less helpful was the care with which he
avoided whatever might offend any part of his au-
dience. He knew well that harsh words, sarcasm or
ridicule often darken-the mind, but seldom enlighten
it; that wounded feelings tend rather to close than
to open the heart. For this reason, he took particular
pains to show, not animus, but kindness in his refuta-
tion of un-Catholic tenets. Little wonder that crowds
went to hear him.
Tradition tells us that Father Miles’ gently contro-
versial discourses resulted in a number of conversions.
Some there were who advised him to be more pointed in
his remarks; still he remained firm in his conviction that
moderation is far the wiser policy. “Quietly sow the
seed,” he would reply; “the harvest will come later.” It
was only natural that the knowledge of the good thus ac-
complished should spread. ‘The old fathers of the prov-
ince used to maintain that it inspired Bishop Flaget with
the idea of conducting the jubilee of 1826 and 1827
along the same lines, and that Father Miles took the
part of objector at the time of the exercises at Saint
Rose’s. However this may be, the project gave the Rev.
I’. P. Kenrick, then only a few years ordained, an ex-
cellent opportunity to employ his superior talents and
learning for the benefit of religion in Kentucky.”
21 Tradition tells us that the clever Propaganda student declared that
Father Miles, during the exercises of Saint Rose’s, gave him some of the
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 201
Despite the pressure of his other occupations and the
exigency of his professional duties, Father Miles did
not overlook the needs of the community of sisters
which he had helped to bring into existence. After
Father Wilson’s death especially, he was their guiding
light, and the staff upon which they leaned in their many
trials. When their first school, started in a former
still-house that stood on the farm given them by Mother
Angela Sansbury’s father, became too small, he en-
couraged that valiant woman to erect a brick structure
which would serve for both an academy and a convent.
Similarly, when their small means became exhausted, he
persuaded Bishop Flaget to permit them to solicit
means to carry the enterprise to completion.”
But the scanty contributions received proved wholly
inadequate for the project. Father Miles, shocked at
the idea that these spouses of Christ should be thus
thwarted in their good work, or obliged to continue in
almost uninhabitable quarters, then obtained permission
from Father Tuite to sign a pledge by which he made
himself personally responsible for the payment of the
money which the sisters should have to borrow in order
to finish the edifice. The signature, though required
by those who lent the means, was a mere matter of form,
for there could be no doubt that his charges would be
able to pay their debts by degrees. Pages from a
Hundred Years of Dominican History assures us that
he was ever their “true friend and counsellor.”** He
most difficult objections that he had to answer the whole time of the
jubilee.
22 Flaget to Miles, August 25, 1826 (Louisville Archives) ; MrInocuE,
Pages from a Hundred Years of Dominican History, pp. 53 ff.
23 Fenwick to the Most Rev. Joachim Briz, Dominican General, October
10, 1829 (copy in Saint Rose’s Archives) ; MINoGUE, p. 62.
202 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
instructed them, trained them in the art of pedagogy,
drilled them in the rules and constitutions of the Order,
taught them the aims and purposes of their vocation.
However, the future prelate’s long years of faith-
ful labor in Kentucky were now near their close.
Father Tuite’s term of office would soon expire. The
same was true of Father Hill’s provincialship in Ohio.
Father Joseph Velzi, the General, it would appear,
wrote to both to notify them of this fact, but the letter
for Kentucky miscarried. Hill replied on January 12,
1827, and seems to have sent his answer by the Rev.
Frederic Rese who went to Rome on business for
Bishop Fenwick.”
The document presses Velzi to co-operate with the
bishop’s plan for a Dominican prefecture apostolic in
Ohio. As the decree of the division of the fathers
into two provinces had not taken legal effect, in default
of an approval by a majority of the brethren in Ken-
tucky, Hill would have the enactment formally
annulled, the Province of Saint Joseph suppressed,
and a new one organized under the name of Saint
Louis Bertrand, with headquarters in Ohio. He now
thinks that it would be better both for religion and for
the Order if all the fathers were placed under one ju-
risdiction, as their united efforts would be more effective
for good.”
Meantime the General determined to give the fathers
a voice in the selection of their provincial. On August
23, 1827, therefore, he wrote to authorize Father Tuite,
24 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. IX); Life of Bishop
Fenwick, pp. 338 ff.
25 There is every reason for believing that the proposed Ohio pre-
fecture was the work of Father Hill. Such an idea fits in with his way
of dreaming, while it is totally foreign to Bishop Fenwick.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 203
as the superior of the oldest house, to convoke the
brethren in chapter and to forward to him the name of
the one whom the majority should judge the best fitted
for that position. The same document declared that,
as the former division of the province had not been
accepted by the greater number of the members in
Kentucky, which had been stipulated as necessary for
the instrument to become effective, the Province of Saint
Louis Bertrand had never enjoyed any legal exis-
tence; that in the future there should be only one prov-
ince; and that it should retain the name of Saint
J oseph.*°
Before the appointment of a new provincial could be
made, Fenwick’s petition for a prefecture apostolic in
Ohio, which was carried to Rome by Father Frederic
Rese, brought together Cardinal Capellari and Arch-
bishop Caprano, respectively the prefect and the sec-
retary of the Propaganda, and Father Velzi. This
affair, in conjunction with the disagreements mentioned
earlier, culminated in the appointment of Bishop
Fenwick as head (or commissary general) of the
province, the letters patent of which bear the date of
May 25, 1828.°° Certainly no holier man could have
been selected. Yet the action could scarcely be pro-
nounced wise. Apart from its extra-constitutionality,
it placed the bishop in a most delicate position; while,
pressed as he was for means and missionaries in his
diocese, he could hardly be expected, or even able,
26 Archives of Saint Rose’s Priory, Springfield, Kentucky. As the prov-
ince did not yet have three convents, the right of appointing a provin-
cial vested in the hands of the Master General.
27 Copy in Archives of Saint Joseph’s Priory, Somerset, Ohio. See
also Life of Bishop Flaget, pp. 53 ff.
204 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
always to strike a just poise between its rights and
those of the Order of Preachers.
Doubtless there were those who, quite naturally,
preferred to have the reins of authority in the hands
of another than the bishop, though he had been one of
their number. ‘Tradition tells us that, could an elective
chapter of all the brethren have been held, Father Miles
would have been chosen for the position by practically
a unanimous vote. Yet, because of the high esteem
and love in which the province’s founder was held, not
a voice seems to have been raised against his appoint-
ment. Every one knew that he had not sought the new
dignity and onus, as well as that the choice of him for
the place was much against his wish.
Shortly after the receipt of the letters patent of this
extraordinary appointment, which has few parallels in
the history of the Order, Bishop Fenwick set out for
Kentucky to visit Saint Rose’s. While there, August
21, 1828, he forwarded to Cincinnati Father Raphael
Munios’ appointment as prior to succeed Father Tuite.”
The fact that the document is in the handwriting of
Father Tuite reveals the good-will of that humble re-
ligious, speaks well for his spirit of obedience, and
shows, even were there no other proof, that Mufios was
not sent to Saint Rose’s for the purpose of re-estab-
lishing discipline as Bishop Spalding, evidently
deceived by some letters of his predecessor, was led
to believe.”
Father Mufios’ appointment, as a matter of fact,
was largely intended as a pacific to Bishop Flaget;
28 Archives of Saint Rose’s Priory, Springfield, Kentucky.
29 Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 288.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 205
for, in spite of the fruits which he had witnessed of
Father Tuite’s zeal, he still cherished a bias towards
the venerable Friar Preacher. Mufios was the aus-
terest of men. He mortified himself in the extreme,
often taking the discipline, it is said, until the blood ran
to his heels. He was a Master of Sacred Theology;
had been a confessor to the royal family of Spain, a
member of the regal chapter and a synodical examiner
for two Spanish dioceses; was widely known as a zeal-
ous priest of the most exemplary character and an
eloquent preacher.®® Moreover, he had been an effi-
cient missionary in Ohio for three years. Surely,
thought the vicar provincial, Bardstown’s prelate will
find no fault with such a man at the head of the
institution.
Although no one could have foreseen it, the choice
of the Spanish priest for prior proved singularly un-
fortunate. His ways and ideas did not harmonize with
those of his American brethren. He did not believe
that the work of secular education fell within the limits
of the vocation of a Friar Preacher. ‘Thus, for he
was a man of strong will, his appointment as superior
sounded the death-knell of Saint Thomas’ College.
Albeit he must have been fully aware of Bishop Fen-
wick’s desire to establish similar institutions at Cincin-
nati and Canton, Ohio, if not even another at Saint
Joseph’s, near Somerset, in the same state, Father
Munios’ first step on his arrival at Saint Rose’s was to
suppress that with which the Province of Saint
Joseph had started. The only explanation of why
30 Mufios’ testimonial letters signed by Ferdinand M. Pantossa, chaplain
to Ferdinand VII, king of Spain (Archives of Saint Rose’s).
206 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Bishop Fenwick permitted the reckless deed to be
carried out is that he hoped it would enable him the
sooner to realize his designs for his own diocese.
The sentiments aroused in the fathers at large by
this act of the Spanish prior can not be better expressed
than in the words of the annalist of the English Prov-
ince. On the suppression of its College of the Holy
Cross, Bornheim, Belgium, whence sprang that in
Kentucky, he wrote: “May God forgive, whoever they
were, the authors of a counsel so pernicious to the
province. They would have committed a lesser evil,
had they reduced the convent to ashes; for such a loss
would have been reparable, whilst this injury can never
be repaired.” ** Such were now the feelings that filled
the breasts of the American brethren.
None could have regretted Father Mufios’ ill-advised
action more deeply than the Father of the Church in
Tennessee. Saint Thomas’ had become as the apple of
his eye. There had he attained the object of his heart’s
holiest aspirations. He had given the institution many
of the best years of his life. Keenly did he realize the
good that had come from the college, and the drawback
entailed in its closure. Possibly, indeed, its suppression
gave him the greatest shock that he ever experienced.
Meanwhile Father Hill, whom Bishop Fenwick re-
garded as his most efficient missionary, died at Canton,
Ohio (September 3, 1828).* Father Tuite was sent
31 Patmer, Life of Cardinal Howard, p. 132. “Condonet ipsis Deus,
quicumque authores fuere consilii Provinciae adeo perniciosi; damni mi-
nus attulissent, si conventum in cineres reduxissent; damnum enim illud
reparabile, hoc numquam reparari potest.”
32 For Fenwick’s appreciation of Hill see Annales de la Propagation
de la Fou, III, 298-299, and IV, 506-507. An English rendition of por-
tions of the bishop’s letters is given in Life of Fenwick, pp. 345-346.
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 207
to take his place; whilst Father Miles became pastor at
Zanesville, in the same state, in order that Father
Stephen H. Montgomery might help at the Cathedral
in Cincmnati. Father Samuel Montgomery was
called to Saint Joseph’s, near Somerset, Ohio, for the
missions in that vicinity.
Out of joint with the needs of the young American
Church, Father Mufos had no sooner closed Saint
Thomas’ College than he turned his thoughts towards
the suppression of Saint Magdalen’s Community of
Dominican Sisters. Since in Spain he had seen only
enclosed nuns of the Order, he felt that the active life
of those in America was in contradiction to its true
spirit. Furthermore, their hardships astounded him,
and he could not understand why they should undergo
such unspeakable trials and privations for the educa-
tion of young girls. He refused to give the sisters
mass, or to let confessions be heard in their chapel;
which, of course, obliged them, as well as their pupils,
to go to Saint Rose’s for the sacraments and divine
services. Nay, it left them without the Blessed Sacra-
ment, the very source of the joy, strength, and conso-
lation of the religious life.
Curious as it may seem, he pressed them to seek a
dispensation from their vows and return to the world,
until at least, should they persevere in their wishes,
they could begin a community under more favorable
auspices. Bishop Fenwick intervened, possibly at the
request of Bishop Flaget. Father Mufios then reluc-
tantly gave the sisters mass on Sundays, but he would
yield no further. Finally, when he discovered their
debt and that Father Miles was sponsor for it, he used
208 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
this circumstance in order to frighten the vicar provin-
cial over to his views. Doctor Fenwick became anxious
about the situation, and he shrewdly determined to make
use of it for the double purpose of settling the debts of
the sisters and of taking the community to his diocese.
However, he soon discovered his error. Father Munos
was then recalled to Ohio. Father S. H. Montgomery
took his place in Kentucky.””
Father Mufios’ administration at Saint Rose’s re-
flects not the least discredit on him as a priest or
religious. He was zealous ad unguem, and practised all
the mortifications of the fathers of the desert. In his
native land he might have made the best of superiors;
for, after all, he was a man of tender heart. In Amer-
ica it turned out otherwise. Nevertheless we should
not overlook the probability that the excessive penances
and labors, which brought on his death, may have
incapacitated him for the position which he held in
Kentucky. He died in the odor of sanctity at Cincin-
nati, July 18, 1830, mourned by the entire city. Ohio
had no more zealous or tireless missionary; the poor
no truer friend.**
Tradition, which seems indubitable, assures us that
33 Flaget to Fenwick, January 16, 1829 (Archives of Saint Rose’s
Priory) ; Fenwick to the Most Rev. Joachim Briz, Dominican General,
October 10, 1829 (copy, ibid.) ; MinocuE, op. cit, pp. 59 ff.
34 United States Catholic Miscellany, August 14, 1830; Catholic Tele-
graph, May 4, 1848—The Miscellany says: “He had laboured on the
Ohio missions for nearly six years with the zeal of an apostle. His
pleasure consisted in explaining and inculcating the principles of the
catholic faith; and, tor that end, he spared neither time nor pains. Sur-
rounded by children and others destitute of religious instruction, he
would spend weeks in the cabins of the interior to remove ignorance
and replace it by the light of revealed truth. In the city of Cincinnati,
where he chiefly resided, the poor knew him as another good Samaritan,
who never passed them by, without administering all the relief which
FOUR YEARS UNDER FATHER TUITE 209
Father Miles, by word of mouth before he left Ken-
tucky, and by letters after he went to Ohio, was the
good sisters’ chief support and counsellor in their period
of sore trial. He advised, nay, urged them not to yield
in their rights; told them that their resistance, which,
however, should be respectful, would not be disobe-
dience; promised them that, with prayer and patience,
God would see them happily through the trouble. So
it happened, and the zealous Friar Preacher saw in it
the divine approbation of the work which he had helped
to initiate. Doubtless his influence had its part not
only in convincing Bishop Fenwick of his mistake, but
also in inducing him, in 1830, to establish a branch of
the community at Somerset, Ohio, which has since
grown into a prosperous province.
Thus Tennessee’s first bishop was connected with
Saint Thomas’ College from its commencement until
its closure—a period of about twenty years. During all
this time students attended it not merely from every
part of Kentucky, but also from far north, south, and
west. None toiled harder or more faithfully in the in-
stitution than he; none were better beloved by its pupils,
through whom the benefits of his good influence were
carried in all directions. His work at Saint Thomas’,
together with the part that he played in the establish-
ment and conservation of our first community of
his condition afforded, and their necessities required.
“The tears of a large and pious assembly, on the day of his interment,
proclaimed aloud that the widow had lost a friend; the orphan an advo-
cate; religion one of its fairest ornaments; and the diocese of Cincinnati
one of its most useful missionaries. His memory will live in the grateful
and pious remembrance of the numerous friends, who deplore his loss;
while their children shall be taught to unite with them in fervent ejac-
ulation for the soul of his departed spirit. M[ullon].”
15
210 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Dominican Sisters, entitles him to a distinguished place
among the early Catholic educators of the United
States. In Kentucky, whose Church has had no more
zealous priest, even though he did not carry his piety
on his sleeve, his name should never be forgotten.
CHAPTER X
MISSIONARY IN OHIO
THE great State of Ohio, although more favorably
situated than that of Kentucky, was slower to attract
the English-speaking settler. Until a few years prior
to the French and Indian War, the territory now em-
braced in that commonwealth seems to have been
regarded somewhat in the nature of a buffer space
between the Briton on the east and the thinly scattered
Gaul to the west, albeit both the French and the Eing-
lish eventually laid claim to its fertile plains. From
the close of the American Revolution, when that
country became a part of the United States, until 1796,
the hostility of the Indians, abetted by the British at
the north, caused the stream of home-seekers from the
Atlantic seaboard to flow towards the lands south of
the Ohio River.
There appears to be little room for doubt that the
French were the first white race who set foot on the soil
of Ohio. Like the Spanish, they regarded their explora-
tions almost as much in the light of a means of carrying
the word of God, the knowledge of Christ, and the way
of salvation to the benighted aborigines as in that of
an effort to enlarge the domain of their king abroad.
With them, as with the Spanish, ever went the priest.
Indeed, not infrequently the zeal of the missionary to
christianize the Indian led him to outstrip the explorer
211
£12 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
and colonizer, and to prepare the way for further prog-
ress and conquest.
With the French along the Great Lakes were Fran-
ciscan Recollects, secular priests, Sulpicians, and mem-
bers of the Society of Jesus. As the uppermost parts
of Ohio lay along the line of the westward march of
their countrymen, it is higly probable that some of
these missionaries entered the state in search of souls
at an earlier period than is now known. ‘The Jesuits
were both the earliest and the most numerous of the
pioneer priests in those northern parts. History in-
dicates that they were also the first to sow the seed of
the Gospel in what is now, in point of population, the
fourth commonwealth in the Union. Still there is no
document to show the presence of a Catholic mission-
ary there before 1749, when Father Joseph Bonnécamp,
S.J., accompanied Celeron de Bienville on his expedi-
tion to lay claim to the territory for France. On this
occasion Bienville’s travels were a hurried work of
political expediency, and nothing indicates that the
priest performed any ministerial functions among the
Indians, though he must have said mass for his
companions."
However, such spiritual labors were not slow to
follow. According to Mr. Shea, Father Armand de la
Richardie, of the same order, erected ‘“‘the first shrine
of Catholicity within the present limits of Ohio” about
1751. ‘The little wigwam of a church stood on the site
now occupied by the City of Sandusky. Fathers
1 SuHeA, History of the Catholic Church in the United States, III, 330;
Houck, The Church in Northern Ohio (edition of 1903), I, 2-6; Lamorrt,
Archdiocese of Cincinnati, pp. 4 ff. See also Vol. I of Shea’s history
and Life of Archbishop Carroll, passim.
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 213
Bonnécamp (mentioned above) and Nicholas Potier are
said to have followed their confrére, and to have also
labored among the red men along the southern shores
of Lake Erie* Unfortunately the vicissitudes of war
all too soon drove these zealous missionaries from their
newest field of harvest in what is now the near-west.
The French and Indian War broke out in 1754. At
first, it was largely a religious strife, and a conflict
between the British and French colonists. In 1756, the
mother countries, these two nations having now become
engaged in war, took up the quarrel. Despite his
smaller numbers, success attended the Gaul in the begin-
ning of the struggle; but in the end the tide turned in
favor of the Briton. The earliest triumphs of the
English were in the west, and through them the Catholic
missionaries just mentioned were obliged to withdraw
into Canada. Quebec fell on September 18, 1759, deci-
ding the fate of the Gallican possessions in North Amer-
ica. By the Treaty of Paris, signed February 10, 1763,
France not only ceded to England her claims to the
Ohio Valley, but also surrendered the whole of Canada.
From the time of the departure of the Jesuits until
the arrival of Father Peter Joseph Didier, the pioneer
Benedictine in the United States, at Gallipolis, Ohio
probably saw no Catholic clergyman. This was in 1790.
He came to take spiritual charge of the ill-planned and
unfortunate Scioto Colony. Although a pious and
zealous priest, his labors there were of short duration—
not more than two years. He built no church. Find-
ing the people of the colony discontented, unruly, and
deeply imbued with the principles of the French Revo-
lution, the follower of Saint Benedict soon despaired
2 See note 1.
214 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of accomplishing any permanent good among them,
and possibly became downcast because he had no one
to administer to his own soul. For this reason, he
journeyed on to Missouri, where he toiled in the cause
of Christ until his death.*
Fathers Michael B. Barriere and Stephen T. Badin,
it will be remembered, stopped at Gallipolis in 1793,
while on their way from Baltimore to the missions of
Kentucky. But they tarried only three days in the
place.*
The next missionary who, as far as can be ascertained
from records, exercised the ministry in Ohio was the
Rev. Edmund Burke. He was a native of Ireland,
aman of note, and a priest of the Diocese of Quebec.
In the Treaty of Paris, September 18, 1783, Great
Britain ceded all the territory south of the Great
Lakes to the United States; yet, under futile pretexts,
she continued to hold the forts in that part of the
country. Even as late as 1795 she erected Fort Miami
on the Maumee, near the present Perrysburg, Wood
County, northwestern Ohio. The presence of the
British soldiers brought Father Burke to that locality,
for the occupation of these northern lands by them ob-
scured the correct boundary lines between the dioceses of
Quebec and Baltimore. However, Father Burke re-
turned to Canada with the forces of England the
year after Fort Miami was built.°
3 SHEA, Life of Archbishop Carroll, pp. 481-482; Gumtpay, Life of Arch-
bishop Carroll, pp. 395-404; Catholic Historical Review, IV, 415 ff (“The
Gallipolis Colony,” by Rev. L. J. Kenney, S. J.)
4Bapin (Un Témoin Oculaire), Origine et Progrés de la Mission du
Kentucky, p. 16.
5 SHEA, Life of Carroll, pp. 474-480; Houck, op. cit., pp. 6-7; GuILpAy,
Life of Carroll, p. 698; Lamott, Archdiocese of Cincinnati, pp. 20-21;
O’DaniEL, Life of Fenwick, p. 192. After leaving Ohio Father Burke
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 215
After the Treaty of Greenville, in 1795, and the with-
drawal of the British soldiery, in 1796, with the
consequent cessation of danger from the Indian and
of uneasiness caused by the presence of a foreign enemy,
the tide of immigration into Ohio grew steadily. In-
deed, it soon assumed enormous proportions, for the
report of the state’s fertile lands now turned the stream
of home-seekers towards the north. At first, they were
principally from New England; but it was not long
before they began to flow in from many parts of the
United States and even from the Old World.°
Among the early colonists there were doubtless a few
Catholics of whom there is no trace. As often happens
under similar circumstances, the most of them must
have lost the faith. Perhaps, with the exception of a
brief visit of Father Badin at Gallipolis in December,
1807, not from the time of Father Burke’s departure,
in 1796, until 1808 did a priest enter the limits of Ohio,
although its population had grown by leaps and bounds,
and the territory had been erected into a state as early as
1802. Jacob Dittoe, a “Pennsylvania German” of Al-
satian descent, was an instrument in his coming; the
missionary, it will be recalled, was none other than
Father Edward D. Fenwick, who went from the mon-
astery in Kentucky where the subject of our narrative
was then domiciled.’
became titular bishop of Sion and vicar apostolic of Nova Scotia. He
died in Halifax in 1820.
6 RANDALL and Ryan, History of Ohio, Ill, 4 ff; Howe, Historical Col-
lections of Ohto, passim.
7 For the letters of Jacob Dittoe to Archbishop Carroll begging for a
priest see Life of Fenwick, pp. 194 ff. Father Badin in a letter to Carroll,
begun in Pennsylvania, December 17, 1807, and completed at Bardstown,
January 7, 1808, says: “On Christmas day I officiated at Gallipolis, where
I found still a spark of faith. That settlement has much declined since
216 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
From that year (1808) until 1816, Father Fenwick
could do no more for the Catholics in these northern
parts than visit them at the most twice in a twelve-
month; but from 1816 he gave them his entire time, find-
ing lodgment wherever he could. Late in 1817, he was
joined by his nephew, Father Nicholas D. Young.
Because of their poverty and the stress of their mission-
ary labors, the two ambassadors of Christ could find
neither the time nor the means to build a home for
I visited it first; but they assure me that there are many Irish Catholic
families in the vicinity” (Baltimore Archives, Case 1, I 5). A letter
of appeal, discovered since the appearance of Fenwick’s Life, was also
sent to Baltimore in behalf of some Catholics who had come to Ohio
from the “Eastern Shore”, Maryland. It is signed by Whaland Goodee
and Major Philips.
“February Ist, 1807.
“State of Ohio, Ross County, Chillicothe.
“To the Rev. Mr. Carroll,
“Dear Sir :—
“We join our hands as one man in supplication to you, desiring a
priest, as there is no teacher of our Church in this part of the country;
and if it be convenient for you to send us one, we will do everything
that is reasonable to support him. We have made no calculation of what
might be collected yearly, as we did not know whether we could be
supplied or not. Neither can we give a true account of the number of
Catholics, but as nigh as we can come, [it] is betwixt 30 and 40 which came
from the Eastern Shore; and, I suppose, numbers from other parts which
I am not acquainted with. Dear Sir, if you would be so kind as to make a
trial and send a priest, there is nothing [which] would give us more
pleasure on account of our children as well as ourselves. Please write
as soon as possible.
I am yours with Respect,
Whaland [Goodee—torn off]
(Ibid. Case 10, I 6). and Major Philips.
The fact that Father Fenwick found no Catholics, except three families
near Somerset, on his way through Ohio in 1808, and that Bishop Flaget’s
diary of a similar journey in the fall of 1812 mentions only two Catholic
families near Chillicothe and two or three individuals of the faith in
the city itself, indicates that these Catholics must have soon gone else-
where. Possibly they went to Kentucky that they might enjoy the con-
solations of their religion.
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 217
themselves or a temple of prayer for the people until
near the close of 1818. However, on December 6,
that year, they blessed and opened the mother church
and convent of Ohio—Saint Joseph’s, about two miles
from Somerset, Perry County. Both structures were
quite diminutive, and of hewn logs; but they were the
birthplace and the cradle of Catholicity in one of the
greatest of our American commonwealths.®
Fenwick is the father of the Church in Ohio, and the
apostle of the state; Young its Paul. The missionaries
traversed and re-traversed the territory in every direc-
tion. Saint Patrick’s, a small, barnlike frame building
just outside the city limits of Cincinnati, was appar-
ently opened for use, though perhaps not dedicated, on
Easter Sunday, April 11, 1819. Saint Mary’s, Lan-
caster, it would seem, had been made ready for divine
service somewhat earlier in the same year. Next in
order, about 1820, came a brick warehouse, purchased
and fitted up by John S. Dugan, in Zanesville, a town
destined to become the center of the second field of
labor assigned to the subject of our narrative.”
Meanwhile, the report that there were priests in Ohio
brought Catholics, principally Irish and Germans, into
the state in ever increasing numbers.” June 19, 1821,
Cincinnati was erected into an episcopal see. [*ather
Fenwick became its first incumbent, but his consecra-
tion did not take place until the following January.
8 Life of Fenwick, passim. 9 Life of Fenwick, passim.
10 Bishop Fenwick speaks in more than one of his letters of the
great number of Irish and German Catholics flocking into Ohio. The
Germans predominated. Quite a number of German descent also came
in from Pennsylvania; while not a few descendants of the old English
Catholics in Maryland emigrated from that state. In the latter half of
his episcopate many French settled in Stark and surrounding counties.
218 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Athough oppressed with poverty of every kind, the
anxious prelate was especially bewildered for want of
missionaries. During his journey abroad for help, it is
true, he secured Father Raphael Mufios, of the Order
of Preachers, and three secular priests—the Revs.
Frederic Rese, (later the first bishop of Detroit, Mich-
igan), John Bellamy, and Peter J. Dejean; while,
shortly after his return, he had the happiness of ordain-
ing Father James Ignatius Mullon for the diocese.
Bellamy and Dejean he had to despatch at once to. the
aid of Father Gabriel Richard in Michigan, whence
the Rev. Anthony Ganilh had departed. Now
(August, 1828), Mufios was sent to Kentucky.
Father Hill died at Canton a few weeks later; and
Father John TT’. Hynes, at the order of his superiors,
had gone to the missions of British Guiana.”
Thus there were only eight priests (six Dominicans
and two diocesan clergymen) left on the missions of
Ohio, though three times that number would have been
insufficient for the needs of the diocese. Bishop Fen-
wick was therefore practically obliged to call Fathers
William Tuite, Samuel Montgomery, and Richard
Miles from Saint Rose’s to aid him in the north.”
Stephen Montgomery had been transferred to the
cathedral at Cincinnati from Zanesville, where he had
lately erected a neat brick church, and placed it under
the patronage of Saint John the Evangelist.* Accord-
11 Life of Fenwick, passim.
12.The two secular priests then in Ohio were Frederic Rese and James
I. Mullon; the six members of the Order of Preachers Stephen H. Mont-
gomery, Nicholas D. Young, John B. De Raymaecker, John H. McGra-
dy, Thomas H. Martin, and Daniel O’Leary. The addition of Fathers
Miles, Tuite, and Samuel L. Montgomery raised the number of Domini-
cans to nine, and the total of the clergy to eleven.
13 United States Catholic Miscellany, February 24, 1827; Sutor, Past
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 219
ingly, Father Miles was installed as pastor of that
parish, with its outlying missions.
The letter removing him from Saint Rose’s is dated
October 22, 1828, states that his transfer is temporary
(ad tempus), directs him to report at the episcopal
residence in Cincinnati for further orders, and instructs
him to begin his journey on the third day of November.
The Annales de la Propagation de la Foi seem to say
that he went first to Canton, and the tradition of Saint
Joseph’s Province accredits him with a brief pastorship
there shortly after the death of Father Hill. However,
this can not be proved by the church records of Canton,
for they do not go back earlier than 1830, more than a
year after the Father of the Church in Tennessee had
taken charge at Zanesville.“
Father Miles began a new church book at Zanesville,
in which his first entry bears the date of December 25,
1828. It is the baptism of Thomas D. and Peter S.,
sons of Francis and Catherine (Sarchet) Dusouchet—
god-parents Thomas William McCaddon and Barbara
Dugan. Unless there were an earlier book of records,
and Present of the City of Zanesville and Muskingum County, Ohio,
p. 159; Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, September,
1914 (“The First Three Catholic Churches in Zanesville, Ohio,’ by R. J. J.
Harkins) ; Diocese of Columbus, p. 263; Life of Fenwick, pp. 310 and 323.
The cornerstone of this church was laid on March 4, 1825; and it was
dedicated, though by no means completed interiorly, on July 2, 1825.
The Diocese of Columbus erroneously calls it Saint John the Baptist’s,
instead of Saint John the Evangelist’s; while Mr. Harkins seems evi-
dently in error when he places its dedication in 1827.
14 Archives of Saint Rose’s Priory, in Kentucky; records of Saint
John the Baptist’s, Canton, Ohio; Annales, IV, 504; Granam, A Sketch
of Saint John’s Parish (Canton, Ohio), p. 91. Two letters of Bishop Flaget
to the prefect of the Propaganda (May 12 and December 12, 1829—
Propaganda Archives, Vol. 10) show that Bardstown’s prelate complained
of Fenwick’s calling Miles, Tuite, and S. L. Montgomery to Ohio without
consulting him.
220 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
now lost, which he used for a time, the above sacrament
was no doubt administered within a week or two after
our missionary: took charge of what was then, though
perhaps not so large as a few others, one of the most
promising parishes in Ohio outside of Cincinnati.”
Be this as it may, the record approximates the be-
ginning of a notable period in Father Miles’ life.
Doubtless it was no little hardship for him to tear him-
self away from his beloved Saint Rose’s, the good
people whom he had helped to guide in the spiritual
life for so many years, and the religious community
in whose establishment he had assisted. But he was
too true and too well-trained a religious to hesitate when
the voice of authority had spoken. Nor was his ready
obedience to the call for the north slow in its reward.
Shortly after the apostolic man’s arrival in Ohio, the
Rev. John Baptist Clicteur, a newly ordained priest
then acting as secretary to Bishop Fenwick, wrote to
the Annales:*®
After the death of Father Hill, the bishop, who is the su-
perior general of the Dominicans here in America, wishing to fill
his place, withdrew Father Miles from the Dominican convent in
Kentucky. Father Miles felt keenly being torn away from the
good Kentuckians of Saint Rose’s Congregation, to whom he
ministered, and begged the bishop to allow him to return thither,
when he should have labored a few months in Ohio. The mon-
signor has placed him at Zanesville, Muskingum County (Ohio).
Lately he visited the Catholics in the districts nearest to that city.
On his return he wrote to the bishop, expressing himself as follows:
“I have just made my first circuit. I visited several congre-
gations and preached in many places. I baptized a large number
15 Records of Saint Thomas’ Church, Zanesville, Ohio.
16 Father Clicteur was ordained in Cincinnati (by Bishop Fenwick) on
February 2 1829. At the same time were ordained the Revs. John M.
Henni (later archbishop of Milwaukee) and Martin Kundig. Clicteur
died on September 18, 1829.
MISSIONARY IN OHIO peaked
of children and two adults who had never professed any religion,
received several Protestants into the Church, and left many
others well disposed towards conversion. These last I will admit
into the fold on my next tour, when they will be sufficiently in-
structed.’ In a word, I have been in Ohio only a few weeks,
and already, in spite of the prejudices that I had conceived, I
am beginning to feel that I should like to remain here permanently ;
for I see clearly that the people of Ohio are so well disposed that,
if you had sufficient priests, you could make the whole state
SeALOOLIC. act
Some miles distant from Zanesville there is a congregation
composed entirely of converts. It has nearly five hundred mem-
bers. They have lately built a church, which, though small, is
quite pretty. Father Miles has visited these people, and made
further conversions among them. He says that he remarked a
great fervor among them in the service of the Divine Master.
May it please heaven to send us a few more priests, and to grant
that we may be able to station one in such congregations !15
The good promises given thus early by our mission-
ary were fully realized. Ohio has had many zealous,
efficient, and tireless missionaries who have aided at
17 The missionaries of those days, owing to their enforced long absences
from the various Catholic settlements, were obliged to confide the in-
struction of their catechumens to the care of the more faithful and intelli-
gent members of the parishes appointed to that duty.
18 4nnales, IV, 509-510. This parish which Father Clicteur tells us
was so largely composed of converts seems certainly to have been that
of Saint Dominic, Beaver Township, Guernsey County, which is spoken
of more than once in the literature of that day as a parish of converts.
In 1851, Beaver Township was taken from Guernsey County to aid in
forming that of Noble, and is now in the extreme northeastern part of
the latter county. It would appear that this church was near the present
Batesville; for Howe (Historical Collections of Ohio, II, 634) gives that
village a Catholic church and states: “Catholics are strong in this region.
As early as 1825 they erected a log church, which in 1853 was succeeded
by a brick edifice at a cost of $8,000.” It is now the parish of Temperance-
ville, just over the border in Belmont County. The History of the Upper
Ohio Valley (by Bryant and Fuller), II, 783, is certainly in error when
it states that the log church was erected in 1822. This work says that
the brick edifice (Saint Mary’s) was erected in 1854.
222 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
one time or another in the building up of her Church.
Father Miles ranks high among the best of them.
From Zanesville as the center of his apostolic activities
he traversed and re-traversed) Muskingum, Morgan,
Noble, Guernsey, and Coshocton counties. At times
his labors carried him into Licking and Knox counties,
or to more remote places. Occasionally Bishop Fen-
wick took him on his own toilsome journeys;” for he
was no less an agreeable companion than a willing work-
er, always ready to do whatever he was asked, endowed
with the happy faculty of doing it to the best advan-
tage, and quick to detect what needed to be done.
His manners were as gentle and amiable as those of
Fenwick himself; his ways of dealing with his fellow-
men as open and candid; his zeal as consuming; his
charity as broad; his bearing, though stately, as guile-
less; his deportment as gentlemanly and priestly. These
noble qualities were enhanced by a splendid physique—
a countenance in which were reflected a great tenderness
of heart and sympathetic honesty, no less than a strong
character—an untiring energy—and an_ unaffected
piety. His soul went out to all who were in distress,
which caused him to seek in every way to aid those
who were in need, whether of the goods of this earth or
of spiritual consolation. He was notably felicitous in
his way of meeting those who were not Catholics.
As he had done in Kentucky, so in Ohio Father Miles
soon acquired the reputation of being a good preacher.
Where there was no Catholic church, as often happened,
he preached in that of the Presbyterians, the Metho-
dists, or other religious affiliation—in courthouses, or
19 The United States Catholic Miscellany of January 2, and December 4,
1830, gives two such journeys.
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 223
schools, and not infrequently in the open air from a
platform in some grove or the public square of a town.
Crowds came to hear him, and his strong voice and
distinct articulation caused him to be understood by
all, even when he spoke outdoors.
Ordinarily, when addressing a non-Catholic or mixed
audience, he chose for his topic the spirit of the Church,
some point of her doctrine which he wished to prove
or elucidate, or which had been misunderstood, or stock
accusations against Catholicity. Owing to the fact
that he was for the greater part alone in Ohio, only on
rare occasions could he there obtain a priest for public
discussions of religious matters through questions and
answer, like those which he had used with good effect in
Kentucky. In both sermon and conversation he was
uniformly careful to avoid whatever might wound the
feelings of those to whom he spoke, even when he sought
to drive home a point with telling force. He was an
adept in the combination of strong argument with
happy expression, which never failed to win his hearers
and to send them away well pleased.
Another trait that characterized the sermons and
lectures of the missionary was the simplicity of his
style and the use of words that every one could under-
stand. With him it was a case of “he who runs may
read.” Indeed, it is said that his style mirrored the
inner man, gave his discourses an added charm, and
rendered them all the more fruitful in good. He rather
studiously abstained from attempts at flights of ora-
tory, which he believed tended more to please the ear
than to touch the mind and heart, or to bring conviction.
For the sermon or lecture eloquent in this sense he felt
that he had little talent. Perhaps in this modesty, the
224 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
fact that he labored principally in the backwoods of
Ohio and Kentucky, his aversion to seeing his name in
the public press, and his dislike for notoriety we have
the explanation of why he did not become more widely
known as a preacher, and was not in greater demand as
the speaker on occasions of note.
The above qualities, no doubt, combined to win
Father Miles the confidence of those with whom he
came into contact in the private walks of life. As
a matter of fact, tradition tells us that he effected as
much good by his ordinary conversations as from the
rostrum; for he was ever on the alert to spread the light
of truth. Although retiring by nature, his zeal almost
invariably led him deftly to broach the subject of relig-
ion to those whom he met by any chance. Often the
seed thus sown afterwards blossomed into the flower of
Catholic faith.”°
Bishop Fenwick and Father Hill are commonly
given the credit of being the most successful convert
makers among the early missionaries of Ohio. Yet the
tradition of Saint Joseph’s Province is that Father
Miles, although not so long in the state as they (nor
his riding circuit so extensive as that of the bishop),
was perhaps just as effective a worker among non-
Catholics. What we know of his character, zeal, and
talent for dealing with men justifies such a_ belief.
So should it be noticed that few, if any, of the mission-
aries in Ohio at that time had a larger territory under
their charge. Muskingum, Coschocton, Guernsey, and
Noble counties, with parts of Licking and Morgan
20 These traditions are still happy memories in Saint Joseph’s Province
and in the Diocese of Columbus (established in 1868). Thirty years ago
they were strong and vigorous.
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 225
counties, seem to have constituted his parish proper.”
They kept him almost continually on horseback. In
these districts he brought many dissidents into the
Church, as well as reclaimed numbers of fallen-away or
negligent Catholics, and converted not a few sinners.
Muskingum County, because more thickly populated
and containing the greater number of faithful, demand-
ed the principal part of the devoted pastor’s time and at-
tention. Indeed, that county alone was more than
the most zealous and stalwart messenger of Christ
could attend to, if the best results were to be attained.
No priest in the Diocese of Cincinnati, we venture to
say, could have toiled more diligently or accomplished
greater good for the Catholics there than did the sub-
ject of our narrative.
How faithfully he labored, no less than how strong
a hold he gained on the hearts of the people, is evidenced
by the fact that his memory is still held in benediction
not merely in Zanesville, but even throughout Muskin-
gum County, albeit it is nearly a hundred years since
he exercised the ministry in those parts. One still
runs across Catholics who bear the first name of Miles
in his honor. ‘The records of the old Dominican parish
in Zanesville, now known as Saint Thomas’, show a
long list of notable pastors and curates. Passing over
for the present the Father of the Church in Tennessee,
one of them, Father Joseph Sadoc Alemany, became
21 The old Catholic Almanac (now called Catholic Directory) and the
records of Saint Mary’s Church, Temperanceville, Ohio, show that all
these places were attended from Zanesville until near the end of 1834,
with an exception of a tenure of the Rev. Martin Kundig in Guernsey
County from late November, 1832, until the middle of March, 1833. The
Rev. James Reid, ordained by Bishop Fenwick on Holy Saturday, April
11, 1832, became pastor of Saint Dominic’s, Guernsey County, late in 1834,
and records his first baptism: on October 31.
16
226 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the first archbishop of San Francisco. Another,
Father Charles Pius Montgomery, was appointed
bishop of Monterey, California, but declined the miter.
A. third, the late lamented Very Rev. Lawrence
Francis Kearney, 8.T.M., headed the list sent in by
the diocesan electors as their unanimous first choice for
a successor to scholarly Bishop Waterson in the Diocese
of Columbus, Ohio. None of them, however, have been
more highly esteemed or more dearly beloved than was
Father Miles. Non-Catholics held him in almost as
great regard as did-those of his own flock.
A musician himself, and ever striving to make the ser-
vice of God more and more attractive, he gave much
attention to the Church music at Saint John’s. As a
consequence, its choir soon became widely known for
its efficiency. A lover of Catholic literature, and desir-
ous of providing his people with good, wholesome
reading, he acted as agent for the Catholic papers of
the country in all the missions under his charge. In
short, zealous and charitable to the fingers’ tips, noth-
ing that made for the spiritual advantage of his flock
escaped his notice.
In addition to the spiritual blessings it received from
him, Father Miles, considering the times and the length
of his pastorate there, did much for the Catholicity of
Zanesville in a temporal way. One of the first matters
that demanded his attention was the erection of a rec-
tory. How well he built it may be seen from the fact
that, though enlarged later, it served as a residence for
the fathers until five or six years ago. He completed
and decorated the interior of Saint John’s, placed a
graceful little tower upon it, and hung therein the bell
which hitherto had swung from a wooden frame in the
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 227
yard. When finished the sacred edifice was considered
one of the finest in the city.
Another benefit which should not be overlooked was
a Catholic school. An educator himself, Father Miles
wished the children under his charge to have the ad-
vantages of the best education that could be procured;
but he wanted it to be obtained under Catholic influ-
ences, for he felt that only in this way could their
religion and morality be safeguarded, and the highest
interests of their souls protected. Accordingly, about
1830, he arranged the basement of his church, where
he opened one of the earliest parochial schools in Ohio.
Doubtless he would have been delighted to obtain a
- community of sisters for this purpose; but under the
impossiblity of procuring such instructors he had to
content himself with lay teachers, over whom he kept
a watchful eye.”
Despite the expense of these improvements, for he
was a practical man, our missionary managed greatly
to reduce the debt of the parish. Under his guidance
both spirituals and temporals prospered. It was in
no small measure due to his administration that the
History of the Diocese of Columbus could truly state
that “Zanesville has always been a stronghold of Cath-
olic faith.” **
Still another blessing to religion in Ohio in which our
ambassador of Christ was deeply interested, even if he
were not a prime mover in the enterprise, is recorded
in the United States Catholic Miscellany of February
22 Diocese of Columbus, pp. 261 ff. Even if he had secured sisters for
his school, he could have used them only for the girls and small boys,
for at that time our nuns did not teach large boys.
23 [bid., p. 261.
228 THE FATHER OF THE CHORCH IN TENNESSEE
20, 1830. Here that journal’s correspondent tells its
editor:
Four Sisters of the Order of St. Dominic, called from their
monastery in Kentucky, a few days since, passed through Cincin-
nati, on their ,way to Somerset, Perry County, Ohio. They are
about to establish a female school in that place near the church
of the Holy Trinity. From their qualifications, and devotedness
to the cause of moral and religious instruction, much good may be
anticipated from their location in the large and respectable con-
gregation of St. Joseph’s. The same attention will be paid, by
them, to the poor children, as is paid by the Sisters of Charity
[in Cincinnati].
Tradition tells us that, almost from the time he was
stationed at Zanesville, Father Miles sought to have
an establishment of these Dominican Sisters founded
in Ohio. One is inclined to think that, could he have
had his own way, Zanesville would have been chosen
as the place of their location. Possibly he was thwarted
in such a design only by the fact that his frequent
absences on, the missions attended from Saint John the
Evangelist’s made it impossible for him always to give
them mass on Sundays. Be this as it may, there is no
room for doubt but that he was delighted with the
action of Bishop Fenwick in bringing them into his
diocese, and that they frequently sought the mission-
ary’s advice and direction as long as he remained in
the north.
Bishop Fenwick had accepted the superiorship over
his former brethren in religion with reluctance. Nat-
urally, therefore, he was anxious to be relieved of so
uncommon and extra-constitutional a position. Be-
sides, especially since his diocesan clergy were on the
increase, he must have felt that such a step was de-
manded by simple justice to the little band of Friars
MISSIONARY IN OHIO 229
Preacher. Accordingly, he called a meeting at Cincin-
nati on April 18, 1831, to which he summoned Fathers
Richard P. Miles, Samuel L. Montgomery, Nicholas
D. Young, Stephen H. Montgomery, Joseph T. Jar-
boe, and Charles P. Montgomery. Here, among
other things, it was decided that the bishop should ask
the Holy See and the General of the Order to accept
his resignation as superior of the Dominicans; and that
he should propose Fathers Miles and Young respec-
tively as the assembly’s first and second choice for the
provincialship. This petition was sent to Rome, and the
tradition of the province is that it was the unanimous
wish of its members that the subject of our narrative
would be selected as its head.”
Ever cautious Rome is proverbially slow to act.
Perhaps in this instance the delay was lengthened by
the high regard in which Cincinnati’s prelate was held
alike by the papal court and the Dominican General,
together with a knowledge of the needs of the youthful
diocese. Meanwhile the saintly Fenwick fell a victim
24 Archives of Saint Joseph’s Priory, Somerset, Ohio. The petition
and letter which Bishop Fenwick sent to Rome on this matter could not
be found in the Propaganda Archives or those of the Dominican General.
Besides Fathers Clicteur, Henni and Kundig, already mentioned, Bishop
Fenwick had ordained the Rev. Edmund Quinn in Cincinnati, January
1, 1830; Fathers J. T. Jarboe, C. P. Montgomery, Charles D. Bowling,
and James V. Bullock at Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, June 13, 1830; and
Father Samuel C. Mazzuchelli (later one of the most celebrated mission-
aries of the northwest) in Cincinnati on September 5, 1830. Quinn was
a priest of the diocese. The other five were Dominicans; but Mazzuchelli
had come to America with the hope of laboring among the Indians.
Bowling had been sent to Somerset, and another of the band seems to
have been destined for the same place. The Rev. Anthony Ganilh had re-
turned to the diocese, while several seminarians at Cincinnati and else-
where were nearing ordination. Thus, albeit he still needed many priests,
the bishop was no longer in such dire straits, and saw his way to put
his former brethren back on their proper footing.
230 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of his zeal at Wooster, Ohio. This occurred on Sep-
tember 26, 1832. There were those who believed that,
in view of what the Order had done for religion in the
state, the Holy See would probably select his successor
from among the Friars Preacher, and hoped that, should
such a choice be made, it would fall on Richard Pius
Miles.
CHAPTER XI
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP
Lro XII, acting on the agreement between Cardinal
Mauro Cappellari and the Most Rev. Joseph Velzi, re-
spectively the prefect of the Propaganda and the Supe-
rior General of the Dominicans, had authorized the
appointment of Bishop Fenwick as the head of Saint
Joseph’s Province. In November, 1830, Pius VIII,
Leo’s successor, died after a short reign. Italy was
then in the throes of an agitation excited by the secret
societies, notably by the Carbonari, and was beginning
to be stirred by the influence of French liberalism. The
spirit of revolution was ripe everywhere. On February
2, 1831, after a conclave that lasted fifty days, Cardinal
Capellari ascended the throne of Peter, taking the name
Gregory XVI. On the very day of Gregory’s election,
the Most Rev. Thomas Ancarani, successor to Father
Velzi (who had resigned the office of General in July, |
1828, in order to become master of the Sacred Palace),
passed to his eternal reward, and was at once succeeded
by Father Francis Ferdinand Jabalot.’
It is doubtful if the assembly gathered at Cincinnati
to discuss the affairs of Saint Joseph’s Province were
aware of Father Ancarani’s demise. Possibly, there-
1 Arzoc, Manual of Universal Church History, III, 691 ff; Morttrr,
Histoire des Maitres Généraux de l’Ordre des Fréres Précheurs, VII, 472;
TAURISANO, Series Magistrorum Generalium Ordinis FF. Praedicatorum,
mn 14,
Zot
232 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
fore, Fenwick’s resignation of the provincialship was
sent to him, although it was received by Father J abalot.
At first, the authorities at Rome declined to accede to
the request; nay, for more than a year they apparently
did not even acknowledge the receipt of the earnest and
repeated solicitations of the apostle of Ohio that he
might be relieved of so undesirable a burden.
Meanwhile, doubts, based on the constitutions of their
institute, had arisen in the minds of the fathers in Ken-
tucky. They believed that the bishop’s superiorship
had ceased with the resignation of Father Velzi who had
appointed him to the office, and felt, quite naturally,
that they should now have a provincial taken from the
actual members of the Order. Father Miles was sent
to Saint Rose’s in the capacity of visitor that he might
convince them that the Velzi arrangement, because
sanctioned by the Holy Father, would have to stand
until it was dissolved; and that the bishop was doing all
in his power to be freed from the unnatural position.’
Finally, November 30, 1832, Father Jabalot wrote
to Cincinnati’s prelate to notify him that, in compliance
with his “wishes and repeated requests,” he had ac-
cepted his resignation, and would appoint his nephew
“vicar provincial ad beneplacitum Nostrum.” Four
days later, December 3, 1832, the General forwarded
letters patent to Father N. D. Young by which he was
instituted head of the province.®
2 Bishop Fenwick, Washington, D. C., January 23, 1832, and Cincinnati,
April 3, 1832, to Father Thomas Martin, Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky (Ar-
chives of Saint Rose’s Priory).
3 Jabalot’s letter to Fenwick is in Archives of Saint Joseph’s, Somerset,
Ohio. We could not find the letters patent to Young; but their date is
given in a record of the Profession Book at Saint Rose’s, and also in
a note of Father Stephen Byrne on them in Saint Joseph’s Archives.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP ide
Doctor Fenwick had died on the twenty-sixth day of
the preceding September; but Jabalot’s letter to him,
as well as the introductory words of the letters patent
of Young’s appointment, shows that the General was
not cognizant of this sad fact.* It is evident that a
desire to gratify the province’s saintly founder was a
deciding factor in the nomination of his kinsman to the
honorable office of provincial, instead of Father Miles,
although the latter had been the Cincinnati assembly’s
first choice for the place. Doubtless, too, it was felt
at Rome that the conferring of this position upon the
bishop’s nephew would insure the most harmonious re-
lations between the respective heads of the Diocese of
Cincinnati and the Province of Saint Joseph.
Despite diligent search, we failed to discover just
when Father Young received the letters of his appoint-
ment; but they do not appear to have reached America
until the spring of 1833. Perhaps the least disap-
pointed man in the province at the General’s selection
for its head was Father Miles himself, even though, in
view of the choice of his brethren, he might with reason
have felt that the honor was due to him; for Father
Young was a close friend and a zealous priest, while
the subject of our narrative desired nothing more than
to be left to the even tenor of his ways in laboring
for the salvation of souls without the weight of
authority.
Zealously did the ambassador of Christ continue his
4 Note of Father Stephen Byrne as in the preceding note. Jabalot’s
words, as quoted by Byrne, are: “Cum, vacante officio Provincialatus
praefatae Provinciae Sancti Josephi in Ditionibus Foederatis in America
Septentrionali propter abdicationem Illustrissimi et Reverendissimi Dom-
ini Cincinnatensis Ordinis Nostri cujus justissimae petitioni annuendum
duximus’, etc.
234 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
work in Zanesville and on the missions. But his toil
there was near its close. After the death of Bishop
Fenwick, Father Thomas Martin, who had been supe-
rior at Saint Rose’s, returned to Ohio. When, there-
fore, the community met to elect a successor to him,
their choice fell upon Father Miles. This was on May
1, 1833.° It is worthy of notice that this was the first
election of a superior at Saint Rose’s, for until then its
priors had been instituted by the higher authorities; and
it is said that there was but one ballot, and that, when
the votes were counted, they were all found to be for
Father Miles.
Evidently he and Father Young were in Kentucky
at the time, and the provincial hastened to confirm the
election—possibly ordered Miles to accept the office;
for the new prior presided at an investiture in the
habit on May 5, 1833.° It would have been impossible
at that day for him to receive word in Ohio and reach
Saint Rose’s between that date and the time of his
election. Certain also is it that he then returned to
Zanesville in order to arrange his affairs there.
During his absence Kentucky was visited by one of
those periodical epidemics of Asiatic cholera which were
the dread of the past. It threw all the state into con-
sternation. In the central parts, where lay the prin-
cipal Catholic settlements, the plague appeared in an
especially violent and deadly form. ‘There mourning
and desolation were to be seen on all sides. Perhaps
none of the parishes were so severely smitten as that of
Saint Rose. The cholera broke out in the latter half
of May. Father Miles perforce remained in Zanesville
5 Saint Rose’s Profession Book, p. 124.
6 [bid., p. 4.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 235
until his successor could be appointed; but on the very
day of the arrival of Father Charles P. Montgomery
he started for the sorely afflicted congregation that had
just been placed under his charge.‘
When the new pastor reached Saint Rose’s, he found
the people stricken with a terror and bowed with a
sorrow such as he had never seen before. His own
heart was pierced as with a sword by the suffering and
lamentations of the parish. His life-long friend, good,
kindly Father William R. Tuite, had succumbed. to
his zeal, having contracted the cholera while adminis-
tering to the sick in the first days of the plague, and
died in a few hours. This was on May 25, 1833.°
Without thought of danger to himself, Father Miles,
though he had travelled all the way (some three hun-
dred and fifty miles) from Zanesville, Ohio, on horse-
back, at once threw himself into the thick and thin of
the confusion, administering the sacraments, visiting the
stricken or convalescent, aiding the poor, consoling the
afflicted, or performing whatever other deeds of charity
lay in his power.
In these works of mercy our Friar Preacher knew no
distinction of race, condition, or creed. ‘The colored
slave demanded his attention as readily as the free-born
white, the poorest as readily as the richest, those of
7 Baptismal records of Saint Thomas’, Zanesville, Ohio. Father Miles’
last record is on June 2, 1833, and Father Montgomery makes his first
on the same day.
8 Saint Rose’s Profession Book, p. 181. It is not stated there that
Father Tuite died of the cholera; but it is a tradition, too strong
to be doubted, of both Saint Joseph’s Province and Saint Rose’s Parish
that he contracted the disease a few days after its appearance, while
administering to the sick, and died in a few hours. For many years
the people frequently prayed at his grave, and took earth from it to their
homes. They venerated him as a saint.
236 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
another religious affiliation as readily as those of his
own. Everywhere non-Catholics, stricken with fear
and deprived of the consolations of religion, flocked
to the priests. Many received baptism on their death-
beds, or came into the Church later as a result of the
heroic zeal shown by the missionaries at the time of the
epidemic. In the parish of Saint Rose and on its mis-
sions Father Miles, because of his happy way of meet-
ing those outside the fold, ordinarily attended to such
calls; and it is said that his ministrations bore rich fruit.
It was only natural that, on his return from Ohio, the
new prior should find all works suspended at Saint
Rose’s except those of charity and clerical ministra-
tions. Fathers Polin, Samuel Montgomery, and C.
D. Bowling were overwhelmed with calls from near
and far; while Father Jarboe, the subprior, had per-
haps already installed himself and two lay brothers in
Springfield, where nearly the entire population was
stricken with cholera at one time. For fear of the dread
disease the neighbors could not be induced to wait on
the sick and dying, or even to bury the dead. Father
Miles multiplied himself, so to speak, that he might
lighten the toils of his confréres, no less than aid the
suffering and distressed.
In a long letter on the epidemic to the editor of the
‘Annales de la Propagation de la Foi Bishop Flaget
highly praises the zeal of his clergy and the sisters on
this sad occasion. But he singles out the fathers of
Saint Rose’s for special laudation, and lays particular
stress on the Springfield incident.
For more than two months [he says] the Dominican Fathers
who have charge of the most numerous Catholic congregation in
Kentucky gave themselves up to almost inconceivable labors. In
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 237
a little town near their convent nearly all the inhabitants, five or
six hundred in number, were stricken at the same time with the
frightful disease. Consternation became so universal that the sick
were left almost entirely to themselves; for the neighbors were
afraid to go near a house infected with an epidemic that had
become so fatal.
A young Dominican Father, born and reared in Kentucky, though
of very delicate health, and already much exhausted by the fatigue
and toils of the ministry, betook himself with two lay brothers
of his Order to this town thus generally afflicted. Animated with
a truly priestly zeal, he threw himself into his work amidst the sick
and dying with a courage which was believed to be nothing short
of the marvellous, and visited all who were in suffering, whether
they were Catholics or non-Catholics. He was welcomed every-
where, for wherever he went he dispersed in abundance those
spiritual consolations which mere worldlings can not bestow. Nor
did he neglect the needs of the body, and his timely services
often saved the sick from death. A number of non-Catholics, who
had vainly sought their minister, gave a ready ear to the instruc-
tions of the Dominican, accepted the truths which he made known
to them, and ended by embracing our holy religion.’
The two lay brothers also seemed to multiply themselves in
giving medical succor to the sick, but above all in burying the
dead. At least eighty persons succumbed to the cholera’s ravages,
and were carried off in less than fifteen days.!°
Notwithstanding the considerable losses and expenses which
they suffered then, the inhabitants of the village who survived the
destructive scourge have insistently asked my permission to buy
a lot in the town, to build a church on it, and to bestow these
9 Bishop Flaget does not mention Father Jarboe by name, but the de-
scription leaves no doubt about his identity. He had been in very poor
health from his student days. At the time of his ordination, three years
before, he was so weak that it was necessary for a priest to support him
during the ceremony. He had a good knowledge of medicine which he
used in aid of the poor throughout his long and useful life. In and
around Springfield one still hears the people speak of his labors there at
the time of the cholera. See also Voiz, A Century's Record, pp. 16-17
10 These men were Brother Patrick McKenna and either Brother Pat-
rick Shepherd, or Brother William Peter Hutton.
238 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
upon the Dominican Fathers as a fitting acknowledgment of their
keen appreciation of the important services which they received
from these fathers during the cholera. The Protestants offer to
contribute generously towards this twofold act of piety and
gratitude.4_ Thus God is pleased to reward his zealous servants
a hundredfold even in this world. Although the five Dominican
Fathers who showed such great zeal throughout the time that the
epidemic lasted were extremely fatigued, nay, exhausted, none
of them died. Now, thanks be to God, they are all in good
health.”
Father Miles had every reason to take an honest
pride in the fidelity manifested by his brethren at this
lamentable time. The fathers’ courage had been tried
as it had never been tried before, and to a man they
were found true even in the face of death. Similarly
he must have been greatly gratified at the heroism shown
by the little community of Dominican Sisters in whose
establishment he played so important a part, for they
yielded to none in courageous deeds during the cholera.
Possibly he directed them in their efforts of charity.
Of these Bishop Flaget writes:
The Sisters of the Third Order of Saint Dominic have as much
claim to the recognition of the public as the Sisters of Charity
and the Sisters of Loretto. There being only ten or eleven sisters
in the community in Kentucky, they had recourse to a holy in-
genuity in order to multiply their forces that they might thus
11 For some reason the church in Springfield was not erected until
1843. It was dedicated in January, 1844.
12 Annales, VII, 95-96. These five priests were Fathers Miles, Jarboe,
S. L. Montgomery, Polin, and Bowling. Father C. P. Montgomery left
Saint Rose’s for Ohio just before the cholera appeared. Evidently Bishop
Flaget overlooked Father Tuite who died at its outbreak. So did he
speak in a relative sense, when he said that all the fathers were in good
health, for Polin and Jarboe were both quite sickly. It is strange that
Spalding (Life of Bishop Flaget, pp. 275 ff), although he refers to this
letter in the Annales, speaks of the labors of others at some length, and
mentions a few by name, says not a word about the work of the Domini-
cans during this epidemic of cholera.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 239
render greater services to the sick in the county in which their
convent is situated. They induced women of mature age and
known virtue to associate themselves with their works of charity.
For many weeks might they be seen at all hours of day or night
in those houses where the sick were most numerous, or misery at
its height. Not one of them or of their companions died; but all
of them were worn out and exhausted beyond the power of words
to describe. Without the special protection of divine providence,
it would have been impossible for them so long to continue such
toils of mercy and compassion.!
Happy traditions concerning these heroic labors of
the Friars Preacher are still extant in Washington
County, Kentucky. Before his transfer to Ohio,
Father Miles had been one of the most popular and
highly esteemed priests at Saint Rose’s. The zeal,
courage, and charity that he exhibited throughout the
ordeal of the cholera made him still more beloved by
the people irrespective of race or creed. This love
still exists, and it explains the frequency with which
one runs across persons, both black and white, in that
part of Kentucky with the first name of Miles, Richard,
or Pius.
Another tradition in Saint Joseph’s Province tells
us that the good judgment, zeal, and other excellent
qualities manifested by the subject of our narrative
at this trying time so won the heart of Bishop Flaget
that the saintly prelate often consulted him on matters
of the highest importance. One such affair, it is said,
was the choice of a coadjutor to succeed aged Bishop
David who had resigned. Bishop Flaget, so the story
goes, was undecided whether to urge the appointment
of the Rev. Guy Ignatius Chabrat, whose name had
13 Annales, VII, 94.. Spalding, as in the preceding note, tells of the
zeal of the Sisters of Charity and the Sisters of Loretto at this time,
but passes over that of the Dominican Sisters.
240 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
already been sent to Rome, or to propose that of the
Rev. Ignatius A. Reynolds in his stead; and Father
Miles advocated the appointment of Chabrat, for he
had rendered longer, if not greater, services to the dio-
cese, and, while not a favorite with the clergy, was less
unpopular than Reynolds.
Howsoever this be, the tradition is corroborated by
Webb’s statement that Doctor Reynolds did not enjoy
much popularity in Kentucky,“ and by a paragraph
in Spalding’s biography of Bishop Flaget. After
giving an account of an attack of cholera which brought
that prelate to the verge of the grave, Doctor Spalding
proceeds to say:
On his recovery, he continued to feel no little solicitude in
regard to his future Coadjutor. The negotiations on the subject
were long pending; Rome moved slowly and cautiously in a matter
of so much importance. At length, on the feast of the Apostles
SS. Peter and Paul,—June 29th, 1834,—the Bulls arrived, ap-
pointing Dr. Chabrat Bishop of Bolina, and Coadjutor of Bishop
Flaget. The consecration took place on the 20th of July, in the
Cathedral of Bardstown; our venerable prelate being the Con-
secrator, and Bishop David and the Rev. R. P. Miles, O.P., being
the assistants.1°
Certainly the selection of Father Miles for the sin-
14 Centenary of Catholicity, p. 312.
15 Life of Flaget, p. 280. Doctor Spalding, earlier in his volume, tells
how Chabrat’s name had been sent to Rome sometime before this date,
and insinuates that there was opposition to his appointment; but he
does not mention Reynold’s name. However, we have seen a letter in the
Propaganda Archives signed by a number of priests begging that Father
Reynolds would not be appointed. Possibly Doctor Spalding does not
tell all he knew. See also CLarkeE, Lives of the Deceased Bishops, Ill,
286. We have before us photostat copies of four letters of Bishop F. P.
Kenrick to Bishop Flaget on the question of proposing Fathers Chabrat
and Reynolds as his coadjutor. The originals are in the Louisville Ar-
chives, and were written at Pittsburgh, November 5, 1832, and at Phila-
delphia, August 6, 1832, September 17, 1833, and January 4, 1834.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 241
gular distinction of assistant to the consecrating prelate,
together with the necessity of obtaining faculties from
Rome for him so to act, when there were bishops
as near as Saint Louis and Cincinnati, and priests of high
standing who belonged to the diocese, not only shows
the favor in which our Friar Preacher was held, but also
lends credence to the tradition Just mentioned. As a
matter of fact, Saint Rose’s prior had become one of the
best known and most esteemed clergymen in Ohio and
Kentucky.
Quite naturally, the sorrow and desolation which the
cholera left in its wake threw a pall of gloom over the
parish of Saint Rose for some months afterwards.
From house to house the kind-hearted pastor made his
way on foot or on his faithful horse, consoling the afflict-
ed, cheering the disconsolate, encouraging the timid, suc-
coring those left in want. Everywhere were his visits
received as those of an angel of mercy who spread bless-
ings as he passed along. The poor colored people
were an object of his special solicitude. One can but
hope that the traditions of the good thus accomplished
by our gentle ambassador of Christ will continue to
be handed down from generation to generation, for
seldom perhaps has charity ever been dispensed with
greater tenderness, or more beneficially to religion.
No doubt the readiness with which the people of
the parish responded to his efforts helped to sustain
his energy, as well as enabled him to proceed with his
pastoral work with a lighter heart. But even to outline
his parochial labors, apart from his toils in connection
with the cholera, during the three years of priorship at
Saint Rose’s were merely to repeat what has been told
in previous chapters of his exertions along the same
17
242 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
lines both there and in Ohio. Suffice it then to state
that, under his kindly leadership, the fathers diligently
collaborated with him in the cause of souls; religion
flourished; and the faithful were delighted at the zeal
with which the way of salvation was kept open for
them.
No less a true son of Saint Dominic than a faithful
pastor of souls, Father Miles showed the greatest con-
cern about the religious observances of the community.
They were carried out with a regularity and prompt-
ness that were a source of edification to all. He
himself set the example; for he felt that, as superior,
he should lead the way which he wished the others to
follow. When at home rarely did he miss the conven-
tual exercises; nay, he would put himself to almost any
inconvenience that he might be present at them. Gen-
erally he was the first to appear in choir and at mass.
In the internal government of the priory, with the
exception of wearing the tonsure, he is said to have
followed Father Wilson as his model, whose name he
seldom mentioned without the qualification of “happy
memory,’ and whose ideals he ever held up to his
brethren as an inspiration.”
Doubtless the future bishop was glad to be again
in a house which he so greatly loved, and among a
people for whom he had a special affection. However,
Saint Rose’s without Saint Thomas’ College could
hardly have been to him what it had been to him in
times past with an institution in which his heart was
wrapped up for many years, and which he felt exercised
a strong influence not only for the good of his Order,
186 One not infrequently sees “of happy memory” after Father Wilson’s
name.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 243
but also for the advancement of religion and Christian
education. An early page will disclose that he cherished
a hope of soon seeing the error of closing the College
of Saint Thomas of Aquin rectified, if not even that of
effecting its re-establishment.
Another source of joy afforded by his return to
Kentucky was the opportunity which it gave him of
further aid to Saint Catherine’s Community of Domin-
ican Sisters. He sought in every way to help them.
Their annals join with tradition in telling us that this
joy was mutual; and they show that the community
still cherishes his memory in gratitude for his effective
sympathy.”
Father Miles’ missionary life in Ohio added to his
reputation as a harvester of souls. No doubt this fact
had its part in broadening his labors in Kentucky at
the present period; for we now find him, in answer to
calls from his brother priests of the diocese, journeying
hither and thither in many parts of the state for ser-
mons, retreats, spiritual exercises, or other functions
of the ministry. Everywhere his efforts were produc-
tive of good; nowhere did he fail to please either the
clergy or the laity. His name was known and honored
throughout the Mississippi Valley.
Albeit Father N. D. Young, the provincial, had
secured the erection of Saint Joseph’s, Somerset, Ohio,
into a convent as early as 1834," he seems to have
continued to govern that institution himself until 1836,
for missionary labors and the lack of priests made it
difficult to institute another superior. Father Miles’
17 Pages from a Hundred Years of Dominican History, p. 76.
18 Letters patent dated December 23, 1834 (Archives of Saint Joseph’s
Priory).
244 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
term of office in Kentucky expired on May 1, that
year. Accordingly, he now became prior of Saint
Joseph’s, and appears to have been the first to hold the
position there. In view of the fact that the selection
of the first prior of a convent belongs to the provincial,
and in default of documents to the contrary, we are
inclined to believe that he was appointed to that office
by Father Young, rather than elected by the commu-
nity. Be this as it may, no better choice, nor one more
welcome to the fathers, could have been made.”
Thus the Father of the Church in ‘Tennessee now
took up his residence at the mother church and convent
of Ohio, which brought him into still more immediate
touch with the beginnings of Catholicity in that state
than his earlier stay at Zanesville. Here he showed the
same zeal that had characterized his apostolate in his
previous fields of labor, and won the affections and
esteem of all with whom he came into contact. ‘The
records show that, though prior, he took his turn with
the other fathers on the missions attended from the
monastery. It was another broadening of his views
and experience, albeit he toiled there for only a short
time. In its obituary notice of the bishop the Catholic
Tclegraph says: “For many years he was pastor of
congregations in Somerset and Zanesville in this dio-
cese, where his zeal for the spiritual and temporal
welfare of his flock and his most kind and genial man-
ners will never be forgotten.” ”°
Father Young’s appointment as provincial by the
19 We have not been able to find any document of Father Miles’ ap-
pointment or election as prior of Saint Joseph’s; yet it is certain that
he became prior there immediately after the expiration of his term of
office at Saint Rose’s.
20 Edition of February 25, 1860.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 245
Most Rev. Francis F. Jabalot read “Subject to Our
will” (ad beneplacitum Nostrum). This General died
in March, 1834. On May 26, 1834, his successor, the
Most Rev. Benedict Maurice Olivieri, reappointed
Father Young to the same office, placing the term of
his office on the Monday following the third Sunday
after Easter, 1837, which Monday fell that year on the
seventeenth day of April. In February, 1835, Olivieri
resigned the post of General for that of Commissary
of the Holy Office, and was succeeded by the Most Rev.
Thomas Hyacinth Cipolletti, whom Bishop Fenwick
had sought to have appointed his coadjutor in Cin-
cinnati.”*
Meanwhile, Father Young either grew weary of his
responsibility, or felt that Father Miles would make
a more effective leader for the province; for, if we may
judge from a letter of Cipolletti, he wrote to that Gen-
eral more than once, praising the virtue, zeal, prudence,
religious spirit, and ability of the future bishop, and
suggested that it would be well to appoint him pro-
vincial. But Father Cipolletti decided that the incum-
bent should continue in office for the time specified in
his nomination. Furthermore, the General determined
to give the fathers of the province their first opportunity
to elect their own provincial. He therefore instructed
Father Young to convoke a chapter for this purpose
at the close of his provincialship.”
21 Letters patent of Young’s appointment (Archives of Saint Joseph’s
Priory); Taurisano, Series Magistrorum Generalium, p. 14; Mortirr,
Histoire des Maitres Généraux, VII, 474-476; Life of Fenwick, pp.
261-262, 303.
22 Cipolletti to Young, October 9, 1836 (Archives of the Dominican
General: copy in Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province). Father Cipolletti
simply signs this letter “Magister Ordinis”; but there is no doubt about
its authorship.
246 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Pursuant to the General’s instructions, the capitular
fathers met at Saint Rose’s on April 17, 1837. They
were the Revs. N. D. Young, R. P. Miles, J. T. Jarboe,
S. L. Montgomery, T. J. Polin, J. V. Bullock, C. P.
Montgomery, C. D. Bowling, James Hyacinth Clark-
son, and Joseph Augustine Wilson.*’ Father Young,
in accordance with the General’s orders, presided at
the opening of the chapter. Their first act was to elect
(by secret ballot) Fathers Miles and Jarboe and the
two Montgomerys definitors, or the law-making body
of the assembly. Possibly because it was really the
first provincial chapter held in the province, several
days were devoted to a consideration of its needs. One
subject discussed was certainly the establishment of a
college.
Finally, they came to the selection of a new provin-
cial. ‘This was on April 22, 1837, and Father Miles
was elected on one ballot. One of the assembly, pos-
sibly waiting to see the trend of affairs, evidently
abstained from voting, for only nine votes were cast.
Of these Father Miles received seven, and Father
Polin two. Miles, we may take it for granted, gave his
suffrage to Polin. Thus the subject of our narrative
was elected provincial by a practically unanimous vote.
The reader need hardly be told that the chapter proved
a source of great rejoicing.”
23 A number of these men had no constitutional right to take part in
the chapter; from which we conclude that the General, in a subsequent
letter (now lost), extended this privilege to all the fathers in order that
the first election of their highest superior might the better represent the
wish of the province as a whole. This supposition is borne out by an
article in the Catholic Advocate of May 13, 1837. However, some of
them did not attend the chapter. Doubtless they remained away lest the
missions should suffer from their absence.
*4 Manuscript acts of the chapter (Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province).
PRIORS PROVINCIAL BISHOP 247
In his letter to Father Young the General had
ordained that, although the document of election should
be sent to him for confirmation, the one chosen for pro-
vincial should take up the office immediately that he
was elected. Father Miles, therefore, began to fill that
position on April 22, 1837. It is said that the province
commenced at once to experience beneficial effects from
his administration.”
The chapter had taken up the question of a college,
but deferred it for fuller consideration later. Father
Miles, however, began to press the matter immediately
that he assumed office; for the Catholic Advocate of
May 13, 1837, speaking of the Dominicans and the
election of their new provincial, says: “It is understood
that they intend to establish a public College next year.
Although the Order is more especially instituted
for preaching and other duties of the ministry, yet it is
considered that the education of youth may be made
instrumental in preparing their members for the proper
discharge of this most important duty.” Doubtless
the presence of two such institutions near Saint Rose’s
determined the selection of Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio,
for the undertaking. The following notice in the Cath-
olic Almanac of 1838 must have been sent in to the
editor some time before the close of the previous year.
There is a college now in progress of building on the convent
grounds [at Saint Joseph’s], which will soon be finished, and will
afford young gentlemen as many facilities of acquiring a thorough
English, Classical and Mathematical education as are enjoyed
in other literary institutions of the Union. The prospectus of this
establishment will be published next year.7®
25 See note 22. See also Catholic Advocate, May 13, 1837, which shows
Father Miles acting in the capacity of provincial.
26 Page 98.
248 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Doubtless Father Miles foresaw that, under the
existing circumstances, this enterprise would demand no
little courage and sacrifice; but he was not one who
would be deterred from any good by such difficulties.
Meanwhile, Bishop Purcell, who had strange ideas of
the life and privileges of religious, wrote to the new
provincial to send the priests at Saint Joseph’s to Cin-
cinnati for the diocesan retreat, although they made
one in their convent every year. ‘The extraordinary
and uncanonical procedure brought forth a reply from
Father Miles which reveals the quiet, gentle strength
and prudent tactfulness of the man, no less than the
poverty of the community.
Right Rev. Sir:—
It would afford us great pleasure to comply with the request
made by your Reverence that all the clergy should meet at Cin-
cinnati for the purpose of making a spiritual retreat; but it would
be attended with great difficulty on our part. Our very limited
means render it morally impossible that we sheuld all attend. We
have heretofore been accustomed to make our retreat annually at
Saint Joseph’s. Should it please your Reverence to permit us
to continue our accustomed course, it would be regarded as a great
favour. If expedient, two of us will attend the Synod, as was
our practice in Kentucky.
A line from your Reverence, expressing your pleasure on this
subject, will be gratefully acknowledged.
With sentiments of the highest esteem and respect,
Right Rev. Sir,
I am your very obedient servant,
R. P. Miles, Provincial.
Somerset, October 28, 1837.77
Father Cipolletti seems to have received the document
of the future bishop’s election as provincial only late in
the summer or early in the fall of 1837. October 1,
27 Archives of Notre Dame University.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 249
the same year, he sent a letter to the fathers of the
province congratulating them on the choice they had
made for their leader; and another similar in character
to Father Miles himself.* Cipolletti was a superior
man in every way. Nothing lay nearer to his heart
than the welfare of the religious institute over whose
destinies he presided. Perhaps none of the Generals,
with the possible exception of Father Gaddi who estab-
lished it, showed so friendly an interest in Saint J oseph’s
Province for many, many years after it came into exis-
tence. No doubt this kindly concern inspired the two
documents just mentioned, both of which are delight-
fully paternal and encouraging.
Cipolletti’s letters could not but have been a source
of inspiration to the new provincial. Unfortunately
an event had already occurred, though apparently still
unknown to either the subject of our sketch or his con-
freres, which was not merely to thwart these good
promises, but likewise to cast a gloom over the province.
Bishop Flaget had long desired to have his diocese
limited to the State of Kentucky. After the lopping
off of Lllinois and Indiana through the erection of the
See of Vincennes, in 1834, only Tennessee, a domain
wherein Catholicity had been sadly neglected, remained
to be separated from Bardstown’s original jurisdiction
in order that the saintly prelate’s wish might be real-
ized.
When, therefore, the American hierarchy assembled
at Baltimore, April 16-23, 1837, for the third provincial
council held in that city, Bishop Chabrat urged the
erection of Tennessee into an episcopal see, and asked
28 Copies in the handwriting of Father Stephen Byrne (Archives of
Saint Joseph’s Priory).
250 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
that Father Miles be nominated its head. Indeed, apart
from the tradition of Saint Joseph’s Province, there
are reasons for believing that Doctors Flaget (then in
Europe) and Chabrat had agreed on both these prop-
ositions prior to the assembling of ‘the council, if not
even before the former started abroad, in 1835. Ac-
cordingly, the prelates of the council requested the Holy
See to erect the Diocese of Nashville, and placed
Father Miles’ name at the head of the list of priests
which they forwarded for the selection of a worthy
bishop for its government.”
In answer to the appeal of the. Baltimore council
Gregory XVI issued the Brief Universt Dominici
Gregis, making Nashville an episcopal see, and the
Bull A postolatus Officium, by which Father Miles was
appointed its first bishop. Both documents bear the
29 Sura, History of the Church in the United States, III, 608, 656;
CLARKE, Lives of the Deceased Bishops, II, 149; Year Book of St. Mary's
Church, Memphis, 1908, p. 47; Facts (Chattanooga, Tennessee), August
18, 1894. Two letters of Bishop Francis P. Kenrick show that the vote
of the Baltimore council was unanimous. At the same time, they prove
that Doctor Kenrick had not lost his former prejudice against the
Father of the Church in Tennessee. In that to Cardinal Fransoni (April
26, 1837—Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. XII) he tells
the prefect of the Propaganda that he would not have given his consent
to Miles’ nomination, had not Bishop Chabrat “lauded his piety, zeal,
and other gifts so highly.” Practically the same assertion is made in
a letter (May 22, 1837) of Kenrick to the Rev. Paul Cullen, then rector
of the Irish College, Rome, and later cardinal archbishop of Dublin
(Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, VII, 295). As
Doctor Kenrick was so anxious to express his views about Doctor Miles,
he can not object to another recording a doubt whether the learned third
bishop of Philadelphia would have had the courage to face the task which
confronted the apostolic first bishop of Tennessee. Afterwards, however,
this bias was succeeded by admiration. See An American Apostle (Life
of Very Rev. M. A. O’Brien), pp. 141-142. The high regard in which
the other bishops of the council held Father Miles is further shown by
the fact that they also placed his name on the list of priests proposed for
Natchez.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP asp
date of July 28, 1837, were forwarded to America at
the same time, and reached Baltimore late in October.°®°
This action of the Holy See brought consternation to
Saint Joseph’s Province of Dominicans, for the fathers
felt that, in their state of poverty and with their small
number of priests, they could not afford to lose so val-
uable a man. ‘To them their beloved provincial seemed
simply indispensable.
We remember reading some years ago a letter of
Father Thomas Martin, one of the most unselfish and
efficient of Ohio’s early missionaries, in which he rather
indignantly complained against the appointment. He
declared that, if they were determined to make Father
Miles a bishop, they should have had him appointed
successor to Fenwick in Cincinnati, so that he could have
collaborated with his brethren, instead of sending him
to Nashville, where his services would be lost to them
altogether. What Miles himself thought about his nom-
ination is evident from the following reply to Bishop
Purcell.
Somerset, [Ohio], November 9, 1837.
Right Rev. dear Sir:—
Your favour of the third instant reached me this morning. I
am apprehensive that my nomination to the See of Nashville will
prevent any of our Fathers from joining you either in the retreat
or synod. If I must accept, it will be necessary that we should
meet in council and attend to the affairs of the Order, which will
be much affected by my removal; and there will be no time to
lose, as in that case I must hasten to adjust my affairs here and
return to St. Rose.
The loss of any efficient member of the Order at this time will
be severely felt; and I do not see how I can in conscience accept,
30 Archives of the Secretary of Briefs, Vol. 4929, Vatican Palace, Rome;
HeErNAEz, Coleccion de Bulas, Breves y Otros Documentos, etc., II, 794;
Bullarium de Propaganda Fide, V, 163.
Abs THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
without compulsion. The Archbishop has informed me officially
of my nomination, and I have requested him to send on the Bulls
and other documents which he says are in his hands. If these
contain a formal precept, I then have no choice; but if left
free, I shall certainly remain so.
I do not feel disposed to complain of my superiors, but I think
there has been a strange blunder committed in my nomination.
How could it ever have entered into the mind of any one to appoint
a poor Religious, who cannot command one cent, in case he accepts,
to a See where there is neither a church nor a clergyman, nor any
means, that I know of, to procure either. I shall not even have
a book except my breviary; and my brethren are not obliged to
supply me. And in case I am taken from them without their
consent, they will be illy disposed to assist me. Unless, therefore,
the will of God manifests itself in a manner that I cannot resist
without [sin?],°4 I shall feel myself bound under sin to refuse.
May His holy will be done.
I, am,
Right Rev. dear Sir,
Yours sincerely,
RiiP2)MilessOrpe
Provincial of the Province of St. Joseph.
Right Rev. Dr. Purcell.??
This document speaks for itself. It is straightfor-
ward, to the point, brief, strong, and clear; it breathes
the true spirit of humility, obedience, and respect for
authority; it reveals a well-poised mind and a noble
character without self-interest, no less than a soul pos-
sessed of much kindly strength; it marks a superior
under whom one would rejoice to live and to labor.
Evidently another Friar Preacher wrote a letter
of protest to the Order’s General. Most likely this
was N. D. Young, who wielded a ready pen; and he
31 A word is torn out here, and the word sin, which suggests itself,
would just fit in the missing space.
32 Archives of Notre Dame University.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP Zo
doubtless did so as much at Miles’ request as of his
own accord—perhaps even in response to the entreaty
and in the name of his confreres. Quite possibly, so
strong was the desire to retain their provincial, the
letter was signed by every professed member of the
province. At any rate, on January 2, 1838, Father
Cipolletti wrote to the fathers in general, stating that,
because of their great loss, he himself was overwhelmed
with grief when informed by his Eminence James
Philip Cardinal Franzoni, prefect of the Propaganda,
that Miles had been preconized bishop of Nashville.
However, Cipolletti feared then, and still fears, to
protest against the appointment; but if Father Miles
himself will write directly to the Holy Father, begging
to be relieved from such an honor for the good of the
province and the American missions, then the General,
in case his opinion is asked, will do whatever he possibly
can in the matter.*®
Although, owing to the sacred secrecy under which
the Propaganda guards its documents of less than a
hundred years of age, we have discovered no letter on
the subject from the bishop elect to Gregory XVI,
other sources show that he followed Father Cipolletti’s
suggestion, and apparently made more than one urgent
appeal to be freed from the glory of the miter. In
fact, despite his strong opposition, the affair dragged
on for nearly a twelvemonth. Rome’s inflexibility in-
dicates that “the striking testimony” (praeclarum testi-
monum) which Gregory declares in the bull of
appointment he has received “from the late provincial
33 Copy in Father Stephen Byrne’s handwriting (Archives of Saint
Joseph’s Priory). In this letter Cipolleti appoints Father Young provis-
ional provincial, so that the province may nct be without a head.
254 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
synod of Baltimore of his [Miles’] piety, moral integ-
rity, learning, and zeal and labor for the propagation
of religion” continued to be urged at the papal court
by persons anxious for his nomination. Possibly
Bishops Purcell and Chabrat—and even Bishop Flaget
himself, who was then in Kurope—were the responsible
parties.
Meanwhile, Father Miles labored on with the affairs
of the province; but his state of uneasiness stood in the
way of his efforts for its advancement. ‘The project
which suffered the most from his appointment to a
bishopric was that of the proposed new college, for it
was not put into execution until more than ten years
afterwards. When the positive order finally came from
the Vicar of Christ that he must accept the dreaded
dignity, he gracefully bowed to the will of heaven, and
wrote to Bishop Rosati of Saint Louis:
Right Rev. and dear Sir:—
Having lately received a letter from the Cardinal Prefect of
the Propaganda, in which his Eminence informs me that the Holy
Father insists on my accepting the arduous office of Bishop, I have
consented to do so. The consecration will take place on the six-
teenth of September, in the Cathedral of St. Joseph, at Bardstown.
It is my wish that your Reverence would be present on the occa-
sion. Should it suit your convenience to confer this honor on one
so unworthy, it will be regarded as a great favour, and one not
to be forgotten. In the mean time I beg a share in your prayers
and sacrifices.
I am,
Right Rev. and dear Sir,
with sentiments of high esteem,
Your Reverence’s humble servant and brother in Jesus Christ,
R. P. Miles,
Bishop elect of Nashville.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP
bo
on
wn
Bardstown, August 22, 1838.
Right Rev. Dr. Rosati,
Bishop of St Louis.*4
Father Miles had no doubt gone to Bardstown, im-
mediately on the receipt of his orders from Rome, to
inform Bishops David and Chabrat of his acceptance
of the miter, and to engage the venerable David to per-
form the august ceremony of consecration; but the
aged prelate felt that he was too feeble to undertake
so long and arduous a rite. ‘Then it was agreed that
the honor should go to Doctor Rosati as the next
senior bishop in the west. ‘There also it was doubtless
decided that the event should take place in Bardstown,
on September 16, and that invitations should be ex-
tended to only the nearest ordinaries, for Father Miles
had little taste for personal display, and his heart was
too sad for exaltation. Bishops Flaget and Purcell
were in Europe; but Bishop Kenrick of Philadelphia
was invited because he had been a priest in Kentucky.
When the reverend editor of the Catholic Advocate re-
ceived the news he wrote:
We have been very much gratified to learn that the Right Rev.
Dr. Miles, some months since nominated by the Holy See to the
newly erected See of Nashville, has, in consequence of letters just
received from Rome, accepted the appointment. We have re-
ceived no intelligence lately which has rejoiced us more. The
Catholics dispersed throughout the State of Tennessee have long
been in need of more spiritual aid than it has been in the power
of the Bishop of Bardstown to extend to them. From the known
talents, acquirements, and zeal of Bishop Miles we most con-
fidently anticipate a rich harvest of spiritual blessings to his new
flock. His appointment has afforded universal satisfaction, both
to the Catholic Clergy and Laity, and to all who are acquainted
with him.
34 Diocesan Archives of Saint Louis.
256 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The Consecration of Dr. Miles will take place in St. Joseph’s
Cathedral, on Sunday the 16th of September. The Right Revs.
Drs. Rosati, Kenrick and Bruté have been invited, and are ex-
pected to attend on the occasion. Dr. Miles earnestly invites
all the Regular and Secular Clergy of Kentucky to be present
at the ceremony. We hope that all those whose occupations may
allow will comply with his request.*°
The Catholic papers of the country evinced no little
delight when copying the Advocate’s statement. or
instance, the Catholic Telegraph, Archbishop Purcell’s
diocesan organ, in its issue of September 6, 1838, de-
clares: “Our feelings of gratification and joy are in
unison with those which our friends of the Catholic
Advocate express in the followmg announcement.”
Similarly, the United States Catholic Miscellany, con-
ducted by Bishop England himself, says, on September
8, 1838: “We copy the following very gratifying intel-
ligence from the Catholic Advocate of Bardstown, of
August 25. The last Provincial Council recommended
the creation of the Diocese [of Nashville] and the ap-
pointment of Doctor Miles.”
Doubtless Father Miles looked forward to the event
in fear and trembling, for he was to receive a dignity
and to take upon himself a responsibility which he
dreaded. Because of their intrinsic interest, no less than
because of their place in our narrative and in the history
of the Church in Tennessee, we must not omit two
accounts of the consecration by eye-witnesses. One is
evidently by a clergyman, the other by a chance spec-
tator who was not of the faith. ‘The first must have been
prepared with considerable care, for it reached the
Catholic Advocate too late for the issue immediately
35 Edition of August 25, 1838. Bishop Kenrick did not attend the
consecration.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP ay)
following the event, which appeared on Septembr 22,
1838, and could not be published until that of the
twenty-ninth of the month.
THE CONSECRATION
OM Et aARIGH TREVOR Pe NEES. DD. 1,
This splendid ceremony took place in St. Joseph’s Cathedral
on last Sunday morning. At an early hour, the church was crowded
to overflowing. When everything had been prepared, the proces-
sion of the Bishops and clergy moved in order from the Sacristy
to the Sanctuary. The Right Rev. Joseph Rosati acted as Bishop
Consecrator, and he was assisted by the Right Rev. Dr. Chabrat,
Bishop Coadjutor of Bardstown, and the Right Rev. Dr. Bruté,
Bishop of Vincennes. The Right Rev. Dr. David had been in-
vited by the Bishop Elect to officiate as Bishop Consecrator, but
his great age and growing infirmities prevented his acceptance
of the invitation. The venerable old man however assisted at the
function in which he was not able to participate.°®
The Very Rev. Stephen T. Badin officiated as assistant Priest;
the Very Rev. E. J. Durbin as Deacon; the Rev. Mr. [ Charles |
Blanc as Subdeacon;** the Rev. M. J. Spalding, D.D., as Notary,
read the Bulls of Consecration; and the Rev. F. Evremond, S.J.,
and the Rev. W. E. Clark acted as Masters of Ceremonies. The
Rev. S. H. Montgomery and the Rev. Joseph Haseltine assisted
the Bishop Elect as Chaplains. Many of the clergy of the Dio-
cess, both regular and secular, were also present, and aided in
the functions of the solemn sacrifice.
The impressive and splendid ceremonies of the church, in the
consecration of Bishops, were heightened in their effect by the
36It was fortunate that Bishop David did not undertake to be the
consecrating prelate; for in a letter, written September 17, 1838, to Sister
Elizabeth, Union County, he tells her that a slight attack of illness
obliged him to leave the sanctuary “ about the preface’ (Archives of
Nazareth Academy, Bardstown).
37 Through an oversight, when giving a brief account of Bishop Miles’
consecration in An American Apostle (page 59), we stated that this
priest was the Rev. Anthony Blanc, later archbisop of New Orleans.
Doctor Blanc was consecrated in 1835. The man mentioned here belonged
to the Diocese of Bardstown.
18
258 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
manner in which they were performed. All admired the perfect
ease and self-possession; the gravity, the dignity, and unction with
which the venerable Consecrator, the Right Rev. Dr. Rosati, per-
formed all the lengthy functions of the day. There is in his voice
and whole manner something peculiarly impressive and moving—-
something that decorates and sets off in its proper form the splen-
did ceremonial of our church.
All were impressed, too, with the appearance of the Bishop
Elect. Though deeply affected, he went through the whole cere-
mony with firmness, self-possession and dignity. Whether making
his solemn profession of faith in the hands of the consecrating
Bishop, or answering the solemn questions propounded to him in
regard to his future conduct—whether prostrate in prayer at the
foot of the altar, imploring the prayers of the Saints in heaven,
or receiving the imposition of hands from the Bishops, and being
anointed with the mystic unction—the emblem of his consecration
to God—whether bearing the Book of the Gospel upon his neck,
as the yoke which he was in future more especially bound to bear;
or, clad in all the insignia of his episcopal office, walking proces-
sionally through the congregation and giving his benediction—
throughout the whole solemn functions, he awakened a deep inter-
est in all present.
The consecration sermon was preached by the Very Rev. John
Timon. It was an appropriate and excellent discourse on the min-
istry established by Jesus Christ. He proved from natural
reason and the Scriptures that Christ established a regular gra-
dation amongst the ministers of his church—that to their charge He
had entrusted the sacred deposit of faith and of the sacraments,
and that to their judgment are the faithful to attend, if they do
not wish “to be tossed to and fro by every wind of doctrine.”
His address to the Bishop Elect at the close of the discourse was
full of unction and tenderness. He alluded to the difficulties and
trials with which he would have to contend in his new Diocess,
and hoped that the same success might crown his labors as had
crowned those of the Right Rev. Bishops Flaget and Rosati, who,
in a few years, had reared such beautiful monuments to religion.
Bishop Miles expects to be in Nashville on Sunday, the 14th of
October. Truly, he goes like the Apostles, without purse or scrip,
or money in his girdle: but we hope and trust that he has a large
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 299
portion of their spirit, and that his zealous labors will be crowned
with similar success. He will bear with him the kind wishes and
the prayers and tears of many friends. God prosper him in his
arduous labors! ! °°
The second account is taken from The Record which
reprinted it some years ago from a source unknown to
us. First, its writer, evidently a visitor in Bardstown,
tells how he accidentally heard on the morning of Sep-
tember 16, 1838, that a Catholic bishop was to be con-
secrated in the cathedral that day. So great was his
curiosity to witness the ceremony that he deferred his
breakfast and hastened to the church at the first sound
of the bell. But the bell was for an early mass, through
which the good man remained in the vain hope of seeing
a bishop consecrated. However, he was rewarded by the
sight of an extraordinary manifestation of piety on the
part of the worshippers at mass and in receiving holy
communion. He records his impressions at length, and
then proceeds to say:
I ascertained, before leaving the church for my breakfast, that
the ceremony of consecration, which I had so much anxiety to wit-
ness, was to commence at ten o’clock. Before the hour arrived,
the bell, whose solemn sound I had previously admired, seemed to
thunder into my ears audi verbum Domini. I returned to the
church. It was pretty well filled; I seated myself in an eligible
pew, convenient to the altar and the pulpit. Presently there en-
tered about one hundred of the students of St. Joseph’s College,
and ascended to the gallery. Soon was every pew filled to over-
flowing—not a seat was vacant.
38 Catholic Advocate, September 29, 1838. It should have appeared
in the previous edition—September 22. It is worthy of note that the
Rey. Martin John Spalding, who acted as notary for the consecration,
later became bishop of Louisville and archbishop of Baltimore; while the
Rey. John Timon, who preached on the occasion, afterwards became the
first bishop of Buffalo.
260 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
At this point in his account the spectator tells. of
the entrance of some one hundred and thirty young
ladies from Nazareth Academy, who occupied seats
prepared for them in front of the pews. ‘The tribute
which he pays them and the noted institution which they
represented is beautiful, but it can scarcely be said to
have formed a part of the ceremony. Consequently
we pass on to the rest of the article which states:
Presently a throng, robed in all the sublime splendor of the
Catholic ritual, crowded into the sanctuary, amongst whom were
four who had already been honored with the Mitre. I regret
exceedingly that my intimacy with the Catholic liturgy does
not enable me to picture the character of this truly sublime and
imposing ceremony. Of the number who thronged the sanctuary,
one of the mitred dignitaries performed the sacrifice of the Mass,
which I discovered to be intimately connected with the consecrating
service. His appearance of itself was imposing. He seemed to be
officiating in that place for which he was intended by nature; his
manner, so graceful and dignified, seemed to add much to the
impressive scene. His intellectual countenance appeared as though
he was alone with subjects celestial in their nature.
During the consecration, the Litaniae Sanctorum, together with
many other hymns in Latin and English, were chanted. The music
awakened every sense of my understanding, aroused every feeling
of my soul, and pealed into my heart this truth, that homage is
due from man to the Author of his being. I wondered not, after
listening to this music, that Orpheus of old harmonized the pas-
sions of the Grecians, and subdued the ferocity of the beasts,
and even tranquilized the tortures of the infernal regions.
After the Gospel was read, one of the sacred order, having
invoked a blessing from above, retired from the thronged sanctuary
and ascended the pulpit. He delivered a short but truly eloquent
and appropriate sermon, and returned to afford an opportunity for
the continuance of this mysterious and certainly interesting part
of the Catholic liturgy. An offering, apparently consisting of
loaves and small casks of wine, was made by the new Bishop to
the Prelate Consecrator, in accordance with their ancient and
dhs ‘ Set aa
Cyd Me Se ong
hit PL at otk iy
fl ad - i) vs Al,
Sha z i Cie, lly a
fof rt "s
-
& ..
Tink wy ~
-
THE RIGHT REV. RICHARD PIUS MILES, O. P.
PRIOR, PROVINCIAL, BISHOP 261
peculiar custom. This unchanging character of their religious
rites forcibly reminded me of the unalterable attributes of the
Deity.
When the consecration of Bishop Miles was completed, it was
announced by one of the inmates of the sanctuary that he had to
pass through the aisle of the church. It was instantly cleared of
its crowd. He then, accompanied by two others of the same rank,
walked down and back, at the same time invoking from on high
benedictions on all present. Robed in the vestments of a Bishop,
he presented an appearance truly grand and imposing. His mild-
ness and humility seemed to impress the crowded assembly with
respect and with veneration. When the ceremony was ended (which
lasted for upwards of two hours), the noise created by the im-
mense crowds retiring was drowned by a burst of rich melody
from the organ, which gave rise to the most pleasing sensations.
The skillful musicians, in accordance with the occasion, executed
a piece animating and appropriate.
Thus ended the consecration, which surpassed in beauty,
grandeur, and solemnity anything I had ever had the satisfaction of
witnessing. I seriously concluded that this ceremony bore, un-
questionably, an impress of some supernatural institution, for its
sublimity could never have been reached by human intellect.°?
Father Miles was now a member of the American
hierarchy. He had become the first bishop of ‘Tennessee
in the first cathedral west of the Alleghany Mountains.
History was still a-making in old Bardstown. A
beautiful character had been consecrated with a beau-
tiful ceremony, accompanied with the pomp, glory, and
splendor of the Catholic ritual; yet the congratulations
heaped upon him must have sounded almost like irony
or insult. ‘Truly was he to enter upon his new field
of toil “like the apostles, without purse or scrip, or
39 We regret that the clipping from The Recerd which we used for
the above does not give the date on which it appeared; but we remember
that it was a good many years ago. Another cause for regret is that the
late Father Louis G. Deppen, then editor of The Record, did not tell
when and where the original appeared.
262 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
money in his girdle’. Fortunately he possessed “a
large portion of their spirit.” Without co-laborers,
poverty was his sole companion. All that he could com-
mand was a courage quickened by the order of God
received through His Vicar on earth, and, as the editor
of the Advocate tells us, his “known talents, acquire-
ments, and zeal,” to which we may add “virtue of a
heroic character.”
CHAPTER XII
EARLY TENNESSEE
THE early history of Tennessee vies with that of Ken-
tucky in romantic glamour. The early settlers of both
states were largely of the same stock, had the same
difficulties with which to contend, showed the same
prowess in danger, possessed the same spirit of chiv-
alry, and were guided by the same views in their west-
ward migration. Perhaps this explains, in part, why
the character of their descendants is strikingly similar
even to this day, while their sympathies and _ politics
have much in common. Indeed, climatically and typo-
graphically the two commonwealths seem to have been
intended by nature to form only one.
Just when the white man first set foot on the soil of
Tennessee will possibly never be known with absolute
certainty. However, there are many who, not without
good reason, are strongly inclined to the belief, if not
even convinced, that the no less ill-fated than historic
expedition of Hernando de Soto (1539-1542) made its
way into the southern part of the state, halted for about
a month on the Chickasaw bluff, where stands the pres-
ent City of Memphis, and there crossed the Mississippi
River into Arkansas. The Indian village of Chisca,
they maintain, occupied the same site that is now oc-
cupied by Memphis. ‘They base their arguments on a
comparison of the topography of the country described
by the companions of De Soto with that of southern
263
264 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
‘Tennessee, the location of Chisea, and the fact that
religious articles of Spanish make have been found on
Jackson Mound, just below the southern limits of
Memphis."
If these unfortunate Spaniards wandered so far
north, they were beyond question the earliest of the
Caucasian race to visit that part of the American con-
tinent. ‘There were a number of clergymen with the
expedition, and among them two at least, Fathers John
de Gallegos and Louis de Soto, seem certainly to have
belonged to the Order of Saint Dominic.” Thus, in
ease the sad remnant of wayfarers reached ‘Tennessee,
two of the first priests in the state were confreres of the
first bishop of Nashville. Circumstances rendered it
impossible for the missionaries to do any work among
the Indians throughout the long and perilous journey.
After the battle at Mauilla (or Mavilla) they could not
even say mass for the Spaniards, for all their wheat,
flour, vestments, and church vessels were lost in a con-
flagration at that place.°
Again, it is well within the realm of probability,
though not susceptible of proof, that Louis Joliet and
1 The great majority of those who have really studied the accounts
of De Soto’s peregrinations place Tennessee and Memphis on the route
he followed. There is a very good article on the subject by Walter
Malone in the Memphis Commercial Appeal of July 2, 1909. The late
Brother Maurelian of the Christian Brothers College, Memphis, who was
thoroughly versed in the history of Tennessee, and especially in that of
Memphis, was convinced that De Soto passed that way; and he used to
show religious articles that had been found on Jackson Mound.
2 SHEA, Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States,
p. 45. These two fathers died after the expedition passed under the leader-
ship of Louis de Moscoso who succeeded to command after the death
of De Soto.
3 SHEA, History of the Church, I, 112; Winsor, Narrative and Critical
History of America, II, 249; Spanish Explorers in the Southern United
States (In Original Narratives of Early American History), p. 193.
EARLY TENNESSEE 265
Pere Jaques Marquette touched on the western shore
of 'Vennessee on their voyage down or up the Missis-
sippi in 1673.4 Robert Cavelier de La Salle made a
similar voyage down the great Father of Waters in
1682, erected Fort Prud’>homme on the site of our
modern Memphis, and raised the flag of France over the
stockade in attestation that he took possession of the
country in the name of his Catholic majesty, Louis
XIV. With La Salle were two Franciscan Recollects,
Fathers Zenobius Membré and Anastasius Douay.”
Unless, therefore, De Soto’s expedition extended into
Tennessee, the French were the first white race who trod
the soil of the state, and the first priests within its limits
either the Jesuit Marquette, or the Franciscans Membré
and Douay. None of these men could have labored
among the Indians at the time; but at least the two sons
of Saint Francis must have offered up the holy sacrifice
of the mass where Memphis now stands. In any case,
the discoverers of the country were of the Catholic faith.
Fort Assumption (Assomption), so named in honor
of the Blessed Virgin, succeeded Prud’homme in 1714.°
By this time, in fact, a cordon of small French forts
and posts had begun to spring up, which soon extended
4The Jesuit Relations and Allied Docunents (edited by Thwaites),
LVIII, 95 ff. Other volumes of the same work touch on the same topic.
It is generally admitted that Joliet and Marquette journeyed as far south
as the neighborhood of the Arkansas River; and that Marquette’s journal
of the voyage describes embankments which correspond with those on the
Tennessee side of the Mississippi, which suggests that he probably stopped
at some of these places. See also CHARLEVoIx-SHEA, History and De-
scription of New France, III, 178 ff.
5 SHEA, History of the Church, I, 326 ff; Catholic Encyclopedia, IX,
378; Bancrort, History of the United States, III, 167-168; Ramsey,
Annals of Tennessee, p. 39; Puetan, History of Tennessee, pp. 5, 313;
RANDALL-Ryan, History of Ohio, I, 143-144.
6 PHELAN, op. cit., p. 313; GoopspeED, History of Tennessee, p. 62.
266 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
from Quebec to the Great Lakes, and thence to New
Orleans. Through these, in spite of the small number
of French in the New World, there was a constant com-
munication between the vast Gallican possessions.
Seeking new discoveries and conquests, trapping wild
animals, plying his trade with the Indians, acting under
an inborn spirit of adventure, responding to the call
of his wander-lust, or obeying orders from the civic
authorites, back and forth the Gaul wandered between
north and south, or from post to post. Quebec, Mon-
treal, or the country of ‘the Great Lakes lay at one end
of his journey; New Orleans at the other. Oftentimes
he was never less alone than when alone; for then his
poetic soul could, undisturbed, contemplate and revel
in the unrivalled beauties of primeval nature. Per-
haps it is this mental build that enables the French,
even though brought up in the most refined society, to
content themselves in the wilds of forest or desert, and
has had its part in making them such splendid mis-
sionaries among uncivilized peoples.‘
The Vicariate Apostolic of Quebec was established
in 1657. In 1674 it became a bishopric, whose jurisdic-
tion, besides Canada, soon embraced all the then known
parts of the present United States except the English
colonies along the Atlantic seaboard and those of Spain
on the northeastern shore of the Gulf of Mexico.” The
Mississippi River was the great artery of trade, travel,
and communication between the southernmost and
northernmost possessions of France. Up and down
7 The ability of the French to accommodate themselves to such untoward
circumstances is a well-known characteristic of that nation.
SLe Vénérable Francois de Montmorency-Laval Premier Evéque de
Québec (Souvenir of the Second Centenary of his Death) ; SHEA, History
of the Church, II and III, passim.
EARLY TENNESSEE 267
its waters the missionaries made their way to and from
their fields of labor, whether among the aborigines or
their own fellow-countrymen.
Fort Prud’homme, or Fort Assumption, was a
convenient resting-place for these zealous messengers of
the Gospel.’ Despite the lack of documents, therefore,
there can be no doubt that they often halted there, ad-
ministered the grace of the sacraments to the whites
connected with the post, and sought to christianize the
red men who happened to be in the vicinity. Quite
possibly, too, they made other landings on the eastern
bank of the river between the present states of Ken-
tucky and Mississippi. However, the Indians in Ten-
nessee do not seem to have offered an attractive or prom-
ising field for apostolic labor; for it appears certain
that the missionaries made no concerted effort for the
conversion of the tribes of that state.
Perhaps the explanation of this apparent neglect is
to be found in the character and location of these Indians
themselves. ‘They were all largely wandering tribes,
without fixed villages. The Shawnees, on the lower
Cumberland, were so migratory that it is difficult to
determine their real abode. The Cherokees loved the
mountains and highlands,” lived in the east, and were
more settled; yet they spent the greater part of the
time on the war path, or in the common hunting grounds
of middle Tennessee and Kentucky. Besides, they were
near the English possessions, and far removed from
the highway of travel followed by the missionaries.
The Choctaws held the upper Cumberland; while the
9 Fort Assumption was built at the mouth of Wolf River (the Margot
of the French), and on the present site of Memphis.
10 The word Cherokee is said to mean “upland field.”
268 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Chickasaws claimed and used the territory between the
Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, and were bitter ene-
mies of the French. Furthermore, the strongholds of
the last two tribes were in Mississippi, where they could
be more conveniently reached from the south. In these
facts, no doubt, we have the principal reason why
Tennessee was passed by for a more promising apos-
tolate on either side of the great watercourse, both
above and below.**
French traders, in small numbers, made their. way
among the Indian tribes scattered through the state.
As early as 1714, a trading post was established on the
present site of Nashville. Possibly there were others in
the state, of which no memory or trace has been left.
In 1736, it was discovered that one Christian Priber,
whose name and position suggest that he was an Al-
satian, lived among the Cherokees. He seems to have
spent a part of his time in eastern Tennessee. He
knew the language of the Indians perfectly, sought
to bring them to a more civilized manner of life, and
to ally them with the French, as whose agent he acted.”
These traders were Catholics, but there is no indication
11 Catholic Encyclopedia, XIV, 508; PHELAN, op. cit., passim; BANCROFT,
op. cit., III, passim; The Catholic Journal of the South, December 21,
1912; The Century Cyclopedia of Names, passim.
12 RAMSEY, op. cit., pp. 45, 79; PHELAN, op. cit., pp. 10, 114; History
of Nashville (edited by Wooldridge), p. 38; Crayton, History of David-
son County, Tennessee, p. 17; Apvatr, History of the American Indians,
pp. 240-243; Stevens, History of Georgia, I, 164-167; Nineteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I, pp. 36-37. It is
hard to say which the Rev. B. Stevens stretched the most, his imagination
or his prejudice, in his harsh characterization of Priber as a Jesuit. There
is no record of a Jesuit or any other missionary of that name in the north,
west, or south. Adair does not call him a priest, and there is nothing
to show that he was. Unfortunately, J. W. Powell, in the Ethnological
Report, was deceived by Stevens, and calls Priber a Jesuit.
EARLY TENNESSEE 269
that priests of their nationality ever visited their posts
of business or the red men whose friendship they cul-
tivated.
After the French and Indian War, the territory
claimed by the French on the lower Mississippi, to-
gether with all the country west of the great river,
passed into the hands of Spain. ‘Thus the Catholic
missions there fell under Spanish domination. Quebec
retained its jurisdiction over those parts ceded to Great
Britain, for the Treaty of Paris (1763) guaranteed
religious liberty to their inhabitants. The Quebec Act
(1774) still further confirmed this freedom of con-
science, but the suppression of the Society of Jesus
(1773) had greatly crippled the missionary force in the
near and middie west. With the recognition of the
independence of the United States by England, Sep-
tember 3, 1783; the appointment of Father John Car-
roll prefect apostolic of the new American republic,
June 9, 1784; and his nomination as bishop of Balti-
more, November 6, 1789, the missions on the southern
shores of the Great Lakes were severed from their
allegiance to Quebec. However, owing to the occupa-
tion of those parts by British forces, the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction over them remained in doubt until several
years after Carroll’s consecration.
F’rom the end of the French and Indian War to
the appointment of Father John Carroll prefect apos-
tolic, ‘Tennessee was in the extreme southern portion
of the Diocese of Quebec. Then it became subject to
Baltimore. Fort Assumption no longer played any
role in the scheme of colonization. Yet it was seized by
the Spanish in 1794, They erected Fort San Ferdi-
270 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
nando, and remained in possession for four years.”®
During all this time, and from the recession of the
southern and western country to France by Spain
(1800), no less than from the Louisiana Purchase by
the United States (1803), until the establishment of
the Diocese of Nashville, western 'Tennessee appears to
have had no more than an occasional visit from a priest
while on a journey up or down the Father of Waters.
There are no records of even such calls; yet it seems
improbable that the country should have been left so
long untouched by some missionary of Louisiana,
Mississippi, or Missouri. ‘Thus, although Tennessee
was first discovered by Catholics, and the earliest
attempts at colonization of the state were made by them
in the west, these pioneers failed to plant the standard of
Catholicity permanently within its boundary. ‘Those
who brought it this blessing, as will now be seen, came
in from other directions.
Successful occupation of the lands of Tennessee by
the white man began in the east. ‘The French had
failed in the west principally because of their lack of
numbers and the want of sympathetic support by the
authorities abroad. ‘The English-speaking colonists
prevailed on its soil through their own bravery and
perseverance. Just when the first of them passed over
the mountains into the present limits of the state will
possibly never be known. However, it seems almost
certain that hunters, explorers, and traders with the
Indians made their way into 'Tennessee at a somewhat
13 Bancroft (op. cit., III, 368), without giving his authority, says
that Fort Assumption was razed in 1740. But Phelan (op cit., p. 314)
says that it was superseded by Fort San Ferdinando de Barancas; while
Keating (History of the City of Memphis and Shelby County, p. 90) says
that the old fort continued as a trading post with “varying fortunes.”
EARLY TENNESSEE 271
earlier date than into Kentucky—apparently in the
second or third quarter of the eighteenth century.
The glowing reports which these forerunners of civili-
zation carried back concerning the abundance of game,
the beautiful country, the healthful climate, and the
fertile stretches of land beyond the Alleghanies soon
fired the imagination of the brave and ambitious, with
the result that a tide of emigration was not slow to set
in towards the new west, where, it was thought, wealth
certainly awaited the hardy adventurer.
Practically all the first and the greater part of the
earlier settlers were from Virginia and North Carolina.
They were a fearless people, but they had need of great
courage in order to face the dangers and difficulties
which confronted them. In no part of America did the
pioneer meet with more stubborn or more persistent op-
position from the red man. There was almost perpetual
warfare between the two races for over a quarter of a
century.'* Another source of trouble was the uncertain-
ty whether the country was a part of Virginia, or a part
of Carolina. This doubt gave rise to the historic Wa-
tauga Association, which was perhaps the first attempt
at an organized civil government by the English west
of the Alleghany Mountains.
The pioneers lived under the laws enacted by this
association from 1769 to 1777, when, at their own re-
quest, they were annexed to North Carolina. Removed
as they were from the scene of disturbance, the people
of Watauga showed much resentment at the aggression
14 The early history of Tennessee is as bloody as that of Kentucky.
Candor demands the admission that right lay with the Indians, for they
were the owners of the soil; the whites were encroachers. The same is
true of all our early history.
272 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of the English government, and later, by their prowess,
contributed not a little towards turning the fortunes of
war in favor of the Americans in the south, at a mo-
ment when the cause seemed all but lost to the patriots
of the Revolution. North Carolina, however, wasted
little courtesy on her new acquisition, left its inhabitants
to fight their own battles with the Indians, and finally
voted to cede the territory to the United States govern-
ment. In 1784, therefore, they declared themselves the
State of Franklin, free and independent of North Car-
olina. Jonesborough became its capital; while chival-
rous, picturesque John Sevier, a soldier of the Revolu-
tion, and ‘Tennessee’s most noted Indian fighter, was
elected governor.
Carolina soon took steps to protect her rights; but
Sevier held his office until its expiration, in 1788, when
the State of Franklin ceased to exist evenin name. For
two years more Tennessee was again a part of North
Caroiina. They were a period of dissatisfaction, large-
ly because the parent state manifested scant interest in
the backwoodsmen beyond the mountains. Finally, in
1790, Tennessee was taken under the charge of the
national government, and became “The Territory of
the United States South of the Ohio River.” However,
owing to the public policy of treating with the Indians
which left the pioneers unprotected. against their deadly
foe, discontent was scarcely less than it had been before.
Still another disturbing factor was an embargo which
the Spaniards placed on the navigation of the Mis-
sissippi River by the people of the United States, and
a refusal to grant them the right to deposit goods at
New Orleans. It was no more than natural that the
west should fret under these two restrictions; for they
EARLY TENNESSEE 23
made its produce practically valueless, by leaving it
without an approachable market, or burdened it with
almost prohibitive costs for its transportation. While
by far the greater number of the settlers in Tennessee
were too patriotic to lend an ear to the suggestions of
General Stephen Miro and Francis Baron de Caronde-
let, successively governors of Louisiana, that they
should forswear allegiance to the United States and
ally themselves with the Spanish possessions, there were
those who felt disposed to adopt such a measure in order
to be relieved from the drawback thus placed upon their
traffic. Happily this difficulty was removed, in Octo-
ber, 1795, by a treaty with Spain.
The cup of the Tennesseeans’ joy was finally filled
on June 1, 1796, when their territory was accorded the
right of statehood, it being the sixteenth commonwealth
of the Union, and the second erected west of the Alle-
ghany Mountains. John Sevier became its first govern-
or. Knoxville'was its capital; but this honor, as was
only natural, soon gravitated towards a more central
city until, after many years (1843), it definitely settled
on the brow of Nashville.
When recorded in detail, though it is but sober his-
tory, all the above reads much like an overdrawn novel.
To tell its story in full hardly belongs to a work of the
character of the present volume; for up to this point,
and long after, there is little of the leaven of Catholicity
in the state’s progress, be it social, political, religious, or
commercial. Haywood, Marshall, Phelan, and other
historians of ‘Tennessee will repay any one for the time
spent over their pages.’ Suffice it here to say that all
15 However, these authors are at times too drastic in their strictures
on the French and Spaniards.
19
274 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
these authorities agree that the real settlement of the
state began on the waters of the Watauga River, in
1768 and 1769. Ever onward the bold pioneers pushed
their way through trials, hardships, war, and bloodshed,
occuping one section after another, until they gained the
mastery everywhere. As the reputation of the country
spread abroad, colonists came from all directions. By
the time the territory became a state the population had
risen to more than sixty thousand.
Just when the first English-speaking Catholics en-
tered the limits of Tennéssee, whence they came, or where
they located seem problems which can not now be de-
monstratively settled. However, the civic history of the
state and geographic position make it almost certain
that they found their way into the east, and that the
greater number of them took up their abodes in or
around Knoxville. Documents, which will be produced
later, are also plainly in favor of such a conclusion.
Most of the earliest colonists were of English, Irish,
and Scotch descent. Among them were names (Bean,
for instance, *°) which would suggest Catholics in Mary-
land. But as those who bore them in ‘Tennessee seem, as
a rule at least, to have gone from Virginia or North
Carolina, they afford no certain clue to the religion of
their possessors. Similarly, one runs across a number
of early settlers with distinctively Catholic Irish names.
Some of these appear to have migrated from the Caro-
linas and Virginia. Whence others came is not known.
Doubtless a few of them were born in the Emerald Isle
16 Phelan’s history (p. 5) says that “the history of Tennessee as a
distinctive individuality begins with the erection, in 1769, of William
Bean’s cabin” farther in the forest than his predecessors had ventured.
His son, Russell Bean, was the first white child born in Tennessee (ibid.,
Did).
EARLY TENNESSEE 275
itself, and gradually made their way into Tennessee.
Beginning with the brutal Cromwell, it is known, thou-
sands upon thousands of Irish youths of both sexes
were sent to the southern colonies. Others emigrated
of their own accord. By far the greater number of the
children of these, born of mixed marriages and in places
where they had no priests, were lost to the Church.”
Yet in other instances, particularly when several
Catholics located in the same neighborhood, the faith
was kept and handed down from generation to genera-
tion through a long series of years.
Thus it is highly probable, if not even certain, that
some of those with Irish names who figured in the ear-
hest steps of Tennessee’s making were Catholics. They
could, of course, enjoy none of the consolations of their
religion. For this reason, some of them possibly returned
to Maryland, went to Kentucky, or moved on to the
former Spanish possessions. Most of the descendants
of those who remained must eventually have lost the
faith—a sad commentary on the folly of Catholics who,
for mere worldly advantages, settle where they can not
practise their religion, or have their children brought up
under the influence of the Church, and grounded in its
doctrine. Defections, broken hearts, and souls lost in-
evitably follow. ‘This somber truth is written on every
page of the early Catholic history of all our states, no
less than of that of Tennessee.
The first priest of whose presence in beautiful eastern
Tennessee there is any record was the Rev. William
Rohan, mentioned in a previous chapter. The rough
17 There can be no doubt that a large proportion of our American
non-Catholics who claim to be of “Scotch-Irish” origin are descended
from ancestors circumstanced as described in the text.
276 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
draft of a letter from Archbishop Carroll, then prefect
apostolic, to Father Rohan himself indicates that he was
given faculties for the missions in Virginia.’ Thence
he seems to have made his way into Tennessee, which he
possibly believed fell within his field of labor. Bishop
Spalding, who must have known him personally, writes:
After the departure of F[ ather] Whelan [in the spring of 1790],
the Catholics of Kentucky were again left without a pastor. In the
following summer, however, there arrived among them, in company
with a caravan of emigrants from North Carolina and East Tennes-
see, the Rev. Wm. de Rohan.!9 He seems to have been born in
France, of Irish parentage, and was a reputed doctor of the Sor-
bonne. Some chance had thrown him on the American shores;
and a few years previous to his arrival in Kentucky, he had re-
ceived faculties for a mission in Virginia, from the Very Rev. Dr.
Carroll. Shortly afterwards he had travelled to Tennessee, where
he remained for more than a year.
In Kentucky, he said Mass for the Catholics, visited the sick,
and administered the sacraments of Baptism and Matrimony; but
he abstained from hearing confessions, as he did not at first believe
that his powers extended to this distant mission. He subsequently
changed his opinion on this subject, on the ground that Kentucky
was a county of Virginia at the date of his faculties, which had
been given for the latter State, or a portion of it.?°
Doubtess Father Rohan performed the same spiri-
tual functions for the few Catholics in eastern 'Tennes-
see while he resided there. Perhaps it would be no
18 Baltimore Archives, Case 9, S 9. The letter is not dated, but it
certainly belongs to 1785 or 1786.
19 Some give the name as de Rohan, others give it as Rohan. In the
letter referred to in the preceding note, and in another of March 31, 1794
(Baltimore Archives, Case 9 A, I 2), Archbishop Carroll calls him Roan.
Rohan seems to be the correct name. In a number of Father Badin’s
letters it appears as Roane.
20 Early Catholic Missions of Kentucky, pp. 48-49. The same author
(ibid. p. 49) tells us that Father Rohan spent the last years of his life
at the seminary in Bardstown, where he died in 1832. Doctor Spalding
himself was a student there from 1826 to 1830.
BARLY TENNESSEE PAM:
stretch of fancy to believe that he also heard confessions ;
that, when a doubt arose in his mind as to whether he had
such a right, he induced some of the faithful to accom-
pany him into Kentucky, where he thought they would
find Father Charles Whelan; and that others, unfortu-
nately for their souls, preferred to remain behind.
Possibly among these latter was gallant John Sevier
—one of ‘Tennessee’s most noted men, governor of
the State of Franklin, the first and several times after-
wards governor of the new State of Tennessee, con-
gressman, senator, the idol and ever beloved and trusted
servant of the people. “There is a widespread. tendency
to think that he was a Catholic. While a member of
Congress in Philadelphia, and afterwards in Washing-
ton, his diary shows that he attended Catholic church-
es.”*' ‘Tennessee had neither a priest nor a Catholic
house of worship. Perhaps this spiritual privation led
him to attend the Presbyterian church with his wife, as
well as to suffer her to bring up their children in that
creed. It was probably his wish to have a Catholic
clergyman and church nearer to his home that caused
_him to offer to sell enough land for a Catholic settlement
21 W. A. Henderson, Washington, D. C., May 10, 1909, to Rev. John K.
Larkin, Johnson City, Tennessee (Diocesan Archives, Nashville). Parts
of Sevier’s diary are published in the Tennessee Historical Magazine of
October, 1919, and January and April, 1920. No mention is made of
Philadelphia. But in the April, 1920, issue of the Magazine, covering the
years 1812-1815, there is frequent mention of Sevier’s attendance at
Catholic services in Washington City—so often, indeed, that one suspects
that a thorough study of his life might result in positive proof of his
Catholicity. Tennessee historians generally say that he was born in
Virginia, and was of Huguenot descent. It is probable, however, that
it is a case of the wish being father to the thought, and that Sevier was
no more of a Huguenot than many Americans with Celtic names, despite
their contention, are descendants of the so-called Scotch-Irish.
278 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of one hundred families, and to donate a tract for their
pastor.
The case of Hugh Rogan is at once sad and edifying.
He was born in County Donegal, Ireland, where he
married Miss Nancy Duffy of Tyrone. He belonged
to the “Irish Defenders; and it would seem that he left
his native land no less in order to escape the police who
sought him because of his associations with this patriotic
society, than to build up a home for himself and young
wife and child in the New World. Sailing on the last
merchant ship that left England for the colonies before
the American Revolution, he heard in mid-ocean of the
Battle of Bunker Hill from vessels returning with
wounded British and American prisoners. In Philadel-
phia, where the cargo was landed, he obtained employ-
ment from a Quaker with tory sentiments. However,
he soon enlisted for the first man-of-war fitted out for
colonial service, but an accident prevented him from
making connection with his ship.
Later he went to North Carolina, where, with Daniel
and Thomas Carlin, he engaged in mercantile trade,
their place of business, because of the faith of the three
men, being known as the “Catholic store.” Here Rogan
secretly played the part of agent for the patriots, whom
he kept informed of the plots and intended raids of
the tories. However, his days there as a merchant were
short, for he was soon employed in helping to survey the
western country. This was about 1789. In Tennessee
he showed much prowess in the contests with the In-
dians. For his services he received a pre-emption for six
hundred and forty acres of land which is supposed to
have lain where the Vanderbilt University, Nashville,
now stands.
) |
EARLY TENNESSEE 279
Finally, Hugh Rogan exchanged this pre-emption
for the same number of acres near Gallatin, Sumner
County, about thirty or thirty-five miles northeast of
Nashville. Wauith the two horses, which he received in the
bargain, he now started for the seashore, whence he in-
tended to sail for Ireland that he might bring his wife
and child to Tennessee. In Virginia, unfortunately, a
miscreant not long from Donegal told him that his wife
had married again. The broken-hearted man then re-
turned to his home. But in 1795 or 1796, Rogan heard
from his wife, and immediately set off for his native
land, after an absence of more than twenty years. Per-
haps not from the time he left Philadelphia had he seen
a priest. Doubtless, therefore, the occasion which this
visit to Ireland afforded him of hearing mass and receiv-
ing the sacraments gave the sturdy pioneer as much joy
as the re-union with his wife and son, the latter of whom
had now grown into vigorous young manhood .
Our immigrant’s stay abroad was brief, for he hurried
back to his home in Sumner County. There Francis
Rogan, the second and last child, was born in 1798. A
long period of spiritual desolation followed. Hugh
Rogan prospered temporally: but it would seem that
he never again saw a priest. We may trust that his ar-
dent faith, good life, and efforts to serve the Divine
Master in the best way he could under the circumstances
sufficed for his salvation. It is noteworthy that this
sturdy son of Erin was, in principle, a strong abolition-
ist. He possessed slaves only because of the necessity
of the times. His dying injunction to his sons was that
they should follow his own practice—never to sell a col-
ored person, except in order to prevent a family from
being separated, and never to retain the money obtained
280 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
through such a bargain. Faithfully did they obey their
father’s last behest.
God granted the prayer of Mrs. Rogan that she
would not die without seeing a priest. The way in
which it happened seems almost providential. In 1831
Francis Rogan married Miss Martha Lytle Read, who
belonged to two of Tennessee’s most noted families, the
ceremony for which was performed by a Methodist cir-
cuit rider by the name of Fountain E. Pitts, although
Miss Read had been brought up a Presbyterian. Mrs.
Rogan’s strong faith and deep piety profoundly im-
pressed her daughter-in-law. Francis had grown care-
less about his religion. Yet, when his wife accidentally
met the Rev. William Byrne, founder of Saint Mary’s
College, in Kentucky, at Miss Jeanne Floyd’s, an
elderly Catholic lady who kept a pastry shop at her
home in Gallatin, she told this good priest the story of
her aged mother-in-law, and asked him to go home with
her. The reader need hardly be told that his unexpected
appearance brought untold joy to this pious soul. He
gave her the sacraments, and baptized her only grand-
child.
Mrs. Hugh Rogan lived to see her daughter-in-law
received into the Church. Bernard, the son who was
born in Ireland, remained single. Francis did not take
up the practice of his religion until a few years after
his mother’s death. Yet his home, which was that of his
father, had become the hospitable and welcomed stop-
ping place for the missionaries, no less than the station
where mass was said for the scattered Catholics of the
neighborhood. Such it continued for several genera-
tions of Rogans, all of whom stood firm in their faith.”
22 Diary of Mrs. Clarissa (Rogan) Desha; Manuscript sketch of Hugh
EARLY TENNESSEE 281
Without doubt this case of spiritual starvation was by
no means solitary in the early stages of Tennessee’s
progress. More likely there were many others of which
nothing is known. ‘The children grew up without
priests or instruction, contracted mixed marriages, and
denied the faith. Perhaps for this very reason they
became all the more prejudiced against Catholicity.
The Frenchman, Timothy De Montbrun who is not
inaptly called the father of Nashville, offers an instance
in some ways like unto that of Hugh Rogan. Many
stories have been told about him. One is that he fought
under gallant Louis Joseph Montcalm; and that after
the fall of Quebec, in 1759, he made his way to 'Tennes-
see, where he settled on the site now occupied by the
state’s capital city. He was an Indian trader. For
some years he lived in a cave with his wife and children.
Possibly he felt that such a place afforded better pro-
tection against the fickle aborigines. AI authorities
appear to agree that De Montbrun’s settlement at
Nashville antedates by some years the earliest approach
of even the hunters and explorers from the eastern
colonies. The first English settlers, who arrived late
in 1779 and early in 1780, found him there. After-
wards he built a house at “Eaton Station.” ** Clayton
says of him:
Rogan (Nashville Diocesan Archives); Facts (a paper), Knoxville, Ten-
nessee, August 18, 1894. The manuscript sketch is undated and unsigned;
but in a letter of July 6, 1894, the Rev. Thomas V. Tobin tells Father
William Walsh, editor of Facts, that he is sending “Miss Rogan’s sketch
of her ancestors,” that he believes in its veracity, and that Hugh Rogan
deserves more than a passing notice in the history of the diocese (Nash-
ville Archives).
23 Haywoop, Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee, p. 94,
and passim; Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, pp. 192-193, and passim;
PHELAN, History of Tennessee, p. 108, and passim; History of Nashville,
282 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The family of Demonbreun was therefore the first European
family that ever occupied the site of Nashville. Abating all
mythical traditions, more or less of which have been naturally
associated with one who ventured into this region at so early a
period, there are facts enough to warrant the conclusion that the
Demonbreuns were here in advance of the first American settlers
from fifteen to twenty years. One of the streets of the city is
named in honor of the venerable Timothy.?4
Professor Clayton’s book is dated 1880, and it states
that De Montbrun’s descendants still resided in Nash-
ville, and had in their possession the watch and gun
which he carried in the siege of Quebec at the time of the
defeat which decided the fate of the French colonies in
North America. Evidently he took pride in his French
blood; for the old trader’s soul overflowed with delight
at the time of the visit paid Nashville, in May, 1797, by
the three exiled sons of the Duke of Orleans, the eldest
of whom afterwards occupied the throne of France
under the name of Louis Philippe. Again, in 1825,
the year before his death, the aged frontiersman had
a similar experience in the presence of General La
Fayette. No doubt his joy on this occasion was all the
greater because he could speak to the man who had so
largely contributed towards the defeat of the nation that
had wrested Canada from his compatriots..”°
Timothy De Montbrun seems not only to have en-
joyed a good reputation in Nashville, but also to have
p. 38, and passim; THomas, Old Days in Nashville, p. 17; Barr, Souvenir
of Saint Mary's Cathedral, p.9; Facts, August 18, 1894; Nashville Herald,
Aprils; (1909,
24 History of Davidson County, Tennessee, pp. 192-193. The historians
of Tennessee, who knew little about French, give this pioneer different
names, evidently writing it as it sounded in English. The name which
we use is French, and it is that given to the father of Nashville by
Bishop Flaget in his diary, as quoted by Spalding.
25 History of Nashville, pp. 95-96, 102; CLayTon, op. cit., pp. 197, 204.
EARLY TENNESSEE 283
stood high with the people. Probably no other man
in the state was better educated. Facts which will soon
be presented show that, though there was neither church
nor priest in the city, he retained the faith, and did not
hesitate to profess it; from which we may conclude that
he did whatever he could to instill the true religion into
the minds and hearts of his children. ‘The father of
Nashville and his family, there appears little reason to
doubt, were the city’s first Catholics.
There are English names in the early annals of Ten-
nessee which, as has been said, would indicate Catholics
in those of Maryland. Possibly some of these men
appealed to Archbishop Carroll for a priest, and the
venerable prelate directed Father Badin to investigate
the matter. At any rate, the missionary of Kentucky
writes to Baltimore’s prelate on February 28, 1799:
I expected Mr. Thayer would have one more congregation; viz.,
[that] in Madison County. But it is about being dissolved, several
of them being dissatisfied, others having lost their lands, others
having none; they are now exploring Tennessee. I have written
twice to the Governor of that State in order to procure an ecclesi-
astical settlemant there. I think that for 1,000 pounds as much
land might be procured there at this day as would at a future time
support all the clergy in your diocese. The above emigrants and
others about me intend to settle themselves about one hundred miles
from this [ place? ].7°
A few months later, June 3, 1799, Father Badin
again writes to the archbishop: “The Governor of Ten-
nessee and another gentleman, his partner, wrote to me
about forming a [Catholic] settlement of one hundred
families in the State, and offers me a handsome seat
26 Baltimore Diocesan Archives, Case 1, E 12. The reader must re-
member that Father Badin was a Frenchman, and expect to find some
Gallicisms in his letters. We have taken the liberty of omitting a “the”
66,99
which he sometimes uses before Tennessee, and an “a” one or two times.
284 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
for a Priest.”*’ There were then four missionaries
in Kentucky, which gave Father Badin more leisure to
explore for scattered members of the faith. So he
writes a third time to Doctor Carroll on October 9,
1799:
As to Tennessee, I know of no compact settlement of Cath-
olics; tho’ many Irish people, etc., I think, are scattered here and
there, and would at the appearance of Priests flock together. Such
beginnings would be but little encouraging, if there was not [a|
settlement made up of Marylanders. I intend to travel thither
this fall.28 |
Thus early then appeals for spiritual assistance must
have been received from Catholics in Tennessee. John
Sevier, who had Landon Carter for his partner in land
speculation, was the governor of the state. The minds
of the Catholics in Madison County, Kentucky, were
turned towards the south because some of them had lost
their lands through the conflicting titles of the early
settlers. Father Badin’s project of a Catholic colony
on Sevier’s possessions failed for reasons which he gives
in a letter to Archbishop Carroll on August 4, 1800.
Here he writes:
Concerning the Catholics of Tennessee I have lately been in-
formed that there were nearly one hundred families of them in
Hawkins County, not far from Knoxville. They are mostly of Irish
breed and [a] satisfactory account was given to me of their
fidelity to the principles of [the] faith. I have written to a French
Gentleman there who lives with Governor Blount, and makes an
open profession of his religion. When I receive further intelligence
I will faithfully transmit it to Your Lordship. The Governor of
Tennessee set on his land too great a price; so that none of my
parishioners intend any more to settle on Obey’s River, where the
Governor’s tracts lie. And consequently the offer he made to me
27 [bid., Case 1, E 14. 28 [bid., Case 1, E 16.
EARLY TENNESSEE 285
of a handsome piece of land for the Church, etc., is to this day of
no ayail.?9
The Frenchman who lived with ex-Governor William
Blount was most likely James Dardis whose name will
appear several times in the course of these pages, and
whose faith can not fail to edify. Evidently Father
Badin did not take his intended journey; for neither in
this letter nor in any of his voluminous correspondence
with Doctor Carroll until eight years later does he men-
tion a visit to Tennessee. He is ever careful to tell his
superior of all that he does, and his failure to speak of
a journey to that state is positive proof that he made
none. Father Anthony Salmon died in the first part of
November, 1799; Father John Thayer’s inability to
manage his missions gave the vicar general trouble; and
the influx of Catholics into Kentucky grew daily.
These factors, no doubt, rendered it next to impossible
for him to leave the state at the time intended in order
to visit the faithful farther southwards. We wonder
what became of the goodly collection of Catholics in
eastern Tennessee in the meantime.
Four years after the last letter quoted, Archbishop
Carroll took up in earnest the question of having a west-
ern see erected. Father Badin writes to the Baltimore
prelate on the same subject, March 16, 1805. In the
course of his letter he tells Doctor Carroll that he en-
closes a communication from Judge James ‘T’wyman of
northern Kentucky, which he had intended to forward
at an earlier date.- Then he adds:
29 Ibid., Case 1, F 3. The Hon. William Blount had been the governor
of Tennessee while it was a territory. No doubt it is from some of the
Catholic families then in eastern Tennessee that not a few of the so-
called Scotch-Irish scattered through the south are descended.
286 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
As Mr. Twyman speaks of the Catholics in Tennessee, this
reminds me that I have lately received by several channels some
information respecting them which is of good omen. I wrote them
a letter, by which I gave them notice that, should Priests arrive
in Kentucky, as I expected, I should next summer or fall visit
them. There are at Nashville several Catholics of good name, one
of which is my countryman.°?
Here we have further proof that Father Badin had
not yet visited ‘Tennessee, as well as another indication
that the Catholics scattered here and there through the
state continued to appeal for the bread of life, but found
no one to give it to them. FEvidently Father Badin’s
“countryman” was none other than Timothy De Mont-
brun, the father of Nashville. Most likely he was one
of those who wrote to Kentucky’s overworked mission-
ary. ‘Twyman’s reference to the Catholics in Tennessee
adds nothing new or important; still it deserves in-
corporation in these pages as another stone in the fabric
of the history of early Catholicity in that fair common-
wealth. The Judge’s words are:
I am much pleased that we are about to have an Archbishop
in America, and as much or more so that we are to have a Bishop
in Kentucky. I say in Kentucky, as this State and Tennessee
are to compose the Diocese. [I fancy] that his residence will
probably be in Kentucky, as very few Catholics reside in the
State of Tennessee, compared to Kentucky.*!
Prior to this time (December 6, 1804), the indefati-
gable Badin had written to the archbishop: “About ten
days ago I was honored with your favor dated October
15, by Mr. Gough, to which you request an immediate
answer on a subject which I have much at heart; viz.,
the erection of an Episcopal See in this State.” ‘Then
30 [bid., Case A Special, L 9.
31 James Twyman, Scott County, December 24, 1804, to Father Badin
(Baltimore Archives, Case 10, E 13).
EARLY TENNESSEE 287
he proceeds to give his opinion as regards “other in-
tended dioceses contiguous to that one which shall be
established in Kentucky”, in the course of which he
says: I concur in your opinion that a Bishoprick should
be erected so as to comprehend both states of Kentucky
and. Tennessee.” *°
Although other missionaries had arrived in Kentucky
before the close of 1805, from that time until more than
two years later the name of ‘Tennessee is conspicuous in
the Baltimore archives for its absence. Finally, in the
middle of a long letter of Father Badin to the arch-
bishop, begun on March 10, but not finished until
April 30, 1808, and dealing with all sorts of matters, we
find the following brief paragraph: “I have received
from Knoxville a letter written by a certain Mr. Patrick
Campbell in the name of the Catholics of that vicinity,
who invite me to visit them. At the persuasion of Mr.
Nerinckx I have promised to go to that country next
fall.”°* This time the tireless missionary was able to
fulfill his engagement; for on his return to Kentucky,
he wrote to Doctor Carroll:
Near Bardstown, 7th January, 1809.
Most Rev. Father in God:—
Your last favor was dated 30th September; and I had the honor
to answer it on the 4th November. Since that epoch, I visited
the Catholics of Knoxville, and returned soon enough to attend
the Court of Louisville. I had the good fortune to obtain the
company of Mr. Ignatius Gough just returned from your State;
to travel safe through the horrid Cumberland Mountains; to be
sheltered from rains, and enjoy a puncheon bed at night. I re-
32 Ibid., Case A Special, L 10.
33 Ibid., Case 1, I 6. The last installment of this letter is dated May
30; but the ending of the document, together with the fact that Badin
wrote to the bishop again on May 12, shows that May 30 was an over-
sight for April 30.
288 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
mained only eight days at Knoxville, where I found six or seven
Irish Catholic families, with a good will to adhere steadfastly to
the visible body of the Church. Would to God they were as anx-
ious to belong to her ‘soul! I heard only four confessions, and
baptized twenty persons of different ages, and preached four
times in the State-house. Hic meta laborum.
However, I am nowise disheartened. I hope for better success
on a second visit, which I promised to make next October. Sacred
vestments were procured, and promise given me to purchase for a
chapel a beautiful lot of two acres on the edge of the town and
banks of Holston River. As the time of my next visit is precisely
fixed, I am made to hope that I shall see a larger congregation.
I am apprehensive that, the land-titles being there fully as un-
certain as in Kentucky, the ‘Bishop of Bardstown will have but
few diocesans in that State. The soil is represented as very fer-
tile about Nashville, Duck River, Tellico, etc.; but I have seen
very few desirable spots in the parts through which I travelled.**
The above document leaves no doubt but that this
was Father Badin’s first visit to Knoxville. Similarly,
its tone and the absence of all reference, both in it and
in his other letters, to any prior apostolic journey to
Tennessee make it certain that this was also the first
time that he had ever entered the state. On September
1, 1809, he wrote to Archbishop Carroll that he would
soon go to Knoxville again; and in a letter to the same
on September 23, he says: “I shall myself leave the
State next week to be at Knoxville on the first Sunday
of October.” *® After his return to Kentucky, he writes,
December 4, 1809:
I was at Knoxville and preached before the Legislature on the
first and second Sunday of October. I baptized four adults,
revalidated several marriages, had a few more penitents and com-
municants than last year; and instead of building a chapel in
town, [I] advised the purchase of a tract of land for the main-
tenance of a clergyman. ‘The State lands are sold [for] only
34 Ibid., Case 1, J 1. 35 Ibid., Case 1, J 4 and 5.
EARLY TENNESSEE 289
$100.00 for one hundred acres, payable yearly in ten install-
ments.°6
Hight months later Father Badin paid east Tennes-
see his third and last visit of spiritual mercy. On this
occasion he wrote to Archbishop Carroll from the City
of Knoxville itself, May 10, 1810:
Most Rev. Father in God:—
My last was dated 2nd March. I had the honor to write three
or four times since your last favor was received. Mr. James
Dardis, the principal Catholic of this place, will take this with
him on his journey to your city. He takes charge of $30.00 for
Mrs. Henry, which you will have the goodness to receive, unless
he could be introduced to her personally. Mr. Dardis will be
able to say more than I could write about the infant Church of
Knoxville, which I call Saint Andrew. There are about twelve
[ Catholic] families unconnected, and many more stragglers, who
live at a distance, whom I might gather in one fold, if time per-
mitted me to stroll in the country in search of stray-sheep.?!
36 [bid., Case 1, J 6.
37 Ibid., Case 1, J 8. After the arrival of Father Nerinckx in Kentucky,
he and Father Badin were accustomed to name a mission before a church
had been built. This was done in the present instance. Wailson’s Gazette
of Knoxville announces, Saturday, May 19, 1810: “Tomorrrow, at four
o’clock, the Rev. Stephen Theodore Badin, Roman Catholic Priest from
Kentucky, will preach, at the Court-house, on the Resurrection of our
Lord Jesus Christ.”
James Dardis was an influential man at Knoxville in the early days
of the city. He was one of the first aldermen, a successful merchant,
and a director of the city’s earliest bank. Because of his honesty and
good judgment he seems to have been liked and trusted by all. There
was also a Thomas Dardis who was a lawyer in the city as early as 1800—
likely a brother, or at least a relative, of James. Doubtless he too was
a Catholic. The two names of Patrick Campbell, who wrote to Father
Badin in 1808 (see note 33) leave little doubt concerning his origin and
faith.
Wilson's Gagette of June 16, 1810, has the following item: “LOST—
On Piles Road, between Knoxville and Major William Campbell’s Ferry,
a Large Pocket Book containing: Ist, a small silver plate wrapt up in
linen; 2ndly, some papers which can be of service to nobody but the
owner; 3rdly, some small pamphlets. Whoever shall find and return the
20
290 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Towards the end of his letter, after speaking of
affairs in Kentucky, Father Badin adds: “You will
oblige me and this congregation to send, by Mr. Dardis,
to Knoxville an altar stone. The supply which you had
the goodness to bestow at my last visit in Baltimore is
quite exhausted.” And the document ends with: “I
return to Kentucky tomorrow morning.”
Western Tennessee had as yet received little atten-
tion from the inrush of settlers. But Nashville, in the
center of a prosperous agricultural district, was fast
becoming a town of much promise. Some Catholics
settled there, possibly headed by Timothy De Mont-
brun, had appealed more than once to Father Badin
for spiritual aid. So now the zealous missionary finally
gave that place a visit, doubtless being the first priest
ever in the city or in central Tennessee. On his return
home, Saint Stephen’s, he wrote to Archbishop Carroll,
August 20, 1810:
On the 17th of June I visited a small congregation of eighty
souls in Barren County [ Kentucky], on Green River, which had
never been visited but by the Rev. Mr. Nerinckx. I was then on
my way to Nashville, where I was cordially received by Mr.
Priestly and other acquaintances, but found very few Catholics.**
This brief account clearly indicates that Father
Badin felt that Nashville offered little prospects for the
Church in the immediate future. He rather placed his
hopes in Knoxville. Indeed, his letter on the tenth of
the preceding May shows clearly that he intended to
continue his visits to eastern ‘Tennessee; and in the
same to Mr. William Campbell, or Capt. William Evans, shall be rewarded
for his trouble.
24th May, 1810. SACL: Bading’
We are indebted to Miss Catherine White and Miss Alberta Koen of
Knoxville for these finds in the Gazette.
38 Jbid., Case 1, J 9.
EARLY TENNESSEE 291
course of the last communication from which we quoted,
telling of his many engagements, he says: “I am ex-
pected in Knoxville the last week of October.” Nay,
Wilson’s Gazette (Knoxville), November 3, 1810, an-
nounces: “The Rev. Stephen T’. Badin, Roman Catholic
Priest, will preach on Baptism, in the Court House
in this place, tomorrow at three o'clock.” However,
though he must have been ready to start on the journey,
something evidently detained him at home.
Thus Knoxville seemed on the point not only of
having a Catholic church, but even of soon becoming’
a center of an extensive mission. Possibly, now that
Kentucky had a bishop, Father Badin aspired to be-
come the apostle of Tennessee, as he had been that of
Kentucky.” Yet, as far as documents and indications
go, eastern Tennessee did not see a priest from the time
of his departure, May 11, 1810, until after Father Miles
was consecrated bishop of Nashville, or for nearly
thirty years. It is one of the saddest silences in the
annals of our American Church. No wonder anti-
Catholic prejudice there became almost insurmountable.
Doctor Spalding tells us that Kentucky’s missionary
wrote on the margin of the report of his diocese which
Bishop Flaget sent to Rome in 1836, that he (Badin)
made four apostolic excursions into Tennessee.*° The
same statement, as will soon be seen, is made by F'ather
Badin in a pamphlet which he wrote on the Diocese of
Bardstown. Again, the Hon. B. J. Webb, in a lecture
on his personal reminiscences, speaks of Father Badin’s
39 Dear Father Badin, it is a pity that he was not endowed with a
more judicial temperament, a milder disposition, and a gentler speech.
The country has had no missionary who more richly deserved the miter
on the score of zeal and labor.
40 Life of Flaget, pp. 235-236.
292 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
long riding circuits, and facetiously remarks: “He told
me himself of a short ride he had once taken, in com-
pany with my father, from Bardstown to Nashville.” *
Thus this noted priest made four journeys to Tennes-
see (three to Knoxville, and one to Nashville), of all
of which he has left brief accounts over his own hand.
In the report which he sent to Rome, April 10, 1815,
Doctor Flaget says simply: “In the neighboring State
of Tennessee there are about twenty-five families of
Catholics who are deprived of all the aids of the Church.
A good many years ago, they were visited once or twice
by a priest from Kentucky. Not as yet has it been pos-
sible for me to call on them.” * Similarly, in an article
on the “State of the Catholic Religion in Kentucky
and the Neighboring States,” which he wrote some eight
months after his return to France, and which appeared
in a French paper of date December 8, 1819, Father
Badin says: “Tennessee, which is a part of the same dio-
cese, has not been visited by any missionary. At least
we have received no information to that effect.”* By
this, however, he evidently means that no other priest
than himself had gone there; for less than two years
later he writes:
The diocese [of Bardstown] embraces six large states—Ten-
nessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois. There
are priests and churches in all these states, except that of ‘Tennes-
see. As yet, this state, owing to its great distance and other obsta-
cles, has been visited only four times, and that by the senior
missionary of Kentucky; [that is, by Badin himself]. He brought
41 Wess, Reminiscences of a Lay Catholic in Kentucky, p. 5.
42 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. III. The typewritten
copy made for us reads “Tandem enim possibile miht fuit ad eos per-
gere,;” but the context and other documents to be seen later show that
the copyist should have written “nondum” instead of “tandem.”
4370’ Ami de la Religion et du Roi, December 8, 1819.
EARLY TENNESSEE 293
together a small congregation at Knoxville, its capital city. May
the words of the prophet be fulfilled in this state: I will collect
them, as the shepherd gathers his flock with the call of his voice,
for I have redeemed them; and I will multiply them as before. I
will bring them from the peoples, and they will bear me in mind
in the furthermost places.“
Father Badin, it is true, had called the little mission
at Knoxville Saint Andrew’s; yet it is evident that no
church was erected there. Similarly, there is no record
and no indication of a house of prayer having been built
at Fort Prud’homme or Fort Assumption, where Mem-
phis now stands. Thus Tennessee, although its settle-
ment had begun early, had never seen the time when it
could boast of a Catholic church.
44 Origine et Progrés de la Mission du Kentucky, pp. 24-25. The same
appears in the Annales, I, No. II, p. 41.
CHAPTER XIII
FIRST CATHOLIC CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
A well-defined and persistent tradition in Nashville
teaches that the building of the first Catholic church in
that city was occasioned by the construction of the first
bridge over the Cumberland River within the municipal
limits. This bridge was a splendid structure supported
by large stone piers, the remains of which may still be
seen, at low water, a little north of the Woodland Street
suspension bridge. Miss Jane Thomas describes it as
“eovered over and weather-boarded like a house,” with
windows on either side to let in the light." Perhaps this
explains why it is some times called “the wooden
bridge,” and at others “the stone bridge.” Unfortu-
nately, it did not prove high enough when larger boats
began to enter Nashville. For this reason, it was taken
down about 1855; yet even as late as 1880 it was con-
sidered to have been the best bridge that had so far
spanned the Cumberland.’
The date of the construction of this bridge coincides
with facts now to be recorded to substantiate the tra-
dition just mentioned. ‘The contract for building it was
awarded to Messrs. Stacker and Johnson of Pittsburgh;
1 Old Days in Nashville, Tennessee, p. 54. The proto-bridge extended
from the present Main Street, East Nashville, to the short alley which
now runs from the river to the Public or Court Square. An early
map of the city shows that this alley was called Bridge Street.
2 CLAYTON, op. cit., p. 204; History of Nashville pp. 102, 306-307, 326-327.
294
FIRST CATHOLIC CHURCH IN TENNESSEE 295
and the History of Nashville, edited by Wooldridge,
says: “The Nashville Bridge Company was organized
on August 19, 1819, and an installment of five dollars
per share was required to be paid August 31. The
architects and builders of the bridge came from Penn-
sylvania, the announcement being made in January,
1819 [1820], that Mr. Stacker, one of the contractors
for building the bridge, left Pittsburgh, December 8,
1819, with thirty mechanics.” *
On the way down the Ohio, other workmen were
obtained at Cincinnati and Louisville. Many of these
mechanics were Irish Catholics. When they reached
Nashville, and discovered that there was neither church
nor priest in the city, as the story goes, they were so
discouraged that they declined to remain for the con-
struction of the bridge. ‘Those interested in the enter-
prise, therefore, promised to build a church, and sent
post-haste to Kentucky for a missionary to visit them.*
All this synchronizes with what seems to have been
Father Robert A. Abell’s first pastoral journey to
Nashville, and bears out the Catholic tradition of the
city. For instance, Father James T. Lorigan writes
in the Catholic Encyclopedia:
The first authentic records of a priest in Tennessee are con-
tained in the archives of St. Mary’s Cathedral, Nashville, when
Father Abell came (1820) from Bardstown to attend the few
Catholics then living in Nashville. Shortly after his arrival,
Father Abell undertook the building of the first church in Ten-
nessee, at Nashville, a small building on what is now Capitol Hill.°
3 Page 306. 4 See also History of Nashville, p. 499.
5X, 705. The Rev. John K. Larkin makes the same assertion in the
Nashwuille American of June 26, 1910. A recent search failed to uncover
the records used by Fathers Lorigan and Larkin; but many of the dioc-
esan papers were lost when they were transferred from the old cathedral.
At the time of writing their articles, these two priests were not aware
296 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Bishop Flaget had ‘sent another account of his dio-
cese to Rome the year before (October 18, 1819), in
which he told the prefect of the Propaganda: “In
Tennessee there are scarcely thirty Catholic families;
and these have almost lost every sentiment of religion.
The priest who visited them from time to time has
returned to France. If God spares my life, I will
make a visitation of that state next spring.”® When
the appeal came for spiritual aid in behalf of the work-
men on the bridge, the bishop possibly decided to send
Father Abell to Nashville at once, and to await fur-
ther developments before taking his intended journey.
Be that as it may, there seems no room for doubt that
Father Abell was the first priest placed in care of
Nashville. From Saint Anthony’s, Breckinridge
County, as a center he attended many missions in west-
ern Kentucky. Doubtless it was there, possibly after
a tour of his other charges, that he received word to go
to Tennessee. Webb seems certainly in error, when he
states that Father Abell visited Nashville only once
from Saint Anthony’s. It is beyond question either
that he accompanied Bishop Flaget on such a journey
in 1821, or that they went from Breckinridge County,
where Father Abell was then pastor.‘ So again, be-
sides the Catholic tradition of Nashville, there are in-
dications that this noted missionary was in the city a
number of times while he looked after the interests of
the Church in western Kentucky. Perhaps the experi-
of the Badin documents at Baltimore which are given in the previous
chapter.
6 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. IV. Father Badin was
certainly the only priest of the Bardstown Diocese who had visited
Tennessee.
7 Webb speaks also of this journey on page 346 of his Centenary.
FIRST CATHOLIC CHURCH IN TENNESSEE 297
ence in Tennessee recorded in the Centenary of Catho-
licity belongs to his first call to the south, and Mr.
Webb understood him to say that it was his only jour-
ney to Nashville from Saint Anthony’s.
Be that as it may, the story, apart from the correction,
is too authentic, full of interest, and pertinent to be
omitted. But we shall let the venerable historian tell it
in his own charming way.
Once only, while stationed ‘at St. Anthony’s, he was called as
far south as Nashville. At the time referred to there were few
Catholics in Tennessee, and not over five families, nominally
Catholic, in the city that was his journey’s limit. On this occa-
sion—the story has been told differently, but the writer, having
it from the lips of the missionary himself, naturally prefers the
evidence of his own ears—an incident took place that is at least
worth telling. The story, as related by Father Abell, is as follows:
“I had been riding for several weeks,” said he, “and the effects
of time and wind and weather were beginning to tell disastrously
upon my habilaments. My pantaloons were threadbare, and my
coat and waistcoat were things of threads and patches. I was
really ashamed of my appearance, and while I remained in the
town its streets saw little of me except after nightfall. One eve-
ning, I went out for a walk, and accident brought me to the
vicinity of what I took to be a Protestant chapel or meeting
house. The doors were open, and many persons were passing into
the building. Without thought of the propriety or impropriety
of the step I was taking, I went with the rest. A small rostrum
at the farther end of the hall was indicative of the use that was to
be made of it on this occasion. I managed to get a seat near the
door, and there comparatively unnoticed, I waited for developments.
By and bye, a hymn was given out and sung with a will, the
greater part of the audience, which was quite orderly, taking part
in the performance.
“After a prayer had been offered up, about which I shall say
nothing, a dapper little fellow mounted the stand and announced
the subject of the discourse that followed. He was going to prove
to his hearers that the Roman Catholic Church is a system of
298 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
idolatrous worship, and that the Pope of Rome is the veritable
‘Man of Sin’ referred to in the Bible. I was interested. I had
never before had so favorable an opportunity of learning the esti-
mate that was placed upon my religion by its enemies. The
preacher, for such he turned out to be, was as ignorant as dirt.
and insufferably conceited. As he proceeded, you may be sure
that I was more astonished than confounded. His whole discourse
was made up of misstatement and travesty of Catholic doctrine,
and of denunciation of Catholics, and especially of the Pope.
The poor man, it is to be hoped, was guiltless of intentional lying;
his ignorance was beyond conception, and possibly beyond remedy.
“His harangue coming to an end at last, I anticipated the
motion of the audience in the direction of the door by rising to
my feet and begging their attention for a moment. ‘Ladies and
gentlemen, said I, ‘there is no trait of the American character more
conspicuous than its love for fairness. You have heard to-night a
most violent attack on the religion that is professed by two-thirds
of the christian world. You behold in me a minister of that relig-
ion, and an American born citizen. If I may speak here to-
morrow night, or if you will provide me with a hall in which to
speak, I think I can promise to prove to you that the religion I
profess is not idolatrous, and that neither is it unreasonable.’
Retaining my place until the greater part of the audience had left
the hall, I soon found myself surrounded by a knot of young
men, each of whom appeared to be anxious that I should carry out
the announcement I had made. It was at once arranged that, on
the following evening, I should occupy the stand from which the
attack had been made.’ ®
Father Abell then goes on to tell how the report of
the lecture brought such a crowd that it was difficult for
him to reach the platform from which he was to speak.
Possibly a knowledge of his oratorical powers had pre-
ceded him. “I never felt more equal to an occasion in
my life,” he says, “and I soon had both my subject and
my audience well in hand.” He found it easy to de-
molish the attacks that had been made on the Church.
8 Centenary of Catholicity in Kentucky, pp. 149-150.
a
FIRST CATHOLIC CHURCH IN TENNESSEE 299
In reply to the assertion that priests require “specific
sums’ of money for their pretended forgiveness of
“specific sins” he called attention to his faded and worn
clothes, and asked how much the audience thought he
had received from the thousands of penitents whose
confessions he had heard. He assured them that, should
he dare accept money for this holy office, he would at
once be suspended from the exercise of his priestly
powers.
The lecture was not only well received; it also gave
universal satisfaction. But it was another matter, when
it came to interest his listeners in a religion which they
had heard traduced from their infancy. In this Father
Abell confesses that he failed signally. However, he
did not go unrewarded in a temporal way; for, as quoted
by Webb, he proceeds to say:
“T am quite certain that I had myself no reason to be disap-
pointed with the result of my unpremeditated incursion into the
camp of the enemy. It gained me a number of friends, and, what
was just about as welcome at the time, a complete suit of clothes,
delicately presented by a committee of gentlemen duly appointed
to carry out the will of the obliging donors, which did me
excellent after-service.”
Father Abell was sent to Saint Anthony’s, Breck-
inridge County, in the fall of 1818." Everything seems
to indicate that the journey just described took place
not long afterwards. Father Lorigan says positively
that he was at Nashville in 1820; and in view of Bishop
Flaget’s account of 1819 and what has been said in the
previous chapter, it does not seem probable that he was
there at an earlier date. Possibly the report which
Father Abell brought home with him combined with an
appeal from the people to convince Bishop Flaget that
9 [bid., p. 149.
300 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN’ TENNESSEE
he should now make a visit in person to that part of his
diocese. However that be, we find him, in company
with Father Abell, at Nashville in the spring of- 1821.
Doctor Spalding, with Flaget’s diary before him, gives
an account of this journey in his life of the prelate.
Because of its interest and importance, no less than
on the principle of gathering up the fragments before
they are lost, and in order that the early Tennessee
documents may be found in one convenient volume,
we again let the narrator tell his own story. It should
be noted, however, that there are some statements in
the narrative which were probably not taken from
the bishop’s diary. Of these labors Doctor Spalding
writes:
Tennessee was a portion of his diocese, which he had never
as yet been able to visit. As there were few Catholics therein,
he had delayed visiting them, until other and more pressing calls
would be met. Father] Badin had already made four missionary
excursions to this State.1°
In the beginning of May, 1821, the Bishop set out on this
journey, and proceeded by the way of Breckinridge county, in
order to take with him the Rev. Mr. Abell, who was there sta-
tioned. They said Mass in Litchfield on the 7th, and on the 8th
they were in Bowling Green, where they found but five Catholics.
They reached Nashville on the 10th, and put up with a Mr. Mont
Brun, a Frenchman, who received them with tears in his eyes.
On the following day, the first Mass that was ever offered up by
a Bishop in Tennessee was celebrated by our prelate, in the house
of his entertainer.11 The Blood of the Lamb, now mystically shed
10 At this place Spalding has the following footnote: “This fact he
states himself in a marginal note to Bishop Flaget’s report to the Pope in
1836.” This must have been a copy of the report kept in the Bardstown
diocesan archives; for Father Badin was not in Europe after 1828, or
1829. All of Badin’s visits were made before the bishop reached Ken-
tucky.
11 Here we have another proof that Timothy De Montbrun retained
the faith through all his spiritual desolation.
FIRST CATHOLIC CHURCH IN TENNESSEE 301
on the holy altar, made a potent appeal in behalf of that infant
mission. The total number of Catholics in Nashville and vicinity
did not exceed sixty; and there were not, perhaps, half as many
more in all the rest of the State. The prospects of soon establish-
ing a congregation here were certainly not very flattering. The
Catholics were both few and poor. Yet the Bishop was not dis-
heartened, and he resolved to make the experiment.
What was his joy, when he found that his proposal was most
favorably entertained, even by the first Protestant citizens of the
place! A liberal subscription was taken up, signed by Protestants
as well as by Catholics. On Sunday, December
8 Ibid. Although Father Durbin is said to have visited Bishop Miles
from time to time, his labors in Tennessee terminated with the journey
spoken of in the text. He is said to have ridden a hundred and fifty
22
322 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
2, he preached in the Bardstown cathedral, where he
doubtless made an urgent appeal for an assistant priest
and financial aid.? In regard to the first aim he failed.
However, he appears to have had better success in the
matter of temporal means, for in its issue of January
26, 1839, the editor of the Catholic Advocate writes:
We are pleased to learn by a private letter from Nashville that
Dr. Miles has already succeeded in raising funds almost sufficient
to repair and refit his Cathedral Church. Several Catholic fam-
ilies have removed to Nashville during the fall and winter. ‘There
is every prospect of there soon being in that city quite a respec-
table Catholic congregation. Much credit is due to the liberal
Protestants of Nashville for their generous aid in contributing for
the repairing of the Catholic Church in that place. We cordially
wish Bishop Miles every success in his new field of labor. Besides
the higher impulses of zeal, he has the sympathies and well wishes
of many friends to cheer him on in his arduous labors. In the
commencement of his career, he will no doubt have to sow in
sorrow; but soon he may hope to reap in joy the golden harvest of
the Lord.
The zealous pastor hardly knew which way to turn,
er where to begin. Doubtless he felt that one of the
best things to be done, under the circumstances, was to
remind his little flock of the penitential practices of
the Church. Accordingly, he published regulations for
the observance of lent in the Advocate of February 9,
1839; for this paper was taken by some of the Cath-
olics in Tennessee, and through them the notice would
reach the ears of others whose whereabcuts he did not
know. Besides that of being the first regulations of the
kind issued in the state, the document has the added
thousand miles on horseback in the fulfillment of his missionary duties.
He lived to an extreme age. He was born in Madison County, Kentucky,
February 1, 1800; was ordained on September 21, 1822; and died on March
22, 1887, remaining active almost to the end.
9 Advocate of December 1, 1838.
TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS SEE 323
interest of recalling the noticeable differences between
the observances of the past and the milder law of today.
Abstinence from flesh meat [it says] will be observed from
Ash Wednesday to the following Saturday, both included; also
on Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday of the ensuing weeks of
Lent; and every day from Palm Sunday till Holy Saturday, both
included. The use of flesh meat is allowed on all the Sundays of
Lent, except Palm Sunday, without restriction as to the number of
times. It is likewise allowed, at one meal only, on Monday,
Tuesday, and Thursday of every week, after the first Sunday
until Holy Week. The use of fish and flesh at the same meal is
forbidden. The use of eggs, cheese, and butter is permitted. The
evening collation should be moderate—and in quantity and quality
regulated by the general practice of pious Christians, so as not to
become a meal, instead of a collation. Persons dispensed from
the obligation of fasting on one meal, on account of delicate health
or hard labour, should at the other meals use only food of such
quality as is allowed to those who are obliged to fast.
Without a priestly companion, without means, and
with scarcely more than three hundred of his faith
amidst a population of several hundred thousand, and
these scattered throughout a state nearly five hundred
miles in length, as well as over a hundred in width, and
with an area of forty-two thousand square miles, the
bishop must have felt lost. He now busied himself with
the episcopal city and the nearer missions until the
return of good weather. Then he started on another
visit of his diocese, travelling this time, in answer to a
eall for the bread of life, almost to the extreme eastern
boundary of Tennessee. The Catholic Advocate of
June 16, 1839, gives a partial account of his journey in
these words:
The Right Rev. R. P. Miles, Bishop of Nashville, has just
returned from a visitation of the eastern portion of his Diocess.
At Athens, about one hundred and fifty miles [south]east of Nash-
ville, he found about a hundred Irishmen engaged in grading the
324 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
railroad. The Bishop spent three days with them, said Mass on
Sunday in a shanty, and preached to a large congregation. On
Monday he set out for Jonesborough, one hundred and fifty-five
miles [north]east of Athens, where he understood several persons
were anxious to see him. On Friday he arrived at Col. [ Matthew]
Aiken’s, whose son and daughter were the objects of his search,
and was received and treated in the most hospitable manner by
this excellent family.
He found the two young converts well disposed and acquainted
with every point of our doctrine, having obtained their knowledge
from books and from the instructions of an elder brother, who had
previously entered the Church, and is now studying with the
Jesuits, in Frederick City, Maryland. Bishop Miles remained
with them till Sunday, baptized them, said Mass, and gave them
their first communion, which they received in a truly edifying
manner. The young man had never before seen a Catholic clergy-
man, and was present at Mass for the first time; his sister had
been at school at the Convent of the Visitation, Georgetown, D. C.
The Bishop left this small family with regret, and returned
to Athens, which place he reached on the eve of the Ascension. On
the next day he said Mass in one of the shanties and preached.
He continued along the line four days, making a station each day;
and on Tuesday after Ascension started for Nashville, which
place he reached after four days’ travel, having made a circuit
of nearly seven hundred miles, alone and on horseback.?®
Doctor Miles was the most grateful of men. Under
no circumstances would he allow a favor, or even an
expression of sympathy, to go without sincere thanks.
On his return from the journey just recounted, he
found awaiting him a letter from the Right Rev. An-
thony Blanc, in which that prelate graciously offered
‘to help him in whatever way he could. ‘The immediate
reply to the bishop of New Orleans illustrates this
beautiful trait of the Father of the Church in 'Tennes-
10 The Ascension Day of 1839 fell on the ninth of May, which shows
that the bishop reached Nashville on his return journey on the seven-
teenth or eighteenth of May.
TAKES’ POSSESSION OF HIS SEE 325
see, as well as throws much light on the condition and
needs of his diocese.
Nashville, May 20, 1839.
Right Rev. and dear Brother in Christ.
I found your kind favour of the 9th April in my box on my return
from a long and fatiguing visitation of the eastern part of my
Diocese. I am consoled to find that some of my brethren remem-
ber me in my lonely and destitute situation, where I am left
entirely alone to perform all the arduous duties of this hitherto
cruelly neglected region, and where so much aid is needed to repair
the evils that have taken deep root among my poor, deserted, and
scattered flock. I find Catholics in almost every part of the state,
many of whom have for many years neglected their duties, and
in many instances have lost their faith for the want of some
one to stir them up to a sense of religion. And what can a
single individual do, now on the verge of fifty, amidst this general
desolation?
My great poverty deprives me of the means of offering a com-
petent salary to a clergyman; and in default of this I am doomed
to struggle alone among the frightful difficulties of every species
that surround me! God knows how long this unpleasant state of
affairs is to continue. For the sake of the dear souls entrusted to
my care, I hope it will not be long.
You were kind enough to say in your letter that you would
aid me, and request me to make known the manner in which you
could do this. After thanking you most cordially for your gen-
erous offer, I must confess that my wants are so numerous that I
am ashamed to begin to mention them, lest I should frighten you
by their number. Encouraged, however, by your liberality, I will
state, in short, some of the most prominent. I need, in the first
place, a good, zealous, active Priest to help me, and who shall
have with me every comfort that I can procure for him. I need
money to assist in repairing our church, vestments, chalices, etc.,
etc. -I should be particularly pleased to get one of those cloth ante-
pendiums which I have seen sent from France. I wish also to
get a keg of pure wine for the altar; for which I will pay you,
if you will be kind enough to send it to me.
In fine, I need everything. And if you can send me any thing
326 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
above mentioned, you will confer a favour on your poor, destitute
brother, which will not soon be forgotten. I would cheerfully pay
you a visit, but it is growing too late in the season. Moreover,
my services are needed among my people. Be kind enough to let
me hear from you soon; and should it be in your power to send
me any of the above articles, please direct them to the care of
Connor and McAlister, Commission Merchants of this place.
I am, Right Rev. and dear Brother,
Very respectfully and affectionately your devoted servant
and brother in Christ,
T Richard Pius,
Bishop of Nashville.1
Matthew Martin tells us that, at the time of his
journey in the fall of 1838, Bishop Miles “traversed
nearly all Kast and Middle Tennessee;” that he prom-
ised to make a similar visit in the spring of 1839; and
that he was prevented from doing so only by want of
assistance.” 'To Martin he wrote:
I have no hope under God but in my own exertions and
individual labour. Having heard during the winter that there were
two persons near Jonesboro’ wishing to become members of our
Church, I thought it my first duty to see them; which I have
done, and, to my great gratification, added two fervent members to
my little flock. The railroad near Athens was in my way, [ and}
I also visited it. The unsettled condition of my affairs at home
required my speedy return, and thus I have failed in executing
a plan which I had in view when I last wrote you. In my present
destitute condition, it will be impossible for me to visit my diocese
more than once a year. My case is a hard one, and I hope my
friends will have patience. I must visit Kentucky once more, and
make a last effort to procure assistance. If I fail on this occasion,
as on the last, I must wait till God pleases to relieve me.}%
In Robert and Mary Aiken, the two converts men-
tioned here and in the Advocate of June 16, 1839, we
11 Archives of Notre Dame University.
12 Letter to the Catholic Herald from Fayetteville, Tennessee, July 10,
1839 (Herald of August 1, 1839). 13 [bid,
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TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS SEE 327
have an interesting side-light on Tennessee’s early
Catholic history. Though born and reared where there
were no Catholics, and brought up strict Methodists,
they came into the Church through a special gift from
heaven, albeit the faith had all but died out in the
eastern part of the state. Doubtless it was a reward
for their good lives. Their brother, Father John F.
Aiken, S.J., was Tennessee’s first priest. He became
a convert while a student at Georgetown College,
entered the Society of Jesus, and through his letters
and books of instruction which he sent home converted
nearly all his large family, and had the unusual happi-
ness of baptizing his own aged father and mother.“
Evidently the bishop’s faithful steed was worn out
by his frequent and long journeys, for this time the
harvester of souls travelled to Kentucky in the stage-
coach. While there he gave the minor orders and
subdeaconship to Brother Augustine Peter Anderson,
O.P., and conferred the priesthood upon Brother Mat-
thew A. O’Brien.” But he failed to secure help for
14 Catalogues of the Maryland Province of the Society of Jesus from
1838 to 1862; Baptismal Register of Holy Trinity Church, Georgetown;
PARKE, Some Notes on the Rise and Spread of the Catholic Missions in
Virgima, p. 21. The Aikens were a noted family of Pulaski County,
Virginia. Col. Matthew Aiken married Miss Blanche Brown, possibly
in his native place, with whom he settled in Washington County, Ten-
nessee. Father Aiken, their eldest son, was born there, August 11, 1814;
was sent to Georgetown College; was baptized a Catholic, December 30,
1835; entered the Society of Jesus, August 25, 1837; was ordained, July
22, 1844 (United States Catholic Magazine, III, 609—September, 1844) ;
spent the most of his priestly life at Alexandria, Virginia, where his
memory is still treasured; died at Georgetown, February 6, 1861. His
letters to various members of his family (archives of Nashville and Saint
Joseph’s Province) reveal that there was a large family, and that he left
nothing undone to make them Catholics.
15 Advocate of July 6, 1839; An American Apostle, pp. 60-61.
328 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
his diocese; for the Advocate of July 6, 1838, informs
its readers:
Right Rev. Dr. Miles took the stage for Nashville on Tuesday
the 25th instant, “‘solitary and alone,’ without yet having the
consolation of a clergyman to assist him in his many and arduous
labors. Heaven grant him courage to bear up under difficulties and
privations so trying. It is to be hoped that some zealous clergy-
man, who is willing “to spend and be spent” in the cause of the
Gospel, will be induced to offer his service to labor in a field where’
much is to be suffered and little to be gained for this world; but
where the faithful laborer is amassing treasures for heaven, which
“the moth cannot consume, nor thieves break through and steal.”
Fathers Durbin and ‘Athanasius A. Aud of the Dio-
cese of Bardstown offered him their services, but met
with resistance from their superior."° The Rev. Joseph
Stokes, rector of the seminary at Cincinnati, however,
determined that he would labor in the desolate diocese
for a year, or until such time as Doctor Miles could pro-
cure other help; for he felt that the poor bishop would
not be able to bear up much longer under the strain of
his labors and the stress of his anxiety. It was a provi-
dential resolution. Indeed, the holy man had already
fallen a victim of his zeal. When Father Stokes, on his
way to Nashville, reached Franklin, Kentucky, he was
met by a messenger who urged him to make the re-
maining forty miles as speedily as possible, for Bishop
Miles was dangerously ill.”
The anxious priest arrived at Nashville on Saturday
night, September 7. While the bishop was very sick,
there seemed no cause for fear. But the next day he
16 Matthew Martin to the Catholic Herald as in note 12; the Rev.
Joseph Stokes to the Rev. M. J. Spalding, D.D., December 27, 1839
(Louisville Archives).
17 The Rev. Joseph Stokes to Bishop Purcell, September 15, 1839 (Cin-
cinnati Archives).
TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS'SEE 329
grew worse, and lay between life and death for more
than a week. On September 15, 1839, Father Stokes
wrote to Bishop Purcell:
On Sunday evening he became worse, and the best medical aid
was called in. He is now attended by three of the best physicians
in town. On Monday last he received the last Sacraments, made
his will, and appointed me his Vicar General and administrator.
He is still living, and we have but faint hopes of his recovery.
The doctors will not pronounce, but are with him day and night.
You may judge how I feel in this strange city, and yet how
wonderful are the ways of God. The Bishop of Nashville who
was so long deprived of the assistance of a Priest would not be
permitted to die without receiving the holy Sacraments. My
heart is too much affected to dwell upon the desolate [ situation]
in which I fear it is my lot to be placed.
[Should] it please God to call Bishop Miles away, perhaps you
[would] have the charity to lend me one of the young Priests
taught by myself until the Holy See disposes of Nashville. Surely
you will not refuse me this favour. If it please God to spare the
Bishop, and I am almost this day in despair of his recovery, it
will not be for me to repeat my request; but I thought, in the
making of a disposition of your Priests, you might have some re-
gard for me and where I am stationed. I should certainly
return to you the young Priest at any time you would appoint.
I need not ask you and the Priests and Sisters and orphans and
Seminarians to pray for Bishop Miles, and not to forget myself
who requires much more than the good Bishop. I am in attend-
ance day and night upon him. I wonder [that] I feel no fatigue.!®
Father Stokes does not mention the character of the
Bishop’s illness, but the tradition of Nashville and the
Province of Saint Joseph tells us that it was pneumonia
brought on by a cold which his constitution could not
throw off, because weakened by exposure and excessive
labors.” The report of his danger occasioned wide-
18 See the preceding note. Some words are torn out of .Father Stokes
letter; hence a part of the brackets in the quotation.
19 This tradition is substantiated by the Advocate of November 16, 1839.
330 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
spread uneasiness. Bishop Purcell, for instance, wrote
to the Most Rev. Samuel Eccleston, October 5, 1839:
We were thrown into great alarm, at the beginning of the week,
by the news which reached us from Nashville of Dr. Miles being
at the point of death. . . . Bishop Flaget was exceedingly afflicted
at hearing the news yesterday, when he reached this town after
a tedious trip down the Ohio. But during dinner the grateful
tidings of our good brother’s convalescence were announced to us.
May the cure be effectual, for the moment is indeed auspicious
for the work of Grace in Tennessee.7°
Similarly the Catholic Advocate of October 26, 1839,
Says:
We are happy to be able*to inform our readers that the health
of the Right Rev. Bishop Miles is fast improving. He is now
out of all danger, and is able to ride out in a carriage.*! This
intelligence must prove highly gratifying to his numerous friends
in Kentucky, who, from the accounts they had received, entertained
serious fears that he would not recover. The prospects of the
Diocess of Nashville are becoming daily more cheering... .
Bishop Miles has, we think, abundant motives for hoping that God,
in whom he has reposed all his trust, will speedily provide for his
scattered and hitherto abandoned flock.?*
The appeals sent abroad had finally awakened some
sympathy for the diocese; for from the same issue of
the Advocate and a letter of the Rev. Edward Barron
of Philadelphia we learn that, besides Father Stokes,
the Rev. John Dunn, editor of the Catholic Herald in
that city, also offered his services. Doubtless he too was
20 Baltimore Archives, Case 25, Q 10. The omitted portion of the
quotation merely gives some of the facts contained in Father Stokes’s
letter as in note 17. Bishop Flaget was just returning from Europe after
an absence of more than four years.
21 The bishop himself had no carriage; but his friends, very often
non-Catholics, had their carriages ever at his disposal during the time
of his convalescence. Such at least is the tradition of Nashville.
22 The omitted portion of the quotation contains words of praise for
the bishop and Father Stokes, the prospects of the diocese, and so on.
ee LO as eooLON OB THIS SEE 331
dissuaded by his superior from going to Tennessee.
Bishop Miles, however, had come to the conclusion that
the surest way of providing his flock with pastors was
to start a little seminary under the direction of Father
Stokes and himself. Possibly another factor in this de-
termination was a letter received from the treasurer
of the French Society for the Propagation of the Faith,
who had heard of the bishop’s straits, and wrote to him
that he might draw on the society immediately for the
money which it had allotted for his diocese.**
No sooner did the bishop regain sufficient strength to
look after the faithful in Memphis than he despatched
Father Stokes on the circuit which he himself had hoped
to make the previous spring. Franklin, Columbia,
Shelbyville, Winchester, and Fayetteville were visited.
On his return, he wrote to the Catholic Advocate:
I met Catholics in all these places. Amongst some the spirit of
Catholicity is almost extinct; whilst others, notwithstanding a long
and painful privation of a ministry, adhered with a surprising
fidelity to the creed of their Catholic forefathers, rejoiced at
receiving a visit from a Priest, and prepared for the holy Sacra-
ments. ... Although afflicted, as every Priest must be, at the
apathy but too apparent in some of our Catholic people, and for
which, after all, in this Diocese at least, much allowance must be
made, I have had much consolation in witnessing the tenacity with
which, “through good and through evil report,’ some have clung
23 Advocate, October 26, 1839; Father Barron, October 7, 1839, to the
Rev. Paul Cullen, at Rome (Records of the U. S. Cath. Hist. Soctety of
Philadelphia, VII, 367); Bishop Miles to Bishop Blanc, October 29,
1839 (Archives of Notre Dame University). Father Cullen was then the
rector of the Irish College at Rome. Afterwards he became the cardinal
archbishop of Dublin. Father Barron later went as a missionary to the
free colored people who left the United States for the Republic of Liberia,
in western Africa, became vicar apostolic of North and South Guinea,
and was consecrated titular bishop of Constantia. He returned to the
United States, and died at Savannah, in 1853 or 1854 (See Catholic
Encyclopedia, 1X, 217).
332 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
to the religion of their fathers. In the solitary instances, how-
ever, of such firmness, who can tell the evils with which they have
been connected?
On one occasion, I met a man more than eighty years of age,
a great-grandfather, the head of a numerous offspring, who for
thirty years had not been visited by a priest. He taught his
children, when young, the mysteries of our religion—had even
his wife baptized and instructed by a Catholic Priest (the Very
Rev. S. T. Badin, V. G., and the first Priest ordained in the United
States). Yet he alone of his entire family continued faithful to
his belief, and would never unite in any sectarian worship. His
faith, like that of Abraham, was rewarded by the Almighty; his
fidelity was blessed, for he lived to receive the Holy Sacrament.
I have no doubt that if Tennessee had been favoured as other
states, by a Catholic ministry, for years gone by, not only the
numerous family of him just alluded to, but a multitude of others,
would now be worthy and edifying members of the Catholic
Church.?*
Father Stokes says that, besides administering the
sacraments in all the places which he visited, he preached
several times in court-houses and Presbyterian churches
which were generously offered to him. In fact, he re-
ceived the most courteous treatment from the repre-
sentative non-Catholics. Thanks to Matthew Martin
of Fayetteville, who wrote to the Advocate on the same
matter, October 25, 1839, we learn the date of Father
Stokes’ visit, as well as the name of the faithful octo-
genarian. ‘The missionary reached Fayetteville on
October 21. The edifying old man was none other than
the former Catholic alderman of Knoxville, James
Dardis, who had moved to Winchester.
Martin tells us that the venerable patriarch’s heart
overflowed with joy at the sight of the good priest, and
that “he informed Mr. Stokes that every Sunday he
24 Advocate of November 16, 1839.
TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS SEE 333
read the Canon of the Mass in his prayer-book, and
that he had never entered a Protestant church, until
Jast Sunday evening, when he went to hear Mr. Stokes
preach.” *” This means much, when we consider the
channels of grace denied him, and the temptations into
which he was thrown. The same writer gives us an
idea, in a previous letter, of the trials of the early Cath-
olics in Tennessee, where he says:
The feelings of a Roman Catholic residing here are not known
or appreciated by his brethren in the East. On the Sabbath day
he beholds his fellow-citizens of other denominations going to their
respective places of worship. He has either to go with such, or
stay at home; for although I have lived in this state nearly fifteen
years, I have never yet been at Mass publicly celebrated.”®
Meanwhile, calls for the services of a priest continued
to come in from various places of west ‘Tennessee.
Those who were trying to found towns in that part of
the state, in spite of religious bias, realized the bene-
ficial effects of a liberal consideration for Catholics
which might induce them to settle in such places. One
Willham Connor, a non-Catholic of Brownsville inter-
ested in the proposed town of Ashport, on the
Mississippi River, about midway between the northern
and southern boundaries of the state, wrote to the
bishop: |
I have known for a long time that cities can not be built without
mechanics, and that one cause of the slow growth of the Tennessee
towns was the little encouragement given to Catholics to settle
in them. We have had a full trial of this lately. We had a number
of Irish Catholics at work on the Ashport Turnpike, who could
not be induced to stay, for fear of dying without a priest. The
principal object of this communication is to propose that you get a
priest to come here and settle himself. I will guarantee that the
25 Advocate of November 30, 1839.
26 Matthew Martin’s letter to the Catholic Herald as in note 12.
334 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEER
Proprietors of the town of Ashport shall donate to the Roman
Catholics an eligible lot on which to build a church of any dimen-
sions, and give them an equal chance with all other religious de-
nominations.”
However, the printed advertisement for the sale of
lots at Ashport, a copy of which Connor sent to the
bishop, shows that the proprietors of the incipient town
did not dare publicly to defy the strong religious prej-
udices of the day. Whilst it announced in bold
characters “Lots for the use of the Presbyterian, Bap-
tist, Methodist, and Episcopal Churches will be set
apart as Donations,” it contained not so much as a
reference to the Catholics. Nevertheless, the Father
of the Church in Tennessee, anxious to avail himself
of every opportunity for the spread of religion, did not
allow this circumstance to prevent him from taking
favorable action. He forwarded Connor’s letter, to-
gether with the advertisement, to the Advocate, for
publication in the hope that it might bring Catholics
into his diocese. Besides, he knew well the southern
spirit of chivalry, and trusted that the presence ot
missionaries might result in conversions among the fair-
minded.
Still too weak for the journey himself, Bishop Miles
despatched Father Stokes to Jackson, Ashport, and
Memphis on November 4, 1839. Eiverywhere he was
received with joy by the few who belonged to the fold,
and treated with courteous hospitality by the leading
non-Catholics. At Ashport, where he spent a week
in instructing the Catholics and giving them the sac-
raments, two lots, each one hundred and five by one
hundred feet, were deeded to the bishop, and Andrew
27 Advocate of September 21, 1839.
TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS SEE 335
Finn, a contractor, was appointed his agent to super-
intend the construction of a church, fifty by thirty-five
feet in dimensions. Stokes speaks in terms of the
highest praise of Messrs. William Connor and R. C.
Campbell, two of the proprietors whom he met. Unfor-
tunately, their efforts to found a city proved abortive,
and thus the plan for a church there came to naught.”
Father Stokes was the first priest of the diocese,
and possibly the first English-speaking missionary, to
visit any of these places. For this reason, as also
because Memphis soon played a conspicuous part no
less in the spiritual than in the temporal welfare of the
state, we let Father Stokes tell the story of his labors
in that city in his own words. Besides, they show the
spirit which he encountered all along his route.
I arrived at Memphis [he says] on Thursday, the 14th of
November, and was exceedingly gratified at the Joy that was man-
ifested by the Catholics of that town on the first arrival of a Priest
of the Diocese of Nashville.29 The Catholics, some of whom are
amongst the most intelligent and respectable citizens of that
flourishing town, generally conducted themselves in a most edify-
ing manner, prepared themselves to receive the holy Sacraments,
and in every respect exhibited the most gratifying testimony of
love and veneration for the merciful institution of our Redeemer.
On Sunday, the 17th, I was invited to preach in the Male
Academy of the town, and was favored by the attendance of the
most intelligent portion of its citizens.2° I endeavored to explain
28 Advocate of Jaunary 4, 1840.
29 He hurried down from Ashport to Memphis in order to keep an
engagement, and went back to Ashport later.
30 This was Eugene Magevney’s log school. Magevney was the first
Catholic school-teacher in Memphis, and one of the earliest of any kind.
The Male Academy, as it was called, stood in what is now the center of
Court Square, today in the very heart of the business district of the city.
Tradition, which is doubtless true, tells us that the first public mass said
in the present Memphis was celebrated within the humble walls of this
school.
336 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
what the Church really taught on the various subjects of which
our Protestant brethren entertain such erroneous notions; and
the result was that many of them generously offered to assist their
Catholic fellow-citizens in the purchase of a lot and the erection
of a Catholic church in their town. Messrs. Magevney, McKeon,
Kenna, and Langan were appointed a Committee to select a lot
and procure subscriptions for the building; and from the known
Catholic spirit of these gentlemen, as well as the kind and liberal
feelings of the citizens generally, we can have no doubt that in
Memphis a Catholic church will soon be erected that will do honor
to themselves and the holy religion we profess.°4
Father Stokes possessed a buoyant disposition, which
was no doubt partly sustained by Bishop Miles’ unfail-
ing cheerful temperament and his own previous mission-
ary experiences in the Diocese of Charleston. He ever
writes in the most optimistic spirit—doubtless due in
a measure to his own as well as to the bishop’s desire to
attract Catholics and priests to Tennessee. In the
course of his present letter, which we feel sure was
written to Doctor Spalding, he says that he went from
Memphis about forty miles down the river to attend
some Catholics in Mississippi, and returned to Nashville
v1a Memphis and Ashport, reaching home on Monday,
December 16. During the journey, he travelled “seven
hundred miles, principally on horseback.” ‘The close of
the document deserves to be put in his own words.
Here he tells us:
I administered the Blessed Sacrament to fifty-two persons,
prepared some for death, and baptised a great number of children.
31 Three of these gentlemen were Eugene Magevney, Patrick McKeon,
and Patrick R. Kenna. The fourth always signs himself “M. Langan” in
the documents we have seen. The Advocate of December 7, 1839, shows
that Mrs. Henrietta Kenna, wife of P. R. Kenna, a native of Baltimore,
and received into the Church at Cincinnati a few months before, died in
Memphis on November 18, and was assisted by Father Stokes. Stokes’
letter, from which we quote here, is dated: Nashville, Tennessee, December
19, 1839.
TAKES POSSESSION OF HIS SEE Bos
Could I have remained out longer, much more might be done; and
had I a supply of books of instruction to distribute amongst
those in whom a spirit of enquiry was excited, great good might
be accomplished. But situated as we are, poor in every respect,
and without clergy to aid us, we must only pray that the Father
of the Faithful may assist us, and send us a few disinterested,
laborious clergymen who will not seek in this world their reward,
but be ever mindful of the solemn promise made when initiated
amongst the clergy—Dominus pars haereditatis meae, et calicis mei
{The Lord is the portion of my inheritance and of my cup].
Yours affectionately in Christ,
Ji S ptokes] 34
Nashville, Tennessee, December 19th, 1839.
In spite of sickness, poverty, and incessant labors far
and near, the once dilapidated little cathedral that stood
on Capitol Hill now became a temple of prayer worthy
of the name. The bishop dedicated it to the Mother of
God under the title of the Holy Rosary. “A Catholic”,
writing to the Advocate, January 27, 1839, says that
“through the generous zeal of the flock, the kind hber-
ality of their Protestant fellow-citizens, and the untiring
exertions of the Bishop, the building has undergone a
thorough repair, and, decorated in a chaste and simple
style, is now really a beautiful church.” A new organ
had also been secured, and was used for the first time
on Christmas Day. Doctor Miles, in his love of music
and affectionate efforts to have the divine services as
befitting as possible, had trained a choir of which several
non-Catholics formed a part. The singing at both
masses on the Feast of the Nativity was excellent.
Bishop Blanc must have extended his helping hand;
for the Advocate’s correspondent declares that the altar
was exquisitely decorated, although his attention seems
32 The Advocate makes Father Stoke’s initial “T.”—evidently an over-
sight.
23
338 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
to have been principally attracted by six large candle-
sticks sent by a Belgian lady in Brooklyn, New York.
In the crowd that thronged the church were a number
of non-Catholics, “among whom were noticed several
members of the Legislature,” then in session. After
the Gospel, at the eleven o’clock mass, continues the
Advocate, “the Bishop ascended the pulpit; and,
cheered and animated as he evidently was, he delivered
an admirable discourse on the mystery of the day.” The
joy of the little flock was beyond expression, delight
glistened in every countenance. Christmas Day, 1839,
the writer felt, would mark the beginning of a new era
in the history of Catholicity in Nashville.*°
Another source of happiness to Bishop Miles at this
time was the acquisition of a second missionary, the
Rev. William Clancy who came up from the Diocese
of Mobile, where he had labored on the missions, as well
as taught in Spring Hill College. A student at a sem-
inary in the east had also offered his services, and the
bishop expected to ordain him when he should go to the
provincial council to be held at Baltimore, in May, 1840.
All this is recounted in a letter of Father Stokes to the
Catholic Advocate dated February 19, 1840.°* Before
leaving Nashville, however, Doctor Miles wished to
inspect western ‘Tennessee personally, that he might
the better judge what arrangements he should make
for that part of his diocese.
Accordingly, Father Stokes tells us, he and Father
Clancy now journeyed to Ashport and Memphis.
Because of the condition of the roads, the inclement
33 Advocate of January 11, 1840.
34 Copied from the Advocate in the United States Catholic Miscellany
of April 4, 1840.
TABRES POSSESSIONIOFN HISISEE 339
weather, and the state of the bishop’s health, they
travelled by boat, although this necessitated a much
longer route, as well as prevented the bishop from going
to other places which he wished to visit. At both towns
the Catholics received them with unfeigned joy, while
the non-Catholics treated them with great courtesy.
The bishop preached many times, and helped Father
Clancy in the administration of the sacraments. They
returned to Nashville a few days before Father Stokes
wrote his letter. Possibly Father Clancy accompanied
his superior back to the episcopal city because of the
still weakened condition of the latter’s health, for it
had already been determined that the missionary should
be stationed at Memphis, with Ashport, Jackson, Boli-
var, La Grange, and other places under his charge.
A little seminary had also been started with two
students, under the patronage of Saint Joseph, while
others were expected. Preparations were likewise
under way for starting a school for the Catholic boys in
Nashville. Doubtless it was in part his desire to obtain
means wherewith to carry on these good works that now
turned Bishop Miles’ thoughts towards Europe.” But
before we close this chapter, attention should be called
to the fact that even optimistic Father Stokes realized
the difficulties which had to be overcome ere the faith
could be firmly planted in the soil of the new diocese;
for here he remarks:
Indeed, a more laborious mission, or one that requires more
patient perseverance, than that of Tennessee is not to be found
in the Union. But with a firm reliance on Providence, and our
35 In a letter of December 27, 1839, Father Stokes tells Doctor Spalding
that the bishop puts his main reliance on this seminary, and that he will
make every sacrifice to maintain it (Louisville Archives).
340 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
own humble co-operation, we have already abundant evidences
that much good may be effected.
The Catholic Almanac for 1840 informs us that the
principal “stations” then in the diocese were “Gallatin,
Hartsville, Athens, Fayetteville, Memphis, Columbia,
Jackson, and Franklin.” From the same source we
learn that Father Durbin volunteered occasionally to
visit a few faithful in the northwestern part of the state.
Father Ambrose J. Heim, stationed at New Madrid,
Missouri, engaged to do the same for some across the
Mississippi River from his mission.*°
36 Father Heim was a native of France, but he was ordained in Saint
Louis—apparently in 1837. New Madrid seems to have been his first
mission. From there he was sent to Illinois in 1842. In 1845 he became
Bishop Kenrick’s secretary and an assistant at the cathedral in Saint Louis,
where he died on January 3, 1854.
CHAPTER XV
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR
Bishop Miles was blessed with a no less rich fund of
practical wisdom than of kindness and good humor.
Nowhere have we found him accused of an unjust or
even an uncharitable deed. His letters are almost uni-
formly benevolent. Yet, gentle though he was, he
could be stern and inflexible if duty demanded it.
Falsehood and insincerity he could not brook. Every-
where one reads that, even under the most trying
circumstances, his spirit of cheerfulness never deserted
him. Always prudent, rarely did he fail to act on the
principle that what is left unsaid needs not to be re-
tracted. .A square deal to all was a dominant trait of
his character. He neither became exuberant in his
praise, nor harsh or over-critical in his correction; for
he felt that both the one and the other were harmful,
not beneficial, in their results. His good nature, tender
heart, and well-balanced judgment all disposed him to
approve and encourage, rather than to censure or
dispirit.
Another characteristic of our shepherd of souls was
the supreme command which he kept over his temper.
Nevertheless, but this was only natural, he seems to
have strongly resented the action of those men who
were responsible for the miter being forced upon him,
and then declined to consent that even one of their
clergy might go to the aid of his needy diocese. It
341
342 THE FATHER: OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
provoked him that he should be left alone through what
he believed to be their pious selfishness for their respec-
tive charges. However, he did not like to express his
sentiments in his own words. It is this delicacy of
feeling which explains Father Stokes’ letter to the
Rev. Martin J. Spalding, D.D., December 27, 1839:
“The whole matter has so disedified Bishop Miles that
he does not like for the present to trust himself on
paper; and hence he requests me to write and say he
will accept the young man whom you propose [for the
seminary], and that he may come as soon as he
pleases.” *
Doubtless the anxiety in which his friend of the
hierarchy was thus left had its part in determining
Doctor Spalding, then president of Saint Joseph’s
College, Bardstown, to give his services to the Diocese
of Nashville, if he could make such an arrangement
within the bounds of prudence. The proposal brought
a prompt response. Bishop Miles’ letter reveals at
once a keen appreciation of the generous offer, and a
soul so noble that, greatly as it needed him, it would have
the brilliant young priest think well before he sacrificed
his opportunities in Kentucky for the doubtful pros-
pects in ‘Tennessee, where the future of the Church was
still in a state of uncertainty.
Nashville, February 29, 1840.
Rev. and dear Friend :—
Your very kind and much esteemed favour of the 21st instant
has been duly received, and has afforded me much consolation.
The very idea that you may probably one day be among the
clergy of my poor and heretofore cruelly neglected Diocese gives
me a pleasure which I cannot express. Not forgetful, however,
of the admonition you gave me, I will not permit my hopes to go
1 Louisville Archives.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 343
so far as to suffer from disappointment as much as I have here-
tofore in cases of a similar nature of much less importance. As
I expect soon to see you, I will not enter into any particulars,
but desire you to recommend the matter seriously to Almighty God.
As the time for the Council is approaching, I have thought it
would be as well to defer consulting with Bishop Rosati until
I meet him at Baltimore. And if you will be kind enough to
accompany me as Theologian, you will not only add another to the
very many favours I have already received at your hands, but you
will have a better opportunity of consulting with the assembled
Prelates on the propriety of joining the mission of Tennessee.
I shall be much flattered if this favour can be granted.
As I shall have business of importance to attend to before the
Council, I shall leave home in the latter part of the next month;
and shall, if possible, be at St. Rose for the first Sunday in
April, immediately after which I hope to see you in Bardstown.
I shall endeavour to reach Somerset, Ohio, for Holy Week. In
case you could not leave home before Easter, you could perhaps
join me at the latter place after Easter. I do not wish Dr.
Chabrat to know anything about these matters until I see you.
I will then give you my reason why I make this request; that is,
if you don’t guess it before I come.
The young man you sent me arrived safe; and, although some-
what awkward, seems to be well disposed, and will I hope prove
useful. Another has just arrived from Georgia. And our sem-
inary has commenced with this small beginning. The ordoes have
not yet reached us. We are obliged to use the Catholic Almanac
as a substitute. Very Rev. Mr. Stokes sends you a portion of the
good feelings with which he abounds.
I am, Rev. and dear Friend,
Sincerely yours in Christ.
T Richard Pius,
Bishop of Nashville.”
Bishop Miles had now been out of his sick-room for
several months; yet he was by no means well. Doubt-
less he had already turned his mind towards Rome that
2 Baltimore Archives, Case 35, I, 7.
344 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
he might consult the head of the Church on the needs
of his diocese, and obtain from the Catholics of Kurope
wherewith to carry on the good works which he had
begun. Some priests might also be induced to offer
themselves for Tennessee. In this plan the zealous
prelate but followed the example of our bishops before
him, nearly ail of whom had recourse to this way of
supplying their wants.°
Possibly he had also spoken to his friends about the
idea. At any rate, the doctors, who were uneasy about
his health, now took up.the matter, and urged an early
voyage across the ocean as positively necessary for
regaining his strength. Once he should be at Baltimore,
the journey would be fairly begun. The bishop there-
fore determined to continue his way abroad. Much of
the time between the date of his letter to Father
Spalding and his departure from Nashville was no
doubt given to preparations for this undertaking.
Meanwhile, through the Catholic Advocate, he ad-
dressed the following pastoral letter to the faithful of
his diocese—perhaps the first of its kind ever seen in
‘Tennessee.
Richard Pius, by the Grace of God, and with the approbation of
the Holy See, Bishop of Nashville,
To our beloved Brethren, the Roman Catholic Laity of the Diocese
of Nashville, Health and Benediction.
Beloved Brethren:—
About to undertake a voyage to Europe for the purpose of
exposing the wants of our Diocese, and soliciting in our favour
the generous charities of our Catholic brethren in Italy, France,
and Germany to enable us, before we die, to form some religious
foundations, by which you, and generations yet to come, will be
3 Only a study of our early Church can give us a correct idea of the
enormous debt of gratitude which we owe to the Catholics of Europe at
that time.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 345
preserved and instructed in Divine Truth—urged, moreover, by
our physician not to delay our voyage, now thought indispensable
for the perfect restoration of our health—we could not think of
departing without making to you this our Pastoral Address.
Called to the elevated station we so unworthily occupy, and
deeply sensible of our utter unworthiness for so responsible,
so dignified, an office, in vain did we remonstrate in all sincerity
with his present Holiness, Pope Gregory XVI, and _ solicit
permission to decline the burthen of the Episcopacy. Ac-
quainted, however, with your spiritual privations, and fearing that
by any further postponement we would resist the will of Heaven,
and that through our fault souls redeemed by the Saviour’s blood
might perish—trusting solely to the mercies of our God, who alone
is capable of strengthening our weakness, and imparting to us
wisdom and knowledge—we at length submitted to the will
of the Holy Father, and were consecrated Bishop of Nashville
in the month of September, 1838.
Having already passed eighteen months of our Episcopacy
amongst you, you yourselves are witnesses whether we can say
with truth that “we are clear from the blood of all,’ mindful, as
we trust we have been, of the charge of the Holy Apostle to the
Ephesian Bishops: “Take heed to yourselves, and to all the flock,
over which the Holy Ghost has placed you Bishops to rule the
Church of God” (Acts, XX, 28). It is well, beloved brethren,
if you also can say with truth you have observed the solemn pre-
cept that concerns you: “Obey your prelates, and be subject to
them; for they watch as being to render an account of your souls,
that they may do this with joy, and not with grief; for this is
not expedient for you’ (Hebrews, XIII, 17).
We cannot, however, conceal from our own heart that, whilst
we have been sometimes consoled and edified, we have yet had more
cause for grief than for joy since our elevation to the Episcopal
dignity. Unable for an entire year to procure the assistance of
one useful priest; having no church in which to offer with decency
the mysteries of our holy religion; obliged to peril our own health
by attending distant missions; and still anxious to succeed in pre-
paring our church, and organizing our flock in our Episcopal See,
we would have sunk under the weight of our cares and labors, were
346 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
we not sustained by the merciful Providence of God. Our grief,
indeed, would have been mitigated, and, midst all the trials to
which we have been subjected, our joy would have been great,
had we found amongst our flock all that zeal for religion, that
devotion to its solemn duties, that anxiety to profit by the saving
mysteries of our faith, which have distinguished the Faithful
Christians of every age.
You are witnesses, beloved brethren, how frequently we have
admonished you that we “have kept back nothing that was profit-
able to you, but have preached it to you, and taught you publicly,
and from house to house’ (Acts, XX, 20). You will bear witness
that, with the Holy Apostle, we have not ceased to treat “of
justice, and chastity, and of the judgment to come” (Acts, XXIV,
25). We call you to witness how often we have urged you to
approach the tribunal of penance for the remission of your sins,
that you might become worthy to partake of the blessed body and
blood of your God and Saviour in the Most Holy Eucharist,
remembering the awful declaration of Divine Truth: “Amen, amen,
I say to you, unless you eat of the flesh of the Son of Man, and
drink His blood, you shall not have life in you” (St. John, VI,
54). Can you, beloved brethren, notwithstanding this solemn
enunciation of our Blessed Redeemer, yet flatter yourselves with
the hope of immortal life, if you obey not His commands, or
despise His threats and promises?
Willing to make all allowance for a people so long left without
a ministry, we allude not to the painful part for the purpose of
afflicting you on the eve of our departure, but rather to urge you
to a more serious consideration of your duty, that in our absence
you may be mindful of our parting counsel, and no longer remain
strangers to that peace which your holy religion so abundantly
imparts. We desire to be able to say with St. Paul: “Out of
much affliction and anguish of heart, | wrote to you with many
tears, not that you should be made sorrowful, but that you might
know the charity I have more abundantly towards you” (2 Cor.,
II, 4).
Once again, imploring you with all affection and charity, beloved
brethren, to begin in earnest to do penance, [we exhort you] to
comply, as far as your condition and circumstances permit, with the
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 347
penitential exercises of this season of Lent; to “be converted in
all your heart, in fasting, and in weeping, and in mourning”
(Joel, I1, 12), at this holy time when, “between the porch and the
altar, the priests, the Lord’s ministers, shall weep, and shall say:
Spare Lord, spare Thy people; and give not Thy inheritance to
reproach” (Joel, II, 17). Now, in fine, when you are exhorted in
the language of the Prophet “to wash yourselves; be clean
[we beg of you]; take away your devices from my eyes; cease to
do perversely; learn to do well; seek judgment; relieve the op-
pressed; judge for the fatherless; defend the widow. And then
come, and accuse me, sayeth the Lord: If your sins be as scarlet
they shall be made white as snow; and if they be red as crimson,
they shall be white as wool” (Isaias, I, 16, 17, 18).
Can you, beloved brethren, resist those tender assurances of our
heavenly Father, refuse to promote your own peace, and afford us
consolation? Indeed, we hope for better things from you. You
will not be ungrateful for the many blessings you have already
received; and you will be “our joy and our crown.’ We have
appointed our Vicar General, the Very Rev. Joseph Stokes, to
minister to the spiritual wants of our beloved flock of the diocese
of Nashville during our absence. In his zeal, piety, learning, and
experience we have unlimited confidence, and we require of our
clergy and people to pay to his authority the respect and obedience
due to ourself in person.
And now, beloved brethren, promising to be ever mindful of
you in our prayers and sacrifices, and commending ourself to the
pious supplications to Heaven in our favour of our brethren and
children in Christ, “the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the
charity of God, and the communication of the Holy Ghost be with
you all. Amen.”
Given at our Episcopal residence, Nashville, Tennessee, March
9, 1840.
T Richard Pius
Bishop of Nashville.*
This pastoral letter speaks for itself. It reveals a
shepherd of souls pure of heart, profoundly humble,
deeply religious, abounding in zeal and affection for his
4 Catholic Advocate, March 21, 1840.
348 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
flock, ever ready to sacrifice himself for their salvation.
It presents a picture of a man of God whose life illus-
trates the old adage which tells us that virtue avoids
extremes, and follows the safe and sound middle course
(In medio stat virtus).
Possibly leaving Father Clancy in temporary charge
at Nashville, before he should settle at Memphis, Bishop
Miles and his vicar general started for Saint Rose’s,
in Kentucky, where they arrived on the Sunday eve-
ning of March 29. There they met Bishop Purcell,
Father John McElroy, one of the best known Jesuits
of Maryland, and Father Francis X. Evremond, S.J.,
of Saint Mary’s College, in Kentucky. It was at Saint
Rose’s, no doubt, that the Father of the Church in Ten-
nessee made arrangements for the mission at Nashville
of which we shall speak later. There also, with the
permission of Bishop Flaget, Doctor Miles raised
Brother Augustine Anderson to the priesthood on
April 5, 1840, and administered confirmation to the
children of the parish.”
The correspondent of the Telegraph, who gives us
this information, says that Saint Rose’s Church was too
small to admit all who came for the occasion; that there
were many non-Catholics present; and that a main force
which drew the crowd was the love of the people for
Bishop Miles, who declared that he had passed the
happiest years of his life there. How “A Visitor,” as
the writer styles himself, was impressed may be seen
from the second sentence of his communication, in which
he states: “I have made several visits to many of the
religious establishments of Kentucky, and have always
been edified; but I do not recollect that I have at any
9 Catholic Telegraph, May 9, 1840.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 349
former period been more edified than on a recent visit
to the Convent of St. Rose, occupied by the priests of
the Order of St. Dominic.” ®
F’'rom Saint Rose’s the bishop proceeded to Cincin-
nati, where he gained two recruits for his diocese—the
Revs. Michael McAleer and William O. C. Morgan.
As the Catholic Telegraph of April 25, 1840, tells us:
Right Rev. Dr. Miles, bishop of Nashville, left this city on‘
Tuesday for Somerset, Perry County. ... The bishop was ac-
companied by the Very Rev. Mr. Stokes, Vicar General of Nash-
ville, . . . Rev. Michael McAleer and Rev. Mr. Morgan, the
latter of whom was ordained subdeacon on Saturday and deacon
on Sunday last by Dr. Miles in the German Catholic Church of
this city. The two last named gentlemen have resolved to labor
in the new diocese, where we wish them every success.!
From this source, then, we learn that Father Morgan,
a convert, a very saintly man, and the first priest
ordained for the Diocese of Nashville, as well as the
first of its clergymen to die, received subdeaconship
and deaconship in Holy Trinity Church, Cincinnati,
on April 18 and 19, 1840. Most likely he was promoted
to the priesthood by Doctor Miles, a few days later, at
Saint Joseph’s, near Somerset, Ohio. Thence he no
doubt went immediately to Nashville with Father
Stokes; while the bishop continued his way, via Mount
Saint Mary’s College, to the metropolis of Maryland.
Doctor Spalding’s plan of joining the Nashville Dio-
cese did not .materialize, which probably explains why
he failed to accompany Doctor Miles to the council,
where the Rev. Benedict Bayer, C.SS.R., of Baltimore
6 Ibid.
7 Telegraph, April 25, 1840. We have not been able to ascertain where
Father Morgan made his ecclesiastical studies. Possibly he began them
in Ireland, and completed them at Cincinnati.
350 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
acted as theologian for the Friar Preacher prelate.®
Prior to this time, October 10, 1839, Father Stokes
had written a letter to the Rev. John McCaffrey, D.D.,
president of Mount Saint Mary’s College, Emmits-
burg, Maryland, in which he says: “The Diocese of
Nashville, as I presume you are aware, was in a most
desolate condition until the appointment in 1838 of
Bishop Miles, and, what is still more distressing, none
are found willing to share his labors and privations. He
has been alone, without a priest, almost since his con-
secration.” ‘I'hen the document goes on to tell how
the bishop’s delicacy of conscience forbids him “‘to hold
out inducements to good men occupied in other places,”
and puts in an urgent plea for two seminarians who
have about completed their studies.”
Similarly, on February 19, 1840, Stokes wrote to the
Advocate that the bishop would ordain a young man
for the diocese “when he visits Maryland” for the
council; and on August 6, 1840, in a letter to the same
paper, he states that the Rev. John Maguire, an alum-
nus of Mount Saint Mary’s, was then in Tennessee.
So is it certain that Doctor Miles stopped at that
historic institution on his way to Baltimore, and that
a John Maguire was one of the prefects there for the
school year of 1839-1840. From these facts, although
we have found no positive statement to that effect, we
are of the opinion that the subject of our narrative
then ordained the second priest for his diocese.*®
8 Telegraph, May 30, and Advocate, June 6, and Miscellany, May 23, 1840.
9 MELINE-MCSWEENEY, The Story of the Mountain, I, 405-406.
10 We did not discover the Advocate with Stoke’s letter of February
19, 1840; but it is copied in the Miscellany of April 4, 1840. See also
Advocate, August 22, 1840; Mretine-McSweEEney, op. cit., I, 402; Miscel-
lany, May 23, 1840. A correspondent of the Catholic Herald (issue of
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 351
However this may be, the bishop reached his journey’s
end on May 13. It was possibly Bishop England who,
May 14, wrote to his splendid paper the news about
the impending council. In the course of his letter, when
telling of the arrival of Doctor Miles, he uses words
that are significative of no little affection.
On the afternoon [of Wednesday, May 14, he says] the zealous
bishop of Cincinnati arrived from the College of Emmitsburg, over
which he had formerly presided with so much advantage. With
him came the pioneer of Tennessee, the laborious Doctor Miles,
bishop of Nashville, considerably improved in health—and with
as good bone and sinew and height as any of the sharpshooters
of that state who lined the cotton bags of New Orleans.!!
Although this was the first council attended by the
subject of our narrative in his capacity as a member
of the hierarchy, no digest of its labors seems called for
here. Suffice it to say that the prelates assembled on
Saturday, May 16, 1840, and that the council was
formally opened the next day with a solemn high mass
sung by Archbishop Eccleston, and an eloquent sermon
preached by the illustrious Doctor England. All! the
administering bishops were present, except the Right
Rev. John Hughes of New York, who was in Kurope.
The fathers of the council admitted to its sessions
Bishop Charles A. de Forbin-Janson of France who
February 13, 1845) says that Father Maguire was the first priest ordained
by Bishop Miles, which is evidently an error. Possibly that writer meant
to say that he was the first clergyman ordained by the prelate then living
in his diocese.
11 United States Catholic Miscellany, May 23, 1840. “The cotton bags
of New Orleans” are a good-natured reference to the battle of New
Orleans (January 8, 1815), in which General Andrew Jackson, largely
aided by raw troups from Tennessee, defeated the English under Sir
Edward Packenham. The British made breastworks of hogsheads of
sugar; the Americans used cotton bales.
352 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
was then on a visit to the United States, and drew up
a letter of condolence and consolation to the archbishops
of Cologne and Posen who were suffering the trials of
persecution at the hands of Frederick William III,
king of Prussia.”
When the council closed, Bishops Miles, Rosati, and
Portier were appointed a committee to take its proceed-
ings to Rome. They were also entrusted with duplicates
of the letter of encouragement sent by the American
hierarchy to the German metropolitans. Sailing from
New York on the British Queen, June 1, he and Bishops
Portier and Rosati reached Portsmouth on the seven-
teenth, and were in Paris by the nineteenth. Bishop
Miles still suffered from the effects of his late illness; for
which reason he feared to face the heat of a summer in
Rome. After a time spent at Paris, therefore, he went
to Belgium, where he knew Fathers John V. De Ray-
12 Concilia Provincialia Baltimori, 159 ff; Telegraph, May 30, and
Advocate, June 6, 1840. The prelates who took part in this council were
the Most Rev. Samuel Eccleston of Baltimore, and the Right Revs. Bene-
dict J. Flaget of Bardstown, John England of Charleston, Joseph Rosati
of Saint Louis, Benedict J. Fenwick of Boston, Francis P. Kenrick of
Philadelphia (coadjutor and administrator), John B. Purcell of Cincin-
nati, Anthony Blanc of New Orleans, Mathias Loras of Dubuque, Richard
P, Miles of Nashville, and Celestine de La Hailandiére of Vincennes.
The Right Revs. Henry Conwell of Philadelphia and John Dubois of
New York were incapacitated by age and infirmity; whilst the Right
Revs. Frederic Rese of Detroit and John Hughes of New York (co-
adjutor and administrator) were in Europe. The Right Rev. Guy I.
Chabrat, coadjutor of Bardstown, was possibly detained at home by ill
health or labor.
A digest of the decrees of this council is given in Shea’s History of the
Church, Il], 452 ff. Guilday’s National Pastorals gives (pp. 120 ff) its
pastoral letter to the country. The Miscellany of June 20 and the Tele-
graph of July 4, 1840, contain Latin and English renditions of the letter
which the fathers of the council sent to the archbishops of Cologne and
Posen.
a
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 353
maecker and Francis Adrian Van De Weyer, both of
whom had been on the American missions.’®
At Ghent, he enjoyed the warm hospitality of Fathers
Pius Braeckman and Francis Ackerman, two aged
Friars Preacher who had lately begun to reorganize
their province after its suppression by the French Revo-
lution and the division of United Netherlands, in 1830.
Father Braeckman had always shown a keen interest in
our American missions, putting himself at the disposal
of our bishops who went to his country in search of aid.
In the father of Catholicity in Tennessee he took a
particular interest. From the convent in Ghent, which
he used as the center of his activities, he traversed Bel-
gium in every direction, and was doubtless accompanied
by one or the other of his hosts. While there, with the
permission of the bishop of the place, he seems to have
held an ordination in their conventual church. Most
likely he took with him the letters of the Baltimore coun-
cil, getting them to the archbishop of Cologne through
the aforesaid friends.“
The Friars Preacher of Holland also gave Doctor
Miles a hearty welcome; but Fathers John D. Ranken
of Rotterdam and Raymond Van Zeeland of Schiedam
appear to have been especially active in his welfare.
Here the bishop made Father Ranken’s home the chief
base of his quest after aid.” Among the gifts received
13 Telegraph, June 13 and September 12, 1840; Miscellany, June 13 and
September 26, 1840; Rev. Hercules Brassac, Paris, July 7, 1840, to Bishop
Purcell (McCann, History of Mother Setows Daughters, I, 290).
14 A manuscript life of Fathers Braeckman and Ackerman in French—
translated from Flemish (Archives of the Dominican Master General,
Codex III, 42) ; Advocate, September 19, 1840; Miscellany, October 17, 1840.
15 There are a number of letters in the Archives of the Province of
Holland which show that the Dominicans there did all they could to help
Bishop Miles. In this connection, it may be noted that the only aid which
24
354 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
in Holland was an extra-large monstrance of solid
silver, trimmed in gold, and set with precious stones.
The chasing is most delicate and artistic in character.
Today, because regarded as a relic, it is used only on
special solemnities. On its base is a Latin inscription
which, rendered into English, reads:
“The Year of Our Lord 1841. To the King of
Kings, Jesus Christ, and His Apostle in the United
States of North America, Richard Pius Miles of the
Order of Preachers, the first Bishop of Nashville, the
clergy and people of Uden, Holland, have made a gift
of this ostensorium.” *°
Although we have run across but one brief mention
of the bishop in France after his departure from Paris
for Belgium, it goes without saying that he spent some
time in that country before he returned home. ‘The
Association for the Propagation of the Faith had given
him 26,827 frances for his diocese in 1839. "The next
year, possibly as a result of his presence, his allowance
was raised to 33,900; but in 1841, perhaps because of
what he had received elsewhere, it was lowered to 24,600
francs. Octobor 18, 1839, and January 3, 1840, he had
the American Province of Saint Joseph received from abroad was the mite
which their brethren in Holland and Belgium began to turn towards them
from those countries about this time. The annals of the French and
Austrian associations for the propagation of the faith mention rather
generous help bestowed on all the other orders in the United States, but
none to the Dominicans, with the exception of the modest donations made
to Father Mazzuchelli in Wisconsin from 1844 to 1849. Perhaps one of
the reasons for this apparent oversight was that the fathers neglected to
write for aid. However, a tradition, borne out by a letter soon to be
quoted, tells us that Bishop Purcell absolutely demanded that all donations
for the missions in Ohio should be sent to him.
16 A.D. MDCCCXLI. Regi Regum, Jesu Christo, et Apostolo ejus in
Americae Septentrionalis provinciis foederatis, Richardo Pio Miles, Ordinis
Praedicatorum, primo Episcopo Nashvillensi, hoc Ostensorium dono
dederunt Clerus populusque Udenses, in Hollandia.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 355
written to the Association, whose Annales published
extracts from both letters.’ As these probably contain
the gist of what he told the French people at the time of
his visit, we give their main facts, omitting only those
which have been recounted in documents already laid
before the reader.
When he went to Tennessee, the state had not had
a resident pastor for ten years. Here he evidently refers
to Father Cosgreve. Only a few localities were visited,
at long intervals, by a missionary. Through this isola-
tion and neglect, the Catholics became scattered like
sheep without a pastor. Some of them left the state in
order to find spiritual nourishment for their souls else-
where. Others have grown weak in their faith, or even
lost it. In the cases of mixed marriages, the children
have uniformly grown up non-Catholics. In great
stretches of the state our religion has left scarcely a
memory.
Then he tells how he took possession of his episcopal
city with its dilapidated church, which is still the only
one in the diocese; and how he found not more than one
hundred and thirty Catholics there, only twelve of whom
received holy communion after much preaching and
exhortation. There are now perhaps three hundred
faithful in Nashville. When the two priests who came
for his induction returned to their homes, he was left
alone in his endless missionary efforts, unable to answer
all the calls for spiritual succor that came from widely
separated places. After riding on horseback about nine
hundred miles over mountains, through forests, and by
17 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, XII, 225; XIII, 125, 190;
PD bVens 1.
356 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
way of rough roads, as well as in the hottest part of the
year, his health failed him.**
Then he became sick, and was at the door of death
when God sent him a priest whose zeal and piety gave
him his first ray of hope and consolation. The popular
prejudices against the faith are not hard to overcome.
Wherever the Catholic doctrine is preached the people
of other beliefs manifest an anxiety to hear it explained
at length. Not a few have expressed a desire to have
a Catholic church and a priest in their midst. The
faithful along the Mississippi River are striving to erect
churches in the hope that the bishop will soon be able
to send them priests; but what can he do without either
means or missionaries? All efforts have failed him in
both regards. Having nothing himself, and taken from
a cloister that is unable to help him, he labors under
disadvantages which the other bishops were not obliged
to confront.
He had started a little seminary in his residence. For
the maintenance of this and his priests he must trust to
the Association for the Propagation of the Faith, which
has already laid him under obligations which he can not
forget. His own people are not able to defray the
travelling expenses of their pastors. If God will but
send him a few more good missionaries, and the Cath-
olics of Kurope supply the means for their support, the
bishop will be able to say: “Now, O Lord, dismiss Thy
servant in peace.” *”
From Bordeaux the bishop went to Vienna in
response to an invitation to visit that city. In Austria,
18 This shows that Bishop Miles spent the summer of 1839 in travel-
ling from place to place through Tennessee.
19 Annales, XIII, 125-128.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 357
there can be no doubt, he also received donations from
the Leopoldine Association established specially for
the assistance of the American missions. 'Thence he
retraced his steps to Rome, possibly reaching the
Eternal City by the Christmas holidays in 1840; for we
find him there early in the next year.*® In Italy he
evidently received a letter from the provincial of the
American Friars Preacher touching on the misguided
Capellari-Velzi compact of 1828, by which Saint
Joseph’s Province was directed to give the bishop of
Cincinnati three hundred dollars a year, unless he should
be a Dominican; but which the fathers felt certainly
to be illegal, because based on misrepresentation and
going beyond the authority of their General. Besides,
it could not be observed in their state of poverty. In
reply Miles wrote (Rome, January 16, 1841) to Father
Charles P. Montgomery:
I hope your letter to the Society [for the Propagation of the
Faith] at Lyons will have the desired effect. I shall certainly do
all in my power, though I have reason to believe that this and
the existing difficulty with your Bishop will bring me in conflict
with him; which I regret, as I have a great regard for him. You
must try to conciliate his feelings, and take care that none of your
community say or do anything that may widen the breach already
so wide. You will never gain anything by being at war with your
Bishop. Father Grace has prepared a memorial to present to the
Propaganda for a rehearing of the matter between you. I feel con-
vinced that, if the matter is rightly understood here, there will be no
difficulty in settling it to your satisfaction. It also appears to me
that if Bishop Purcell understood the matter correctly he would not
make the demand.?!
20 Catholic Advocate, February 6, 1841; Miles, Rome, February 18,
1841, to the Right Rev. Joseph O’Finan, Ireland (Archives of Saint Jo-
seph’s Province). The Advocate shows that he wrote to friends in Nash-
ville from Vienna, November 1, 1840.
21 Archives of Saint Joseph’s Priory. This letter substantiates the
358 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Bishop Miles spent about two months at Rome. Of
the impression he made in the capital of Christendom
one may judge by the fact that happy tradition? of his
sojourn still exist among the Friars Preacher of that
city. On his return journey he most likely passed
through France again. April 10 (Holy Saturday),
1841, he “held an ordination in the new and splendid
church of the Dominicans at Rotterdam.” After
another stay in Holland and Belgium, he possibly
passed over to England and Ireland. Be that as it
may, it was August 26, when he reached New York on
his way back to Tennessee.”
Zanesville and Somerset, Ohio, and Saint Rose’s, in
Kentucky, not only lay on his homeward route, but were
also the places which he loved most next to his own
diocese. Accordingly, he halted at them all. While
at Saint Joseph’s, he administered confirmation to the
children of that parish, Holy Trinity (in Somerset),
and Saint Patrick’s, Junction City.** Because of these
delays, the bishop did not reach Nashville until Sat-
urday, October 9, 1841. The joy of the people was
unbounded; but we can not do better than let Father
Stokes, for the style seems to be his, tell the story.
tradition mentioned in note 15. The matter of giving the ordinary of
Cincinnati three hundred dollars annually, which was the cause of the
unpleasantness referred to by Miles, dragged along for twenty years or
more. Bishop Purcell, who had been in Rome and taken up the affair
there shortly before Bishop Miles’ visit, acted harshly from the start.
However, it is said that in Father N. D. Young he met his match in hard
blows. See also Lamott’s History of the Archdiocese of Cincinnati, pp. 181
ff. Father Grace, who made out the memorial in behalf of his brethren in
1841, afterwards became the second bishop of Saint Paul. It is im-
possible for one to study the case on its merits and not come to the con-
clusion that justice and right were on the side of Saint Joseph’s Province.
22 The Catholic Advocate, June 5 and September 25, 1841.
23 Parish records; Advocate (quoting the Telegraph), October 23, 1841.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 359
Mr. Editor :—
Our beloved Prelate has arrived. Our Bishop, our father, and
our friend, whose absence in Europe for more than eighteen months
was the subject of so much regret, has by his return gladdened the
hearts of his flock, and diffused by his presence aniversal joy.
As soon as the day was announced on which the Bishop’s arrival
might be expected, the Catholics of Nashville, composed of French,
Italian, German, Irish, and American people, with one accord
resolved to honor and greet his return by going in a body several
miles distant from the town to meet him. Accordingly, about one
o'clock, P.M., on Saturday last, a train of carriages, filled with
members of our flock, and followed by a number of persons on
horseback, proceeded from town at a rapid pace, and in excellent
order. The flock were anxious to meet their Bishop some ten or a
dozen miles from the town; not more, however, than three or four
miles had been gone over, when the priests, who occupied the
first carriage in the procession, recognized at a distance their
Bishop travelling in a gig, accompanied by one of his clergy, a
native of Corsica.
The horses were immediately checked; the carriages soon un-
occupied; those on horseback dismounted; and all, with uncovered
heads and heartfelt joy, approached their Bishop who was soon
amongst them, blessing with a fond affection all those who sought
in this way to testify their love and veneration for their Prelate.
The smiles of joy; the holiday attire; the hearty welcome, better
expressed in manner than in words, affected the good Bishop even
to tears, and with a truly pastoral affection he blessed his spiritual
children.
When the congratulations had ceased, the Bishop ascended the
open carriage provided for him, and with him sat his Vicar General
and the worthy Pastor of Memphis, the Rev. Mr. McAleer. The
order of the procession was resumed; and all, in the finest spirits,
and rejoicing at the improved health and appearance of their much
beloved father, accompanied him to the episcopal residence, in
Nashville. As soon as the Bishop had paid his adoration to the
Blessed Sacrament, in his domestic chapel, he was again surrounded
by his flock, receiving the congratulations of his affectionate chil-
dren. The boys of our school then appeared, bearing a flag of
360 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN, TENNESSEE
white satin on which was inscribed, in simple but beautiful
language, their congratulations for the happy return of their
Bishop and Father. Indeed, so delighted was the good Prelate
with the evidences of attachment he this day received from his
children in Christ that he was heard to pronounce it the happiest
day of his life. And well indeed may the Catholics of Tennessee
rejoice at so zealous, pious, and amiable a Prelate.**
On the following day a solemn mass of thanksgiving
for Doctor Miles’ safe return was sung by Father
Stokes, with Father Nicholas Savelli as deacon, and
Father Louis Stokes as subdeacon. Before the mass,
the bishop addressed the worshippers in a way that
showed not only his love for them and his delight to be
home again, but likewise the happiness afforded him by
the brighter prospects of his diocese. In the afternoon,
he gave benediction, and preached. On both occasions,
there were present a number of liberal-minded non-
Catholics, among them several members of the state
legislature.”
Bishop Miles had every reason to be pleased with his
vicar general, for he proved not less faithful to the
instructions given him than zealous in his labors. In a
letter of date August 6, 1840, he tells the readers of the
Advocate how, through the coming of the three priests
mentioned earlier (Fathers Morgan, McAleer, and
Maguire), the labors have become lighter for each, the
fruitage greater, and the outlook more cheerful. Father
Morgan, perhaps because of his infirm health, was
24 Catholic Advocate, October 23, 1841. The letter to the Advocate bears
date October 12, 1841.
25 “Catholicus,” the Advocate’s correspondent, states this was the third
anniversary of the Bishop’s entrance into Nashville, which is not quite
exact; for Father J. T. Jarboe’s letters in the Advocates of October 12
and November 10, 1838, show that the anniversary had passed by a few
days. See the beginning of Chapter XIV.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 361
placed in Nashville, and given charge of the little
seminary.”°
An object of great solicitude to our respected Bishop [the
letter then says] has been to secure to the Diocese Priests of true
Apostolic spirit, prepared to do all things, “to spend and be spent”
for the sake of their Divine Master. Knowing also the character
and intelligence of the people of Tennessee, he was most desirous
that his missionaries should possess the necessary qualifications to
preach with success, and to explain with satisfaction to our citizens
the real doctrines of the Church. Two missionaries were, for this
purpose, to be selected to travel together as a mutual support
for each other—to be pious, exemplary, and fully competent to
announce in a becoming manner the word of eternal life.
Before the Bishop’s departure for Europe, he instructed his
Vicar General to have this design carried into effect as soon as
practical. A merciful Providence appears to favor the good Bish-
op's zeal, and we are happy to state that, with the divine blessing,
his, best wishes are about to be realized to their fullest extent.
Two zealous, disinterested clergymen, properly qualified, have
recently joined our missions, and joyfully undertaken the enviable
office of evangelizing a great portion of our Diocese. The Rev.
Michael McAleer and Rev. John Maguire, both alumni of St.
Mary’s College, Emmitsburg, have been appointed, and already
commenced their duties as travelling missionaries.
The week previous they had preached in Gallatin and
Hartsville, Sumner County, where the Catholics are
good, and perhaps will soon be sufficient in number to
support a pastor. Next week they will go to Franklin,
and thence to Columbia. A priest, Father Clancy, ts
stationed at Memphis. Two are at Nashville, Father
Stokes himself and Father Morgan.
In like manner, Father Stokes’ letter of September
4, 1840, tells how Fathers McAleer and Maguire had
gone to Franklin, Williamson County, on August 15,
preached to both Catholics and non-Catholics, made a
26 Advocate, August 22, 1840; Catholic Almanac, 1841, p. 172.
362 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
splendid impression, and felt that a pastor might be
stationed at that town in the near future, and find the
means of a decent support. From Franklin they pro-
ceeded to Columbia, Maury County. On their route
they met a “man calling himself a Catholic who had not
seen a priest for forty years.” In Maury County the
missionaries also came across “‘several nominal Catholics,
some with very numerous families; but in no instance
did they find one family wholly or strictly Catholic.
The unhappy parents, educated themselves in the truth
of the Catholic faith, permit their children to unite in
worship with their Protestant neighbors.”
At Columbia, where they arrived on August 20, and
in the neighborhood, the ambassadors of Christ reported
“some of respectable standing in society, once Catholic,
but who, from long habits of neglect, are distinguished
from their Protestant brethren by no character or merit
of Catholicity. ... They have unhappily forgotten
what their holy religion taught them in early youth, and
have in some instances added to their fault by an ungen-
erous renunciation of their creed.” It will not be long
before a priest may be stationed in Maury County.
From Columbia the missionaries travelled to Shelby-
ville, in Bedford County.
At all these places they preached either in some non-
Catholic church or the court-house. Everywhere it is
the same old tale of mixed marriages, long neglect,
eventual carelessness in matters religious, and, more fre-
quently than otherwise, final apostasy. As is always
the case, there is more hope for conversions among the
non-Catholics than among those who have fallen away
from the Church.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 363
Father Clancy of Memphis has spent a week at
Jackson, Madison County, where he preached nearly
every evening in the Baptist church with good results.
Stokes trusts that a Catholic church will soon be built
in that “beautiful town.” 'The proprietors of the pro-
posed new city of “Fort Pickering’, just below
Memphis, have offered a lot for a church, and it is
probable that one will be built there, instead of at
Memphis, for the faithful in that part of the state.?’
From the same source we learn that Doctor Spalding
spent a part of his vacation in the summer of 1840
at Nashville. Possibly he promised the bishop this
favor in order to appease his disappointment for not
joining his diocese or accompanying him to Baltimore
as his theologian at the council. However this be, the
eloquent divine frequently electrified the people of
Nashville by the sermons and lectures which he then
delivered in the Holy Rosary Cathedral. In speaking
of Doctor Spalding’s labors, Father Stokes says: “We
sincerely pray that the good Bishop of Bardstown may
be induced to relinquish his claim upon his services in
favor of a Diocese which needs so much the zeal, and
talents, and learning of men like him.” Spalding him-
self is anxious to come to Nashville. Bishop England
also promised Doctor Miles at the Baltimore Council
that he would soon visit Tennessee’s capital, and give a
course of lectures.”*
27 Advocate of September 19, 1840.
28 The same issue of the Advocate and a record in the book of bap-
tisms on August 30, 1840, show that Doctor Spalding was in Nashville in
late August and early September. It is possible that his desire for an
active apostolate in Tennessee cost him his position as president of Saint
Joseph’s College; for we soon find him stationed at Lexington, Kentucky.
See his Life by J. L. Spalding, pp. 83 ff.
364 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Meanwhile Father Morgan was taken ill, which
necessitated F'ather Maguire’s being retained at Nash-
ville. For this reason, Father McAleer made the next
tour alone. Stokes’ letter on these labors is not dated,
but it was evidently written about the middle of No-
vember. ‘The missionary left Nashville on October 2
for the lower counties of middle Tennessee. On Sunday
the fourth, he said mass and preached in the house of a
Catholic in Williamson County. ‘Taking in the parts of
Maury County that lay on his route, he then visited
Pulaski, Giles County, some eighty miles south of
Nashville.
At Fayetteville, Lincoln County, where he used the
Cumberland Presbyterian church for preaching, he
enjoyed the hospitality of Matthew Martin. At
Winchester, Franklin County, the next place visited,
the missionary preached in the Methodist church, and
discovered several Catholics who had hitherto escaped
notice. Returning to Pulaski, he now preached there.
But one Catholic lived in that town, and he did not hear
the sermon. Of the second visit to Pulaski Father
Stokes says:
As this was the first time that a Catholic Priest was known to
have preached in this town, you may well imagine the great anxiety
manifested to see and hear one. Many seemed to be of the opinion
that some one not human was to make his appearance in the shape
of a Catholic Priest; and to their utter surprise they at length
discovered that, in the person of our missionary, a human being not
very unlike many among themselves spoke, and preached, and
reasoned, and even sustained his doctrines by appropriate texts of
Scripture.
Father McAleer received the greatest kindness every-
where. His tour took a month. One priest can not
well attend to all west Tennessee. This part of the
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 365
state therefore will be visited next in order.”
Unfortunately, death and departure came all too soon
with their derangement of the plans which Bishop Miles
had mapped out, and which his vicar general was follow-
ing with scrupulous fidelity. Father Morgan’s health
obliged him to take what seems to have been thought
would be only a temporary rest. He went to Lexing-
ton, Kentucky, where he died November 10.°° The
death of this saintly young priest was a severe loss for
the new and struggling diocese. Whilst not so sad,
29 Advocate, November 21, 1840.
30 The obituary notice in the Advocate of November 21, 1840, runs as
follows: “Died on the morning of the 10th instant, in Lexington, Kentucky,
of pulmonary consumption, the Rev. William O. C. Morgan, of the Ro-
man Catholic Church. The deceased was a native of the city of Dublin,
Ireland, had but lately received ordination, and was attached to the Dio-
cess of Nashville. Though far removed from his relations and country,
yet Religion provided for him in a distant land new friends and brothers,
who sweetened the cup of his sorrows, and smoothed the pillow of death.
She herself, as the handmaid of Heaven, came, shedding her hallowed in-
fluence around his death-bed, assuaging every pain, softening every pang,
and opening upon the eyes of his faith a bright and glorious vista in
the future.
“He bore his protracted illness here with heroic fortitude, edifying all
who were in attendance. His faith shone out in every circumstance of
his painful illness; and he expired with a smile upon his countenance.
Mr. Morgan was a convert to the Catholic faith; and in becoming a
Catholic he had incurred the displeasure of his parents, who, in conse-
quence, dissolved all connections with him. Thus discarded at home, he
came to this country; but before he died, he addressed a very affectionate
letter to his mother, exhorting her, as his last request, to enquire seriously
into the Catholic Faith. His humility was admirable. He viewed himself as
the greatest of sinners, while he reposed an unbounded confidence in the
tender mercies of his Saviour. He earnestly requested that nothing might
be said in his praise after his death; and that ;it should be announced
that he died a penitent, with an entire confidence in the merits of Christ.
His funeral was numerously attended, and a discourse was delivered on
the occasion by Rev. M. J. Spalding, who had kindly befriended and as-
sisted him to the last.”
He was buried in Lexington; and the inscription on his tombstone tells
us that he died “in the odour of sanctity.”
366 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
perhaps no less hurtful to the Church of Tennessee was
the acceptance of an invitation from his kinsman, the
former coadjutor bishop of Charleston, by the pastor
in the western part of the state to go to the missions of
British Guiana. December 12, 1840, Father Stokes
writes to the Advocate: “The Rev. Mr. McAleer has
been appointed pastor of Memphis, with the charge of
Jackson, Bolivar, La Grange, etc., in the room of the
Rev. William Clancy, who leaves our Diocese to join
his cousin at Demarara, the Right Rev. Dr. Clancy.” **
A more joyful and fruitful event, no doubt arranged
by Bishop Miles himself-before he left for Kurope, was
a mission given at the Nashville cathedral from April
25 to May 2, 1841. Fathers Francis Evremond and
John Larkin, two Jesuit Fathers of Saint Mary’s Col-
lege, in Kentucky, conducted it. Their earnest preach-
ing and efforts in the confessional not only effected
great good for religion, but were also long remembered
in the episcopal city. The happiest relations existed
between Saint Mary’s College and Saint Rose’s Con-
vent. Bishop Miles and Father Evremond were especi-
31 Advocate of December 19, 1840. The freedom with which the priests
of the United States went from one diocese to another in the earlier
missionary days makes it at times practically impossible to trace them
in their various fields of labor. The Miscellany of November 22, 1828,
shows that a Father W. J. Clancy was ordained by Bishop England at
Charleston on the previous Sunday; while the Catholic Almanac of 1833
places a Father W. J. Clancy in charge of Carbondale, Friendsville, and
Silver Lake, Pennsylvania. Similarly, the Almanacs of 1839 and 1840 show
a Father W. J. Clancy at Montgomery, Alabama, with various other
charges. Father Stokes’ letter of February 19, 1840, to the Advocate (See
note 34 of preceding chapter) makes it certain that the Clancy in Alabama
came to Tennessee. As it would have involved endless time and labor
(possibly without result), and as he labored for only a short while in
the Diocese of Nashville, we did not attempt to ascertain whether he
were the Clancy who was in the Diocese of Charleston, or in that of
Philadelphia.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 367
ally close friends. In his letter of May 10, telling of the
communions at the close of the mission, Father Stokes
writes:
If any feeling of regret found admittance within our breasts, it
was caused by the absence of our beloved Bishop on that day
from his flock, when so many of his faithful children were ful-
filling the anxious desires of his paternal heart. I need not say
how frequently his beloved name was repeated on Sunday, the
second of May. His cup of happiness would seem full, could he
then be present with his flock. The Rev. Father Evremond, in
his sermon, spoke of this good and common father, and the tear of
affection glistened in the eyes of many who offered up a fervent
prayer for his safe and speedy return.°”
Only Father Maguire was now left as a travelling
missionary; and he was well qualified for this work.
Yet, as we learn from a prefatory note of Father
Stokes to a letter of the itinerant harvester of souls,
which was afterwards sent to the Advocate, the zealous
priest’s exposure and labors brought on a fever which
nearly resulted in his death.’ The Maguire document
is so full of interest, and so important for the early
Catholic history of Tennessee, that we close this chapter
with a reproduction of it almost in its entirety.
[The Rev. Joseph Stokes].
[ Rev. and dear Sir ] :—
I left Nashville on the 21st of May, and proceeded to Franklin,
where I administered the Sacraments. From Franklin I went to
Columbia, and gave the last Sacraments to one person. I visited
the Catholics of Shelbyville and Winchester, crossed the Cumber-
32 Tbid., May 22, 1841. Father Stokes’ letter is dated May 10.
33 When sending the Advocate the letter which he had received from
Father Maguire, Father Stokes writes: “The following communication
has been received from a zealous missionary of our Diocese, the Rev.
John Maguire. It would have been sent to you for publication before now,
but anxiety for the life of the missionary, whose labours and exposure
brought on a violent fever, excluded for a time every other thought”
(Advocate, October 2, 1841).
368 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
land Mountains (via Jasper), and arrived on the first of June
at Chattanooga, in East Tennessee. On the second I visited the
men who are employed on the Western and Atlantic Railroad.
There are one hundred Catholics on this road, with whom I have
remained for the last six weeks. They were not visited by any
priest for more than two years. Our beloved Bishop and the
zealous Father Durbin visited them in the fall of 1838, when work-
ing on the Hiwassee Railroad. Their names are held in benediction
by these poor men. They received me with joy, and immediately
erected a temporary church in the midst of the forest.*+
Many Protestants are present every Sunday to hear our doc-
trines explained, some of whom evince a great desire to find out
the truth. Two intelligent Protestants commenced some weeks
ago to study and examine for themselves, and I have the happi-
ness to inform you that their study ended in their conviction of
the divine origin of our holy religion. A respectable farmer called
to see me a short time ago, and asked me to explain my creed to
him. I did so. On his departure I gave him some books to read,
and told him to come and see me again. He returned in two
weeks. I asked him how he liked our doctrine. “As far,” said he,
“as I have examined, I am well pleased. I firmly believe in the
Supremacy of St. Peter, in the Infallibility of the Church, and in
the real presence of Jesus Christ in the Lord’s Supper.” I gave
him some catechisms for his children. I hope ere long, I will have
the pleasure of informing you that he and his eight children have
been united to the true fold.*°
The missionary then tells his vicar general that many
of the laborers on the railroad, because of their hard-
ships and spiritual privations, have become addicted to
an excessive use of strong drink. Accordingly, he has
started a total abstinence society among them. 'Twen-
ty-five have already taken the pledge, and he believes
that most of the others will soon follow the good
34 Bishop Miles, it will be remembered, also visited these railroad men
in the spring of 1839. This railroad, as also the river after which it
was named, is now generally written “Hiawassee.”
35 Advocate of October 2, 1841.
JOURNEY ABROAD AND CONTINUED LABOR 369
example. ‘The results of the move have been highly
beneficial. It is quite probable, we may note here, that
Bishop Miles had left instructions in this matter also.
While not an extremist, he was always a warm advocate
of this society, especially for those who could not other-
wise control their appetites. So had he twice visited
these men of toil. But to return to the letter: Father
Maguire now says:
I heard that there were many Catholics in Bradley, McMinn,
Meigs, and Monroe Counties. I set out to visit them on the
tenth of June. In Cleveland, Bradley County, many respectable
Protestants treated me very kindly, and they invited me to preach
four times. There are four respectable Catholic families in this
place; one of them gave me a beautiful lot for a church; all
promised to contribute according to their means. I found many
families in the other counties who were glad to see me. One
person did not see a priest for sixty-six years, another for twen-
ty-nine years. I preached three times in Charleston, on the
Hiwassee River. I was invited to return by some respectable Prot-
estants, in order to explain our doctrines.
I heard there was one family near the North Carolina line
that had never been visited. I determined to go and see them.
I arrived about dark at a neat farmhouse, and called for lodging.
A venerable old man came to the door, and in a very kind and
amiable manner invited me to put up for the night. After a
few minutes, I told him who I was. “What!” he exclaimed, “a
Catholic Priest! Oh, my God! I am a happy man. I knew that
my God would not abandon me.” He embraced me with swim-
ming eyes and a throbbing heart. He has a very interesting
family. He has brought them up in the Catholic religion. He
takes the Catholic Miscellany; and, by the aid of that highly re-
spected journal, he endeavours to keep alive the flame of Catholic-
ity among his children.
. . . During my mission, I performed several marriages, ad-
ministered baptism to fourteen children, and admitted to holy
communion nearly fifty persons. I returned to the railroad on the
tenth of July, after this arduous but consoling mission. Thus I
25
370 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
have given you an outline, as you requested, of my labours and
success for the past two months, during which I have travelled on
horseback nearly one thousand miles.
Very respectfully in Christ,
John Maguire.
Chattanooga, July 11, 1841.
CHAPTER XVI
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK
Bishop Miles began his apostolic circuits again as soon
as he reached home. First, he took a rapid survey of
the episcopal city and the nearer missions. ‘Then he
journeyed to western Tennessee, where preparations
were put under way for the erection of two churches;
one of which was certainly in Memphis, the other prob-
ably in Fort Pickering, although the failure of the
proprietors of that town to make it a success rendered
the bishop’s spiritual efforts there abortive.’ On his
return to Nashville, he gave the tonsure and four minor
orders to John O’Dowde and William Howard, and
the tonsure to Ivo Schacht, Saturday, November 27,
1841. On the morrow, the first Sunday of Advent,
O’Dowde received subdeaconship; on Tuesday, No-
vember 30, he became a deacon, and on Sunday,
December 5, 1841, he was raised to the priesthood.’
These were the first ordinations ever administered in
the state of Tennessee. The ritual was carried out with
great solemnity on all four days. Father Stokes acted
1 Bishop Miles secured a deed to land for a church at Memphis on
October 29, 1841.
2 Catholic Advocate of December 25, 1841. Father Stokes’ letter to
that journal is dated December 9, 1841. Everywhere one sees this new
priest’s name given O’Dowd; but in the Nashville records he signs it
O’Dowde. We follow his way of spelling it. Father Schacht’s baptismal
name (he afterwards became a priest) was Ivo; but he wrote the capital I
so much like the capital J that in some early communications it appears
as John, the Ivo evidently being taken for Jno.
371
372 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
as archdeacon; Fathers Hoste and Maguire were
respectively deacon and subdeacon; Father Savelli was
master of ceremonies. The description of the bishop’s
pontifical robes, the cope of the archdeacon, and the
vestments of the other ministers shows that the Journey
abroad had been well rewarded in this regard. Many
non-Catholics were drawn to the church by the novelty
of the spectacle. Happiness filled the hearts of the
faithful, especially of those who had formerly suffered
so much from spiritual starvation.
After the ordination of Father O’Dowde as an
ambassador of Christ, Bishop Miles preached on the
priesthood, and told the people that he was greatly
rejoiced in the hope that the little seminary would help
to supply the diocese with a sufficient number of spiri-
tual shepherds. Father Stokes speaks in high praise of
the eloquence, zeal, and good nature of Father Maguire,
no less than of his success as a missionary in “Kast
Tennessee.” * Of Bishop Miles he writes:
It is indeed gratifying to communicate that wherever he visits
his presence is hailed by the scattered flock, and he receives from
others many proofs of respect and consideration. To you, how-
ever, who know our Bishop so well it will not appear surprising
that he should everywhere secure the esteem and regard of those
with whom he has intercourse. He is indeed most deservedly
popular with all classes. ... You will, I know, rejoice to hear,
Mr. Editor, that in no part of the Union can be found a more
happy and united body than the good Bishop and his clergy.
Indeed, the amiable manners of Bishop Miles attach all to him.
He is truly a father to his clergy and people; and if in other places
3 Father William Walsh is in error, when he states (Facts, August 18,
1894) that the Rev. John M. Jacquet was the first priest in Chattanooga.
It seems all but certain that Bishop Miles and Father Durbin were there
in the fall of 1838, when the place was known as Ross’ Landing; while
there can be no doubt that Father Maguire made the city the center of
his activities at this time.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK | 373
the clergy enjoy advantages we do not possess, in the union and
affection that ought to subsist between a Bishop and his Priests
we of the Diocese of Nashville cannot be excelled. And _ this,
you will admit, is no small compensation for whatever privations
we are subject to.
Two days after the ordination of Father O’Dowde,
the bishop and Father Maguire set out for the southern
counties, whence they seem to have passed over the
Cumberland Mountains into the missions in the south-
eastern part of the state to which that zealous mission-
ary was now devoting his attention. On his return from
this tour, Father Stokes’ next letter informs us, Doctor
Miles prepared a course of lectures on temperance
which he preached at the cathedral in the first part of
the early lent of 1842. That he might set the people
a good example, he, his clergy, and his little band of
seminarians took the pledge in a body in the cathedral
on Sunday, February 27. Immediately after the lec-
tures on temperance, the bishop began another course
of sermons in explanation of the Catholic faith, which
he delivered Sunday after Sunday for two months or
more, and which drew such numbers that the church
was taxed to its utmost capacity.’
In the doctrinal lectures the bishop adopted the plan
of question and answer which he had formerly followed
with no little success in Ohio and Kentucky. Father
Stokes tells us that these discourses attracted so much
attention that many letters were received by mail,
“proposing to the Bishop subjects for discussion and
explanation.” In the same connection the vicar general
writes:
4 Advocate, December 25, 1841.
2 Advocate, April 30, 1842. Stokes’ letter is dated April 19.
374 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
We pray that God may bless this work. Much prejudice will
at least be removed by it; but God alone can bestow the divine
gift of faith. In Nashville, although there is, and must be, con-
siderable prejudice against our faith, slandered as we have been,
without a single voice having been raised in our defence, for so
many years gone by, it gives us pleasure to state that the most
intelligent and best informed of the citizens evince towards us the
kindest feelings, treat our clergy with respect, and manifest a
disposition to learn at least what we really believe.®
Although Bishop Miles seems to have advocated
communion at an early age, he believed that, as a rule,
candidates for confirmation should be well instructed
before they received that sacrament. Possibly it is for
this reason that the earliest record which we find of his
confirming in his own diocese is in April, 1842; and it
was doubtless the first time that he administered the
sacrament there, the delay being due to the difficulty
of proper preparation.‘ Father Stokes’ letter tells of
this event in the cathedral; after which it proceeds to
say:
Since the return of Dr. Miles from Europe, a church has been
erected in East Tennessee through the active zeal of the Rev.
John Maguire; and another in Middle Tennessee, Robertson Coun-
ty. Two more are in progress of being erected in the [ Western? |
District, or West Tennessee, under the superintendence of the
pastor of Memphis, Rev. Mr. McAleer. In our own city of Nash-
ville, on the fine and extensive lot purchased by the Bishop, we
have already commenced the building of our Seminary, which wiil
6 Ibid.
7 According to the Nashville cathedral registry confirmation was ad-
ministered on April 3 and 10; but the record was written sometime after-
ward, for it is signed by Father Alemany who, it seems certain, had not
yet gone to Tennessee. Stokes’ letter (Advocate of April 30, 1842) says
it took place on April 20; but his letter is dated April 19. Besides, it
says that the confirmation was given on Sunday, and April 20, 1842, was
Wednesday. Possibly 20 is a typographical error for 10, and April 10,
1842, is the correct date of the first confirmation given in Nashville.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 375
be completed, it is hoped, by the first of September next. We shall
then have it in our power to accommodate more Seminarians than
at present, and receive a greater number of pupils in our school.®
Father Stokes himself blessed and opened a church
in Robertson County, under the patronage of Saint
Michael, on Sunday, May 8, 1842.° It was a small
log structure situated near Turnersville, seven miles
south of Springfield, and some twenty-six north of
Nashville. In regard to Saint Michael’s, Father Stokes
writes:
Its erection has been effected through the active zeal of a young
man who may be called a convert to our hely religion. He was,
like numbers in Tennessee, born of Catholic parents, but had grown
up without a knowledge of his religion, and in the absence of a
Catholic ministry had become indifferent, or thought equally well
of all. Soon, however, after the arrival of the Bishop of Nashville,
he applied for instruction, and after due time was prepared for
the holy sacraments. The grace of God in him was not inactive;
he soon began to impart his happiness to others; and, possessed
of good natural talents, and thoroughly versed in the doctrines
of the Catholic Church, he soon induced others to investigate [ the |
divine truth. ... You perceive, Mr. Editor, how very humble
our efforts in Tennessee are; and even in the days of primitive
Christianity, when its sacred truths were first announced, there
scarcely could have been more difficulties to be encountered. But
God’s grace alone can effect what no human efforts can accomplish;
and He desires to teach man his own inefficiency, that ‘“‘no flesh
should glory in His sight.”
8 We have not been able to determine where this church in eastern
Tennessee was located, unless it was the temporary structure spoken of in
Father Maguire’s letter of July 11, 1841, which was run up by the work-
men on the railroad near Chattanooga—for which see note 35 of the pre-
ceding chapter. Doubtless the second church in western Tennessee was
the ill-fated one at Fort Pickering. The other was certainly at Memphis.
9 The Advocate of June 4, 1842, says that this event took place on
May 6; but this must be a typographical error for May 8, for the Sun-
days of May, 1842, were 1, 8, 15, 22, and 29.
376 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The Rev. John Maguire, now pastor of the Cathedral, has lately
returned from Jonesboro’, where he visited two edifying converts,
a young lady and her brother, who were received into the Church
more than two years ago by the Bishop, who, when he had no priest
to assist him, undertook this long and painful journey over the
mountains for the purpose. Father Maguire gave us the most
edifying account of the firmness with which they adhere to all the
duties of religion, and their scrupulous observance of all the Church
prescribes. ... The Rev. John O’Dowd has recently visited
several counties in which no Catholic Missionary had ever been
seen before. He met scattered members of the flock almost
everywhere.1°
Until this juncture, or thereabout, Father Stokes
had held the three positions of vicar general, pastor of
the cathedral, and rector of the littl seminary and
college. Now Father Maguire becomes the cathedral’s
rector, whilst he in turn is succeeded by Father
O’Dowde as missionary in southern and eastern Ten-
nessee. As a whole, despite the hardships and priva-
tions that came from poverty, the small number of
priests, and the scattered situation of the few Catholics,
the outlook for the diocese loomed brighter than ever
before.
None of the missionaries manifested greater zeal than
the bishop himself. None toiled harder, or took longer
or more trying journeys, whether on horseback or by
other early ways of travel, for the salvation of souls.
With him it was a principle to set the example which
he wished others to follow. His command was:
“Come,” rather than “Go;” and it was given in action,
rather than by word. In holiness of life all regarded
him as a model.
10 Advocate, June 4, 1842. The two converts at Jonesborough, it will
be recalled, were Robert and Mary F. Aiken. Father Stokes’ letter is
dated May 25, 1842.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 377
The reader can not have forgotten that one of the
first things which Doctor Miles did, after the arrival
of Father Stokes. was to start a Catholic school for
boys in Nashville. Although we have discovered no
documents to that effect, there can be no doubt that
he also sought to obtain nuns for a similar school for
girls in the episcopal city; or that he preferred to have
in this capacity the Dominican Sisters whom he had
helped to establish, and upon whom he perhaps looked
as the crowning glory of his priestly ministry. Doubt-
less also the only obstacle which stood in the way of
securing the services of these daughters of Saint Dom-
iniec, either from Ohio or from Kentucky, was their lack
of numbers at the time. On his return from Europe,
therefore, the bishop directed his thoughts towards the
Sisters of Charity, at Nazareth, near Bardstown,
Kentucky, where his appeal met with a charitable re-
sponse. ‘Touching on this topic in his letter to the
Catholic Advocate, September 15, 1842, Father Stokes
writes:
The Sisters of Charity arrived in our city on Thursday, the 25th
of last month. They were accompanied by their superior, Mr.
[ Joseph] Hazeltine, and the Rev. J[ames] M. Lancaster, Presi-
dent of St. Joseph’s College, Bardstown. On the Sunday following,
28th August, a solemn high mass of thanksgiving, at which the
Bishop assisted, was celebrated by the Vicar General, attended by
the Rev. Messrs. [Louis] Hoste and [Joseph Sadoc] Alemany as
deacon and subdeacon. After Mass, the Rey. Mr. Lancaster
ascended the pulpit, and delivered a most interesting and instruc-
tive discourse on the means of ascertaining the true religion.
He treated the subject in a most lucid and argumentative manner,
and claimed the attention of his numerous audience for more than
an hour. The Protestants, who were present in great numbers,
appeared to be deeply interested.
378 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The day after, the 29th, the Rev. Mr. Lancaster took his
departure for Bardstown, to be present at the commencement of his
college exercises; but the Rev. Mr. Hazeltine remained until a
residence was provided for the Sisters, who in the meantime were
most kindly and affectionately entertained by a respectable lady
of our city, a former pupil of Nazareth [Mrs. T. J. Stevenson].
The Sisters now occupy a large and commodious building, the
late residence of Captain John Williams, on the brow of Camp-
bell’s Hill, a most eligible site. They have already commenced
their school, and with prospects of extensive usefulness. We
thank God sincerely for His mercies to us, and we hope to prove
ourselves by our gratitude worthy of future blessings.!4
Father Stokes’ letters, we feel sure, present a fair
picture of the disposition manifested by the more liberal-
minded non-Catholics towards the Church and the
progress that it was making in Tennessee. ‘Tradition,
no less than this correspondence with the Advocate,
assures us that Bishop Miles’ straightforward char-
acter and gentlemanly ways exerted a strong influence
in the creation of these kindly feelings. However,
possibly because of his own fraternal and optimistic
spirit, Father Stokes appears to have overlooked the
deep-seated prejudices of the masses. Perhaps he had
come into contact with few other than the well-disposed,
and forgot that no bias is more stubborn, more bitter,
or harder to dispel, than religious bias—especially that
begotten of the anti-Catholic propaganda which has
been ceaselessly carried on, throughout the English-
speaking world. It is so today; it was infinitely worse
three quarters of a century ago.
11 Advocate, September 24, 1842; Sister Mary Vincent, Nazareth, De-
cember 15, 1896, to Rev. William Walsh (Nashville Archives). See also
History of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas, pp. 19 ff., and
McGu1, The Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, pp. 114 ff.; but
the Advocate shows these two authors to be in error when they say that
the sisters went to Nashville in 1841.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 379
Thus the introduction of the Sisters of Charity into
Nashville, although a step no less calculated to advance
the cause of education than that of religion, aroused the
ingrained prepossessions of many almost to a frenzy.
A Methodist paper of that city was “absolutely furious
in the expression of its malignity.” The Catholic
Telegraph of Cincinnati took up the unscrupulous
sheet, and showed it no mercy in a lengthy excoriation
of its bigotry and slander.** Bishop Miles, however,
for there is no evidence or tradition to the contrary,
seems to have followed his accustomed course of patient
forbearance, without compromise, which rarely failed
to win favor for the Church as well as for himself.
Doubtless he delivered some doctrinal lectures or ser-
mons at the cathedral in reply, but referred to the
diatribe only by innuendo. This was his usual way of
defense. Again it must have brought good results, for
the school was soon liberally patronized by non-
Catholics.
Their small numbers and multiplicity of labors had
made it impossible for the Friars Preacher to carry out
their desire of aiding the beloved bishop of Nashville.
But it would seem that, on the arrival of Fathers
Francis Cubero and Joseph S. Alemany, two Spanish
brethren, it was decided to give him their services, as
they both wished the sort of missionary work that was
required in Tennessee. The Telegraph of April 25,
1840, states that they had lately arrived from Rome,
and that they were destined for the Diocese of Nash-
ville. It was no doubt in view of this fact that the
report which Bishop Miles sent to the Catholic Almanac
of 1842, after placing Father Stokes at Nashville, and
12 Telegraph, September 17, 1842; and Pilot, April 12, 1845.
380 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father McAleer at Memphis, with the charge of
Jackson, Bolivar, and La Grange, says:
Franklin, Columbia, Shelbyville, Fayetteville, and Winchester—
attended by Rev. Joseph Sadoc Alemany, O.P. Several counties
in East Tennessee are attended by Rev. John Maguire and Rey.
Francis Cubero, O.P. Missionaries for West Tennessee—Rev.
Nicholas Savelli and Rev. Louis Hoste.12
However, necessity demanded that Alemany and
Cubero should be kept in Ohio. Meanwhile, in August,
1841, the Very Rev. Eugene H. Pozzo, O.P., S.T.M.,
arrived, and was stationed at Saint Joseph’s, in that
state. On the other hand, Father Savelli, who came
with him, and whose namevhas already been mentioned,
had grown tired of the Tennessee missions. Possibly,
meeting few who could talk Italian, and knowing
little English, he found life there too lonesome. At any
rate, he left the Diocese of Nashville for that of Saint
Louis about the period of Bishop Miles’ life at which
we have now arrived.’* Probably it was in part to fill
this loss that Father Alemany was now sent to Nash-
ville. His last baptismal record at Zanesville, Ohio,
is dated June 29, 1842; and his earliest at Nashville was
performed on October 9 of the same year. He was the
first Dominican stationed in Tennessee.”
13 Page 147.
14 The Catholic Almanac for 1843 shows him as assistant to Father
Francis Cellini at Saint Michael’s, Fredericktown, Missouri. The next
year he was pastor in the same place, and remained there until 1846,
when he went to New Orleans. Here he was appointed pastor of the
parish of Plaquemine, where he labored efficiently for eleven years. He
was foully murdered on October 3, 1857, by members of an Italian secret
society. See Catholic Telegraph, November 7, 1857.
15 The baptismal records of Nashville at this time are so few and far
apart that they enable us to determine the date of a new priest’s coming
only approximately. The Catholic Herald of Philadelphia, August 12, 1841,
says: “Two Italian missionaries, Rev. Mr. Tavelli [Savelli], for the diocess
of Nashville, and Rev. Father Pozzo, of the Order of Preachers, for the
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 381
The next letter on the diocese is from Robertson
County, and is dated November 15, 1842. The sig-
nature of “S.”, together with the unmistakable style and
spirit of Father Stokes, leaves no doubt as to its
authorship. Here we find a detailed account of the
confirmation of a small class at Saint Michael’s two
days before. Curiosity to see and hear a Catholic bishop
brought a large crowd to the church. Before the cere-
mony, our prelate preached on confirmation and the
mass; afterwards he delivered a sermon on faith.
Perhaps it was his masterful use of the Scriptures, no
less than his splendid voice, that made those of his
audience who could not gain entrance into the little
log church wait around the edifice, in spite of the
inclement weather, for he could be heard almost as
distinctly without as within."®
Tennessee was now to experience a far greater loss
than that which it had suffered through the departure
of Father Savelli. At first, Father Stokes offered his
services to the Diocese of Nashville for only one year.
Possibly he remained until this time because of his love
and admiration for Bishop Miles, and his pity for the
people in their state of spiritual destitution. Hven
before going to Tennessee, he appears to have thought
of entering the Society of Jesus.*. The Catholic Advo-
cate of October 8, 1842, announces: ““We understand
that the Very Rev. Joseph Stokes, Vicar General of
Nashville, has resigned his office, and proceeded to the
College of the Jesuits, in Marion County, Kentucky,
diocess of Cincinnati, have just arrived from Leghorn in our Port. Rev.
Mr. Tavelli [Savelli] left Rome in the middle of May.”
16 Advocate, December 2, 1842.
17 Father Stokes to Bishop Purcell, Septemebr 15, 1839 (Cincinnati
Archives).
382 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
with a view to unite himself to that distinguished order.”
While this statement, for the reason given above,
seems to have been erroneous in that it states that
Father Stokes had already left the diocese, 1t was
evidently true as regards his intention. 'The Catholic
Almanac for 1843, doubtless because the report of the
diocese had been sent before his resignation, still gives
him as vicar general of Nashville; but that for 1844
places him at Saint Mary’s College, with “S. J.” after
his name.*® In the departure of Father Stokes, which
no one could have regretted more than Bishop Miles
himself, the young Diocese of Nashville lost not only
a good priest, a zealous missionary, and a clergyman
whose cheerful disposition must have been a source of
joy in the hard lives of his co-laborers, but also a
splendid publicity man. Because of his letters to the
Advocate on the early Church there, he deserves the title
of the first Catholic historian of Tennessee.”
18 Almanac, 1843, p. 105; Almanac, 1844, p. 150.
19 Father Stokes was born in Ireland, studied at Carlow, and was or-
dained there for the Diocese of Charleston, December 21, 1822. Then he
spent a year in the Archdiocese of Dublin, probably at Maynooth pre-
paring to teach in Bishop England’s seminary and college. But the U. S.
Catholic Miscellany of June 15, 1825, says: “Columbia [South Carolina]:
The Rev. Joseph Stokes has been appointed to take charge of this and
the neighboring congregations until some further arrangements can be
made, and he has arrived to take charge of his flock.” This is the first
mention of him that we have found. He remained at Columbia until
about 1829, when he was transferred to Savannah, Georgia, of which he
was pastor until 1835. All these ten years he was one of the most active
missionaries of the Charleston Diocese. From Savannah he went to
Portsmouth, Virginia; but after about a year there he became rector of
the seminary at Cincinnati, whence he went to Nashville. In all these
places he was regarded as a fine scholar and eloquent preacher.
Soon finding that his vocation was not to a religious life, he left
Saint Mary’s College, in Kentucky, and then labored for a while (1844-
1845) at Saint Joseph’s Church, New York City. From 1845 to 1851 he
was at Saint John’s, Utica, New York. In 1851 he became pastor at New
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 383
A further glimpse of the zeal of the Father of the
Church in Tennessee for the beauty of God’s temple
and divine worship, as well as of the way in which he
had been aided in this regard by the generosity of Cath-
lics abroad, is afforded by a letter of a transient who
styles himself “Philadelphian” to the Catholic Advocate
from Nashville, December 31, 1842. First, he tells
how, in spite of the beauty of the place and its favored
location, his heart had been rent on a former business
visit, some years before, at the sight of its dilapidated
church, no less than at the thought that among such a
splendid people “God’s best gift to man, His one and
true religion, was scarcely known.” 'Then he proceeds
to say:
I return, and with joy beheld on last Christmas morning its
sanctuary dignified by a Bishop, . ... surrounded by a youth-
ful and efficient clergy, and its church thronged by many of the
most intelligent and reflecting men of Nashville. All was calcu-
lated to excite in my mind the most pleasurable feelings—contrast-
ing the appearances and circumstances that then surrounded me
with those, as I knew them, of other days. ... But my attention
was soon directed to the preparations that were being made for
the celebration of the holy sacrifice of the Mass by the Bishop,
who with two attendant priests, robed in vestments surpassing any-
thing of the kind I ever saw in richness of material and chasteness
of design, performed the solemn sacrifice with an air of most
unfeigned piety and heartfelt devotion.
He appeared in pretty good health. He is naturally majestic,
his bearing bespeaking the dignity of his character. He still seems
to have some of the vigor of manhood blending with the approaching
majesty of age; and gives hope that he may still survive many
London, Connecticut; in 1852, the bishop of Hartford, who then lived in
Providence, Rhode Island, took him to that city, and made him his vicar
general. He died on July 16, 1854, at Saratoga, where he seems to have
gone for his health. He was a splendid priest, but seems to have had
somewhat of a roving disposition, perhaps brought about by his long
missionary life.
384 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
years, cheering his little flock by his serene hilarity, strengthening
his clergy by his evangelical example, and decorating his humble
Cathedral by his venerable appearance. Every one with whom
I conversed about him, Catholic or Protestant, united in the one
general sentiment of praise. All spoke highly of him. I cannot
describe to you the thrill of delight which almost paralyzed my
senses, when he entoned the “Gloria in Excelsis.” His voice is
correct, soft, mellifluous, vast in compass, and charming in effect.
He was well responded to by the gush of a rich tide of harmony,
bursting forth with almost magic effect from a full choir.?°
After the mass, the Rev. John Maguire, a young man
whom all regard as possessed of “surpassing talents,”
preached an eloquent and learned sermon suited to the
occasion. At vespers in the evening, the church was
again packed to its utmost capacity alike by Catholics
and non-Catholics. Again Father Maguire preached,
but this time his sermon was the continuation of a series
of lectures which he is giving on the “Rule of Faith.”
The discourse was splendidly adapted for a mixed audi-
ence. On neither occasion was the music “surpassed by
any church in Philadelphia.” Another great surprise
was the presence of the Sisters of Charity, who are
located in one of the most beautiful and retired situ-
ations in the city.”*
Despite his physical appearance, Bishop Miles’
strength was taxed almost to the snapping point by
labors. which were not only excessively hard, but also
without end or intermission. For fear lest his beloved
diocese should be left, even for a short time, without
the guidance of a supreme pastor caused him to think
seriously of a coadjutor. ‘To Archbishop Eccleston,
who had notified him of the fifth provincial council to
be held in Baltimore the next May, he wrote on Feb-
ruary 11, 18438:
20 Advocate, January 7, 1843. 21 [bid.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 385
Your kind favour of the 30th January, announcing the time for
the council, has just come to hand. Your first never reached
me. I do not know that I have anything to propose to the Council
worthy of its attention; but I think there is an abuse in the publica-
tion of prayer-books that calls for some attention. There appears
to be too great a variety; and some of them contain expressions that
are calculated to scandalize Protestants. In some of the prayers
addressed to the Blessed Virgin she is styled Divine; in others
“our only hope.” In a Protestant country such expressions, I
think, are calculated to do much injury to religion. I wish to
propose to the Council, if I do not obtain it before, the appointment
of a Coadjutor for the Diocese of Nashville, as my health is de-
clining. I feel myself unable to attend to the arduous duties
incumbent on me.
I had not forgotten the request of the poor negro belonging to
the Carmelites; but my endeavours to find his wife and children
have, so far, been unsuccessful. I have found a coloured man in
Nashville who is acquainted with the affair, and who has promised
me to inquire into it. Be kind enough to assure the poor fellow
that I will do all in my power to serve him.??
Tradition, supported by every sign, tells us that the
bishop’s choice for a coadjutor was the Rev. Martin
J. Spalding. Doubtless it was in part to prepare
Nashville for such an event that the distinguished divine
was brought to the city for a course of lectures in
March, 1843. The report of these discourses to the
Advocate may easily be read in such a light, no less
than in that of appeasing the ecclesiastical authorities
of Kentucky for the loss of so useful a clergyman.
“Idem,” as the correspondent signs himself, speaks
at length of the effect which Doctor Spalding produced
on his crowded audiences, irrespective of creed; of his
magnificent panegyric of Saint Patrick, Sunday,
March 26; of how he was admired by all classes in
the episcopal city; and of the good which he had
22 Baltimore Archives, Case 25, M 7.
26
386 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
accomplished in the way of further dispelling religious
prejudices. The article begins with an expression of
gratitude to Kentucky for the many blessings which
Tennessee has received from that state through the
missionaries sent to keep alive the spark of Catholic
faith in the hearts of the people, but especially for the
gift of the diocese’s beloved pastor. In this latter
connection, it says:
Tennessee is indebted, even more than this, to Kentucky in
sending her a bishop, a spiritual father to her children in the
faith—one whose noble heart yearns for their welfare; one whose
life, and health, and faculties are incessantly and unsparingly
devoted to their eternal and temporal well-being.?°
Father John Maguire, who is said to have wielded
a facile pen, was probably the author of this communt-
cation. In the light of tradition, the letter of Bishop
Miles about the council at Baltimore, the friendship that
existed between him and the former president of Saint
J oseph’s College, and the popularity enjoyed by Doctor
Spalding at Nashville, the import of the document
would seem to be: Since Kentucky has done so much
for 'Tennessee, let these good deeds now be crowned by
giving the venerable head of our diocese the man whom
he wishes to have as his coadjutor.
Bishop Miles kept a watchful eye over even the most
isolated of his scattered flock, and sought to keep alive
their faith by letters of encouragement as well as by
sending them a priest whenever he could. His big
heart and broad zeal went out to all. A letter to Robert
and Mary F. Aiken in far-off Washington County will
serve as an example of how he forgot no one. Although
occupied with preparations for his journey to the
council, no less than with the affairs to which he had to
23 Advocate, April 8, 1843.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 387
attend before leaving home, on the eve of his departure,
he wrote:
Nashville, April 30, 1843.
My dear Children:—
The approach of the anniversary of your baptism and _ first
communion reminds me of a duty which I have delayed too long.
Knowing that some of my clergymen corresponded with you, and
being overpowered with business since my return home, I have
left that pleasing duty principally to them. I am just on the eve
of setting out for Baltimore to be present at the Provincial Council,
which commences on the fourteenth of May; and in order that you
may have an opportunity to approach the holy sacraments I have
directed Rev. Mr. O’Dowd to visit you for that purpose. He
will set out for East Tennessee in two days, and will be with you
about the middle of the month. He has to call at Athens and
some other places where there are Catholics, in order to afford
them the same opportunity.
I am delighted to hear that you remain firm in the faith and in
the practice of good works; and I trust in the goodness and mercy
of God that you will persevere to the end. Heaven cannot fail
to bless such fidelity; and although you seem almost left without
a protecting arm to defend you, yet He who looks down with an
eye of complacency from His seat of glory will never suffer you
to be deserted so long as you are faithful to your engagements.
Take courage then, my dear children. A great reward awaits
you; for after the few years of toil and trouble amidst trials and
temptations shall have passed away, that beneficent Father, for
whose love you have sustained the combat, will reward your labours
with a crown of immortal glory.
This life with all its troubles must soon pass away. How
cheering then is the prospect which futurity presents! The eye
hath not seen nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart
of man what God hath prepared for them that love Him (I Cor.,
II, 9). Let us then continually aspire to the possession of those
things that are promised us. Let us sigh continually for that happy
country, where we shall be eternally inebriated, as the Psalmist
expresses it, with the plenty of God’s house, and be made to drink
of the torrent of His pleasure; for there with Him is the fountain
388 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
of life (Psalm XXXI)—the great river of the water of life, clear
as crystal, which proceeds from the throne of God and of the
Lamb.
I am obliged from want of time to close my letter. Please
remember me kindly to your excellent parents, and pray for your
affectionate father in God.
I am, my dear children,
Sincerely yours in Christ,
T Richard Pius Miles, Bishop of Nashville.*!
No better proof that the saintly prelate was pressed
for time is needed than that he did not visit his beloved
alma mater of Saint Rose on his way east to the fifth
provincial council; for there he found such rest of soul
in the calm of the place, the memories of former days,
and the attachment of his early friends that he would
not have passed it by, had he found it possible to visit
the convent. The Catholic Telegraph of May 6, 1843,
shows that he had already passed through Cincinnati.
Father Pozzo of Saint Joseph’s was his theologian at
the council; but we did not discover whether he took
the longer route by way of Somerset, Ohio, in order to
travel with his official adviser, or proceeded directly
from Cincinnati to Baltimore, and engaged the services
of that learned Friar Preacher by letter.”
The council convened on May 14, and lasted for one
week. Salutary laws and regulations were enacted for
the government of our American Church; the Holy
Father was asked for the erection of new episcopal
sees at Pittsburgh, Chicago, Milwaukee, Hartford, and
Little Rock, together with the establishment of a vica-
riate apostolic in Oregon; Father Ignatius Reynolds
24 Tetter Addressed “Mr. Robert P. Aiken, near Jonesborough, Wash-
ington County, Tennessee’”’ (Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province).
25 United States Catholic Magazine, II, 377.
BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 389
was proposed as successor of Doctor England at
Charleston, Father John McCloskey (afterwards our
first cardinal) for coadjutor of New York, and Father
John B. Fitzpatrick for the same position in Boston.”*
What action was taken in regard to a coadjutor to
Bishop Miles, or whether he actually requested that the
council should solicit the appointment of one for him,
we could not ascertain.
Possibly the fathers of the council, misled by the
deceptive outward appearance of the holy man’s health,
and convinced that the maintenance of two prelates
would be an excessive tax on Tennessee’s few Catholics,
persuaded him to bear the burden of his labors alone for
a while longer. Perhaps also they overlooked the fact
that Father Spalding was well able to support himself,
which was not unlikely one of the reasons why Doctor
Miles specially desired him for the place of coadjutor.
However, there can be little doubt that the expres-
sions of good-will which he received from his brethren
in the hierarchy cheered the hard-working man to
renewed efforts, at the same time that he found a source
of courage and consolation in the ever-increasing
number of our bishops and in the proofs that he thus
saw of the Church’s growth throughout the country.
A further happiness was the presence of a former
confrere whom he had not seen for some years, and
whom Doctor Loras of Dubuque brought to the coun-
cil as his theologian—Father Samuel C. Mazzuchelli.
From Baltimore the subject of our narrative, probably
on the invitation of Bishop Kenrick (whose estrange-
ment was now a thing of the past), went to Philadelphia
26 Concilia Provinciaha Baltimori, pp. 207 ff; Umted States Catholic
Magazine, II, 376-378; Sura, History of the Church, III, 459-461.
390 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
in search of means to help him out with the needs of his
poor diocese. While there he also preached in Saint
Joseph’s Church in behalf of the orphans of that city.”
Immediately that his business in the north was
completed the apostolic man hurried back to his own
dear Tennessee, where he took up again the endless
round of labors. By the fall of 1843 Father McAleer
had succeeded in erecting a substantial brick church
in Memphis, to which he gave the name of Saint Peter.
Accordingly, Bishop Miles now made another visit
through the western part of the state. At Memphis
he administered the sacrament of confirmation in the
new church; while at Jackson, in default of a temple
of Catholic worship there, he performed the same cere-
mony in the house of one of the faithful. Hverywhere
he gladdened hearts as much by the sunshine of his
disposition as by the warmth of his zeal and the piety
of his sermons.”*
Hardly had he returned to Nashville when he
ordained two young men from his little seminary.
They were William Howard who was born in Ireland,
and Ivo Schacht, a native of Belgium. They received
subdeaconship on the first Sunday of advent, Decem-
ber 3, 1843; on the twenty-third of the same month they
were given the order of deacon; and on the next day,
Sunday, December 24, they were raised to the priest-
hood during a solemn pontifical mass. Father Hoste,
now the vicar general, assisted as deacon, and Father
Alemany as subdeacon. Unless he was out on the
missions, F'ather Maguire must have been the master
27 Herald, May 5, and June 1, 1843. The tradition of Nashville is that
Bishop Miles obtained more financial aid from Philadelphia than from
any other place in the United States.
28 Advocate, January 6, 1844.
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BRIGHTER OUTLOOK 391
of ceremonies, for he was the rector of the cathedral.
After the mass, the bishop made a soulful and touching
address to the newly ordained, with which, for the sake
of those who thronged the little cathedral, were inter-
woven explanations of the sublime ceremonies per-
formed on the two young men.”
Bishop Miles loved the ritual of the Church. A
southerner himself by both birth and rearing, he under-
stood the people of that section of the country, and knew
well their love of the sublime and beautiful. For
these reasons, although he could command no more
than a handful of clergymen, he shrank from no incon-
venience or even hardship in order to sing a solemn
pontifical mass in the cathedral at least on the major
feasts of the year. He saw too how non-Catholics
were ever present in numbers on these occasions, felt
that they offered an opportunity for making the life
and teachings of the Church better known, and hoped
that they might result in conversions. Thus on the
morrow of the ordination just mentioned, which was
Christmas Day, he treated Nashville to another of those
exquisite celebrations which can be found only in the
Catholic Church. In a letter dated at Nashville,
December 28, 1843, “Amicus” writes:
At ten o’clock the church was crowded to excess, principally by
Protestants, to witness solemn high mass to be sung by the Bishop.
The church was tastefully decorated by the pious Sisters of
Charity, and presented a beautiful appearance. At half-past ten
o'clock the choir, under the direction of Mr. King of Philadelphia,
assisted by several other gentlemen of the city who kindly offered
their services, performed in a manner highly creditable. Mr.
Joseph McEvoy, one of the seminarians, presided: at the organ;
and when the Venite Adoremus was intoned in heavenly strains,
29 Ibid.
392 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
there dropped many a tear from the pious flock in humble adoration
before their God.
The Bishop, being robed in his rich pontificals, accompanied by
Very Rev. Lewis Hoste, V.G., as deacon, and Rev. Joseph Ale-
many, O.P., as subdeacon, intoned high mass in a thrilling and
sweet tone, so peculiar to him, and so well known to all who ever
had the happiness to hear him sing high mass. The Rev. Mr.
Schacht acted as master of ceremonies, and conducted all with
the skill of one well acquainted with such ceremonies. After mass,
Rev. John Maguire, the pastor of this congregation, who by his
active zeal has done so much for religion, ascended the pulpit and
delivered an eloquent and impressive discourse.
The whole was to the Catholics of Nashville a day of joy and
consolation. And we cannot be sufficiently grateful to God for
sending to us a father who has placed all his solicitude in our
welfare, and who, notwithstanding the many difficulties he has to
contend with in his poor diocese, endeavours to educate, under his
own immediate direction, a priesthood which, I hope, are ready to
sacrifice every human consideration, and, like generous souls, to
devote themselves to this emphatically arduous mission.®?
Such was the state of the Diocese of Nashville at the
close of the first period of its founder’s labor after his
journey to Europe in its behalf. Under the circum-
stances, and with the same limited means, no man could
have accomplished more, or reasonably expected greater
progress. While his zeal doubtless sighed for a more
rapid growth of Catholicity in every way, Bishop Miles
might well have congratulated himself on what he had
done for religion in Tennessee. Possibly, all in all, he
was satisfied, for we have found no expression of regret,
or of fear lest something had been left untried, even
though he was not one who would hesitate to criticize
himself.
30 Ibid.
CHAPTER XVII
LOSSES AND GAINS
Bisuor Miles’ zeal caused him to rejoice in the
reports which he received of the advance of Catholicity
in other parts of the country, even though its progress
in his own diocese was slow and uphill. It delighted
him to hear of the appointment of new bishops. How-
ever busy he might be, if at all possible, he sought to
give them the pleasure of his presence at their conse-
cration. ‘Thus, in spite of the fact that he was over-
whelmed with care at this time, he journeyed to
Cincinnati in order to act as assistant at the consecration
of the Right Revs. Ignatius Reynolds for Charleston
and John M. Henni for Milwaukee. The ceremony
was performed, March 19, 1844, by Bishop Purcell in
the cathedral built by the apostle of Ohio. Doctor
Michael O’Connor of Pittsburgh was the other assis-
tant.*
Meanwhile, apparently near the close of the previous
year (1843), Father O’Dowde, who had charge of the
missions formerly attended by Father Maguire south
of Nashville and in eastern Tennessee, had grown weary
of his lonesome life there, and gone to the Diocese of
New York. There he was given charge of Brownsville,
Carthage, Copenhagen, and Watertown, in the present
Diocese of Ogdensburg. As his name disappears from
1 Advocate, March 23 and 30, 1844.
393
394 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the Catholic Almanac after 1846, he probably returned
to Ireland about that time.” His place in Tennessee
was taken by the Rev. William Fennelly, who seems
to have come from the cathedral of Boston. It is pos-
sible, however, that Father Fennelly offered his
services to Bishop Miles merely until Fathers Howard
and Schacht could be ordained and placed; for we find
him at Maysville, Kentucky, in 1845, where he built
Saint Patrick’s Church.*
Father Stokes has told us of the model community
life led by the diocesan clergy at Nashville, where the
Bishop’s kindly character made every one happy, in
spite of the privations imposed by poverty. ‘The priests
were principally supported by means sent to the diocese
from abroad. Economy of the strictest kind was a
necessity. Doubtless it was this that caused all the
clergy, with the exception of Father McAleer in
Memphis, to make their home with their beloved prelate,
though the greater number of them were practically
2 Catholic Almanac, 1845, pp. 86-89; 1846, pp. 107-110. Father O’Dowde
was educated partly at Mount Saint Mary’s, Emmitsburg, and partly in
Nashville. Possibly he had made some of his studies before coming to
America. Not a few early missionaries, finding life in the then undeveloped
United States harder than they anticipated, returned to their native lands
after a few years of poorly requited toil.
3 Almanac, 1845, p. 131. There was a “Rev. Mr. Fennelly” at Boston
for several years. The Almanac for 1844 (p. 143) gives his first name
as “Lewis”; but the records at Nashville and subsequent Almanacs show
that this was an error. In 1846, he took charge of various missions in
Breckinridge and Daviess counties, Kentucky. In 1850, he went to the
Diocese of Albany, New York, where he labored on various missions until
his death. He was killed by a train, February 6, 1886. He was then
pastor of Saint Patrick’s Church, Oneida, and eighty-six years of age.
In the olden days of setting type by hand, when an error got into the
Almanac it often remained a long time. Until the last years of his life,
Father Fennelly’s name was very often written Finnelly. At Oneida
he baptized Father Francis D. McShane, one of the censors of this
book.
LOSSES AND GAINS 395
always on the road. ‘They were hunters of souls who
could spare little time for domestic comforts.
This arrangement continued for some years, appar-
ently until after the ordination of Fathers Schacht
and Howard. Their advancement to the priesthood no
doubt combined with the expected arrival of Father
Samuel L. Montgomery, one of the bishop’s early
companions in labor, to determine the Father of the
Church in Tennessee, in spite of his slender financial
resources, to attempt a more convenient and efficient
disposition of his clerical forces. Father Montgomery,
the second Friar Preacher stationed at Nashville, seems
to have arrived about the end of April, 1844. ‘Though
somewhat advanced in age, he still retained much of
his former strength and vigor. He too lived in the
bishop’s house, whence he attended adjacent missions,
as well as made himself useful generally.*
Prior to the acquisition of this new helper, Father
Schacht had taken residence at Clarksville, where he
immediately began the erection of a brick church, the
corner-stone for which he laid on June 11, 1844.
Eight counties constituted his parish. In Humphreys
County, where the bishop had secured a large area of
land and was endeavoring to establish a Catholic
colony, Father Schacht also soon had a church under
way near Waverly. Preparations were started for a
third on a lot donated for the purpose by Francis
Rogan, seven miles from Gallatin. ‘The last two fanes
were log structures, it is true, but they were neat and
well-built, and in their day considered quite good
4 Father Montgomery’s arrival at Nashville may be approximated from
his last baptismal record at Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, April 16, 1844.
396 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
enough. Saint Michael’s, Robertson County, was also
in Father Schacht’s district.”
Shortly after his return from the episcopal conse-
erations in Cincinnati, Bishop Miles made another
journey through eastern Tennessee. On May 12, 1844,
he confirmed Robert and Mary F. Aiken at Jones-
borough. Possibly he took Father Howard with him,
and it was at this time that the young priest was
stationed at Montgomery, then the capital of Morgan
County, thus becoming the first resident pastor of east
Tennessee. “He carries with him to the mountains,”
says a correspondent of the Advocate, “ardent zeal,
and unaffected piety,’ indispensable requisites for per-
severance in his lonely situation.°®
When Nashville was definitely chosen as the capital
of Tennessee (1843), it at once became certain that
Campbell’s Hull would be selected for the location of
the state-house. In like manner, probabilities had
begun to loom strong that railroads and other works
of public utility would eventually encroach on the
neighborhood in which stood the episcopal residence.
Accordingly, on the advice of friends, perhaps no less
than pursuant to his own judgment, Bishop Miles now
cast about for property in another location, whereon
to erect his proposed new cathedral. A plot of ground,
one hundred and twenty-two feet in length by seventy
in width, on the corner of Cedar and Summer streets
was secured from Vernon Stephenson at a cost of four
5 Advocate, June 22, 1844. The letter to its editor was written at
Clarksville, June 14, 1844.
6 Advocate, June 22, 1844; Catholic Almanac, 1845, p. 128; cathedral
records of Nashville. Montgomery, a mere hamlet, is about two miles
from the present Wartburg. This letter to the Advocate was written at
Nashville, June 8, 1844.
LOSSES AND GAINS 397
thousand four hundred and forty dollars. The land
ran along the southern side of Cedar and faced west on
Summer, which is now Fifth Avenue. Preparations
were begun at once for a sacred edifice there.’
The corner-stone of the structure was laid on the
Feast of Corpus Christi, June 6, 1844, Curiosity,
favored by a beautiful day, brought an immense crowd
to see a spectacle which was the first of its kind in
Nashville. Major Daniel Graham, a Presbyterian and
former state comptroller, whose home stood on the
northeast corner of Summer and Cedar streets (just
across from the proposed church), not only gave the
use of his mansion to the bishop and clergy for the
occasion, but also permitted a platform to be erected
in front of it. Father Maguire held his large audience
spellbound during a long, learned, and eloquent sermon,
an outline of which is given in the Advocate.”
After the sermon, Bishop Miles, his priests, and the
little band of seminarians proceeded with the ceremony
of blessing and laying the corner-stone. ‘Tall, straight,
graceful, and handsome even in advancing years, the
venerable prelate, always majestic in appearance, must
have been especially so when clothed in the rich pon-
tifical robes which he had received from abroad. He
towered above all around him. The Advocate’s corres-
pondent tells us as much. But what appears to have
attracted his attention in a special manner was the good
order preserved on the occasion, the great regard in
which the bishop was held by all classes, and the fact
that the non-Catholics of the city contributed far more
7Deed Book VI, 675-676 (Recorder’s Office, Nashville); Nashville
Sunday Herald, January 12, 1890. The deed is dated March 30, 1844.
8 Letter of June 8, 1844, to the editor of the Advocate as in note 6.
398 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
towards the enterprise than did those who professed
the faith. All this he attributes to the “zeal, piety, and
gentlemanly courtesy of Doctor Miles,” whose example
is faithfully followed by his clergy.? Writing to a
friend at the time, the bishop himself says:
We laid the corner-stone of our Cathedral on Corpus Christi,
which ceremony was witnessed by a large crowd of our citizens
who conducted themselves on that occasion with as much propriety
as could have been expected even in Baltimore. Father Maguire
gave a fine discourse which has been much spoken of since. After
the discourse, we went in procession from Major Graham’s to
the cross erected in the foundations. This is the first time that
the Mitre and Crozier have been seen in the streets of Nashville,
and [they] must have produced»strange feelings in many who had
not seen them before. There was, notwithstanding, great quiet
throughout [ the ceremony |.
One of the occurrences of that day which, I think, is worthy of
particular notice is that Major Graham, who is a Presbyterian,
should have treated us with such liberality. Tell me, can Baltimore
boast anything like it? Our foundation is gradually rising; and
in a few years we hope to have a temple for worship in some
degree worthy of the Great Being for whom we intend it. You,
who have seen and felt our privation in this respect, can give your
Baltimore friends some idea of it. I say some idea, for it is
impossible for those who never experienced anything of the kind
to form an adequate idea of it.!°
These advances were not slow to raise a storm of
indignation in some minds. Sectarian journals as well
as pulpits sounded alarms against the progress of
Catholicity. Bishop Miles and Father Maguire took
9 See preceding note. The writer of the communication signs himself
“Viator”, and was probably a visiting clergyman. He states that in the
papers placed in the corner-stone Father Alemany is given as the vicar
general; but this is a mistake, for Father Hoste held that position.
10 Miles, Nashville, June 13, 1844, to Mrs. Emilie Sanders, Baltimore
(Francis X. Reuss Collection, Archives of American Catholic Historical
Society of Philadelphia). Mrs. Charles Sanders, an exemplary Catholic,
was a native of Baltimore, and was visiting her people at the time.
LOSSES AND GAINS 399
these attacks as a matter of course. But Father
Schacht, younger and more impulsive, came back at the
chief instigators with replies that must have made them
wince. His answers were strong, logical, and well-
written.”
Prior to going to Tennessee, Father Alemany had
been sent to Cuba in search of means to help not only
his brethren, but also Bishop Miles. After the depar-
ture of Father Stokes, the Spanish Friar Preacher
succeeded him as rector of the little seminary at Nash-
ville. No stricter or more conscientious man could have
been selected for the place. How careful he was in
regard to those who applied for admission may be seen
from the following note to Bishop Blanc.
I would be very thankful to you, if you would be so kind as to
give me whatever information you might about the morals and
conduct of Mr. , that young man who lived with you at
the end of 1841. I cannot see how, if he was destined by Almighty
God to be a clergyman, you did not keep him for your diocese;
or how, if you had clergymen enough, he did not make beforehand
some application to some other place. I beg of you to be so
good as to give me some information about it; which will oblige
me still more, and keep stronger in my memory the kindness and
attention used by you and your whole house in my passing through
New Orleans, going to and coming from Habana.”
In the early summer of the same year our busy
prelate had Father Alemany send a brief account of
11 Advocate, August 24 and December 7, 1844.
12 Letter written at Nashville, January 21, 1844 (Notre Dame Archives).
The name of the addressee is not on the letter, but the context supplies it.
In the same archives is a letter of Miles without either date or the ad-
dressee’s name, but both are shown by the contents and the letter of Ale-
many just quoted. Miles tells Blanc that he is forwarding to his care
a letter for Alemany who is going to Cuba “on the quest.” It was at
this time that Father Alemany obtained in Cuba a large crucifix which is
now on the main altar at Saint Joseph’s, Somerset, Ohio, and which is
considered one of the finest in the United States.
400 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the diocese to the Propaganda. ‘Tennessee, it says, has
a population of 850,000, among whom there are some
eleven hundred Catholics. English is the language
ordinarily used, but in some places German is spoken.
The clergy, counting the bishop, are eight in number.
There are five churches and chapels built. Besides
these, there are three churches in course of construction,
among which is the new cathedral of Nashville, whose
corner-stone was laid on the Feast of Corpus Christi,
or the sixth day of June just past. The diocesan sem-
inary is under the direction of a Dominican. ‘The Sis-
ters of Charity, seven in number, have a convent and
a school attended by eighty pupils.”®
Bishop Miles was an ardent believer in Catholic
education, and even strove to do whatever he could for
the advancement of the negro. In spite of his untoward
circumstances, Father Alemany tells us, he had “two
schools for young men and boys—one in Nashville,
and another in Memphis.” ‘There was also “a free
school for the colored people” in the episcopal city. At
this time, the male school for the whites of Nashville
was kept in connection with the seminary; while that
for the blacks would seem to have been conducted, in
the best way that it could, in the former frame church
on Capitol Hill. Possibly Father McAleer had Eugene
Magevney give religious instruction to the youths of
Saint Peter’s Parish after hours, and for this reason
Alemany’s relation classifies the “Memphis Academy”
as a Catholic school.“
13 Propaganda Archives, America Centrale, Vol. XII]I—copy in Nash-
ville Archives.
14 This is the earliest mention we have seen of a Catholic school in
Memphis.
LOSSES AND GAINS 401
In his love of learning, the Father of the Church in
Tennessee was in quest of books wherever he went.
From Europe, where Bishop O’Finan proved one of his
best patrons in that regard, he obtained many volumes.
With these collections not only was the little seminary
well supplied for the time, but also, as we learn from the
Alemany relation and other sources, two circulating
libraries were started—one in Nashville, and the other
at Saint Michael’s. Doctor Miles’ object in the estab-
lishment of these libraries, Father Alemany states, was
to afford those who loved to read, whether Catholic or
non-Catholic, an opportunity to become informed on the
teachings of the Church.”
Meanwhile, Father N. D. Young had been elected
prior at Saint Rose’s. Anxious to celebrate in a
befitting manner possibly the first Saint Dominic’s
Day which he had spent at that institution since he was
a student there, Father Young persuaded Bishop Miles,
then on business in Kentucky, to grace the occasion with
his presence. Several Jesuit Fathers and Scholastics
came from Saint Mary’s. ‘The Rev. William Murphy,
president of the college, preached the panegyric.
Bishop Miles sang the solemn pontifical mass, at which
he gave minor orders to three Dominican students, and
conferred subdeaconship on Brothers Sydney Albert
Clarkson and Joseph Thomas Ryan. The church was
not large enough to admit all who came for the
ceremonies.
Exhausted by his labors at home, our venerable
prelate rested for a little more than a week at Saint
Rose’s and Saint Catherine’s. ‘The love which the peo-
15 The yearly Catholic Almanacs; Miles, Rome, February 18, 1841, to
Bishop O’Finan, O.P. (Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province).
27
402 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
ple of the parish bore him made them ever anxious to
have him confirm their children. Accordingly, on
Sunday, August 11, 1844, he again administered the
sacrament of confirmation at Saint Rose’s, before which
he spoke to the children on the graces which confir-
mation would bestow upon them, and the obligations
which they were about to assume. After the high mass,
he delivered a sermon on death which brought tears to
every eye.”
But we soon find the tireless man back in his own
diocese, and occupied with its needs. On December 8,
1844, he dedicated the Church of the Immaculate
Conception, built by> Father Schacht at Clarksville.
Before the ceremony, the bishop gave an “explanation
of its character and object.” Father Maguire preached
after the dedication. In the evening of the same day,
Bishop Miles gave another sermon, and administered
confirmation. “A mitred Bishop and priests in their
respective robes,” writes the Advocate’s correspondent,
“had never been seen publicly in our town; and you
may well judge, Mr. Editor, of the anxious looks of
the multitude.” ‘The non-Catholics were so taken with
the holy prelate that many asked the favor of speaking
with him. This he readily granted, and they were so
well pleased that a goodly number of them thereafter
attended the Immaculate Conception on the Sundays
when mass was said at Clarksville.
Saint Patrick’s, near Waverly, Humphreys County,
progressed more slowly. Father Schacht himself dedi-
cated this church on Easter Sunday, March 23, 1845."°
16 Advocate, August 25, 1844.
17 Advocate, April 12, 1845. 18 [bid.
Rey lV OMmCHACGHT REV. WILLIAM HOWARD
THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION CHURCH
CLARKSVILLE’S FIRST CHURCH, AND TWO PRIESTS
ORDAINED BY BISHOP MILES
LOSSES AND GAINS 403
Meantime, Father Maguire had apparently been sent
to Saint Louis on business in connection with the
Nashville cathedral, for it was necessary to seek in many
places the means required for its completion. Sunday,
January 19, 1845, he preached in the church attached
to Saint Louis University at the ten o’clock mass, and
again in the evening to “the society for the conversion
of sinners.” Says a contributor to the Catholic Herald:
“He is a clear, cogent, and forcible speaker, his aim
evidently being, not to dazzle the imagination with high
sounding, pompous language, but to convince the mind
and improve the heart. . . . ; and on both occasions
[he] gained the warm approbation of large audi-
ences.” ”
Bishop Flaget still retained the titles to the property
in Nashville which he had obtained from Anthony
Foster in 1821. Bishop Miles now asked that it should
be transferred to him. Evidently his request was misin-
terpreted; for he writes to the vicar general of Louis-
ville, Doctor Spalding:
Nashville, August 22, 1845.
Very Rev. dear Friend :—
I perceive from your last favour that in our late correspondence
we have mutually misunderstood each other, and the shortest way
would be to say no more about it till we meet; when, if necessary,
we will give the matter a further investigation. I beg leave only
to say in addition that, in the remark made about the deed, I
had no intention to allude to anything dishonourable to Bishop
Flaget. There is no person living of my acquaintance whose
virtue I respect, and whose person I honour more than Bishop
Flaget; and consequently he is the last one that I would be dis-
posed to speak of with disrespect.
Be kind enough to attend to the deed when convenient, and
19 Herald, February 13, 1845. The Herald’s letter is dated January 23.
404 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
allow me to assure you that I am, as heretofore,
Truly yours in Christ,
T Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.?°
The friendly, amicable tone of this document, as is
the case with practically all our bishop’s communica-
tions, speaks for itself. That it allayed Doctor
Spalding’s wrath is evident from the next letter of the
apostle of Tennessee to him; for there the grateful
prelate writes:
Nashville, August 29, 1845.
Very Rev. dear Sir:—
Permit me to thank you for the very kind attention and great
interest you have shown for my welfare. I have, agreeably to
your instructions, procured a copy of the form in which the matter
regarding the deed for the lot is to be managed, which I send you.
With regard to the form of the deed, I think it had better be, as
you say, made to my heirs or assigns, as it would be somewhat
dificult to get myself incorporated, the legislature having refused
that favour to another more liable to succeed than your humble
servant. I should therefore be afraid to try it. It is not nec-
essary to wait for the return of Mr. Maguire, as any other two
witnesses acknowledging their signatures before the court of Louis-
ville will be sufficient.
The Sisters’ school has commenced under circumstances more
flattering than usual. No news worthy your attention.
Truly yours in Christ,
Tt Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.?}
20 Archives of Nazareth Academy, near Bardstown, Kentucky. Father
Spalding was now vicar general. Just before the date of this letter, or
June 8, 1845, there died one of Tennessee’s great men whose life perhaps
exercised considerable influence on the erection of Nashville into a diocese
—Andrew Jackson. He was friendly towards Catholics, and it is not
at all unlikely that his fame drew the attention of the bishops towards
Tennessee, and had its part in making them believe that a bishopric
should be established there.
21 Archives of Nazareth Academy. There were two church lots in
LOSSES AND GAINS 405
Doubtless the bishop derived no little joy at this
time from the good accomplished by the academy under
the Sisters of Nazareth whom he had brought to his
diocese. It had now attained an enviable reputation,
and had some eighty or ninety pupils. All Nashville
was jubilant over the exhibition of merit given at the
closing exercises of the school year 1844-1845, which
a contributor to the Advocate paints in eulogistic terms.
He begins by saying:
I was present at the annual exhibition of St. Mary’s Female
Academy conducted by the Sisters of Charity. I was kindly
received by Sister Serena, the Superior. Their neat, clean, and
beautiful house charmed me. Its location is a delightful one; it is
one of the best furnished houses in the city. I met with many of
the elite of the city, accompanied by their blooming daughters
full of hope and anxious to display the knowledge acquired during
the scholastic year.?*
The exercises, as was then the custom, consisted
principally of examinations. Jather Maguire con-
ducted them with skill, and the girls showed the
thoroughness with which the school was conducted. It
is worthy of note, in this connection, that the editor of
the United States Catholic Magazine was so pleased
with the account of the closing exercises of the Nash-
ville institution that he chose it for notice in preference
to all others which he saw for that year.** Another thing
revealed in the account is the care with which Bishop
question—one donated by Anthony Foster, the other bought from him.
Possibly Bishop Flaget felt that he should be paid for the lot which he
had purchased; while Bishop Miles thought that it belonged to the diocese,
because the money paid for it had been contributed in Nashville. Flaget’s
deed of the lots to Miles bears the date of September 3, 1845, and is in
Deed Book VIII, pp. 161-162, Recorder’s Office, Nashville. Five
dollars were the consideration paid for them.
22 Advocate, July 26, 1845.
23 U. S. C. Magazine, September, 1845.
406 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Miles selected a home for the sisters and a location for
the school. In the midst of his labors he received an
invitation from Bishop Purcell to be present for the
consecration of the new cathedral in Cincinnati, to
which he responded in his usual happy manner, inter-
spersing a little of the wit which he ever had at
command.
Nashville, September 8, 1845.
Right Rev. dear Friend :—
Your very kind invitation to be present at the consecration of
your Cathedral has been received, and if possible I will do myself
the honour to be there. I am at present engaged in directing the
building of my own little affair; which I hope, by that time, will
be sufficiently advanced to allow my absence for that grand occa-
sion. As for the discourses of which you speak—there will be
no necessity, I suppose, for me to preach, as there will no doubt
be some good preachers present, and my awkward manner would
only spoil the solemnity of the occasion. Don’t, then, count on
any discourse from me. Anything that I can do I will do cheer-
fully.
Please remember me to Mrs. McClellan [ ?], with whom I deeply
sympathize for her late bereavement.
Sincerely and truly yours in Christ,
T Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.?*
On his way north, the venerable prelate stopped at
Saint Rose’s, where, on Sunday, October 26, 1845, he
again held an ordination, and administered confirmation
to the children of the parish. Brothers S. A. Clarkson
and J. 'T. Ryan were now made deacons; Brother James
Vincent Edelen received subdeaconship; whilst the
tonsure and minor orders were conferred on Brothers
Anthony Raymond Gangloff, Thomas Dominic Buck-
24 Notre Dame Archives.
LOSSES AND GAINS 407
man, and Joseph Augustine Kelly.*”. Nor must we
omit the expressions of high regard here repeated by
the Advocate’s correspondent; for (it can not be too
constantly borne in mind) to overlook the love, esteem,
and admiration which he everywhere inspired were
wholly to fail in forming a correct estimate of Bishop
Miles.
The many virtues of this Right Rev. Prelate [he says], and
his amiability of character had long since endeared him to the
people of this congregation, of which he was many years the pastor;
and his occasional visits, prompted no doubt by a correspondent
feeling of attachment for the people of his former charge, are
always hailed with joy and congratulation. But the attestation
of the high regard they have for him is the deep effect which
his feeling appeals to them upon the subject of their eternal
interests always produce. His voice has always the force of a
pastor’s, a father’s, a friend’s. His visits give also to the Cath-
olics, as well as to the Protestants, of this neighborhood the
opportunity of witnessing some of the most imposing rites of our
holy religion. j
Bishop Purcell had made elaborate preparations for
the consecration of his new Cathedral of Saint Peter,
which took place on November 2, 1845. The Most
Rev. Samuel Eccleston performed the ceremony, being
the first archbishop who had ever gone west of the
Alleghany Mountains. Eight other prelates were
present. The celebration did not close until ‘Tuesday.
Bishop Miles sang the solemn mass of requiem on
Monday, November 3, and was no doubt selected for
this function not merely on account of his splendid
voice, but as much because of his great devotion to the
dead.”°
25 Advocate, November 1, 1845. Nearly all these men afterwards labored
in the Diocese of Nashville.
26 Telegraph, November 6, 1845; Advocate, November 8, 1845; U. S.C.
Magazine, December, 1845.
408 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The Association for the Propagation of the Faith
originated in France; the greater part of its receipts
were contributed in that country; it was largely kept
alive by the charity of the Catholics there; and it con-
sequently remained under Gallic direction. It was thus
no more than what might have been expected that the
society should show some partiality towards French
bishops in the allotments of its alms, for the human
element enters even into religion. Yet not a few of our
hierarchy, including some who, it would seem, could
have got along without such aid, protested strongly
against such a distinction. Still another factor which
doubtess figured in the distribution of these funds was
the assiduity with which a prelate kept the needs of his
diocese before the moderators of the society.
Bishop Miles, it appears, wrote few letters to the
association, and in these he gave the briefest relation of
his church. Possibly he felt that this should suffice. So
have we discovered but one letter of complaint from
his pen against what he received. In all that he had
done he had largely depended on this source of aid, for
which he felt grateful. His cathedral was under way,
a debt had been contracted, and he looked forward to
making his payments. When, therefore, the holy
prelate received notice that the allotment for Nashville
had been greatly curtailed, he was almost stunned.
However, he did not lose courage, for he ever trusted
in God. ‘To Bishop Purcell he wrote, December 18,
1845, to learn if money might be borrowed on reasonable
terms in Cincinnati. Then he tells his friend:
I find from a letter received last evening from Paris that my
allocation for this year will be less than half what it has been
heretofore, though at most I have never received more than half as
LOSSES AND GAINS 409
much as my nearest neighbour on the north. I have had all sorts of
troubles and inconveniences to struggle with from the commence-
ment, and they seem to increase rather than diminish. Why the
gentlemen of the Propagation de la Foi have thought proper to
treat me thus is more than I can tell.??
Although it had been intended to erect a church in
Morgan County, Father Howard apparently did not
meet with success there; for the Almanac of 1846 does
not place him at Montgomery. Possibly, however,
another arrangement of the missionary forces was
adjudged better. At any rate, the diocesan account
for that year tells us that “East Tennessee is attended
occasionally from Nashville;” and that “all the prin-
cipal towns and larger villages of the state have been
visited during the past spring and summer, the counties
being so divided among the clergymen as to enable
them to discover the scattered Catholics, and explain
to our dissenting brethren the tenets of our holy
religion.””*
In the summer of the same year, Father John M.
Jacquet arrived from France. He was at once put in
charge of the little seminary in order that Father
Alemany might be sent to help Father McAleer in
the western part of the state.” A correspondent from
Memphis writes to the I’reeman’s Journal in November,
1845:
Several years since, the Catholics of this city, under the direction
of the Rev. Michael McAleer, our zealous pastor, erected a fine
27 Notre Dame Archives. The Annales show that Nashville received
23,940 francs in 1842; 21,560 in 1843; 28,500 in 1844; and 18,500 in 1845.
From this it would seem that Bishop Miles wrote a letter to the society
at this time, and that in consequence his allotment for 1845 was raised
somewhat.
28 Catholic Almanac, 1846, p. 146.
29 Father Jacquet’s first baptismal record at Nashville is dated August
25, 1845; Father Alemany’s first at Memphis is dated August 16, 1845.
410 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
brick church, forty feet by seventy feet, which is now about to be
entirely and finely finished, with a beautiful spire surmounted by
a cross, at an elevation of one hundred feet, and will no doubt
soon be consecrated to the service of Almighty God, by our Right
Rev. Bishop Miles of Nashville, under the name of St. Peter’s.
The congregation now numbers about five hundred Catholics, and
is rapidly on the increase.
Latterly, our pastor, Mr. McAleer, has been assisted in his
arduous and Jlaborious ministerial duties by the Rev. Joseph
Alemany, a Spanish priest of the Order of St. Dominic, who was
educated in Rome, and emigrated to America in 1840. His aid
promises to be truly efficient and useful; and we confidently look
for the most brilliant success to attend their combined efforts.
And everything induces the belief that it will not be long before
we will have a large and pious congregation regularly attending
St. Peter’s.2°
The author of the article from which the above
quotation is taken signs himself “G. W. M.” He
writes at length, and gives a glowing description of
Tennessee’s metropolis. Memphis is not only pros-
perous now; the city has also an advantageous location
that must soon make it one of the greatest commercial
centers in the south. Clearly his object is to attract the
attention of Catholics in the north and east towards the
Diocese of Nashville. In brief, the article is one among
the many efforts of Bishop Miles at Catholic coloniza-
tion in Tennessee.
Archbishop Eccleston’s letter of notification that the
sixth provincial council of Baltimore would convene in
that city on May 10, 1846, and that the members of the
hierarchy were expected to be there for the morning of
the ninth, found the Father of the Church in Ten-
nessee busy with his cathedral and diocese; but he at
30 We did not find the Freeman’s Journal containing this article; but
it is copied in the Advocate of December 20, 1845.
LOSSES AND GAINS 411
once made ready to obey the voice of authority. About
this time also, it would seem, he suffered the loss of
another of his clergy, Father William Howard. A
tradition which seems plausible tells us that Bishop
Miles used to say: “Bishop Hughes stole Fathers
O’Dowde, Howard, and McAleer from me.”’
However it happened, we find Father Howard in the
Diocese of New York in 1847; while it is certain that
in those days some members of our American hierarchy
had little scruple about accepting a good priest from
another diocese, even, without consulting his bishop.
Neither has one the heart severely to censure a clergy-
man who would succumb to an invitation from the State
of New York, where Catholicity was growing by leaps
and bounds, in order to escape the privations in that
of Tennessee. Bishop Miles ever acted on the principle
that it were wiser to give an eweat to those who desired
it; nor would he again, except for special reasons,
receive a priest who had thus left his diocese.**
The Catholic Telegraph of May 7, 1846, states that
“the Right Rev. Bishops of Mobile, Natchez, Nashville,
Louisville, St. Louis, Vincennes, and Dubuque passed
through Cincinnati this week, attended by their theo-
logians, on their way to the Baltimore council to
convene next Sunday.” No doubt Doctor Miles’ heart
again rejoiced in the renewed proof of the growth of
our Church manifested by the presence of twice as many
31 Father Howard was born in Ireland, but he seems to have made all
his ecclesiastical studies at Nashville. He was stationed in the part of
the State of New York taken to form the Diocese of Albany in 1847. He
labored there on several missions, and was pastor of Saint Francis de
Sales’ Church, Herkimer, when he retired, on account of ill health, in
1886. He died on February 25, 1888.
412 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
American prelates, less one, as had attended his first
council six years before.”
Unfortunately for Tennessee, Bishop Loras_ of
Dubuque took Father McAleer with him to the council
as his theologian. ‘There Memphis’ pastor met the
Right Rev. John Hughes, later the first archbishop
of New York, who induced him to come to his diocese.
In this case, the Mreeman’s Journal of March 5, 1881,
gives us written evidence of the influence through which
the subject of our narrative lost a good, zealous, and
able priest. ‘The departure of Father McAleer was
deeply regretted by Tennessee’s holy prelate, but he
felt that it were just as well to make no protest now that
the capable ambassador of Christ had set his mind on
an opportunity which he could not give him. Father
McAleer’s notes in the church records show that his
life at Memphis had not been a bed of roses. Possibly
his trials there predisposed him to accept the call from
New York, although his troubles in the south would
seem to have been near their end, while the prospects
for his church were becoming brighter every day.*°
32 It is in their accounts of this council that the United States Catholic
Magazine (June, 1846) and the Catholic weeklies give the dates and
places of the births of the bishops, placing Miles’ birth on May 17, 1791.
His theologian at this council was the Rev. Charles H. J. Carter of
Philadelphia.
33 Father Michael McAleer was born in County Tyrone, Ireland, March
4, 1811. His parents brought him to the United States about five years
later, and settled at Frederick, Maryland. He studied at Mount Saint
Mary’s, Emmitsburg, and was ordained in Cincinnati by Bishop Purcell
on Thursday, November 23, 1837. From that time, until he went to
Tennessee (1840), he labored at Canton, Ohio, and on adjacent missions.
In New York City, he was at once appointed pastor of Saint Columba’s
Church, retaining the charge until his death, February 24, 1881. He was
buried at Frederick, Maryland. Father McAleer was a splendid preacher
as well as an excellent priest and a man of considerable erudition.
LOSSES AND GAINS 413
Evidently our good bishop’s appeal to the Association
for the Propagation of the Faith had produced its effect.
His allowance was enlarged. Indeed, either the society
advanced him a part of what should be granted him at
the end of 1846, or he obtained a further assistance
from another foreign source, for he wrote from the
council to his agent in Philadelphia, Mark Anthony
Frenaye:
Baltimore, May 13, 1846.
Mr. Frenaye:—
Enclosed you will find a check for 18,054:15 francs, which you
will please sell for me to the best advantage. By tomorrow’s mail
I will send you the second. I have signed and endorsed these
checks, and you will have the goodness to fill up the blanks. As it
will be some time before I shall go home, I will still ask you another
favour—that you would be kind enough to exchange the proceeds
of this check for checks on Nashville, if possible or expedient, and
send the same immediately to Mr. Michael Burns, Nashville,
reserving a memorandum of the amount, so that I may see it, when
I shall have the pleasure of visiting my friends in Philadelphia.
which will be soon.
Very grateful for past favours, I am, dear Sir,
Truly yours in Christ,
Tt Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.
P. S.—I have concluded that, as the distance is so small, I would
send both [checks] together. Have the goodness to inform me,
at your first leisure, if they have arrived safe.
Rees, BN ee
By this time the bishop of Philadelphia had become
one of the most sympathetic friends that the distressed
apostle of Tennessee had among our American hier-
archy. Doubtless it was on Doctor Kenrick’s invitation
34 Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia,
December, 1902. Mark A. Frenaye was long the trusted agent in such
matters for many American bishops and priests.
414 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
that he again visited the City of Brotherly Love after
the council in order to make another collection in
behalf of his cathedral and diocese. No doubt either,
the editor of the Catholic Herald received authoritative
word to print the following notice in his paper:
The Right Rev. Dr. Miles, Bishop of Nashville, preached at
St. Mary’s Church on Sunday last, after which a collection was
taken up in aid of his diocess, which is in a very impoverished
state, owing to the limited number of Catholics resident there,
and the manner in which they are scattered throughout the diocess.
Their zeal is in every way commendable; but, situated as they are,
they cannot render that zeal as effective as the pressing wants of |
the diocess imperatively demand.
Bishop Miles feelingly enumerated some of the many privations
under which he has labored since he took charge of his diocess,
the arduous duties of which he was obliged for a time to discharge
himself, there being not a single clergyman to assist him in the
many calls appertaining to his sacred office. We sincerely hope
that his mission among us and our fellow Catholics of the neigh-
boring cities may meet with that complete success which he so
well merits, and to which his cause is so eminently entitled.°°
From Philadelphia he is said to have continued his
way to New York for the same purpose. Perhaps
Bishop Hughes wished, in this way, to make some sort
of amende honorable for taking Father McAleer from
Tennessee. Tradition informs us that the Nashville
prelate was well repaid for these journeys. Similarly,
the Right Rev. John J. Chanche of Natchez writes to
Doctor Blanc, July 16, 1846: “I left Bishop Miles in
the north making very successful collections.” °°
During his absence, his beloved Saint Mary’s
Academy closed its fourth year of successful ‘work
with an examination which was considered the best
35 Herald, June 18, 1846.
36 Notre Dame Archives.
LOSSES AND GAINS 415
thing of the kind that Nashville had hitherto witnessed.
The elite of the city were present. Father Maguire
again conducted the exercises. Governor Aaron V.
Brown addressed the graduates, and gave them their
diplomas. The noted geologist and chemist, Doctor
Gerard Troost, complimented the day’s exhibition in
terms not a little eulogistic; while the public press was
unsparing in its praise of the sisters and their school.
The Advocate’s contributor who gives us this infor-
mation closes his article with: “The venerable Bishop
Miles is expected home in a few days from the North.
The Cathedral will be completed by Christmas. Our
congregation is increasing very fast. Our city is very
healthy, and is improving rapidly.” **
But the holy prelate had hardly reached home, when
he learned that Father John Maguire had also decided
to leave Tennessee. The loss of three missionaries in
so short a time, as was but natural, sorely tried the
bishop’s patience. Father Maguire’s action, although
he was within his rights as such things then went, pro-
voked Bishop Miles all the more because in him the
diocese lost not only one of its most efficient priests,
but even the one who had charge of its best parish, and
to whom many favors had been shown. At first it was
thought that he went to Ohio. Two letters of the
bishop to Doctor Purcell, in which the matter is referred
to, at once reveal the wounded feelings of 'Tennessee’s
apostle, and come nearer to being severe and critical
in judgment than any other we have seen from his pen.**
37 Catholic Advocate, July 20, 1846. The article is dated July 20, and
is signed “M. S. M.” Doubtless work on the cathedral was slackened
for want of funds, for it was not completed for nearly a year later.
38 Bishop Miles to Bishop Purcell, August 28 and September 8 (‘‘Feast
of the Nativity B. V. M.’”), 1846 (Notre Dame Archives).
416 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH- IN TENNESSEE
However, it would perhaps be as unjust to censure the
capable, zealous, and energetic priest’s determination,
as it would be wrong to blame Bishop Miles, had he
momentarily lost his temper under the circumstances.
An educated man himself, Father Maguire seems
to have felt that he would like to try his hand at teaching
for a while, and so to have turned his mind to Kentucky,
instead of to Ohio. At the end of the scholastic year
of 1845-1846, the Jesuit Fathers gave up Saint Mary’s
College in the former state. He knew that Bishop
Chabrat and others did not wish to see the college
closed. Consequently he must have offered himself
for this good work, for the Catholic Advocate of
December 19, 1846, announces:
It will be gratifying to the patrons of St. Mary’s College to
learn that the talented Rev. J. Maguire, so favorably known in
Kentucky and elsewhere, has associated himself to Rev. J[ulian]
Delaune in the management of this flourishing institution, where
he will discharge the duties of professor.2®? We are informed that
the daily increase of students has already secured a fair prospect
of prosperity and usefulness to the college, and we may with
confidence recommend it to parents who are anxious to give their
children a good and sound education. The second session will
begin on the 12th of March, 1847.4°
Father Thomas L. Grace seems to have been sent
to Memphis that he might help there while Father
39 Father Delaune was brought from the Diocese of. Vincennes.
40 Father John D. Maguire was born in County Cavan, Ireland.
His early education was directed by his Uncle, the Right Rev. George
J. Browne, bishop first of Galway, and then of Elphin. Father Maguire
completed his course of divinity at Mount Saint Mary’s, Emmitsburg,
where he seems to have been ordained by Bishop Miles in May, 1840.
He was a man of scholarly attainments and a splendid ‘orator. During
the scholastic year of 1847-1848 he was vice president of Saint Mary’s
College, Kentucky. From the fall of 1848 to that of 1850, he held the
position of president in the same institution, and continued teaching
there until 1851. Shortly before he left Tennessee, a younger brother
LOSSES AND GAINS 417
McAleer was at the Baltimore council. But now, at
the earnest solicitation of Bishop Miles for help, he was
transferred from Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, where he
held the posts of professor and subprior, and stationed
at Saint Peter’s.**
Our tireless prelate continued his labors on the
missions, no less than with his cathedral. August 28,
1846, he wrote to Bishop Purcell to learn if he could
rely on John Koehneke of Cincinnati to build a good
organ for him.* A little later, he started on a diocesan
visitation, especially in western Tennessee. Perhaps,
in fact, we can not close the present chapter in a
manner more acceptable to the Catholics of Memphis
than with the account of the dedication of their first
church given in the Catholic Advocate of December
19, 1846, which states:
whom he had brought from Ireland to study for the American missions
died at Mount Saint Mary’s, Emmitsburg. From 1851 to 1854 he was
pastor of Saint Peter’s, Lexington, Kentucky, where he built the first
Catholic school erected in that city. In 1854 and 1855, he was pastor
of Saint Peter’s, Newport, Kentucky. The Almanac of 1856 shows him
pastor of the cathedral in Chicago. The Catholic Telegraph of June 29,
1910, says that he was for a while at Notre Dame University; but as
the records of that institution do not reveal his name, it is probable
that this error was occasioned by the fact that Saint Mary’s College, Ken-
tucky, was under the Fathers of the Holy Cross late in 1846 (Catholic
Almanac, 1847, p. 128; Le Trés Rév. Pére Basile-Antoine-Marie Moreau,
pp. 194-195). Father Maguire was likely with them there for a while.
From Chicago, it would seem, he returned to Ireland because of the
ill health of his uncle, Bishop Browne, who died on December 1, 1858.
A few years later, the talented young priest (he was only in his early
forties) died in Egypt while on a tour for literary purposes.
41 Father McAleer’s last baptismal record at Memphis is dated April
7, 1846. Father Grace records for the first time on April 14, 1846, and
a few times in May. From the fall of the same year he records regularly.
On November 17, 1846, Father Alemany signs himself “vice pastor.”
42 Notre Dame Archives.
28
418 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
We learn from a gentleman recently from Memphis that on
Sunday, the 22nd of November, the beautiful Catholic Church
at that place, recently erected by the Rev. Michael McAleer,
and now under the pastoral care of the Rev. Messrs. Alemany
and Grace, O.S.D., was solemnly dedicated to the service of
Almighty God, under the patronage of St. Peter, by the Right
Rev. R. P. Miles, assisted by the Rev. Geo. Wilson, Provincial of
the Order of Dominicans, with the Pastors of the congregation.
The day was beautiful, and the church was crowded to overflowing.
The Rev. Mr. Wilson sung High Mass, and the Bishop delivered
a very eloquent and appropriate sermon on the occasion.
In the afternoon of the same day Vespers were sung, and the
Sacrament of Confirmation was administered by the bishop to about
forty persons, several of whom were recent converts. The whole
service of the day, being conducted according to the manner
prescribed by the ritual, made a most striking and favorable im-
pression upon the minds of the large and respectable audience, a
majority of whom were Protestants, and who had never previously
witnessed anything of the kind.
A small belfry, instead of a spire, crowned the church.
Doubtless one of the reasons for this change was the
difficulty of getting money. Indeed, the erection of the
edifice itself had been a slow, tedious process; and it
was used for divine service long before completion.
By this time also, the pastors could see that it were
unwise to spend much in ornamentation, for the influx
of Catholics was such that a larger temple of prayer
would soon be required to accommodate them.
CHAPTER XVIII
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY
No doubt the reader has wondered how Bishop Miles
managed to make both ends meet with so small an
income. One of the explanations of this feat is the
simple life led by himself and his priests. Father
Samuel Montgomery, who had shown no little skill in
the management of such affairs while syndic at Saint
Rose’s, was appointed steward of the episcopal house-
hold; and his meager book of accounts which has happily
escaped the ravages of time reveals the rigid economy
practised there. Only necessaries were purchased;
nothing was wasted.” Nevertheless at no time was the
holy prelate’s hand closed to the poor. In fact, he
sought in every way to aid the honest and deserving,
whatever their color, nationality, or creed. This plain,
frugal life and impartial charity united with his other
virtues to make him so justly and universally beloved.
The experience of the bishop during the period just
recounted convinced him that he could not with safety
rely on the perseverance of freer priests in his diocese,
be they ever so zealous and unselfish. Their privations
in ‘Tennessee were such that they could hardly be
expected to decline better opportunities offered them
in other places. After the departure of Fathers
McAleer and Maguire, therefore, the man of God
1 Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province.
419
420 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
determined to proffer Memphis to a religious order.
Naturally, his preference was the institute to which
he had belonged; for, apart from other reasons, two
of its members were already in the city.
Doubtless the tender was made in November, 1846,
while the bishop was in Memphis for the dedication of
Saint Peter’s. At any rate, the church property there
was deeded over to the Dominicans on January 15,
1847. We have discovered no statement to that effect;
yet it is quite probable that the zealous prelate was
in the city on another apostolic visitation at the time
of the transfer, even though such a tour then involved
more time as well as infinitely more trials and fatigue
than a journey from Memphis to New York in our
day. It goes without saying that the offer was readily
accepted. Besides, the arrangement was no less bene-
ficial to the diocese than helpful to the Province of
Saint Joseph. On the one hand, it assured a suc-
cession of priests in western ‘Tennessee. On the other
it gave the fathers the best place which they had so far
obtained, though the province had been in existence
for forty years, and none in the country had labored
harder than they.’
Because of his age and infirmities, Bishop Flaget
had placed the administration of his diocese into the
hands of his coadjutor, Doctor Chabrat. In 1847, this
2A photostat copy of the deed. Father Martin P. Spalding’s notes
on the province say that Saint Peter’s was given to the Order in 1845.
But we found no record to that effect; and the facts in the case show
the statement to be erroneous. Doubtless Father Spalding drew his con-
clusion from the presence of Father Alemany in Memphis at that time
(or depended on papers which made the same statement on the same
grounds). Father McAleer was pastor of Saint Peter’s until his resig-
nation at the council of Baltimore, in May, 1846.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 421
prelate determined to make a visitation of the parishes
of Kentucky in order to help the people the better to
make the general jubilee which was celebrated that
year. But while thus occupied he suffered a renewed
attack of an ocular malady which had long threatened
him with blindness. He then determined to go to
Europe for treatment, and engaged the ever-willing
_ Bishop Miles to complete the visitation of the diocese.*
In this way the subject of our narrative spent a
considerable portion of the jubilee year in Kentucky.
From about the middle of June to the middle of July,
he labored in Spencer, Nelson, Washington, and
Marion counties. Among the places visited were
Taylorsville, Fairfield, Saint Vincent’s, Bardstown,
New Haven, Gate’s Station, Saint Rose’s, and Holy
Cross, and the academies of Nazareth, Lorretto, Geth-
semani (where now stands Kentucky’s celebrated
Trappist monastery), and Saint Magdalen’s (the
present Saint Catherine’s). On all these occasions, he
preached and administered the sacrament of confir-
mation. “His discourses,” says the Advocate, “made a
very favorable and beneficial impression.” On Monday
morning, July 12, he blessed and laid the corner-stone
of Saint Magdalen’s new chapel belonging to the
Dominican Sisters, near Springfield.*
At this juncture, he was obliged to return to his
own diocese, but he promised to return to Kentucky
that he might carry out his engagement with Bishop
Chabrat to make visitations in Breckinridge, Hardin,
Daviess, Union, and other western counties.? That
3 Advocate, May 29, 1847.
4 Advocate, July 24, 1847.
5 Advocates of May 29 and July 24, 1847.
422 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
he did so, if at all possible, we may take for granted,
although we did not discover any account of his
labors in these places; for there never lived a man
truer to his word than was the Father of the Church
in Tennessee. However, these toils in Kentucky, the
fulfillment of the jubilee in his own diocese, work on
his own cathedral, and other cares must have given
him a busy year.® August 18, 1847, he sent an account
of his diocese to the Propaganda, the substance of which
is as follows.
Although it is ten years since his appointment to
the See of Nashville, he has been bishop only nine, for
a year elapsed before he accepted the dreaded burden.
During this time, the Catholic religion has made little
progress in the diocese in comparison with its rapid
strides in other parts of the country. However, in view
of the long neglect of Tennessee; the deep root taken
there by infidelity, no less than a strong dislike towards
and wide-spread prejudices against Catholicity which
gained ground as a consequence of this neglect; and the
fact that the state offers few advantages to immigrants
from Europe, he thinks it no exaggeration to say that
much good has been accomplished.
A decade ago, there was not a single priest in the
state. Even in 1840 he had but one little church;
while, with the exception of Nashville and on the
public works at Memphis and Athens, there were not
more than ten Catholics in any locality. The total
number did not exceed three or four hundred. ‘Today
there are six priests, six churches, three chapels, a
6 The Advocates of September 11 and 25, 1847, show that Bishop Cha-
brat’s resignation of his coadjutorship (made on account of his health)
was accepted at this time; but this made no difference in regard to Bishop
Miles’ visitation, for he would just as readily do it for Bishop Flaget.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 423
convent of Sisters of Charity who conduct a school and
academy for girls, a free school for negroes, and a
Catholic population of some fifteen hundred. Our holy
faith is continually preached in places where a priest
was never heard before. Not more than eighty-five
adults have been received into the Church since he took
charge of the diocese; but the number of conversions
assumes a greater proportion year by year, which gives
hope for a more abundant harvest in the future.‘
This frank, open exposition of the state of his diocese,
without pretense, and without effort to cover up the
slow growth of religion in that part of the Lord’s
vineyard under his charge, must have pleased the sacred
congregation. If one may judge by the reports of
conversions here and there, the account rather lessened
than enlarged the number of those who had come into
the Church. Doubtless it was due to his many cares at
the time that he overlooked the little seminary, the two
schools for Catholic boys, and the cathedral that was
nearing completion. On September 10, 1847, he wrote
to Bishop Purcell in regard to this last item:
I have at length so far advanced with my church as to have
reason to hope that it will be ready for dedication on the last
Sunday of October, and have set that time for it. May I indulge
the hope of having your company on that occasion? I shall be
truly gratified if you can do me that favour. As our church is
not paid for, it will only be blessed for the present. If you will
honour us with your presence on that occasion, we shall expect
you to preach the dedication sermon. The organ intended for
our church is being built in your city. I hope that good Dutchman
will not disappoint us.®
7A copy in the Nashville Archives from the Propaganda, Udienza di
Signore Nostro del 1847, Vol. 107, fol. 1248.
8 Notre Dame Archives.
424 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The time between the date of this letter and the end
of October was no doubt well filled in with episcopal
visitations in Kentucky and his own diocese. However,
work on the cathedral progressed as he anticipated;
for the Nashville Daily Union of November 3, 1847,
says: “On Sunday, the 31st ultimo, a large body of our
fellow-citizens witnessed a novel and imposing spec-
tacle—the dedication of the new Catholic Cathedral,
just completed. This beautiful edifice, situated on the
eorner of Cedar and Summer streets, is an ornament to
our city.” Then follows a description of the church
and ceremonies, but we prefer that contained in the
Catholic Advocate of November 20. Yet we must not
omit the statement of the Union that the cathedral
“reflects credit upon its architect’’, and that “Dr. Miles
deserves much praise for his taste and enterprise in
decorating our city with this additional architectural!
monument.”
The new Cathedral of Nashville [ says the Advocate of November
20, 1847] was dedicated to Almighty God on the 31st ultimo under
the name and patronage of the Blessed Virgin of the Seven Dolors.
It is a chaste and beautiful specimen of Grecian architecture, and
is situated in the heart of the city. Its external dimensions are
one hundred and ten feet in length by sixty in breadth. The
ceiling is thirty-two feet above the floor; it is flat, and is taste-
fully decorated with mouldings and square panel work. The
front presents a neat half portico supported by two fine Ionic
columns; and the entire exterior and interior of the edifice are
ornamented with pilasters placed at suitable distances, imparting
additional strength to the walls.
Under the Cathedral there is a spacious and commodious base-
ment designed for catechism classes and school rooms. The high
altar stands in a semicircular recess, and is surmounted by an
appropriate group of statuary representing the Most Sorrowful
Mother receiving the lifeless body of her dear son when He was
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 425
taken down from the cross, these principal figures being surrounded
by a circle of angels. The figures are composed of what is called
sand-stone paper, and the whole group was procured in France.
The cost of the structure, the Advocate proceeds to
state, was at least $30,000, which were collected by
Bishop Miles not merely in Nashville, but also in many
parts of the United States. Because a considerable
debt still remains on the cathedral, it could be only
blessed; but the worthy bishop hopes to have it conse-
erated at a future day. The man of God himself
performed the solemn ceremony of dedication, during
which Bishop Purcell explained from a platform the
significance of all that was done. Bishop Portier of
Mobile then sang a solemn high mass, and Doctor M.
J. Spalding delivered the sermon for the occasion.
Among the clergy present was Father Elisha J. Durbin
who doubtless came to witness the consummation for
which he had often prayed. Bishop Purcell preached
again in the evening. Both the Advocate and the
Union assure us that great crowds witnessed the cere-
mony, and listened to the preaching with rapt attention.
Doctor Spalding was persuaded to remain another
week at Nashville, and to lecture every night on religion
or some point of Catholic faith. The impression which
he produced was profound. Indeed, says the corres-
pondent, “the progress of our holy religion in the
Diocese of Nashville cannot but be consoling to every
Catholic heart.” Then he proceeds to relate the early
trials which the man of God had to face, to tell what
he had accomplished in spite of almost unparalleled
difficulties, and to speak of the “excellent and well-
selected ecclesiastical library” which he had collected,
closing his article with these words: “All this he has
426 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
been able to effect, through the divine blessing, with
the most scanty means. ‘Thus has one of the most
unpromising fields in the American Church been made
to yield an abundant harvest.”
Another item which deserves notice here appeared
in the previous issue of the Advocate. Here we learn
that on the day after the dedication Bishop Purcell
confirmed a class of twenty-two in the new cathedral,
fourteen of whom were converts. Besides these, there
were four others who had lately been received into the
Church, but had not had time to prepare for the recep-
tion of the sacrament.’ From this one may see how
modest Doctor Miles was in the account of his diocese
which he sent to Rome. Possibly he meant to say that
there had been eighty-five converts in the episcopal city,
where, the Advocate’s notice of the dedication assures
us, the Catholics now numbered some eight hundred.
The Seven Dolors Cathedral, all things considered,
was really a noteworthy achievement; and it was so
considered at the time. Its cost, said by some to have
been from $40,000 to $50,000, represented a huge sum
for that day; yet there were not more than fifteen hun-
dred Catholics in all Tennessee, who were poor as well
as scattered throughout the state. Hven now Nashville
has not a more beautiful or devotional church.
William Strickland, an architect of no mean reputation
and the builder of Tennessee’s state capitol, is reported
to have considered it his finest ecclesiastical structure.”
Bishop Miles himself was certainly well pleased with
9 Advocate, November 13, 1847. The publication of the account of the
dedication was delayed through a mishap in the mails, which caused this
item to appear before it.
10 The Tennessee state capitol, minus the cupola which is not a con-
ception of Strickland, is considered a gem of Greek architecture.
INTERIOR AND EXTERIOR OF THE SEVEN DOLORS CATHEDRAL
BUILT BY BISHOP MILES, STILL ONE OF NASHVILLE’S FINEST CHURCHES,
AND REGARDED AS A SHRINE BY ITS CATHOLICS
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 427
it, while its beneficial effects soon became evident. In
a letter to Bishop Purcell, December 9, 1847, he writes:
“We are much gratified to see a fine congregation in
our new church every Sunday. And there are fine
prospects of increase, which, though slow, will be steady.
Sit nomen Domini benedictum! [ Blessed be the name of
the Lord!] Be kind enough to beg of God to aid our
feeble efforts.” ‘T'wo other letters, of dates respectively
January 21 and February 3, 1848, to Doctor Purcell
show that our anxious prelate’s heart had been glad-
dened by the reception of a beautiful madonna for his
cathedral.”
In Memphis also Fathers Alemany and Grace had
started a ladies’ altar society for the beautification of
the house of God, whose labors soon bore good fruit.
The deft fingers of its members wrought vestments
for the clergy and articles, useful as well as ornamen-
tal, for the altar and sanctuary. Among the note-
worthy things which they did was to have a crucifixion
painted by the well-known Tennessee artist, William
Cooper. This picture long hung over the high altar,
and was an object of general admiration. In October,
1847, they held a bazaar in Hightower Hall to raise
funds for the purchase of a large bell for the church.”
Father Alemany, however, was soon made master of
novices in Kentucky. Father James Hyacinth Clark-
son, a friend of the bishop, took his place as pastor of
Saint Peter’s.”*
The Memphis parish, in fact, was now fast overtaking
11 All these letters are in the Notre Dame Archives.
12 Advocate, November 6, 1847, and January 22, 1848.
13 Father Alemany’s last baptism at Saint Peter’s was on November
27, and Father Clarkson’s first on December 15, 1847.
428 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
that of Nashville. While on a visitation of the western
part of his diocese, Bishop Miles administered confir-
mation there, February 27, 1848, to a class of twenty-
four, three of whom were converts. In an interesting
account of the event the correspondent of the 4dvocate
states:
Our congregation is rapidly increasing. ‘The number is now at
least seven hundred. In general intelligence and respectability
we compare favorably with any other class of our citizens. Many
of the most worthy of the Protestants attend regularly at our
church, and evince great liberality on all occasions. Though few
converts have as yet been made, we trust the good seed that is
sown will, in due time, fructify and produce a hundred fold.
Hardly had the bishop reached home when he was
rejoiced by the arrival of an Italian priest who soon
proved one of the most zealous and _ self-sacrificing
missionaries of ‘Tennessee—Father Aloysius Orengo,
O.P.” After the departure of the Rev. John Maguire,
Father Schacht had been brought from Clarksville to
Nashville.*° On the return of the bishop, pursuant to
his desire of having the scattered Catholics visited as
frequently as possible, he sent the Belgian priest on
a tour of the eastern part of the state. It was a hard
journey. Because the streams were much swollen by
rains, Father Schacht had not merely to cross mountains
by the roughest roads; in nearly every instance he was
obliged to make his horse swim the rivers. However,
14 Advocate of March 18, 1848. The article is dated March 5, and
ify a fare Bite d FN ase
15 Father Orengo wrote on the title-page of a Gury’s Theologia Moralis
that he arrived in Nashville on March 24, 1847; but this was written long
after, when he had forgotten the year. The baptismal records at Saint
Rose’s, Kentucky, show that he was there until in February, 1848. His
first record at Nashville is dated March 26, 1848.
16 Catholic Almanac, 1847, p. 134.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 429
he continued his way, searching in every direction for
those who might be of the faith.
In Morgan County, the first place he mentions, the
colony of Germans and Irish, who had gathered there
largely through the instrumentality of Bishop Miles,
was visited, and found to be on the increase. The
agent of the land company gave a bond for fifty acres
of ground which were to be set apart for a priest, and
donated a lot in Wartburg for a church and school,
the latter of which the Catholics engaged to build in the
near future. Thence the missionary journeyed south-
ward to Tellico Plains, at the foot of the Unaka or
Great Smoky Mountains, Monroe County, where he
discovered about thirty Catholic emigrants from Hol-
land. Here Judge Johnson, for whom most of the
Hollanders labored, deeded to the bishop two acres of
land near the iron works for a church. The Bayer
Settlement, Polk County, was visited next; and while
there our ambassador of Christ went to a neighboring
village occupied by a remnant of the Cherokee Indians.
Father Schacht does not appear to have gone to
Knoxville or Jonesborough, for he does not mention
them by name, while his route lay rather in another
direction. However, he tells us that, with the exception
of an Italian and a Frenchman, all the Catholics he
met eagerly availed themselves of the opportunity of
approaching the sacraments. He rode seven hundred
miles on the tour, and reached home shortly before
Easter, which fell that year on the twenty-third day
of April.“
Meanwhile, Bishop Miles decided to convert the old
17 Advocate, June 24, 1848. The article is dated June 15, and signed
“Verax,’ a pseudonym under which Father Schacht often wrote.
430 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Holy Rosary Cathedral, which faced north on Gay
Street, into a hospital and girls’ orphan asylum. This
task was entrusted to Father Schacht immediately
after his return from the missionary journey just out-
lined. The project met with a warm welcome from
all the city. “Above all,” says Father Schacht, “my
Irishmen proved again, what needed no longer any
proof, that they are always by the side of their priest
in works of benevolence and charity. It was not so
much the labor itself, but the spirit in which they
performed it, that cheered me most.” In an astonish-
ingly short time both institutions were in operation.
They were placed under the charge of the Sisters of
Charity, and effected much good in Nashville—
especially among the poorer and middle classes.*°
In the remodeling of the proto-cathedral for a
hospital the new front given the structure made it face
towards the east. Its number was then 63 North
High Street. Simultaneously with this renovation
Father Schacht either erected a frame cottage on the
same plot of ground for the sisters in charge, or con-
verted the original wooden church into a home for
them. Very likely the smaller orphans at least were
domiciled in this with their pious guardians.”
Among the matters in which Bishop Miles took a
keen interest at this time was the appointment of
Doctor Spalding as coadjutor of Louisville. It had
18 4dvocate of April 22, 1848; June 24, 1848; and January 20, 1849
(this letter is also signed “Verax,” and is dated January 12); and the
Nashville Republican Banner, January 5, 1849.
19 The Nashville Directory (by John P. Campbell), 1853-1854; 1855-
1856; 1857. The stretch of High Street towards which these buildings
fronted is now called “Park.” The land on which they stood forms a
part of the state-capitol grounds, and is no longer occupied by any
structures except the state-house.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 431
been understood that the learned divine had received the
appointment, but opposition on the part of some caused
it to be held in abeyance. Uneasy because of the delay,
our Nashville prelate wrote to Bishop Purcell:
What has become of Dr. Spalding? I had received information
from him sometime since that the Coadjutorship of Louisville has
been conferred on him, and that he was going to Cincinnati to
make a retreat in order to decide whether he would accept or not.
I have not had a word from him directly or indirectly for a month,
and fear some mistake has been made as to the nomination. Could
you give me any information on the subject???
A little later, he took a journey to the east, perhaps
as much in the interest of his friend as in that of his
own diocese. From Baltimore he wrote to Doctor
Spalding to tell him how kindly he was received by
Archbishop Eccleston who immediately introduced
the question of the Louisville coadjutorship, and told
him that Bishop Flaget had now agreed to leave the
matter to the metropolitan and Bishop F. P. Kenrick
of Philadelphia. Then he adds:
It is now pretty well understood here that the Bulls for your
nomination have, through misrepresentation, either not been
issued, or have been suppressed, and consequently the matter stands
in statu quo, and will remain so till the Archbishop’s letter reaches
Rome—which, I trust, will put a final quietus to this disgraceful
affair. ... I need not exhort you to patience, nor tell you how
solicitous I feel in your regard; but I may say that all your
friends are doubly so since the injustice and ill treatment you
have suffered have come to their knowledge. I hope your health
will have been much improved ere this reaches you; and it is my
sincerest wish that Kentucky may be represented in our next
Provincial Council by one of her own sons, even if her Foreign
Ally should be doomed to immoderate regret in consequence”!
Four months later, the subject of our narrative had
20 Notre Dame Archives. Letter dated March 30, 1848.
21 Baltimore Archives, Case 35,18. Letter dated May 23, 1848.
432 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the satisfaction of assisting at the consecration of
Doctor Spalding in the cathedral of Louisville. Ven-
erable Bishop Flaget performed the ceremony on
September 10, 1848. Bishop F. P. Kenrick was the
other assistant, while Archbishop Peter R. Kenrick
of Saint Louis preached the sermon.” 'The ceremonies
have always been considered among the most interesting
ever witnessed in Kentucky.
January 14, 1849, the Father of the Church in Ten-
nessee consecrated Father Maurice De St. Palais
bishop of Vincennes in the old French town from which
the see took its name. He and Doctor Spalding were
the only prelates who had the courage to face the awful
weather in order to be present at this ceremony.
Spalding, therefore, not only acted as assistant conse-
crator, but also preached, the other assistant being the
Rev. Hippolytus Dupontavice. The Vincennes cor-
respondent of the Advocate thanks Bishops Miles and
Spalding for heroicly braving the tempestuous time,
states that the ceremony “was admirably performed by
the very dignified Consecrator,’ and thus closes his
account of the event: “The venerable Consecrator must
indeed have ranked that day among the happiest of
his life. Our Bishop is joined by his flock in wishing
him ad multos annos.” *°
The Saint John’s Hospital and Orphan Asylum had
been put in operation the previous October. Prior to
starting for Vincennes, the bishop had decided to hold
a supper for the liquidation of the debt which still
remained on the establishment. This took place in
Masonic Hall, January 9, 1849, during the holy man’s
22 Advocate, September 16, 1848.
23 Advocate, January 27, 1849,
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 433
absence. JT‘ather Schacht, who managed the affair,
writes of it: “If our good Bishop had been at home, he
would have been agreeably convinced that his labors
here have not been in vain. No doubt he never
expected, ten years ago, that such a change would take
place in Nashville.” Catholicity, he proceeds to say,
is making great strides in the city. On All Saints’
Day one hundred and twenty-four persons received
holy communion, while at least two hundred approached
the sacraments at Christmas. In Memphis also, where
the bishop had sent him to assist the Germans the week
before advent, he was “surprised and delighted” at the
rapid progress of the true religion, no less than at the
respect which he found the Church to enjoy in the pros-
perous town. About affairs there he also writes:
Much credit is due to the zeal and talents of the Dominican
Fathers of Memphis. Through their endeavors, under God, the
Church is taking a stand worthy of herself, and practical religion
is decidedly on the increase; for the good example of religious
orders has always a good effect on the congregation. At early
mass on Sundays the church was nearly filled, and entirely so at
high mass. Many of the attendants were Protestants, but their
religious demeanor proved at once that they came to learn, and not
to cavil. Indeed, the church appeared far too small to accommodate
the people.*4
Hardly had Bishop Miles returned from Indiana,
when he was obliged to start for Saint Louis that he
might be present at the consecration of Father James
O. Van De Velde, S.J., as the second bishop of Chicago.
This event took place in the Church of Saint Francis
Xavier, attached to Saint Louis University, February
11, 1849. The Most Rev. R. P. Kenrick performed
the ceremony, in which he was assisted by Bishops
24 Advocate, January 20, 1849, as in note 18.
29
434 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Miles and Loras. Doctor Spalding preached for the
occasion.~” Scarcely had he settled down to his work
again, when the tireless prelate received notification
of the seventh provincial council of Baltimore which
was to convene in early May.
To Bishop Purcell he wrote, April 9, 1849, that he
hoped to leave Nashville on the sixteenth, and to be in
Cincinnati on the following Friday or Saturday, and
that he would stay over Sunday in that city. “I must
then [he continues] allow myself a week to visit my
brethren and old parishioners about Somerset and
Zanesville. After which I shall, I hope, be able to
meet you at Wheeling on the Wednesday following.” *®
That he carried out this design is evident from the
fact that he gave confirmation at the church of the
Jesuit Fathers in Cincinnati on Sunday, April 22.77
The vote of the council in favor of a definition of the
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception pleased his
piety, while its petition for the creation of three arch-
dioceses, the erection of several new sees, and the
establishment of two vicariates apostolic gladdened his
soul as a further proof of the Church’s growth.”
But his frequent absences in order to gratify friends
in the hierarchy by his presence at their consecrations
caused the man of God to hurry home, where affairs
called for his attention. The Catholic Advocate of
June 2, 1849, shows that he had passed through
25 Advocate, February 24, 1849. Telegraph, March 1, 1849.
26 Notre Dame Archives.
27 Telegraph, April 26, 1849.
28 At the request of this council New York, Cincinnati, and New Or-
leans were made archbishoprics; the dioceses of Saint Paul, Savannah, and
Wheeling were erected; and the vicariates apostolic of New Mexico and
the Territory East of the Rocky Mountains were established.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 435
Louisville before it went to press. Soon after he
reached Nashville, the city was in the throes of an
epidemic of cholera, the ravages of which rent his tender
heart as well as gave him a busy summer.” Memphis
was still more sorely afflicted; for there smallpox com-
bined with cholera to bring gloom to all the town. One
of the great sorrows of the bishop’s life was the loss, in
this double epidemic, of a saintly, useful, and zealous
priest in whose formation he had had a part, Father J.
H. Clarkson, pastor of Saint Peter’s, who died on
August 25, 1849. Although a scholarly man, the
Friar Preacher clothed his attainments with an admi-
rable humility, just as he expressed choice thoughts in
the simplest English. The Memphis Daily Eagle of
August 29, 1849, says of him:
Rev. Mr. Clarkson was a member of the Order of St. Dominic,
but for some time past he had been associated in the pastoral charge
of the Catholic Church of this city. He was unwearying in his
ministrations, and was greatly beloved by the members of his
Church. During the prevalence of the late epidemic, he was con-
stant in attendance upon the poor and suffering. At their bedsides,
night and day, he stood to speak the promise of a better world;
to minister to the minds and hearts of the diseased the healing
and purifying lessons and inspirations of a Christian faith; and,
in that spirit of religion which is humanity ennobled by the loftiest
convictions of duty and the holiest impulses of love, to apply
every remedy, and to perform every ministration, no matter how
humble or menial, which suffering might crave to have or charity
prompt to offer.
His devoted labors brought on the attack under which he passed
from earth, and closed the tasks of the Christian missionary in
29 The History of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas (p. 19)
says the epidemic of cholera was in 1848. Miss McGill (The Sisters of
Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, p. 115), doubtless following the above
book, makes the same statement. But the histories of Nashville and the
cathedral records show that it was in 1849.
436 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the glories of the martyr. What his labors may have accomplished
we know not; but we do know that the martyr of charity leaves
a noble memory in the quiet beauty of a good man’s life.
This eulogy is all the more striking because evidently
from the hand of the non-Catholic editor of a secular
paper; and it thus shows the general esteem, approach-
ing veneration, in which the holy priest was held.
Another tribute appeared in the Catholic Telegraph
of September 13, 1849. Here we read:
The field of his labors up to the time of his coming to
Memphis—two years since—were portions of Ohio and Kentucky,
where he left a name which will long be cherished and revered.
He was of a mild and placid disposition, and possessed good
practical sense and a sound judgment. His talents, without
being brilliant or showy, were solid and useful. But his leading
trait of character was benevolence. He was totally regardless of
self when his neighbor’s good, either temporal or spiritual, called
for his exertion. This he gave cheerfully, and at any cost of
personal sacrifice, or of means within his power.
His sickness was occasioned in a great measure by exposure
and overexertion. For six months our city had been given up to
the ravages of pestilence. The Rev. Father Clarkson was fore-
most in encountering the destroyer—rescuing the victims when it
was possible by medical prescriptions, and, when not, assuaging
their pains with his personal attentions and soothing commisera-
tien, and with hope-inspiring words. His death has thrown a
gloom over our community. The outburst of grief, spontaneous
and general, as well among Protestants as among Catholics, with
which the intelligence of his demise was received, was but the
natural tribute of the heart to known excellence and worth.
The warning was sudden, and the event followed quick upon
the warning. But still there was ample time. When his whole
life had been a continual preparation for death, there was little
left to be done in those last moments. Fortified with the holy
sacraments of religion, and with the benediction of his Order, he
met his fate with that confidence and resignation, and with that
calmness and composure, which the assurance of a good conscience
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 437
and the retrospect of a well-spent life always produce.®°
The Telegraph's tribute is not signed. But the
internal evidence of style, thought, and spirit, as well
as the external evidence of intimate knowledge and
close friendship, suggests that its author was none other
than Bishop Miles himself. Quite likely he went to
Memphis after his friend’s death, and wrote to the
Cincinnati paper from there. In any event, true man
of God that he was, Father Clarkson could scarcely
have asked greater praise from either journal. He
was the first priest to die in Memphis. Like many of
his successors in the same city, he was a martyr to his
zeal and charity.
There is another fact regarding this holy priest which
should be put on record, and no longer left to the mercy
of tradition. At first, he was buried in the yard which
lay at the side and rear of the original church. Some
twelve or fifteen years later, when his body was taken
up that it might be laid to rest beneath the sanctuary
of the new Saint Peter’s, it was found to be intact.
30 Father Clarkson was the son of James Henry and Elizabeth (Wor-
land) Clarkson, was born in Washington County, Kentucky, in 1812, and
was educated partly at Saint Mary’s College, and partly at Saint Rose’s.
He received the habit of Saint Dominic at the latter place on August 2,
1829, and made his profession on August 5, 1830. There he made his
higher studies. He received the tonsure from Bishop Fenwick in Cin-
cinnati, Sunday, October 16, 1831, and the minor orders two days later.
He was ordained priest by Bishop Flaget or Bishop Chabrat in the spring
of 1835, his first baptismal record at Saint Rose’s bearing the date of
May 17 that year. In May, 1837, he was sent to Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio,
to succeed Bishop Miles as prior, remaining there and on the Ohio missions
until the provincial chapter in the fall of 1847, by which he was sent to
Memphis. He was a splendid preacher, had a logical mind, and gave much
time to the explanation of Catholic doctrine. Some times it has been said
that he died of smallpox, and at others that cholera brought on his
death. The time of the year and other circumstances indicate that it
was due to the latter disease.
438 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
God’s servant appeared to be asleep rather than dead.
His flesh was as pliable and natural as in life.”*
But here we must retrace our steps a little in order
to gather up a few threads of our narrative which are
necessary for a proper perspective of the picture.
Saintly Father Louis Hoste, the vicar general, had
lived in Nashville from the time of his arrival from
France, in 1841. One of his cares there had been the
few French Catholics of the city. At first, he lived
with the bishop. Later he and Father Montgomery
seem to have occupied another house, possibly that
which still stands at the side of Saint Mary’s of the
Seven Dolors, and which was the cathedral rectory.
After the coming of Father Orengo, Father Schacht
became pastor of the cathedral. Father Hoste, doubt-
less at his own request, went to reside at Saint
Michael’s, near ‘Turnersville, Robertson County, where
he started a school and a male orphan asylum of which
we shall speak later.
Father Orengo became an itinerant missionary for
central Tennessee, who saw little of his home with the
bishop at Nashville. Father Jacquet was sent to
Chattanooga, whence he looked after all the eastern
part of the state until the arrival of the Rev. Edmund
Etschmann, O.S.F., sometime in 1849. This worthy
son of Saint Francis was stationed at Wartburg,
Morgan County, whose German colony Doctor Miles
turned over to the care of the Franciscans. Under
the same charge came Kingston, Roane County, and
31 Fathers John A. Bokel, James V. Edelen, and Sydney A. Clarkson
(a younger brother) used often to speak of having witnessed this fact.
Several old people of Memphis spoke of it to the writer some years ago.
The tradition of it is still strong in that city and in Saint Joseph’s
Province.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 439
Tellico Plains, Monroe County. Far-off Jonesborough
was then attended from Nashville. But like his prede-
cessor, the Rev. William Howard, Father Etschmann
received all too scant support, and was recalled by his
superiors late in 1850 or early in 1851. During the two
years that he labored in the diocese he effected much
good, for he was a zealous priest of blameless life.”
In the midst of these changes for the advancement
of religion, the heart of ‘Tennessee’s apostle was glad-
dened again by the arrival of the Rev. Henry Vincent
Brown, a convert priest whom he had himself received
into the Church, and sent to Rome for his studies.
Father Brown was ordained by the Most Rev. John
MacHale, archbishop of ‘Tuam, Ireland, in the chapel
of the College of the Propaganda, on Pentecost Sunday,
June 11, 1848, and arrived in Nashville late in the
year, or early in 1849. It was a happy day for the
Church there, for the history of his labors in the state
is inseparable from that of the diocese. He was
stationed in the episcopal city, but his toils were prin-
cipally on the missions.*°
32 Catholic Almanac, 1847, p. 134; 1848, p. 220; 1849, pp. 115-116; 1850,
p. 133; 1851, p. 131. The Almanac places Father Etschmann at Saint
John’s, Cincinnati, from 1847 until he went to Tennessee, and again from
the time he left the Diocese of Nashville until 1856. From that time
to 1862 or 1863 he was at Saint Boniface’s, Louisville, Kentucky, whence
he seems to have returned to Europe. He died in Austrian Tyrol, May 21,
1890.
33 Father Brown was born about 1816. His parents were Presbyterians.
About 1839, he was engaged as teacher of art at Saint Catherine’s
Academy, near Springfield, Kentucky. While there, Father Jarboe con-
verted him, but he was baptized by Bishop Miles at Saint Rose’s, April
5, 1840. Then he studied at Saint Joseph’s College, Bardstown, whence
he went to Rome in 1844 or 1845. His first baptism at Nashville is dated
February 25, 1849.
440 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Among the nominations made by the council held
at Baltimore was that of Father Charles Pius Mont-
gomery, a younger brother of Father Samuel in
Nashville, and like him a Friar Preacher. He declined
the honor. When Archbishop Eccleston wrote to
Bishop Miles to acquaint him of this fact, and to ask for
suggestions, the subject of our narrative replied:
Nashville, April 8, 1850.
Most Rev. Archbishop :—
I regret very much to learn from your late favour that Rev.
Mr. Montgomery persists in his refusal of the appointment to the
See of Monterey, as I know him to be well fitted for that office.
With regard to the Rev. Mr. Grace, although a very worthy and
efficient clergyman, I think he is too young, and has not been in
orders long enough.*+ This is the only objection that could be
made against him.
At your request, I will take the liberty to propose the names of
Very Rev. Joseph Alemany, O.P., who stands second on the list
for Santa Fe, and who is sufficiently known for his piety and
learning to render any recommendation on my part unnecessary;
and the Rev. James M. Lancaster, whom I have known from his
childhood, and whom I heartily recommend as one well worthy
of the mitre. I am aware that some objections have been made
against Mr. Lancaster; but I have never heard of any that, in my
estimation, ought to stand in his way on this occasion. I have
never heard the most distant hint against his moral character,
and know him to be a good, zealous clergyman, and highly
esteemed by the congregation he has had charge of.
Allow me, Most Rev. Archbishop, to thank you for the kindness
expressed in your letter, and to hope that my future conduct may
deserve a continuation of the same, whilst I remain with senti-
34 This was Father Grace of Memphis. He had studied and was or-
dained abroad, returning to this country late in 1844, or in the early
days of 1845. The United States Catholic Miscellany of August 24, 1850,
together with this letter, indicates that his name was the second on the
council’s list for Monterey.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 44]
ments of the highest regard and esteem,
Your most obedient servant,
T Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.*°
Whenthe Holy See raised Saint Louis to the rank
of an archbishopric, July 20, 1847, it was decided to
defer the appointment of its suffragan dioceses until
the American hierarchy should make known their wish
in the matter at the next provincial council to he held
at Baitimore. Although, doubtless because of long-
standing associations, Bishop Miles would have pre-
ferred that Nashville should be associated with the
Province of Cincinnati for the establishment of which
the council petitioned, he was too humble a man to
oppose the wishes of the conciliar fathers. Accord-
ingly, by a letter of the Propaganda dated August 9,
1850, Tennessee was severed from Baltimore, and
annexed to Saint Louis.*°
35 Baltimore Archives, Case 25, M 8. Father Alemany, S.T.Lr., was
born in Vich, Spain, July 13,-1814. He entered the Order of Saint
Dominic in his native country when fifteen years of age; but on the
suppression of the religious orders in Spain (1835), he went to Viterbo,
Italy, where he was raised to the priesthood on March 27, 1837, and ob-
tained the degree of Lector of Theology in 1840. Shortly afterwards,
he came to Ohio. In 1842, he was sent to Nashville, and to Memphis
in 1845, in both of which places he left a sacred memory. In 1847, he
was made master of novices in Kentucky, and became provincial in 1849.
While in Rome, he was appointed bishop of Monterey (May 31, 1850),
and was consecrated there, June 30, 1850. On the erection of the Arch-
diocese of San Francisco, he became its metropolitan (July 29, 1853).
He resigned in December, 1884, returned to Spain, and died at Valencia,
April 14, 1888. He was one of our most saintly and best beloved prelates.
36 HERNAEZ, Coleccion de Bulas, Breves, etc., II, 787-788; Concilia Bal-
timort, pp. 281, 287-289. These documents show the error of Shea who
writes (History of the Church, IV, 36): “When the authorities in Rome
at last recognized the consequences of their action, Pope Pius IX., on the
8th day of October, 1847, made St. Louis a metropolitan see, with Du-
buque, Nashville, Chicago, and Milwaukee as suffragans.’’ Doctor Shea
had a decided Gallican tendency, and overlooked few opportunities of
442 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Three other acts of the Holy See in agreement with
the requests of the seventh provincial council of
Baltimore were the erection of the Diocese of Wheeling,
the transfer thither of Bishop Richard V. Whelan, and
the appointment of the Rev. John McGill of Kentucky
as his successor at Richmond. ‘The new appointee was
a close friend and admirer of the Father of the Church
in Tennessee. When therefore Father McGill was
consecrated bishop of Richmond by the metropolitan
of Saint Louis, Doctors Miles and St. Palais acted as
assistants. The event took place in Saint Joseph’s
Church, Bardstown, the former cathedral, November
10, 1850. Bishop Spalding delivered an _ eloquent
sermon.” It is noteworthy that this was the last
episcopal consecration in that historic edifice, as well
as one of the most striking ceremonies that ever occurred
there.
With the exception of that of the Right Rev.
Amadeus Rappe of Cleveland which took place in
Cincinnati, October 10, 1847, and at which only Bishops
Purcell and Whelan were present, the subject of our
narrative had not only attended, but also participated
in, every episcopal consecration in the near west from
the time of his elevation to the hierarchy, twelve years
before. His big heart and broad mind urged him to
undergo every sacrifice that he might gratify his
equals. Previous engagements and the Nashville
cathedral, which was nearing dedication, rendered it
next to impossible for him to be at Bishop Rappe’s
consecration; yet, had he known that so few would
censuring Rome, even when there was clear evidence of a desire to please
our hierarchy.
37 Telegraph, November 30, 1850.
PROGRESS SLOW, BUT STEADY 443
attend it, one can not doubt that he would have found
a way of gracing the occasion with his ever welcomed
presence.
Ill health combined with much that called for his
attention at home to keep him from the consecration
of Bishop John B. Lamy as vicar apostolic of Santa Fe,
in Cincinnati, November 24, 1850. ‘The holy prelate
had spent nearly the whole year in travel, on horseback
and otherwise, through his diocese, which sapped his
strength even to the point of danger. Worry and extra
toil caused by another outbreak of cholera in the early
summer contributed to the same effect. From Bishop
McGill’s consecration he returned to Nashville a sick
man. In a letter of date December 27, 1850, Father
H. V. Brown tells Mark Frenaye of Philadelphia:
At the request of Bishop Miles I write to inform you that he
duly received the certificate of Bank deposit for $103.02 for-
warded to him by you. Our venerable Bishop has been seriously
indisposed for some three weeks. He is now a little better, but
cannot yet sit up, and requires constant attention day and night.
His physician does not name his complaint, but he has a violent
cough, frequent fever and swollen limbs.®*
Although the progress of the period was slow, on
the whole it was steady and solid. Those acquainted
with the conditions regarded it as nothing short of
extraordinary. Indeed, they marvelled not that the
zealous prelate failed to effect more, but that he was
able to accomplish so much.
38 Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, March, 1903
(XT Vien tlo,)%
CHAPTER XIX
FAIRER GROWTH
THE union of the Catholic Advocate with the
Catholic Telegraph, in the latter half of 1849, was
unfortunate for the history of the Diocese of Nashville.
It practically took away from Bishop Miles the paper
which he had in a large measure used as his official
organ. Between the clergy of Ohio and the clergy of
Tennessee naturally there was not that community
of spirit, general acquaintance, or warmth of friendship
which existed between the priests of Kentucky and the
priests of Tennessee. The student can not but notice
that, immediately after this change, communications
on the affairs of the Diocese of Nashville became much
-more meager, as well as far less frequent, than they had
been before.
Possibly the columns of the Telegraph were not so
open for news items from the struggling little see
which lay farther to the south as had been those of
the Advocate, which was more in sympathy with its
hardships from the fact that it had been taken from
Bardstown, and was a closer neighbor. However this
may be, distance from Cincinnati and Nashville’s
connection with Saint Louis, one can but believe, cer-
tainly had their part in this unfortunate circumstance.
The matter is aggravated still more in that Archbishop
P. R. Kenrick preserved practically no records. Hap-
pily, however, a few documents have survived the
444
FAIRER GROWTH 445
ravages of time and neglect which, especially when taken
in connection with those already laid before the reader,
afford a fair idea of the life and labors of Tennessee’s
first chief pastor during the last decade of his govern-
ment.
We left the apostolic man, at the close of the last
chapter, in another serious spell of sickness brought on
by unremitting labor and exposure. Although he
possessed a splendid vitality and power of recuperation,
his strength had been so overtaxed that the recovery
was slow. Weakness rendered it impossible for him to
attend the consecration of Father John B. Miége, S. J.,
as vicar apostolic of Kansas and the Indian Territory,
on March 25, 1851. However, that year opened with
an event which must have brought no little joy to our
apostle’s fatherly heart. He had long desired, even
sought, to obtain for his diocese the services of the
Dominican Sisters whom he had helped to establish.
These were then under the jurisdiction of the Domin-
ican provincial. When, therefore, Father M. A.
O’Brien, the first priest whom he had ordained, was
elected to that position, October 30, 1850, Bishop
Miles at once renewed his efforts to this end; for he
felt that a zealous friend for whom he had done so much
would leave nothing untried in order to grant his
petition."
It happened as he had prayed. Indeed, pursuant to
his swift way of doing things, Father O’Brien sent
the sisters before preparations were made for their
reception. Doubtless it was as much to divide the honor
of initiating the work between the two little commu-
nities, as to spare either the entire burden, that the
1An American Apostle, pp. 39, 54, and passim.
446 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
provincial selected three members of Saint Catherine’s,
Springfield, Kentucky, and an equal number from
Saint Mary’s, Somerset, Ohio. Those from Kentucky
were Sisters Lucy Harper, Ann Simpson, and Vin-
centia Fitzpatrick; those from Ohio, Sisters Emily
Thorpe, Magdalen Clark, and Catherine McCormack.
This little band of workers, escorted by Father
Francis Cubero, travelled down the Ohio and the
Mississippi from Louisville to Memphis, where they
arrived between one and two o’clock on the morning of
January 1, 1851. As they had to leave the boat, Father
Cubero took them directly to Saint Peter’s. Father
Grace had just retired after a late sick-call; but he
arose at once to welcome them. Having no place in
which he could put them to sleep, he entertained them in
the parlor the rest of the night, and after mass and
breakfast took them to a Mrs. McKeon’s, who showed
them every hospitality for about two weeks, or until
they could be settled in their new home.*
Prior to the arrival of the sisters, Father Grace had
purchased what was then known as the “Coe Place”
from its former owner and occupant, the Hon. L. H.
Coe. ‘The house, a neat frame structure two stories
high, had eight small rooms, besides the garret, stood
somewhat beyond the city limits, and was pleasantly
situated back from the highway in a large yard of
primeval forest trees. ‘There early in February, 1851,
began the school which soon developed into the present
widely-known Saint Agnes’ Academy. At first, the
garret was used for a chapel. But in the following
year, when the bishop and Father Grace entrusted the
2 This lady was probably the wife of Patrick or William McKeon, two
of Memphis’ earliest Catholics.
FAIRER GROWTH 447
Catholic orphans of Memphis to the sisters, a new
building was added, in which a room on the second story
was set apart for an oratory. Indeed, the growth of
this schoo! was so rapid that by 1855 it became nec-
essary to send the orphans to a place which Father
Grace had purchased, about five miles outside the city,
with the intention of starting a college for boys. It
was long known as “Gracewood Farm;” and here the
orphans remained until after Bishop Miles’ death.”
Unfortunately, the affairs of Saint Mary’s Academy
at Nashville took a less happy turn at this juncture.
After his appointment as pastor of the cathedral,
Father Ivo Schacht, or “Scatt” as he was universally
called, was given too much authority by good Bishop
Miles. Father Schacht was a capable man, an extraor-
dinary linguist, and a zealous, hard-working priest.
These qualities, there can be no doubt, won for him
the unreserved confidence of his ordinary, who had not
yet learned that his one failing was an inflexible deter-
mination to have his own way, regardless of costs.
In addition to the pastorship of the cathedral, he was
placed in charge of the school, and appointed spiritual
director of the sisters. ‘Trouble was not slow to follow.
Among the causes of the misunderstanding are said
3 Saint Agnes’ Annals (Mss.); Minocur, Pages from a Hundred Years
of Dominican History, pp. 84 ff. Gracewood Farm contained one hundred
and ten acres, and was bought from John Park and Andrew Henderson
in 1854 for a college which Bishop Miles wished the fathers to start
near Memphis. But they were unable to begin the work before the Civil
War. Father William D. O’Carroll, who became provincial in 1865,
sold the property.
Sister Catherine McCormack died at Saint Agnes’, August 8, 1851,
being the first nun to die in Tennessee. Sisters Monica Conlan, Vincent
Nicolas, and Mary Pius Fitzpatrick were added to the staff of the school
in 1852.
448 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
to have been a too frequent change of teachers and a
desire that the sisters should sing in the cathedral choir.*
Possibly this is in part true, although documents laid
before the reader indicate that there was little difficulty
in finding at Nashville those who were ever ready to
supply this latter need for church services.
Another reason given for the friction is the wish of
Bishop Miles to have a purely diocesan community free
from outside authority.” There may also be some truth
in this statement, especially in the after-development
of affairs; for the Sisters of Mercy, founded along these
lines, seem to have engendered in the minds of more than
one bishop a disposition to establish such bodies of
religious women. Archbishop Hughes had already
started one with some of the Sisters of Charity of
Emmitsburg who were in the Diocese of New York,
while Archbishop Purcell was taking a similar step
for Cincinnati.
Whatever the origin of the differences, Father
Schacht’s hand is clearly visible behind the project
which all too soon took effect in Nashville. Doubtless
the conception was entirely his, and he took advantage
of the bishop’s illness that he might bring his plan to
execution. Evidently also some of the sisters readily
espoused his cause. Bishop Miles’ well-known char-
acter and spirit of charity and thoughtfulness for
others—apart from his religious training, principles,
and experience—, it seems almost needless to say, would
have made him the last person in the world to think of
dividing a community for his own sake, had not the
4 History of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas, pp. 22 ff;
McGiLL, The Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, Kentucky, p. 116.
9 Ibid.
FAIRER GROWTH 449
strongest influence been brought to bear upon him while
in a state of prolonged infirmity in which he largely
depended upon the zeal and judgment of Father
Schacht. Some others seem to have also urged Father
Schacht’s idea.
Mother Catherine Spalding of Nazareth finally went
to see the bishop about the difficulty. That two persons
of such equipoise could not come to an agreement is
proof that matters had then arrived at a pass in which
the best, if not the only reasonable, solution of the
trouble lay in the withdrawal of some of the sisters at
Nashville from the mother-house, and the establishment
of a distinct and independent community. This was
determined upon at the time; for six members of Saint
Mary’s Academy and Saint John’s Hospital and
Orphan Asylum, apparently under the leadership of
Father Schacht and Sister Xavier Ross, had openly
pronounced themselves in favor of such a step.° In
the first part of a letter to Bishop Spalding, when the
plan had matured, Father Schacht rather hides behind
his ecclesiastical superior; but towards the end he dis-
closes clearly enough who had brought it about. Here
he writes:
Nashville, June 9th, 1851.
Right Rev. and dear Friend :—
Nothing would give us more pleasure than to welcome your
Lordship to Nashville on your return from the Springs. Boats
are coming up from Smithland nearly every day. Besides, the
digression would amount to nothing as to time. So, Right Rev.
Friend, permit me to hope you will favour us thus far. The
Bishop desires that the house of Nazareth would be kind enough
to furnish him with five or six Sisters to commence a Novitiate
with of our own. Our peculiar position, the good of Religion, and
6 Sisters of Leavenworth as in note 4, p. 23.
30
450 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
many other circumstances render this an imperative duty on our
part. I consider a refusal almost certain, because I could not
take any other but such as I would name myself. Moreover,
the thing is to be done.” I want to do things amicably, and find
myself without such counsel as I need. Mother Frances most
pressingly invites you too. And all will feel under lasting obli-
gations to you, Right Rev. Friend.
In anxious expectation, Yours in Christ.
I. Schacht.®
Whether Bishop Spalding went to Nashville on this
invitation we did not discover. Be that as it may, Father
Schacht wrote to him again on November 5, 1851, a
letter which shows how keenly he felt the accusations
made against him for his actions in the matter, as well
as abounds in countercharges. ‘The document is too
violent for publication. Suffice it to say that, we are
convinced, his charges are grossly exaggerated, and
that the letter is almost proof positive that the scheme
of separation originated with him, and that Se
Xavier Ross took a leading part in bringing it to pass.”
7 The italics are Father Schacht’s.
8 Louisville Archives (photostat copy in those of Saint Joseph’s Prov-
ince). Mother Frances Gardiner, referred to in the letter, did not join
in Father Schacht’s plan, after all.
9 Ibid. (photostat copy, ibid.). One of the accusations against which
Father Schacht is particularly anxious to defend himself in this letter
is that he had acted as Mother Xavier’s adviser in all that she had done.
However, the facts that she was superior from 1847 to 1850; that in
1850 she was superseded by Mother Frances Gardiner; that the break
came in 1851; that Mother Xavier immediately became the superior of
the new community, and held the office as long as it remained in Nashville;
that it looked on Father Schacht as its chief guardian friend; that it
regarded Bishop Miles as in his right when he consented to the separa-
tion from Nazareth, but in the wrong when he took action against Father
Schacht; and that it broke with the Bishop when Father Schacht broke
with him—all this leaves more than a suspicion in the mind that Father
Schacht sadly deceived himself when he wrote this letter. See the Cath-
olic Almanacs from 1848 to 1858, and History of the Sisters of Leaven-
qorth and McGuu, op. cit., as in note 4.
FAIRER GROWTH 451
Doubtless, as in all similar difficulties, there were
mistakes on both sides. The error of Bishop Miles,
we may take it for granted, was one of judgment, and
not of the heart. It is one of the very few which we
may lay at the holy prelate’s door. Quite probably,
before it reached his ears, the business had progressed
so far that, while those who favored a division of the
community could no longer be happy at Nazareth, the
only way in which he could save his school was to accede
to their desire, and he made what he believed to be the
wisest choice under the circumstances. Possibly again
it was to make amends for whatever wrong he feared
might have been committed against the Kentucky insti-
tution that (September 15, 1851) he deeded to its eccle-
siastical superior, Father Joseph Hazeltine, a splendid
piece of land, together with the buildings on it, which he
had purchased at a bargain five years earlier, and which
had since been used for educational purposes”.
The sisters who abided by the decision of their mo-
ther-house returned to Kentucky after the school year
of 1850-1851. ‘Those who remained at Nashville were
Sisters Xavier Ross, Mary Vincent Kearney, Joanna
Brunner, Ellen Davis, Jane Frances Kennedy, and
Baptista Kelly. At first, as the academy property had
been turned over to Father Hazeltine, they all lived in
the cottage near the hospital, 63 North High Street,
where they were soon joined by two recruits from
10 Deed Book XV, pp. 81-82 (Recorder’s Office, Nashville). Deed
Book IX, pp. 288-289, shows that Bishop Miles bought this property at
a public auction, September 26, 1843, and received the deed for it, when
he had finished paying the purchase money, on October 26, 1846. Deed
Book IX, pp. 432-433, shows that he also deeded property to Father Hazel-
tine, February 22, 1847. In each case one dollar was the consideration
paid by Hazeltine.
452 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Nazareth who had probably been in Nashville before—
Sisters Pauline Gibson and Dorothy Villeneuve™.
However, it was not long before the large, beautiful
home of Doctor William A. Cheatham, which stood at
42-44 Cedar Street, opposite the cathedral, was secured
for the teaching sisters and converted into a convent un-
der the name of Saint Vincent’s Home. Here also were
Saint Mary’s Academy continued and the orphans
transferred, as well as a novitiate opened. ‘The hospital
remained at 63 North High Street, while a free school
for the poor and such as chose it for the education of
their children was taught in the spacious basement of
the cathedral’. Indeed, the new community prospered
marvellously for a time. Doubtless it would have ren-
dered the diocese lasting services, had not Father
Schacht’s unruly spirit and ugly temper intervened.
But of this we shall speak in a later chapter.
Bishop Miles’ kindness of heart, no less than his
charity, uniformly prevented him from cherishing ill
will towards any one. So it happened in the case of the
misunderstanding just recorded. We sought in vain
for a hard or harsh word from him in regard to that
matter. Contrariwise, we discovered from various
sources manifestations of sincere friendship, high es-
teem, and good wishes for Nazareth. Similarly the
apostolic man was not one who would stop to cry over
spilt milk. HKeenly sensitive though he was for the good
of religion, naught seemed to ruffle the even tenor of his
11 Authorities as in note 4 and the Almanacs from 1852 to 1858. The
only other Sisters up to this time whose names we have discovered were
Sister Serena Carney (superior 1845-1847), Sister Frances Gardiner (supe-
rior 1850-1851), and Sister Margaret Bamber (superior at the hospital
1849-1851). None of these three joined the new community.
12 Sisters of Leavenworth, pp. 22 ff; Almanacs, 1852-1858; Nashville
Directory, 1853-1854, 1855-1856, 1857.
FAIRER GROWTH 453
ways, for the consciousness that he did his best, chose
what he believed to be right, and sought to avoid that
which he feared might be wrong, enabled him to possess
his soul in peace.
Another incident, of slight importance in itself, but
which is said to have caused the subject of our narrative
considerable pain, seems to have grown out of the es-
tablishment of the new community in Nashville. In the
life of his predecessor, which he was compiling just at
this juncture, Bishop Spalding states that Father
Raphael Mufios was sent to Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky,
as prior of the convent that he might restore the disci-
pline which had become somewhat relaxed through the
exigencies of missionary life. ‘Tradition tells us that the
distinguished divine wrote this through pique; and
that Bishop Miles was not a little chagrined by the as-
sertion of his friend. Nor is the reason far to seek in
either case. It was only natural that Doctor Spalding
should be nettled by the split in a religious body under
his jurisdiction, for which he felt that the Father of the
Church in Tennessee was partly responsible; whilst the
latter could hardly be expected not to resent the impu-
tation that he had needed to be reformed by one who
had been so harsh to him as Father Murfios"®.
However, as his letters show, Bishop Miles did not
permit this incidental unpleasantness to mar a friend-
ship which had been long, intimate, and trusting. In-
deed, the relations between the two prelates were soon
13 Life of Flaget, p. 288; Fenwick, p. 142. In Fenwick is shown Father
Maes’ fantastic use of Doctor Spalding’s statement. Possibly it was
this spleen which occasioned Bishop Spalding’s failure to mention the
labors of the Dominicans in Kentucky during the epidemic of cholera in
1833—for which see his Life of Flaget, pp. 275 ff, and note 12 in Chapter
XI of this book.
454 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
as near and amicable as ever. Despite his zeal, the de-
bility induced by the severe spell of sickness seems to
have rendered the year 1851 the least active since the
holy man’s elevation to the miter. Still he kept in close
touch with the affairs of his diocese, which he strove to
advance in every way. arly in the fall he made a
journey to Ohio, and officiated at the cathedral in Cin-
cinnati“. Quite probably his ever-present financial
straits, which had become still more tightened by the
loss of the academy property, carried him there, for he
often sought to borrow money in that city.
The summons for our first plenary council to assem-
ble at Baltimore by May 8, 1852, found the man of God
busy at his work. This was before the close of the
previous year’. Because of the slow travel at that time
a number of bishops in the west arranged to make a
part of the journey together, which would insure them
a pleasant companionship, no less than afford them an
opportunity of discussing the needs of the American
Church before the council should meet. Bishop Spald-
ing invited the subject of our narrative to join them at
Louisville, and received in response a letter dated
March 30, 1852, in which the chief pastor of Tennessee
tells him:
“IT am happy to acknowledge your late kind favour,
and will do myself the pleasure of accepting your invi-
tation to join you and the other distinguished charac-
ters that are to form our company to Baltimore. I pro-
pose to leave home as soon as possible after the second
Sunday after EKaster—by water, if we have enough, or
14 Telegraph, September 20, 1851.
15 The Acta et Decreta of this council show that Archbishop F. P. Ken-
rick sent out the letter of convocation on November 21, 1851.
FAIRER GROWTH 455
by stage, as the case may be’’.” Then he makes a few
good-natured references to the talk in Kentucky about
the Saint Mary’s Academy affair, and closes his letter
with the statement: “Every thing is going on well
here, except money matters which are rather slim as far
as I am concerned. Many compliments, and all sorts of
blessings.” ‘The Catholic Telegraph of Saturday, May
8, 1852, shows that the hierarchical company passed
through Cincinnati that week, which gave them barely
time to reach Baltimore for the opening of the council.
At this assemblage our zealous prelate had another
convincing proof of the growth of the Church in his be-
loved country in the reports brought from every direc-
tion, and in the petition of the fathers of the council for
the establishment of no less than nine new sees and one
vicariate apostolic. His cup of joy would have been
filled, could he have given a more roseate account of the
increase of Catholicity in his own charge. Doubtless
the request for the erection of the Archdiocese of San
Francisco and the nomination of his friend and former
colaborer in Tennessee, Bishop Alemany, for its metro-
politan afforded him a special pleasure. From Balti-
more he journeyed to New York City, where he dedi-
cated Saint Ann’s Church, June 1, 1852, in the presence
of Archbishop Hughes and the bishops of Boston,
Pittsburgh, and Louisville.”
On his way back to Nashville, he stopped at his for-
mer missionary fields of Saint Joseph’s, Somerset, and
16 Louisville Archives. The second Sunday after Easter fell on April
25 in that year.
17 Acta et Decreta Concilii Plenarit........ , Baltimori habiti Anno 1852;
Freeman’s Journal, June 5, 1852; Memoranda of the Diocese of Boston
(Mss.), June 1, 1852; Goutpinc, The Churches in New York City, p. 150.
456 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Zanesville, Ohio, in all of which he administered confir-
mation, and delivered to the candidates some of those
simple, beautiful, and instructive sermons in which he
was an adept. At Saint Joseph’s the ambassador of
Christ had the satisfaction of finding the new college in
full operation. It was the first time he had seen it, and
the thought that his: former ambition had at last been
realized gave him unbounded joy. The account of his
welcomed visit says: “The Right Rev. Prelate, though
declining in years and somewhat worn by arduous la-
bors, is still in the possession of much vigor, and during
his stay with us was in the enjoyment of excellent
health.”’*®
Strange to say, although it had been the first place
in the state to loom promisingly from a Catholic point of
view, and had no doubt been visited more than once
by a priest since the establishment of the diocese, we
have found the name of Knoxville in but one document
(the Almanac of 1854) referring to the Church from
the days of Father Badin more than forty years past.
Evidently the faith there had all but died; yet it was
soon to be resurrected. In fact, the #reeman’s Journal
of May 26, 1860, reproduces a contribution to the
Louisville Guardian, which tells of the promise at this
later time, and says: “Six or eight years ago, not one
resident Catholic was known to be in Knoxville.”
Chattanooga, thanks to public works of various kinds,
had now begun to attract a goodly number, which was a
source of no little joy to the zealous bishop. Before his
departure for Baltimore, he had sent Father Brown to
that city in order to build a church and leave Father
18 Telegraph, June 26 and July 3, 1852.
FAIRER GROWTH 457
Jacquet freer for work among the laborers on the rail-
roads and in the parts farther towards the east. These
places seem to have demanded our apostle’s attention
immediately on his return from the council. Apparent-
lv he was at or around Chattanooga when Bishop
Spalding wrote to request his presence at the consecra-
tion of the cathedral in Louisville, which had been set
for October 3, 1852. He answered from Nashville, the
seventh of September:
I have delayed some time to acknowledge your late kind favour
in which you invite me to be present at the consecration of your
new Cathedral, an invitation quite agreeable to my feelings. At
the time I received your letter Mr. Montgomery was quite ill of a
fever, and for some time his case was considered dangerous. He
is now happily recovered, so that, without some accident not antici-
pated, I shall enjoy your pleasant society and the solemn ceremony
that is to come off on Rosary Sunday.
You have laid me under one restriction that will go very hard
with me. You say in your letter: “Of course you will fail to ex-
hibit to us the light of your countenance on that auspicious day.”
This will be a hard task for me, and I hope you will at least allow
me a small grin from time to time. Otherwise there would be dan-
ger of an explosion, for the consequences of which you will be
held responsible.
Rev. Mr. Brown was present when I read your letter. When I
announced your invitation to him, he made his best bow, and ex-
pressed his great regret that he could not come. He is preparing
to build a church in Chattanooga, and is entirely absorbed in his
grand undertaking. I propose to leave home on next Sunday; and
after spending a few days with my pets about St. Rose’s, I will come
to Louisville, and endeavour to make my retreat before the dedica-
tion. You know you promised to join me. If this arrangement
doesn’t suit, please let me know. A letter directed to St. Cathe-
rine’s, near Springfield, any time next week will find me there.
Bishop Reynolds has promised to visit me this fall. Of course
he will be at the consecration, and I shall expect him to accompany
458 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
me phomers aes May every happiness and blessing be yours.
I am most faithfully your devoted friend,
Tt Richard Pius Miles,
Bishop of Nashville.
The consecration of the cathedral took place on the
day prescribed, and has come down in history as one of
the great Catholic events of Louisville. Two metropol-
itans and eight bishops from all parts of the country
graced the occasion with their presence. Bishop Miles,
there can be no doubt, put his very soul into the signa-
ture which he affixed to the signed set of resolutions
sent by this august assemblage to Father John Henry
(afterwards Cardinal) Newman approving his exposé
of the apostate priest, Giovanni Achilli, who had writ-
ten and spoken so villainously of the Church. While
most tolerant of inculpable error and compassionate to-
wards the sinner, a true man of God that he was, our
bishop had little mercy for such reprobate characters as
Achilli, who he felt deserved only contempt.”°
Through his ceaseless efforts, in spite of obstacles of
every sort, religion made continual, though slow, prog-
ress. In the Catholic Almanac for 1853 he reported
six churches, two chapels, twenty stations, and five
thousand faithful served by himself and nine priests.
Four of the missionaries (Louis Hoste, John M. Jac-
quet, Ivo Schacht, and H. V. Brown) were secular
clergymen. ‘The other five belonged to the Order of
Saint Dominic—Fathers S. L. Montgomery, Thomas
19 Louisville Archives.
20 Telegraph, October 9, 1852; Spatpine (J. L.), Life of Archbishop
M. J. Spalding, p. 148. It is noteworthy that the first Newman fund in
the United States was opened by the bishops at this meeting for the
purpose of helping the distinguished English divine to defray the expenses
of the suit for libel brought against him by the infamous Achilli.
FAIRER GROWTH 459
L. Grace, Aloysius Orengo, John Raymond Cleary, and
John Albert Bokel.**
Five of the six churches were certainly those of Nash-
ville, Memphis, Robertson County, Clarksville, and
Humphreys County, all of which have been mentioned
more than once. The sixth was likely the log fane
which Father Schacht built on the Rogan farm about the
end of 1844, and which appears to have been known la-
ter as the “Immaculate Conception, Gallatin Tunnel.”
Father Lorigan, in his article for the Catholic Encyclo-
pedia, tells us that a church (Saint Mary’s) was erected
at Jackson in 1849. Quite likely this is true, for such
a project had been long in contemplation; but as the
Almanac never speaks of a church there, we are inclined
to think that this small temple of prayer was one of the
two designated as chapels in the bishop’s report. ‘The
other was probably the small wooden affair which either
Father Jacquet or Father Brown had built on a lot of
Michael Harrington in Chattanooga, and which Father
Lorigan says was put up in 1852. Possibly Father
Brown wished to have it known as a chapel because he
had already begun preparations for a large and beauti-
ful Gothic stone church.”
The twenty stations in the diocese were scattered here
and there from the boundaries of Mississippi, Alabama,
and Georgia to that of Kentucky; and from Jones-
borough in the extreme east to the banks of the great
Father of Waters.
One of the holy man’s greatest difficulties still con-
tinued to be that of procuring a sufficient number of
priests for the proper care of his widely dispersed flock,
21 Almanac, 1853, pp. 122-123.
22 Catholic Encyclopedia, X, 705; Freeman’s Journal, May 28, 1854.
460 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
and means for a suitable sustenance of the missionaries
who had come to his aid. However he managed to
maintain his works of charity and his free schools is
almost a mystery. When, October 23, 1852, the pre-
fect of the Propaganda urged that our American hier-
archy should agree upon some general plan for an
ecclesiastical living which might be enacted into law,
Archbishops Purcell and R. P. Kendrick wrote for our
prelate’s views on the subject.”* To Doctor Purcell he
replied, March 30, 1853:
You ask me what I think of the decree of Rome. In my reply
to the Archbishop of St. Louis asking my opinion on the same sub-
ject, I told him I did not think I had a right to give any opinion,
as I was entirely out of the scrape; that I received no assistance
from any church in my Diocese except from my Cathedral, and
from this only two or three hundred dollars; and that, had it not
been for the small pittance I receive annually from the Propaga-
tion of the Faith, together with a legacy from a deceased brother,
I should have starved long since.?4
Thank God, my condition is somewhat better now. I am out of
debt. Rev. Mr. Schacht has returned from Europe, having pro-
cured sufficient means to satisfy all demands against my church.
Some good friend, God forgive him, had so shamefully misrepre-
sented my condition to the Propagation of the Faith that they had
for several years put me off with a mere trifle. Mr. Schacht suc-
ceeded in disabusing them of their error, and they have sent me
francs 18,000, which, together with what he collected in his own
country, has made me again even with the world. But my purse
is in a perfect and frightful state of collapse in consequence.
N’importe.*®
23 Acta et Decreta Concilu Plenarii......., Balttmort habiti Anno 1852,
p. 61. This was before the establishment of our present cathedraticum.
24 This brother was Edward B. Miles who died at Bloomfield, Ken-
tucky, February 4, 1846.
25 Notre Dame Archives. Father Schacht had been in Belgium on a
vacation. Beginning with 1847, Bishop Miles’ allotments from the Propa-
gation of the Faith had been cut to about one fourth, or less, of what
tJ
FAIRER GROWTH 461
The Father of the Church in Tennessee was now in
his sixties. Hardships, age, and labors had so told on
his strength that he could no longer spend days or even
weeks in the saddle at a stretch. The weight of a large
physical frame and not infrequent periods of ill health
also interfered with his journeys. Yet he continued to
visit his diocese as often as he possibly could, making his
way into every nook and corner that no Catholic family
or individual might be overlooked. When it was feasi-
ble, he went by train; but there were then few places in
the state which could be reached in this wise. Often, in
order to conserve his energy, he took the unpalatable
stage-coach even for short distances. For the same rea-
son, when going to the missions in the farther west, he
ordinarily travelled by the long, circuitous route of the
boat on the Cumberland, Ohio, and Mississippi rivers.
Similarly, an ambassador of Christ in the fullest sense
of the word, our apostle directed the work of his under-
shepherds, no less than watched over his flock, with scru-
tinous eye and unflagging zeal. Still he pointed out the
way for all with a fatherly kindliness which won the
hearts alike of priests and people. Non-Catholics con-
tinued to vie with those of his own fold in their love and
esteem for him. Not many years ago, one used fre-
quently to hear it said in Nashville that, “had it not been
for his religion, Bishop Miles could have held the city in
the palm of his right hand.’ Although not so well
known elsewhere, he was scarcely less beloved in the rest
of his diocese.
From the beginning, Tennessee’s first chief pastor
was their average the first six years of his episcopacy. Doubtless, how-
ever, one of the causes of the reduction was the ever-increasing number
of calls on the society for assistance.
462 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
rarely left the state except on business of importance, or
to oblige his confréres in the hierarchy. The occasional
visits to his earlier fields of labor, which he thoroughly
enjoyed, were nearly all made either on his way from
home for other purposes, or on the return journey. We
have found no record of an absence in 1858, and of but
one in 1854, from which it appears that he was out of
his diocese only once in those two years. ‘This was for
the consecration of the Right Rev. Anthony O’ Regan
as bishop of Chicago at Saint Louis, July 25, 1854;
but he eS #0 unwell that he could not attend the august
ceremony.”
Catholicity’s eoathie in Chattanooga demanded his
attention, no less than delighted his paternal heart.
Doubtless it was while on a journey thither that he ad-
ministered confirmation on Low Sunday, April 23,
1854, for Father Jacquet who then labored among the
men working on the railroads and in the coal mines
south of Nashville. Knoxville had also returned to its
own, in spite of prejudice, not only so far as to deserve
a mention in the Catholic Almanac for the first time in
1854, but also to be in a fair way of having a church.
This also, there can be no doubt, was a source of joy as
well as of care to the holy bishop. ‘There, too, labor in
the construction of railroads brought the change.”
However, Doctor Shea seems certainly in error when
he writes: “Rev. H. F. Parke, of Wytheville, found
many of his flock drifting into Tennessee in search of
better wages. He followed them in his visits and report-
ed to the Bishop at Nashville, who, in time, stationed a
26 The Telegraph, August 12, 1854.
27 Cathedral records at Nashville; Telegraph, August 12, 1854; Al-
manac, 1854, p. 175.
FAIRER GROWTH 463
priest at Knoxville.” The most diligent search failed
to reveal any record, or even a tradition, in support of
this statement. Father Parke did not go to Wytheville
until the end of 1852. Neither in the outline of his own
life, which is given on page sixteen of his “Some Notes
on the Rise and Spread of the Catholic Missions in Vir-
ginia,” nor anywhere in the pamphlet does he so much
as mention ‘l'ennessee. ‘The only reference we have
found to his presence in the state regards a visit, in 1860,
to the Aikens at Jonesborough, some years after Knox-
ville had its church and resident pastor.”
Baptismal registers, the Catholic Almanac, and other
sources show that Father Brown, stationed at Chatta-
nooga, had charge of Knoxville and other places in
eastern Tennessee. Before the close of 1854, we find
him proposed as worthy of the miter. Although our
apostle would suffer any sacrifice in order that a subject
of his might be so honored, if he felt that he would
make a good bishop, he maintained that no priest should
be placed in so responsible a position until he had been
well tried by experience and proved himself to be a man
of prudence and judgment, as well as possessed of zeal
and ability. Accordingly, as he had done in the case
of Father Grace, he wrote to Archbishop Francis P.
Kenrick on this subject:
Nashville, November 3, 1854.
Monseigneur:
I have just received a letter from Bishop Reynolds stating that
he had put the name of Rev. H. V. Brown on the list for Bishop of
28 SHEA, History of the Church, IV, 437; Father John F. Aiken,
Georgetown, October 31, 1860, to one of his brothers, Jonesborough (Nash-
ville Archives). The Aikens certainly kept Bishop Miles informed on
matters Catholic in those parts of eastern Tennessee. The bishop was
dead at the time of this visit of Father Parke.
464 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Savannah; and he requests me to write Your Grace on the subject.
In doing so I beg leave to say that I do not consider Mr. Brown as
qualified for that office as yet, although he is zealous and fulfills his
duties very well on the missions. He needs more experience.
Moreover, he is a neophyte. Non neophytum, ne in superbiam
elatus [It behoveth a bishop, says Saint Paul, to be no neophyte,
lest he be puffed up with pride].?°
Be kind enough to obtain a blessing for me from His Holiness,
and allow me to wish you a safe return to your Diocese.
I am, Monseigneur, with great esteem and respect, your most
obedient servant,
‘TRicuarp Pius Miss,
Bishop of Nashville.®°
Little by little the foundations of the diocese had been
deepened, strengthened, and rendered secure. Although
no rapid increase in the number of the faithful could be
anticipated for years yet to come, there could be no
doubt that, in spite of difficulties, the Catholic religion
had at last been placed on a firm basis in Tennessee. In
the early summer of 1855 business affairs called Bishop
Miles to Ohio. While there, he accepted an invitation
to preside and distribute the premiums at the closing
exercises of Saint Joseph’s College and Saint Mary’s
Academy, Somerset, in the first week of July. On the
same oceasion, he administered confirmation at Saint
Joseph’s and in the town.**
Know-nothingism, the reader will recall, was then
rampant throughout the country. Accordingly, the
Telegraph of July 21 informs us, in his sermon to those
confirmed, the bishop “told them how happy it made
him to see them offering themselves to God as His sol-
29 This reference is to I Timothy, III, 1-6.
30 Baltimore Archives, Case 30, Q 2.
31 Telegraph, July 14 and July 21, 1855.
FAIRER GROWTH 465
diers. He exhorted them to remain firm to the step
they had taken, and to mind not the sneers and menaces
of that contemptible organization which foolishly is
seeking to destroy that holy institution against which
even the gates of hell cannot prevail.”
Two other journeys in the same year are noted in the
records of the day, and deserve mention in our work.
One of them was to Kentucky. Father M. A. O’Brien
first invited Bishop Spalding to dedicate the beautiful
stone Gothic Saint Rose’s which he had built near
Springfield. But Doctor Spalding had other engage-
ments—or perhaps he felt that Bishop Miles should
perform this ceremony at a place in which he had lived
so long, and loved so well. Be this as it may, the latter’s
services were now solicited; and on Saint Dominic’s
Day, August 4, 1855, he blessed the new church with all
the solemnities of the ritual. For many years the event
formed a frequent topic of conversation among the
people of the parish.*”
Meanwhile, a summons had been sent out to the suf-
fragans of Saint Louis for the first provincial council,
which opened in that city on October seventh. It was
a notable assemblage, and enacted some important legis-
lation for the government of the western Church. Be-
sides the Most Rev. R. P. Kenrick, those who took part
in it were Bishops Loras, Miles, Henni, Cretin, and
O’Regan. Bishop John B. Miége, vicar apostolic of
Kansas and Indian Territory, was absent, while the
Diocese of Quincy, Llinois, had no spiritual head.*°
32 Telegraph, September 8, 1855; An American Apostle, pp. 161 ff.
33 Telegraph, October 13, 20 and 27, 1855; the Metropolitan for Novem-
ber, 1855. The Diocese of Quincy, Illinois, was established in 1853; but
no bishop was ever appointed for it. In 1857 it was transferred to
Alton, of which Father Henry D. Juncker became the first ordinary.
31
466 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
For a year after the death of Father Clarkson, Father
Grace, who then became pastor at Saint Peter’s, was
left practically alone in west Tennessee. However, the
records show that he occasionally procured the assis-
tance of a German priest, neither of the diocese nor of
his Order, for those of that nationality. A confrere,
Father James V. Daly, aided him for a short time
towards the end of 1849, while F'ather Orengo spent the
latter half of 1850 in that part of the state. Father
Cubero, who came with the Dominican Sisters, remained
at Memphis until the arrival of Father John Raymond
Cleary, whose first baptism there is dated October 9,
1851. This zealous young clergyman, but lately or-
dained, was sent by his provincial to be a permanent
assistant in the city and on the missions. Father J. A.
Bokel came in April, 1852, to look after the Germans.
Two years later, June, 1854, he was succeeded by
Father R. A. Gangloff. Thus, beginning with Father
Bokel, Memphis and its missions never had less than
three priests.™*.
The missionary force was also increased in middle
Tennessee. A Father Augustine Murphy reached there
sometime in 1854, or perhaps late in the previous year.
Most likely he came from Ireland, as we could find no
earlier trace of him in the United States; and possibly
34 Church records of Saint Peter’s, Memphis. Father Cubero was born
in Saragossa, Spain, March 7, 1807, and entered the Order of Saint
Dominic in his native land. At the time of the suppression of the relig-
ious orders in Spain, he went to Italy, and was ordained at Viterbo in
1837. With the exception of the few months in Tennessee, he spent his
priestly life in Ohio and Kentucky. About 1861, while at Zanesville,
Ohio, he obtained permission to become a missionary apostolic. He then
labored at Dayton, Ohio, for nine or ten years, and for a short while
in Louisville Kentucky. Early in 1872, he became chaplain of the Do-
minican Sisters at Saint Catherine’s, near Springfield, Kentucky, where
he died on July 15, 1883.
FAIRER GROWTH 467
his services were obtained by Father Schacht, while
the latter was in Europe. Father Nicholas R. Young,
a nephew of Ohio’s veteran missioner of the same pat-
ronymic, appeared in Nashville late in 1854, or early
in 1855. He had been sent by the Dominican provincial
to the aid of the sorely pressed bishop, and remained for
over a year and a half.”
Father Orengo, although he had missions of his own,
was eminently an itinerant harvester of souls. A spiri-
tual watchman we may call him. Ever on the alert, as
well as ready for the orders of his bishop, an appeal
from a brother priest, a call from the people, or a notice
from some one in need, whether spiritual or temporal,
the Italian clergyman was here, there, and everywhere.
It took more than one horse with sinews of steel for his
incessant travels. Nowhere was he a stranger through-
out the length and breadth of Tennessee. Oftentimes
did the bare earth serve him for a bed, the saddle for a
pillow, and the overhanging trees for protection, whilst
the stars in heaven’s canopy twinkled joyfully down
upon his peaceful slumbers at night. He appeared
never to grow weary, nor to become discouraged.
Not infrequently his only food for the day consisted
of cheese and crackers, which he ever carried in his
pockets. For his faithful steed he stored corn in a bag
35 Father Young’s name appears in the Almanac for Tennessee only
in 1856, but he baptizes at Nashville in February, 1855. Father Murphy’s
is given for the first time in the Almanac in 1855. There is something of
a tradition in Nashville that Bishop Miles went to Ireland on business in
the early fifties; but as no record to that effect could be discovered, and
all indications seem to point to the contrary, we are inclined to the belief
that Father Schacht’s visit abroad has been changed into a journey of
the bishop. It is possible, however, that Father Murphy received orders
late in life in this country—perhaps even from Bishop Miles himself,
though no record of it was discovered.
468 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
flung across the animal’s back. While it enjoyed its
meal, he partook of his own frugal portion, which
he washed down with a little coffee heated in a tin cup
(both of which he invariably took with him) over a small
fire lighted by the roadside. Nor rain nor shine, nor
heat nor cold, did he suffer to prevent a work of mercy,
whether spiritual or temporal. Balmy as the climate of
his native land was his cheerful disposition. Hiveryone
loved him, for he greeted all with an open heart, no less
than with a glad hand and a welcoming smile. Uncom-
promising with evil and error, he was the soul of com-
passion towards the sinner and the deceived. Many
wayward lives did he reform; not a few converts did
he bring into the Church.*®
Father John M. Jacquet was another of 'Tennessee’s
indefatigable missionaries. Indeed, there seems to have
been almost a holy rivalry among some of them to see
who could undergo the greatest hardships and priva-
tions. From the time he left the cathedral (1847 or
1848), he knew no rest. At first, his visits extended
from Chattanooga to Jonesborough. Later he was
commissioned to look after the spiritual needs of the
Catholic laborers in the coal mines and on the railroads
and other public works in the southern and eastern
parts of the state—mostly around Chattanooga. He is
said to have built a small church near the Chattanooga
tunnel, which was burned down by “the enemy.”
36 Some years ago, the old people in Tennessee were wont to tell the
most edifying stories of Father Orengo’s missionary life there. The late
Rev. Eugene Gazzo and two of the early Dominican Sisters at Memphis,
Sisters Vincent Nicolas and Mary Pius Fitzpatrick, loved to dwell on the
Italian Friar Preacher’s zeal, labors, and spirit of self-sacrifice. More
than once, starting from one extreme of the state for another, he trav-
ersed practically its entire length, stopping at his own mission in the
central part, just long enough to take a meal and change horses.
FAIRER GROWTH 469
Following the toilers from place to place, he slept in
hovels, subsisted on the coarsest food (which he often
prepared for himself), and wore the rough garments of
the ordinary workman of his day. Never was he heard
to complain of his lot. He bore all and did all with
alacrity, for it was for the glory of God and the sal-
vation of souls. Only one fault did the people find with
him, namely that he was at times somewhat harsh and
crabbed. Children are said to have feared him for this
failing, which was no doubt due in part to the life
which necessity forced upon him. Beneath a severe
outward appearance there beat a heart tender as a
mother’s, no less than true as steel.
Unfortunately, Father Jacquet engaged to labor in
Tennessee for only ten years. At the end of this period,
doubtless feeling that he had done his part by the
Diocese of Nashville, he applied to be received into that
of Cincinnati. Bishop Miles in a letter of date Septem-
ber 19, 1855, to the Most Rev. John B. Purcell indicates
his regret at the loss of so valuable a priest. Apart
from the slight fault just mentioned, Bishop Miles tells
his friend Father Jacquet “is an excellent missioner;
industrious and full of zeal; plain, honest, and blunt;
and one that will never deceive you.” *‘
37 Notre Dame Archives. At first, Father Jacquet wished to go to
California; but Archbishop Alemany, unwilling to deprive the Diocese
of Nashville of so serviceable a priest, did not encourage his proffer.
Father Jacquet was born of Claude and Claudine (Blethery) Jacquet at
Saint Bonnet, France, August 20, 1817. He was ordained by Louis J. M.
Cardinal de Bonald, archbishop of Lyons, December 21, 1844. On March
7, 1845, he obtained the cardinal’s permission to leave France for the
Diocese of Nashville.
In Ohio his labors were not less hard, zealous, and self-sacrificing than
they had been in Tennessee. At first, he was stationed at Temperance-
ville (Saint Mary’s), Belmont County. About 1866 he went to reside
at Bellaire, where he had built a church, and was there when that part of
470 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Although cast in a milder mold, and possessed of a
more retiring disposition, than his French co-laborer
whose toils in Tennessee we have just outlined, Father
Louis Hoste was not less zealous, indefatigable, or
willing to endure hardships. He seems to have been
blessed with a sweet priestly character to which the
Catholics, and even Protestants, took instinctively.
Possibly because of his gentle nature, he had no love
for positions of authority which sometimes. demand
stern decision, if not even stern action. ‘This, we are
inclined to believe, was what induced him to resign the
vicar-generalship. He Seems also to have preferred the
quiet of life in the country to the noise, bustle, and dis-
tractions of that in a city.*
While he resided in Nashville, saintly Father Hoste
had attended several missions in northern ‘Tennessee
from 1845 or 1846. From 1848, if not before the close
of the previous year, he made his home at Saint
Michael’s, Robertson County, where he at once opened
a school for both sexes and an orphan asylum for boys,
of which we shall speak more at length later. Suffice
it here to state that these institutions, together with the
parish, required all this zealous priest’s time until near
the state was taken (1868) to form the Diocese of Columbus. In 1869
he was transferred to Coshocton. In all these places he had charge of
several missions. In 1895 he retired. In the following year he went to
spend the rest of his days with Bishop Nicholas A. Gallagher (whom he
had largely educated for the priesthood), at Galveston, Texas, where
he died on October 24, 1896.
Until the end of his long life, he retained the highest regard and the
deepest affection for Bishop Miles; which, no doubt, combined with his
own touch with the fathers in Tennessee and the traces of their labors
in Ohio to make him an ardent admirer of the Order of Saint Dominic.
This admiration he instilled into the future bishop of Galveston.
38 Traditions still live of Father Hoste’s mild and amiable disposition,
and of how he was loved by children.
FAIRER GROWTH 471
the end of the period of Bishop Miles’ life covered by
the present chapter. Just when Father Hoste resigned
his post as vicar general we have not been able to deter-
mine with certainty. Although the title does not
appear after his name from 1848, we are convinced that
his resignation was not accepted until the appointment
of a successor four years later; for so apostolic a bishop
would hardly have left such an important position
vacant for that length of time.”
Father Samuel Montgomery, stalwart of character,
as well as possessed of rare prudence and judgment,
became vicar general in 1852, holding the position
through the remainder of Bishop Miles’ life and the
short administration of his successor, the Right Rev.
James Whelan. Doubtless it was because of these
sterling qualities that the Father of the Church in
Tennessee selected him for the place, even though he
was not a diocesan clergyman. ‘Tradition tells us that
the choice met with universal favor, for by all was he
regarded as a man of God. Ever ready for whatever
task was assigned him, he continued to be very useful,
in spite of his age.
Vigorous Father Ivo Schacht, just in the prime of
manhood, seemed never to tire. The records of the old
cathedral show his labors in Nashville, while the History
of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth attests his
interest in that community as long as it remained in
Tennessee. It must have been his youth, or perhaps an
incipient manifestation of his self-will and officiousness,
that prevented his appointment as vicar general. One
of the new-comers, Father Murphy, superintended the
bishop’s school and visited neighboring missions. The
39 Catholic Almanacs from 1846 to 1855.
472 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
other, Father Young, appears to have been largely
employed in preaching or lecturing through the state.
Anti-Catholic bigotry has never been more rampant
or violent in the country than it was at this period.
To Tennessee’s credit be it said that, while it was there,
it did not attain the strength which might have been
expected. Possibly this was due in no small measure to
the influence of Bishop Miles and his clergy. Knox-
ville, where priests had been seen the least frequently,
witnessed perhaps the most violent manifestations of the
unnatural frenzy. When, early in 1855, a plot of
ground one hundred and-fifty feet square was purchased
just outside the city limits for Catholic purposes, the
wrath of the bigots knew no bounds.
Tradition, which has found its way into manuscript
and public print more than once, tells us that Father
Brown was compelled to have the little stone church,
which he started at once, guarded day and night to
prevent the walls from being torn down, and the mate-
rial thrown into the Tennessee River. History sug-
gests that the prejudice was strongest among the
descendants of the former Catholic families spoken of
by Father Badin. However, the fair-minded Protes-
tants prevailed, and peace was restored. The Know-
ville Register of June 7, 1855, told its readers:
The building designed for a Catholic Church and school in this
city is still in a state of progress. We have been requested to
state that the lot on which it is being constructed was not given
to the Catholic Church by any member of the American Party, but
was purchased from Jacob Newman, deceased, who of course had
a right to sell it to any one he pleased. We make this statement
as an act of justice to all concerned—as true facts that cannot be
doubted.?9
40 Deed Book T, pp. 385-387 (Recorder’s Office, Knoxville) contains a
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THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION CHURCH
KNOXVILLE’S FIRST RESIDENT PASTOR, FIRST CHURCH, AND THE
PRIEST WHO PREACHED AT ITS DEDICATION
FAIRER GROWTH 473
The exquisitely beautiful little temple of prayer was
dedicated to God, under the title of the Immaculate
Conception, shortly after the Register’s statement.
Bishop Miles, it is said, performed the ceremony, and
Father Nicholas R. Young preached a sermon. Know-
ing what we do of the Friar Preacher’s classic diction,
eloquence, and happiness of speech, it is hardly an
exaggeration to say that his discourse must have not
only pleased his audience, but also have done much to
allay the spirit of intolerance in Knoxville. Before the
close of the year (1855), the Rev. Joseph L. Biemans,
a splendid type of the Belgian missionary, arrived in
Nashville. He was forthwith stationed at Knoxville as
its first resident pastor, with a charge that extended
near and far. Bishop Miles could have but experienced
the keenest joy that this part of his diocese could at
last practically sustain a priest, and that he could spare
one for its special care.*
title bond dated February 28, 1855, whereby Jacob and William G. New-
man bind themselves under penalty of twenty-four hundred dollars to
deed to Bishop Miles a plot of ground fronting one hundred and fifty
feet on Vine Street, and extending one hundred and fifty feet along
Crooked Street, when he paid the last four hundred of the twelve hun-
dred dollars of the purchase money. This was to be on February 28,
1857. Deed Book V, pp. 575-576, gives the deed for the same to Miles,
February 2, 1857, by T. W. and J. W. Newman, administrators of Jacob
Newman, for themselves and William Newman. Deed Book W, pp. 13-14,
gives a deed for an adjoining plot (fronting ten feet on Walnut Street,
and extending, the same width, the full length of the above property)
by Willlam G. Swan to Bishop Miles. The instrument states that Mr.
Swan did this for “a sufficient consideration.” It is said that Swan,
though not a Catholic, made the bishop a present of these ten feet so
that no one would be able to build a house too near the pretty little stone
church.
41 An outline of Father Bieman’s life on the back of a mortuary card
says that he was born at Edeghem, Belgium, November 3, 1831, left his
native country for the missions of the United States in 1851, and was
sent to Knoxville in 1853. This last date is certainly erroneous, and we
474 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
This arrangement left Father Brown free to devote
his undivided attention to the growing parish at Chat-
tanooga and its missions. At Memphis Father Grace
was always and ably assisted by two curates. When
(in June, 1854) Father Bokel, who was much beloved
wherever he labored, became master of novices in Ohio,
Father Gangloff took his place at Saint Peter’s. The
care of the Germans in western ‘Tennessee fell partic-
ularly to these two men, but they also gave a helping
hand to the pastor in other work.** Father Cleary did
not confine his labors to the diocese. Up and down the
majestic Father of Waters he travelled, laboring among
the workmen on the boats and levees, no less than trav-
ersed northwestern Mississippi, eastern Arkansas, and
western Tennessee in every direction.
Perhaps no clergyman ever chose harder, less invit-
ing, and more unwholesome toil than that to which this
self-sacrificing son of Saint Dominic devoted himself
with all his heart. He was the soul of charity. The
are strongly inclined to think that the second is also an error. The
card was got out in London, England, where he had labored, after leav-
ing Tennessee, until two years before his death, which took place in his
native town. This may account for the errors. Very likely Father
Schacht came in touch with him in 1852 or 1853, and engaged his ser-
vices for Tennessee when he should be ordained, which, if the date given
for his birth is correct, could hardly have taken place earlier than 1854.
42 Almanacs from 1853 to 1856; Father Bokel’s diary. Father Bokel
was born on September 1, 1820, in the hamlet of Herbergen, near Lonin-
gen, in southwestern Oldenburg, Germany. His parents were George and
Catherine (Kramer) Bokel. He came to Baltimore in 1838. In 1842 he
went to Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio, as a postulant. There he received the
habit of Saint Dominic, September 18, 1844, made his profession, Sep-
tember 25, 1845, and was ordained by Archbishop Eccleston on June 20,
1848. He remained in Ohio until made the first pastor of the Germans
in Memphis. After leaving there, he labored in many parts of the country
(principally in Ohio, Kentucky, and Washington City), and spent much
time on the missions.
FAIRER GROWTH 475
poor were the special object of his tireless ministra-
tions. No wonder the people loved him. Labor and
exposure undermined his health, rendering him an easy
victim for the yellow fever which he contracted while
attending the sick, and of which he died on September
17, 1855, within a few hours after he was stricken with
the fatal malady.
The Daily Appeal of Memphis says of him, Sep-
tember 18, 1855: “We regret to announce the death,
of yellow fever, on yesterday, of Father Cleary. We
have the assurance that his decease was produced by
unremitted attention to the sick of his congregation and
his previous delicate health.” Similarly, the Catholic
Telegraph of September twenty-ninth states: “We
have heard with deep regret of the death of Rev. Mr.
Cleary, of congestive [yellow] fever, at Memphis a
few days since. Mr. Cleary was ordained at St.
Joseph’s, Somerset, by Archbishop Purcell only about
four or five years ago; but his services to religion in
Memphis, and for many miles up and down the Mis-
sissippi, will never be forgotten.” *°
Although it was much against his will, his lovable character caused
him to be nearly always in some post of responsibility. He was superior
at Memphis in 1878, and was engaged in giving a retreat when the yellow
fever epidemic of that year broke out. At once he stopped the retreat,
and hurried back to the afflicted city; but on his arrival he received a
telegram ordering him away in virtue of holy obedience. From this will
be seen the lack of both charity and truth in the insinuation of a certain
paper that he fled because of terror. No man would have laid down his
life more courageously than Father Bokel. In advanced age he spent
several years as chaplain of the Dominican Sisters of Sinsinawa, Wis-
consin. Wherever he labored, he left a hallowed memory because of his
priestly zeal, and saintly life, and eminent virtues. He died in Washington
City, March 28, 1902.
43 Father Cleary was born in Dublin, Ireland, in March, 1827, his
parents being Thomas and Margaret (Deagan) Cleary. There also he
received his early education. In 1844 he came direct to Saint Joseph’s, in
476 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Cleary was the first priest to die of yellow
fever in ‘Tennessee. His premature death was a shock
to his many friends, a severe loss to religion as well as
to his brethren, and no doubt a cause of deep sorrow
to Bishop Miles. Father Orengo filled the gap created
by it at Memphis until the arrival of a successor late in
November.
Ohio, as a postulant, received the habit on November 16, 1845, and took
the religious vows a twelvemonth later. He was ordained by Archbishop
Purcell, July 26, 1850. Thence until he went to Memphis he labored in
Ohio. His priestly career was short in years, but filled with fruitful
toil, and rich in virtue.
CHAPTER XX
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES
Years ago, Brother Azarias wrote of Catholic
history: “The past is ours, but we treat it shamefully.
We neglect it; we let its sacred memory be enyeloped
in a growth of rank weeds that hide or efface its noble
records; we permit its deeds to be misrepresented, its
honor to be stained, its glory to be tarnished; and
scarcely, if at all, in feeble accents do we enter protest.”
In a similar strain, a contributor to the Nashville
Banner of October 24, 1897, told his readers: “If the
walls of beautiful St. Mary’s Cathedral could speak,
they would tell the heart story of many a one who has
worshipped God within their confines in the half
century the edifice has been dedicated to the service
of God. Not even the most casual visitor can cross its
sacred threshold without a feeling of reverential awe.”
Kindred thoughts and sentiments are responsible, in
part at least, for the chapter which we now undertake.
Besides, there can be no diocese without the faithful.
whilst beginnings have a special interest all their own.
However, since a mutiplicity of the names of the early
Catholics would render our volume of undue size, and
is scarcely expected in a work of its character, we shall
be content with the earliest discovered in the research
which was more or less directed merely to the acquisition
of a better knowledge of Bishop Miles’ pastoral life in
Tennessee.
477
478 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
In fact, this part of our story is a later determination.
While, for the reason given, it must necessarily be
incomplete, and perhaps at times inexact, it can hardly
fail to be of interest to the reader, especially the Ten-
nesseean. May its recital lead to a history along the lines
of the excellent book of the Hon. Ben. Webb on
Catholicity in the neighboring State of Kentucky.
The centenary of the diocese would be an appropriate
occasion for its appearance, as well as afford time for
ransacking records, both civic and ecclesiastic, which
would be necessary in order that the task might be at
all well done. Nor can the Knights of Columbus in the
Diocese of Nashville aid a work that would redound
more to their credit.’
Few will be disposed to question that Timothy De
Montbrun and his family were Nashville’s first Cath-
olics. Others perhaps were not slow to follow, though,
through lack of priests, they most probably gave up
their faith. In the issue of the Banner just quoted we
read: “The records of 1784-1785 show that of the
twenty-six taxpayers enrolled on the books half a dozen
bear Catholic names, viz.: Carr, Gillespie, Hayes,
1 From the above remarks the reader can see that this chapter is an
afterthought. It was not decided upon until much of the book had been
actually written, and when it was too late personally to copy names from
the baptismal records, without another visit to Tennessee. Fortunately,
however, we had done this for Nashville; while Fathers Francis D.
Grady of Knoxville and Innocent Damiani of Memphis kindly sent us
the earliest records of those places, and Miss Nora Crimmins copied the
first year (1852) of the register at Chattanooga. Nearly all the other
names we give are taken from notes of or letters to Fathers William
Walsh and John K. Larkin, which we transcribed while at the Cathedral,
Nashville. Although, for this reason, in the matter of earliest names
(always one of the historian’s hardest problems), we can hardly claim
that degree of certitude which we make bold to believe characterizes the
rest of the book, it is still hoped that the present chapter will fairly serve
the purpose for which it is written.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 479
Mulloy, Neville, and Walker.”* About the first five
of these names there can be little doubt. There are
others not less distinctly Catholic in the early annals
of the state capital; but, as it is not known whether
they professed the religion indicated by their patro-
nymics, it seems useless to give them here.
Father Badin has told us that there were a few
Catholics in the city and vicinity in the opening years
of the nineteenth century, although he mentions only
the staunch old Frenchman, De Montbrun. Never-
theless an apparently well authenticated tradition tells
us that there was then in Nashville a Mrs. Jane Manea,
a native of Dublin, Ireland, and that mass was said in
her house in 1810, which, it will be recalled, was the
year in which the venerable missionary visited the city.
Her daughter Jane married a man by the name of
Carroll from Virginia, and her descendants still live in
Tennessee’s capital.°
Although others might possibly be unearthed in the
county records, the names of practically all the Catholics
who went to labor on Nashville’s first bridge are now
buried in oblivion. Philip Callaghan, who later married
Mrs. Manea’s granddaughter, Mary Carroll, seems to
have been one of them. Joseph Dwyer and his wife,
whose daughter Elizabeth became Mrs. William D.
2 Nashville Banner, October 24, 1897. Facts, August 18, 1894, Barr
(St. Mary's Cathedral, Nashville, Tennessee, p. 9), and a manuscript
sketch by Father William Walsh (Nashville Archives) make the same
statement.
3 This tradition is still rather general in Nashville. It is particularly
strong among the descendants of Philip Callaghan, an early Catholic
of the city who married Mary Carroll, a granddaughter of Mrs. Manea.
One of them, Mrs. Thomas J. Tyne, still preserves and treasures two
silver candlesticks used at mass in the Manea homestead, and two crystal
vases employed in administering the sacrament of baptism.
480 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Phillips; Patrick Kinney; and Daniel Barr, who mar-
ried Miss Susanna Gallagher, go back to the early days
of the city’s Catholicity, if they were not even among
the mechanics taken down from Pittsburgh, Cincinnati,
or Louisville. Possibly a Mr. Gallagher and a Mr.
Slavin, whose first names and family connections we
did not learn, Thomas McLaughlin and his wife Ann,
and a Mrs. Flowers go back almost to the same period.*
The five brothers, Michael, Hugh, James, Patrick,
and William Burns, and Thomas and Margaret
(Coyle) Farrell, together with their son James, who
is said to have been Nashville’s first altar boy, certainly
settled in the city in the thirties. To the same period
belong John and Elizabeth (McGran) McGovern;
John McHenry; John Herman and Mary (Ratter-
man) Buddeke; John G. and Frederic Ratterman
(possibly also their father, Bernard Ratterman, who
died at Nashville in 1852, at the age of eighty-two
years); and Andrew Morrison, whose wife was Miss
Sarah Lawrence. ‘The agent for the Catholic Advocate
at Nashville, from 1836 to 1838, was one F. Lynch. He
was succeeded by W. Dougherty. Others still might
be revealed in Father Durbin’s records at Saint
Vincent’s. Union County, Kentucky.°
Old Saint Mary’s registers, now at the new cathedral,
show the baptisms, in 1838, of the children of 'Thomas
4 The above is a prevailing opinion in Nashville, and one finds it stated
in’more than one short account of the city’s early Catholicity.
5 The burial records show that Bernard Ratterman died on September
2, 1852. Probably he was the father of the other Rattermans. The
Advocate for these years, passim, gives Lynch and Dougherty as its agents
in Nashville. Staunch Michael Burns married Miss Margaret Gilliam,
who was not a Catholic at the time; but she became an exemplary con-
vert. A number of the names in these two paragraphs appear on the early
church records.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 481
and Catherine (Molloy) May; John and Mary
(Hughes) Flannagan; Joseph and Louisa (Mitchel)
Despres; John and Emily (Frensly) Garvin; Cor-
nelius and Tabitha (Allen) Boyle; and John and
Martha (Watterson) Griffin. Omitting all names that
have appeared before, as was done in the case of those
whose children were baptized at this time, the sponsors
were: Patrick Monahan, Catherine Brannan, Charles
Kinney, Mary Kinney, W. and Jane Murray, William
Lowe, and Eleanor McLaughlin.
These were followed, in the next year, by the baptism
of children whose parents were: John and Mary (San-
ders) Dane; George and Louisa (Kutman) Benzer;
Andrew and Caroline (Dildy) O’Neil; James and
Margaret (Shaunpy) Quinlon; Patrick and Martha
(Woods) Armstrong; Jeremiah and Mary (Lyning)
Donovan; William and Bridget (Coyle) Lowe; John
and Judith Baptiste; Charles and Frances French;
and James and Mary (Harrison) McGrath. The
sponsors in 1839, still omitting names previously shown,
were: Julius Werner, Dina Burns, Collum Dorly, Ann
Fitzsimmons, Kennedy Lonergan, Eleanor Fitzsim-
mons, Martin and Anastasia Brazil, Jeremiah Shin-
nick, Jane McCarthy, James McLaughlin, Eleanor
McGovern, Mary Bonfils, William Dougherty (likely
the Advocate’s agent), James McDermott, and Eleanor
McLaughlin. Daniel McGrath, whose wife was bap-
tized in 1840, should also be included in the list.
Doubtless these names, together with some that
appear in the records of 1840 and 1841, represent the
handful of Catholic families with which Bishop Miles
began his pastoral labors in Nashville. George H.
Wessell, the Kuhns, and Mr. and Mrs. Francis A.
32
482 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Hyronemus, J. D. Plunkett, Mr. and Mrs. Francis
W. Collet, and William Dorrity, who are sometimes
mentioned as persons who took an active part in early
church affairs, appear to belong to a somewhat later
date. The same is true of Mrs. Charles Sanders, whose
name has appeared in a previous chapter. ‘Thomas
Murphy likewise belongs to this category. He was
probably a grandnephew of Bishop Miles, and brother
to Mrs. Sarah (Murphy) Marcell who held the position
of organist in the cathedral for a number of years, and
was noted for her musical accomplishments.°
Indeed, it is said that not a few of our prelate’s
Catholic admirers in Kentucky followed him to Nash-
ville, one of whom was Joseph H. McGill, a brother of
the third bishop of Richmond, Virginia. Irish names
outnumber those of any other nationality in the bap-
tismal records through all Bishop Miles’ life as chief
pastor. German patronymics appear with the next
greatest frequency. It was in part for the benefit of
this portion of the parish that Father Schacht was first
brought from Clarksville to the cathedral, and special
services were held for them at given hours on Sunday.
One is rather surprised at the number of French and
Italian names, and it explains why the old Catholic
Almanacs speak of Fathers Hoste and Jacquet being
the pastors of the French in the city.
The Buddekes, Rattermans, Wessells, Kuhns, and
Hyronemuses, we are told, were leaders in German
Catholic activities. Michael Burns, Philip Callaghan,
Thomas Farrell, Mrs. Charles Sanders, Mrs. William
6 The Nashville Banner of April 30, 1904, says that Mrs. Marcell was
the second organist of the cathedral. Doubtless the Henry C. Marcell,
whose death is noted in the cathedral records as having taken place on
February 8, 1854 (“aged 49 years”), was her husband.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 483
D. Phillips, and her daughter, Mrs. Felix Demoville,
and Philip Olwell were among those who never tired
in aiding religion in whatever way they could. Burns
and Farrell seem often to have been the bishop’s
advisers in matters financial. Whilst the sum generally
given (eighteen hundred dollars) is likely an exaggera-
tion, it can hardly be denied that these last two gentle-
men canvassed the city for means to repair Holy
Rosary Cathedral before the arrival of the Father of
the Church in Tennessee, or that by far the greater
amount was subscribed by non-Catholics.’
Frequent reference has been made to the generosity
and kindliness of this latter element in the city towards
the bishop. Among those who showed him a signal
friendship must be placed Felix Grundy and his family.
Another was Vernon K. Stephenson, whose wife, Miss
Elizabeth Childress, was one of Nashville’s early con-
verts and devout Catholics.
In this connection, it should be further noted that the
homes of the Catholics, whether rich or poor, were ever
open to their clergy without limit as to the time of wel-
come. ‘The bishop himself, in the goodness of his heart,
did not hesitate to give his own room to some travelling
priest, and trust to this southern hospitality for his per-
sonal accommodation. Callaghan, Buddeke, Burns,
Farrell, Ratterman, Phillips, Sanders, and Wessell are
the names most frequently mentioned as those who often
thus sheltered the care-worn ambassadors of Christ.
Possibly the recurrence of such acts of charity, espe-
cially in the earlier missionary days, is responsible for the
7 The activity, goodness, and interest of these people still form the
subject of frequent conversation, for they are one of Nashville’s cherished
traditions. We also find them mentioned in a number of brief accounts
of the early Church there.
484 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
exaggerated time the bishop or a priest is said to have
lived in some of these homes.®
The principal interest of all, even if they could do
but little towards the project, was not merely that they
should have a place of worship worthy of the great
purpose to which it was to be consecrated. ‘They wished
it to contribute to the greater glory of God and His true
Church by the fact that it should be one of the finest
ecclesiastical structures in Tennessee’s capital. For
this Father Brown’s artistic talent and training came in
well. During the first two or three years of his priestly
life, he devoted every spare moment to painting and
decorating the interior of the sacred edifice; and when
he completed the task, their was perhaps no other such
object of art in the state comparable to his work in the
Seven Dolors Cathedral.
Sumner County’s first Catholics, it can hardly be
doubted, were Hugh and Nancy (Duffy) Rogan, and
their sons Bernard and Francis. ‘The latter and his
children William, John, Charles, and Clarissa (Mrs.
Joseph Desha) long remained among the Church’s
mainstays there. At Gallatin, the county-seat and not
far distant from Rogana, or the Rogan home, Miss
Jean or Jeanne Floyd was one of the earliest members
of the faith. There also, or in the vicinity, settled the
pioneers Francis, John, Patrick, and Michael Duffy,
and brought their aged father. John Dwyer and his
family, James Galvin, the two brothers, Daniel and
Andrew McAulay, together with their sister Anne, and
8 William D. Phillips lived in Edgefield, now East Nashville. He
himself became a Catholic only on his death-bed. Still his family were of
the faith, and in his home mass was said for the people in that neighbor-
hood. Charles Sanders was another of the bishop’s friends who came
into the Church late in life.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 485
apparently a family by the name of Fisher formed
another group.
Quite possibly some of these people labored on the
Nashville bridge, and moved to Sumner County after
its completion. The two McAulay men were agents
for the Catholic Advocate, which, in its issue of May 7,
1842, tells us:
Died in Gallatin, Tennessee, on Saturday, the 2nd of April,
after a lingering illness of about a month, Mr. Daniel McAulay,
in the fifty-third year of his age. Mr. McAulay was a native of
Ireland, but had been a resident of Gallatin for twenty-seven
years previous to his death. Although thrown by circumstances
into a situation where he had no opportunity of practising, during
a long series of years, the observances of the Church, yet he
adhered strenuously to the faith of his forefathers, and by the
integrity of his conduct, and the rich vein of benevolence and
Christian charity which animated all his intercourse with society,
won for himself and for the faith he professed the respect of those
by whom he was surrounded.?
Saint Michael’s, the reader will recall, is between
Turnersville and Springfield in the adjoining county
Robertson. This place was sometimes called the
“Byrnes colony” from the fact that it seems to have been
started by one John Byrne, who moved there from
Davidson County with his wife, family, a widowed
sister (Mrs. Redmond), and her two children about
1838. The baptismal register at Nashville shows the
names of Henry, Frances, and Harriet Redmond.
Although Saint Michael’s was the center of considerable
missionary activity, the only other names discovered in
connection with it were Levi and Mary (Fisher)
9 The Advocate of September 24, 1842, shows that Anne McAulay died
on the seventh of the previous August; while its issue of November 5,
1845, gives an account of the death of the young convert wife of Andrew
McAulay, which occurred on the sixth of the preceding July.
486 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Traughber, Joseph Watson, and a Frenchman called
Gustave Bouchard. Miss Dorothy Byrne, a daughter of
the pioneer settler, devoted her long life to the Catholic
education of the children in the neighborhood of the
church.
However, there were several Catholic families on the
outskirts between this mission and that of Rogana. In
this section lived people by the name of Hynes, Don-
ohue, O’F laherty, Morgan, Badjer, and so on. Mass
was said for them in the home of Michael Hynes,
Saundersville, and in that of Mrs. O’Flaherty, at
Goodletsville. |
Protestant good-will and generosity (or was it in part
a spirit of enterprise for the growth of the city) were
largely responsible for the erection of a church in beau-
tiful Clarksville at so early a date; for there were very
few of the faith in that locality at the time. ‘The heads
of the earliest Catholic families there, so far as could be
gleaned from parish records and other sources, were Mr.
and Mrs. Thomas McManus; Hugh and Mary (Can-
on) Foy; George Kinney and wife; a Mr. Dougherty
and a Mr. Walter; Balthasar and Martha Griter; Pe-
ter and Collette Catoir; James and Honora Coughlan;
Thomas and Henrietta Marten (Mr. Marten was not
a Catholic) ; Francis and Mary McManus; Michael and
Anna (Corts) Schmitt; Thomas and Catherine (Bur-
den) McMahon; John and Sarah Dunlevy; Denis
and Honora Sullivan; John and Henrietta O’Neal;
and perhaps Andrew and Margaret O’Sullivan. Pat-
rick McManus, Margaret Griter, John Barres, John
Whelan, Lucy H. Scott, Louis Schmitt, and Edward
Ryan were also pioneer Catholics of the district; but we
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 487
did not discover whether they were married or single.”°
Happily, the reminiscences of Humphreys County
have been better preserved. In his report for the
Catholic Almanac of 1845, Bishop Miles says of the
settlement there: “This is a new plantation comprising
a large tract of good and cheap land, sixty miles from
Nashville, near the Tennessee River, and on the stage
road from Nashville to Memphis.” A Doctor Knapp
of New Orleans, who married a Miss Neale of Mary-
land, purchased an extensive area in this county, and
donated a thousand acres to the bishop, which the
apostolic man sold for twenty-five cents an acre in an
effort to draw Catholic settlers into his diocese. About
ten years later, six hundred acres more were secured
for the purpose, and the disposition of it entrusted to
Father Orengo, whose activity gave birth to the parish
now known as McEwen."
Among the early settlers were James Neale (a
brother-in-law of Doctor Knapp), Michael Brennan,
Abraham Burchiel, Frank McQuaid, Patrick Burns,
Nicholas Bradley, James Sheehy, Anthony and Andrew
Leahman, Thomas Langan, Peter Connor, Thomas
Tarpy, Patrick and John Dougherty, Peter Curley,
Michael Pyburn, Patrick Halpin, John Glasner,
10 Father C. P. Wassem kindly furnished the names from the Clarks-
ville church records. Picturesque Clarksville, Past and Present—A His-
tory of the City of Hills, although it was written in 1887, and speaks
of other churches, says nothing of the Catholic Church. Several of the
names it mentions are distinctly Catholic, but we do not know if those
who bore them professed the faith. Goodspeed’s History of Tennessee,
published in 1886, says that the Boylans and Dunbarrys were then among
the oldest Catholic families in Clarksville. However, they do not seem
to have been among the first in the city. Today the Catholics of Clarks-
ville, whilst not numerous, are highly regarded by their fellow citizens.
11 The Almanac for 1843 speaks of this colony, which shows that it
began in 1842.
488 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Thomas and William Glynn, John Hughes, Luke
Farley, Terrence McGuire, Jeremiah Sheehan, Patrick
Gilgannon, Patrick Herity, Thomas Conley, John
Broderick, and Jeremiah O’Neil. ‘There were also some
families by the name of Dorney, Curtis, Gerraghty,
Gallagher, McInroe, Heel, Taylor, and Larkin. There,
too, now settled Thomas McManus and Hugh Foy, who
had been in Clarksville.’
All the above places are in what is called “Middle
Tennessee.” In the same division of the state the
Almanac mentions missions at Franklin, Williamson
County; Murfreesborough, Rutherford County; Leb-
anon, Wilson County; Dover, Stewart County;
Perryville, on the western bank of the Tennessee River,
in Decatur County; Columbia, Maury County; Pulaski,
Giles County; Fayetteville, Lincoln County; Shelby-
ville, Bedford County; Manchester, Coffee County;
and Coal Mines, Marion County. That the location
of Sycamore Mills was north of Nashville is shown by
the fact that Father Hoste attended the place. Near
the city also was the mission called “the Northwestern
Railroad,” in charge of Father Augustine Murphy.
Want of time and lack of information in the records
at Nashville prevented the discovery of the names of
any of the Catholics in all but three of these missions,
or larger “stations.” ‘Those unearthed at Franklin
were Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Kelly; Patrick McLaughlin;
Mr. and Mrs. James Plunkett; Thomas Dempsey;
Lawrence and Elizabeth (Clay Duvai) Finn; John
Finn; Frances Finn; William and Margaret (Brady)
12 The most of these names were taken from a manuscript account by
Miss Eliza Pyburn (Nashville Archives) and conversations with Mrs.
Thomas F. McQuaid, both of whom were born there in the early years
of the settlement.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 489
McKeon; Patrick McKeon; Eliza Kernahan; James
and Eleanor (Harrison) Champion; and Agnes Pol-
lock. Doctor S$. Pollock, who Bishop Miles tells
Bishop Blane (1844) contemplates settling at Pointe
Coupée, Louisiana, was also likely an early settler in
Franklin.”
Only two families are mentioned in connection with
Murfreesborough—one by the name of Harrison, and
that of John Stanfield. Those of Matthew Martin,
John Baxter, and Matthew and Margaret (Martin)
Owen are designated as residents of Fayetteville.
About eight miles from the city stood the home of Isaac
and Mary (Daily) Poe. The head of this family was
an exemplary convert, whose dwelling served as the
mass-house for a few Catholics in that neighborhood.
Doubtless Winchester, Franklin County, is not given
in the Almanac, after the first years of Bishop Miles’
episcopacy, because it was one of the smaller stations.
Yet it has been seen that the venerable James Dardis
moved there from Knoxville, and that he had a few
companions in the faith.
Another division of the state is called “East Tennes-
see.” During an apostolic journey through a part of
this section, in the spring of 1844, Father Howard notes
a number of baptisms. One was that of a child of
Patrick and Mary Morgan, on the Cumberland Moun-
tains, for whom Thomas Smyth and Ann Farley were
sponsors. At William’s Spring, he baptized children of
Thomas and Elizabeth Gannon, and Denis and Caroline
Sullivan, together with Elizabeth, the wife of John
Dady. Here Lawrence Murphy appears as godfather.
13 Bishop Miles’ letter to Bishop Blanc is dated April 9, 1844, and is
in Notre Dame Archives.
490 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
In another place, the missionary did the same for a son
of Patrick and Martha (Winsight) Daily, and received
Mrs. Daily into the Church. Patrick McNally acted as
sponsor. Elsewhere, children of Terrence and Mary
(Harrison) Fogarty, and John and Dolly (Hennessy)
Begly received the same sacrament. On the same
journey, Mary Magdalen Cambden, wife of Patrick
Thornton, was received into the Church and a daughter
of James and Margaret (McNeely) McCulla bap-
tized.“*
Possibly the most distant point Father Howard
reached on this occasion was Athens, McMinn County,
where he christened Ellen, a daughter of John C. and
Ann Catherine Molloy. From the fact that this is the
only baptism noted for Athens at the time, and that the
place is not mentioned among: the stations of the dio-
cese, except in the first years of its existence, we may
conclude that, after the Irish laborers on the railroad
passed on to other parts, but few Catholics were left in
McMinn County.
In fact, though there were certainly many others
of minor importance, only eight stations are given by
name for this part of the state in the Catholic Almanac
during the last decade of our apostle’s life. Five of
these were certainly attended from Knoxville, after that
place received a_ resident pastor—Tellico Plains,
Monroe County; Kingston, Roane County; Wartburg,
Morgan County; Greeneville, Greene County; and
Jonesborough, Washington County. Most likely
Father Biemans also had charge of the Bayer Settle-
ment in Polk County. The Walden’s Ridge and
14 Baptismal records at Nashville.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 491
Sequatchie Valley stations fell under the care of
Father Brown, who resided at Chattanooga.
The most prominent Catholics at Jonesborough were
certainly the Aikens. Probably, together with those
whom they helped to convert, they formed the greater
part of the faithful in that mission; for they were
intelligent and did much to spread the light of truth.
Although a number followed the railroad into Greene
County, the only ones whose names we caine across
were William and Honora (Nolan) Joy, who soon
moved to Knoxville. In none of the other stations in
the eastern part of the state did patronymics of any of
the Catholics come under observation.”
James and Thomas Dardis, Patrick McCormack,
and his son Edward were among Knoxville’s first
Catholics. James Dardis moved farther west; but what
became of the other three and the rest whom Father
Badin found there is not known. With the building of
the East Tennessee Railroad Catholics flowed into the
city in numbers, revived the faith, and finally placed
the Church on a firm footing there, after a long period
of the darkest desolation. ‘The most conspicuous of
these, as well as among the most practical, were ‘Thomas
L. Fossick, an Englishman, and his family. Fossick
was a contractor on the railroad. He furnished the
stone for the first church, and directed its construction.
Father Brown drew the plans. Fossick’s name deserves
a conspicuous place in the Catholic annals of east
Tennessee. All his Catholic toilers labored on the little
church free of charge. David Grady seems to have
15 A number of evidences of the Aikens’ spiritual activity were dis-
covered. Sister Rose, O. S. D., of Saint Cecilia’s Academy, Nashville,
is a daughter of William and Honora (Nolan) Foy; and she was born
in Greeneville.
492 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
been the master mason. When completed the structure
“was so neat that it looked more like a picture than a
real building.” *®
Prior to Fossick, Grady, and their co-workmen,
however, a few other Catholics seem to have settled
in Knoxville. Among these were Daniel Lyons, John
B. and Peter Ricardi, and perhaps William Hayes,
Michael Foley, and James Reilly. With Fossick were
evidently James J. Bowser (his half-brother) and
George Sedgwick. ‘The earliest baptismal records of
the place were likely taken to Chattanooga by Father
Brown, who resided there, for those now at Knoxville
begin only with September 29, 1855; and the number
who received the sacrament between that time and the
close of the next year show that Catholicity made rather
fair progress in Knoxville at this juncture. Doubtless
16 Thomas L. Fossick was born at Ingleton, England, in 1817. In
1839, he married Miss Margaret Richardson at Durham. Ten years later,
he came to America, and to Lynchburg, Virginia, in 1850. Thence he
went into Tennessee. During the Civil War he lost practically all he
possessed, but recuperated a snug competency afterwards. January 13,
1887, he wrote to Father Francis T. Marron from Alabama:
“The little stone church upon the hill was built more than thirty
years ago. And we had a hard struggle to raise the funds necessary to
complete it. The congregation was very small at the time, and of the
working class of people; but all contributed as much as they were able.
All difficulties were surmounted, and it was a very happy day for the
little congregation when the building was completed and ready for use.
Several of those faithful old pioneer Catholics of Knoxville are still
members of the same congregation. May the blessing of God attend them
forever... Nothing you could have sent me would be more highly treas-
ured than this little picture and its accompanying inscription. While I
live, I will ever preserve it as a memento of the past; and when I have
passed away, I am sure it will always be cherished as a precious heirloom
in my family” (Nashville Archives).
Fossick died at Sheffield, Alabama, June 13, 1894, fortified by all the
sacraments of the Church.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 493
some of the baptisms were performed at various
stations.
In any case, the records of late 1855 reveal children
of Patrick and Elizabeth (Brotherton) Dowd; John
and Margaret Connor; Peter and Amanda (Wam-
bell) McKieran; Patrick and Mary (McBarrens)
Morgan; Patrick and Jane (Sheahan) Griffin; Martin
and Bridget (Fogarty) Shea; William and Martha
(Cochran) Philips; Thomas and Pauline (Cahill)
Clifford; Thomas and Margaret Hogan; James and
Mary (O’Brien) Horan; and William and Mary
(Flemming) Fitzgerald. ‘The sponsors, leaving out
names already mentioned, were Peter Joyce; Bern-
ard D. and Bridget Dolan; Christopher Dillon;
Catherine, Nicholas and Mary Lyons; Edward and
Anna Morgan; Thomas Carroll and Catherine Curry;
Michael Connor; Mary Leary; Patrick Welch; Daniel
Brenahan; Margaret Kennedy; John McGrath; and
Elizabeth Curry.
Throughout the next year baptisms were still more
frequent; for the records show children of John and
Mary Ferriter; Jeremiah and Sarah (Hembree) Col-
lins; Patrick and Jane (Lee) Collins; Patrick and
Elisa (Cobel) Clifford; John D. and Elizabeth
(Moran) Manning; Denis and Helen Sullivan; Cor-
nelius and Elisa (Gillin) Armstrong; Jeremiah and
Catherine (McGettigan) Sykes; John and Hugenia
(Rorke) Daley; Patrick and Elizabeth (Vane) Cotter;
John and Mary (Tilden) Pedele; Michael and 'Theresa
(Jenkins) Mulholland; Michael and Anna (Ody)
Haloran; Patrick and Rachael (Body) Connor;
Thomas and Elizabeth (Body) Harringham; Michael
and Jane (Boler) Kem; Thomas and Mary (Shea-
494 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
han) Casey; Thomas and Elizabeth Farrell; Daniel
and Mary (Martin) Sullivan; John and Anna
(McGinley) O’ Keefe.
The above baptisms were adminstered in the first
half of the year. ‘Those which follow occurred in the
last six months of 1856, and were conferred upon the
sons and daughters of Michael and Catherine (McDon-
ald) Murphy; Timothy and Bridget (Sullivan) De-
vine; Thomas and Mary (Connell) Sheahan; Patrick
and Mary (Daley) Carney; John and Jane (Burke)
Breene; Maurice and Margaret (Lawne) Dolan;
Michael and Mary (Wall) Nem; Jefferson and Della-
lion (Wright) Germam; Charles J. and Susan (Boyer)
Schrend; Jerome and Henrietta J. (Wetzell) Erhart;
John and Honora (Davis) Shea; Cornelius and Mar-
garet (Cantillon) Wrenn; Timothy and Mary
(McCarthy) Dargan; Patrick and Honora (Connell)
Donaghue; Daniel and Catherine (Rice) Lyons; Wil-
liam and Margaret (Oaks) Keegan; John and Anna
(Connell) Fitzgerald; Patrick and Catherine (Sull-
van) Donaghue; Michael and Margaret (Ryan) Lar-
kin; John and Bridget (Wrenn) Callahan; William
and Honora (Nolan) Joy; Patrick J. and Sarah C.
(Starms) Duane; Thomas and Jane (Coleman) Sul-
livan; and John and Bridget (Keilly) Nichols.”
Of the same character are the sponsors’ names
throughout the year—nearly all not only distinctively
Irish, but also distinctively Catholic Irish, as ‘were
many of the early settlers in eastern Tennessee. Doubt-
less these too, like their predecessors, would have lost
17 Owing to Father Biemans’ lack of familiarity with English and Irish
names, and the difficulty of deciphering his handwriting, there are doubtless
some errors in the above list of names.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 495
the faith had not Bishop Miles been able to furnish
them, though insufficiently, with priests. Before ground
was secured for a church, the visiting missionary said
mass in the homes of the faithful, among which were
those of Daniel Lyons and Thomas Fossick.** While
the structure was under way, a small house which stood
on the same lot served for that purpose. But, Father
Francis Marron assures us, “it was not unusual then
for Parson [William G.] Brownlow [editor of the
Knoxville Whig| to come around for the purpose of
provoking the workmen [on the church], and to show
his friends where his Satanic Majesty would stand in
taking observations.” ”
Doubtless among those mentioned in later pages of
the records were some of the earliest Catholics of
Knoxville, after the resuscitation of the faith there;
but we had no way of ascertaining them. No doubt,
too, a few afterwards moved on to other places, where
they perhaps helped to sow the seed of divine truth.
The greater number of them, however, must have re-
mained, and their descendants are today members of
one or the other of the city’s two flourishing parishes.
In the southwestern corner of this grand division,
18 By some it is stated that Daniel Lyons was a Presbyterian. But the
frequency with which that patronymic appears on the early church records
as godparents proves that his family at least was Catholic. Daniel Lyons
(was it father or son?) performs that function more than once. Per-
haps Daniel, Senior, became a convert.
19 An autobiographic outline of Father Marron for Father Larkin
(Nashville Archives). There are traditions that Father Patrick O’Neill of
Charleston, or one of the two Fathers Jeremiah O’Neill of Savannah, and
a Father Brown, different from Father H. V. Brown, visited Knoxville.
This is probably true of one of the O’Neills, though his visit was likely
at a later date than that given. But there seems to have been no other
Father Brown who could have made his way into Tennessee at this early
date.
496 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
>
“East Tennessee,” is situated one of the state’s most
historic, interesting, and scenic cities, which began with
the ferry and warehouse of a half-blood Indian, John
Ross. ‘This circumstance, at first, gave it the name of
Ross’ Landing, where we find Bishop Miles and Father
Durbin in the fall of 1838. Two hundred and fifty
acres were then being laid off in town lots, an enter-
prise no doubt inspired by the hopes held out by the
prospective approach of railroads already under way,
and the advantageous location of the incipient village.
In 1841, the name Ross’ Landing gave place to the
more euphonious one of Chattanooga.”°
The visit of Bishop Miles and Father Durbin
suggests that there were Catholics in the locality at
the time. Besides, among those interested in the town
from its start were John Keeney, Allen Kennedy, and
A. S. Lenoir, names strongly indicative of the Catholic
faith. Whether they professed it or not is another
question. In 1841, Father Maguire made Chattanooga
a center of missionary activity. Father Jacquet, who
succeeded him, did the same; while Father Brown, one
of Tennessee’s most noted early missionaries, whether
in point of zeal or years of service, spent by far the
greater part of his priestly life there. Maguire certainly
built a little temporary church in the vicinity of the city
as early as 1841, which was the first Catholic house of
prayer in eastern Tennessee.’ The three planted with
great care the seed of faith which has eventually grown
into Chattanooga’s present large and flourishing parish.
20 Catholic Advocate, December 7, 1838; ParKMAN, Chattanooga, Ten-
nessee, Hamilton County, and Lookout Mountain, pp. 5-6. See notes 4,
5, and 6 of Chapter XIV.
21 PARKMAN, op. cit., p. 5 and passim; Catholic Advocate, October 2,
1841. See end of Chapter XV.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 497
Father Jacquet seems to have had one book of
records for all his missions which he retained for him-
self, after Father Brown succeeded him at Chattanooga,
and which in all likelihood is now lost. Facts, in its
issues of August 4 and 18, 1894, tells us that, in May,
1847, Father Jacquet baptized Helen Deady in the
neighborhood of Chattanooga; but there can be no
doubt that he also baptized a number in the city both
before and after that date. The earliest baptism now
on record at Saints Peter and Paul’s is that of Mary
Ellen, daughter of John and Margaret Fitzgibbon.
The date was February 10, 1852. James Cleary and
Fillen Kiley acted as godparents; Father Brown
administered the sacrament. |
Then follow in order, during this year (1852), all
by Father Brown, the baptisms of the children of John
and Melvina Richardson; John and Mary Driscoll;
Peter and Bridget Moran; Patrick and Ellen Kiley;
Patrick and Margaret Farrell; Thomas and Jane
McGovern; John and Helen Ahern; John and Mar-
garet Myers; Daniel and Soethe M. Crowley; Terence
and Elizabeth Slattery; James and Catherine Curtain;
Hugh and Catherine Easley; Patrick and Ellen Boyle:
Michael and Catherine Bohen; Denis and Catherine
Sullivan; Thomas and Mary Boyle; and William and
Margaret Sandrigan.
Among the sponsors of the time were Patrick and
Catherine Sheahan; Patrick and Roger Sullivan;
Michael and Bridget Doheny; Michael and Margaret
Gibbons; William Stewart; Thomas Kediam and Mar-
garet Dillon; David Coleman and Mary Cleary;. Hugh
Easley and wife Margaret; Margaret Hagerty; James
and Margaret O’Connor; John Hannon; Timothy
55)
498 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Carroby and Mary Daly; William Harnett; Patrick
Easley; Thomas and Mary Bolen; Michael Gary;
Denis and Mary Shea; and Patrick Keenan and Anna
Fahey.
Still others who seem to have been in the city at this
time, or to have arrived shortly afterwards, were
Martin and Catherine (Dwyer) Hussey; Patrick
Cotter and his wife Elizabeth; Mrs. Honora (Cotter)
Crimmins; James and Bridget (McCarthy) Cotter;
Patrick and Bridget (O’Donnell) Nelligan; Patrick
and Ellen (Driscoll) Garvin; and James and Margaret
(McCarthy) Sullivan.**> Daniel Hogan and an Italian
by the name of Herlini played important parts in the
construction of Chattanooga’s second church. Nor
should we forget Colonels Joseph J. Griffin and James
Whiteside who, even though the latter was not of the
faith, largely donated to Bishop Miles a splendid
property whereon to erect a suitable Catholic temple of
worship in the city.”*
From Facts we learn that Father Jacquet said mass
in a hall on the second story of the “Bryant Building,
on Market Street, near the river,” and at times in the
house of Michael Harrington, “near the foot of Came-
ron Hill”; that Joseph Ruohs was one of those who
22 The researches of Miss Nora Crimmins of the Public Library, Chat-
tanooga, were of great aid in unearthing some of these names. She
believes, and in this she seems to be supported by records in the court-
house, that John and Catherine (Finukin) McMahon, Myles Kelly, An-
drew Warren, James and Robert Hickson, Mrs Ellen (Maguire) Fawkes,
Patrick Hughes, and a few other Catholic individuals came to the city
about this time.
23 The Advertiser as quoted by the Freeman’s Journal of May 28, 1854.
Griffin’s deed to Miles is dated January 9, 1857 (Recorder’s Office, Chat-
tanooga, Deed Book L 1, 310). Possibly the land was not deeded over
until all the money ($1,000) was paid; though the bishop seems certainly
to have had possession several years earlier.
REV. JOHN M. JACQUET : REV. HENRY V. BROWN
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SAINTS PETER AND PAUL’S CHURCH
CHATTANOOGA’S SECOND CHURCH, AND TWO OF ITS EARLIEST
MISSIONARIES
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 499
attended divine service in these places; and that the
first Catholic church in Chattanooga was erected on a
lot of Harrington, on Pine Street, close to his house.
But the fact that the Almanac places the city among
the stations attended by Father Jacquet as early as
1848 makes Father Walsh’s statement that the mis-
sionary said mass in Chattanooga for the first time in
1850 open to question.
Records of the Hamilton County court-house sub-
stantiate the old tradition that Father Brown, acting
under the direction of Bishop Miles, secured a great deal
of land on “Branham Hill” which he sold to Catholics
at cost price in order to keep them in Chattanooga and
have them locate near the church. Father Walsh
(Facts, August 4, 1894) also says that Father Brown
erected the first Catholic temple of prayer in the city;
yet one can not easily suppress the suspicion that this
honor belongs to Father Jacquet, for he was an active
man, and had spent several years in and around Chat-
tanooga before the arrival of the artist priest. To the
writer it seems quite probable that the little church on
Mr. Harrington’s lot was the work of the French
missionary.
Besides, it appears to be understood that there was
a church in Chattanooga in 1852; while, in a letter of
September 7, 1852, Bishop Miles says Father Brown
“is preparing to build a church. ... and is entirely
absorbed in his grand undertaking.” This was cer-
tainly the frame structure on a stone foundation, which
stood on A Street, where now stands the sisters’
convent; and which an April or May issue of the
Chattanooga Advertiser in 1854 shows had then made
500 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
little progress.** In any case, Facts informs us that the
French missionary built a little fane near “Cumberland
Tunnel,” which was burned on October 22, 1850. ‘The
names of neither of these ambassadors of Christ should
ever be forgotten in Hamilton and the adjacent
counties.
This brings us to what is known as “West Tennes-
see.” After the departure of Father McAleer, that
vast division of the state fell entirely to the care of the
sons of Saint Dominic, who were then practically its
sole missionaries for twenty years. Faithful were they
to their duty; ceaselessly did they toil. While there
were certainly others, the only stations mentioned in
the Almanac as attended from Memphis were Jackson,
Madison County; Somerville and La Grange, Fayette
County; Bolivar, Hardeman County; and Savannah,
on the eastern bank of the Tennessee River, in Hardin
County.
With the exception of Bolivar and Jackson, we did
not discover the names of any of the Catholics in these
places. Bolivar’s most noted family of the faith was
that of the Barrys, the head of which would seem to
have been Valentine D. and Mary (Adams) Barry.
Their sons Daniel, William, and Arthur became news-
paper men who left their impress upon the state.
Possibly it was Valentine, the father, who visited
Bishop Kenrick in Philadelphia, about 1832, to see if
he could not send a priest to Tennessee. It appears that
there were also some families by the name of Moore,
Grace, Sterling, Arthur, Lee, and Collins at Bolivar,
24 See preceding note for the Advertiser and note 19 of Chapter XIX
for Bishop Miles’ letter.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 501
or in the neighborhood.”” The elder Barry was a circuit
judge, and died in Memphis.
Jackson, it is of record, had but few Catholics.
Five of the families were those of James Hughes,
George and Lydia (Armour) Jenkins, and John,
Michael, and Philip Magevney. Another seems to
have had the name of Meechim. ‘The Catholic Alma-
nac of 1844 says that half of the little congregation were
converts; while we have in hand a statement which
tells us that the convert wives of John Magevney,
George Jenkins, and James Hughes were confirmed
by Bishop Miles in 1842. Jenkins was a native of
Baltimore. The others came from Ireland.”
As Memphis, or the “Bluff City,” owes its existence
largely to the energy, foresight, and ability of Judge
John Overton, so Saint Peter’s Church is in no small
measure indebted to the business acumen of his kinsman
and the executor of his will, John 8S. Claybrook, for
its erection. Father Stokes’ letters have told us of the
good spirit and liberality of the enlightened non-Cath-
olics there. However, with this was certainly mixed
the desire to hasten and solidify the city’s growth by
encouraging Catholics to settle in it through the posses-
sion of a church under the auspices of their faith.
There can be no doubt that this idea had its force in
the warm reception given Bishop Miles and Fathers
Stokes and Clancy on their first appearance on the
Mississippi, or in the generosity shown in their cause,
of which we have soon to speak.
25 Notes of Father Walsh (Nashville Archives).
26 Father Walsh as in preceding note, and Saint Peter’s records, Mem-
phis.
502 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Stokes has told us of Patrick McKeon,
Eugene Magevney, Patrick R. Kenna, and M. Lan-
gan, whom he met at Memphis in November, 1839, and
of the interest they took in the erection of a church.
On the same occasion, the records at Nashville show,
he baptized at Memphis children of Basil and Catherine
(Spaeh) Rapp; Michael and Mary (Murphy) Leon-
ard; Patrick R. and Henrietta Bordley; and William
and Pauline (Phiphs) Prince. ‘The sponsors were
Francis Scheller, Balina Prince, Catherine Calfield,
P. McKeon, and Sophia Phobus.
However, there must have been a few of the faith
in the Bluff City years before the arrival of these. At
least, Patrick Meagher, the proprietor of the Old Bell
Tavern and a friend of Andrew Jackson; “Squire”
McMahon, engaged in the same business; Margaret
Grace; Thomas B. Carr; John W. Fowler; John R.
Dougherty; and half a dozen others similar in character,
which one meets with in the early annals of the town,
are names almost as distinctively Catholic as significa-
tively Irish. Doubtless though we have here, in the case
of some, the same sad story which one finds wherever
there were no priests—defections from the religion of
their forefathers.
Father Clancy’s records can not be found, but it is
known that he married Eugene Magevney and Mary
Smyth on May 31, 1840. ‘This was perhaps the first
Catholic ceremony of the kind in Memphis. It took
place in the Magevney home, which still stands on
Adams Avenue, near Saint Peter’s church.** Father
27 Statement of Mrs. Catherine Hamilton, their daughter (Nashville
Archives). One also reads this in practically every account of the early
Church in Memphis.
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 503
Clancy seems to have had no home of his own, and he
said mass in the houses of the faithful—among them
that of Kugene Magevney. Tradition says that he usu-
ally offered the sacred mysteries in the homestead of
this Irish school-teacher, where a mahogany bureau may
still be seen which served as an altar.
Father McAleer’s first recorded baptism was that of
Mary, the first child of Mr. and Mrs. Magevney, who
aftewards became a Dominican Sister. The date was
February 24, 1841. Other baptisms in the same year,
omitting those that appear to have been administered
in Jackson and names already mentioned, were of the
children of Edward and Drusilla (Cherry) Read; John
and Margaret (Clancy) Conaghan; Thomas and Cath-
erine (McCabe) Hogan; James and Mary (Gorman)
Green; William and Margaret (Brady) McKeon;
James and Mary (Warfel) McNamee; John and Mar-
garet (Poland) Burke; and James and Annora (Hoo-
ligan) Nugent. The sponsors were Joseph A. White,
Catherine Shaller, William and Mary (Dunn) Eng-
lish, James Kennedy and wife, Mary Larkin, William
Bradshaw, Mary Conaghan, Patrick McKeon, Patrick
Farrell, Michael Gaffney and wife, James and Mary
(Quinn) O’Brien, Robert Burke, Mrs. Michael Kiely,
and a Mr. Jones.
Again avoiding a repetition of names, the parents
of 1842 were Frederic and Margaret (Bonninger)
Udwig; Michael and Bridget (Handlon) Power;
William and Mary (Quinlan) Irwin; Michael B. and
Margaret (Murphy) Martin; Francis and Bridget
(Foley) Coffey; John and Bridget (O’Connor) Burke;
M. and Mary Agnes (Snyder) Miller; and Rudolph
and Elizabeth (Armstrong) Davis. Among the god-
504 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
parents were Patrick Golden, Mrs. Davern, Thomas
Costigan, Bridget Powers, Denis Kerby, Mary McCar-
thy, Thomas McKeon, John McMahon, Mary Haley,
Bridget Archer, John Carroll, Joseph C. and Mary
Ursula Snyder, Michael McNamara, Ann Reagan, and
Peter Connolly and wife.
Father McAleer had all preparations made for the
purchase of a lot when Bishop Miles returned from
Europe. The anxious prelate therefore hurried off to
Memphis, where he received a deed from John Clay-
brook on October 29, 1841.°° Again the enlightened
non-Catholics showed their good will; for, in a little
book used alike to record the payment of pew-rent and
to keep accounts for the erection of the sacred edifice,
we read: |
The Committee deem it a pleasing duty to record this, on the
very liminal of their official proceedings—the magnanimous fact
that the Church lot ,was in part donated to our Bishop for the
Catholic congregation worshipping at Memphis, by the acting
agent (Mr. Claybrook) of the heirs of Judge Overton’s estate,
the nominal price required by the agent being five hundred dollars,
which our Protestant brethren very generously paid, as shown by
the annexed list.?9
Unfortunately this list of contributors is no longer
in the record. However, the accounts show that work
was soon under way for building the temple of the
Lord. Patrick McKeon, James Kennedy, Eugene
Magevney, and M. Langan were appointed a com-
mittee for the people. Doubtless Kennedy took the
place of Patrick Kenna, who had held that position in
1839, but who had likely left the city after the death of
his young convert wife. Father McAleer himself
28 Photostat copy (Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province).
29 Records of Saint Peter’s.
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RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 505
headed the committee, as well as had charge of all
matters appertaining to the structure. In the Memphis
Appeal of May 13, 1842, he issued the following
notice:
Sealed proposals will be received, from the 16th to the 24th
of May, for the Brick and Carpenter work of a Catholic Church
to be built in Memphis, agreeably to the plan and specifications
to be seen at Rev. Mr. McAleer’s office, opposite the City Hotel.
Proposals to be deposited in the Post Office, addressed to
M. McAleer.
The building accounts extend over twenty-two pages,
run from April 17, 1842, to June 20, 1844, and show
that Father McAleer’s task was by no means without
difficulties. Between fifty and sixty new names are
revealed in these pages, the greater number of whom
were doubtless Catholics. Henry and William Irwin
had the contract for the woodwork; the firm of Hickman
and Austin received that for the masonry. D. Morison
was the architect.
Simultaneously with the church, which faced on
Third Street, Father McAleer built a rectory. This
stood at the rear of the church, fronted on Adams
Avenue, cost one hundred and seventy dollars, and is
said to have been almost a counterpart of Hugene
Magevney’s home.*” Until his own house was finished,
he probably lived in that in which he had his office, oppo-
site the City liotel.** Before the church was ready
for use, he no doubt said mass at Magevney’s and in the
domiciles of other Catholics, if not in some hall rented
30 We have frequently heard Mrs. Catherine Hamilton and other old
people speak of the location and appearance of the first Catholic rectory
in Memphis. It was not taken down until 1872.
31 The City Hotel seems to have stood on Winchester Avenue, between
Main and Front streets; and across from it there were some residences.
Doubtless Father McAleer lived in one of these.
506 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
for the purpose on Sundays. The impression made on
the public by Father McAleer may be gaged by the
American Eagle of August 12, 1842. In an article
entitled “The Memphis Churches’, the editor of that
paper states:
The Roman Catholics are building a handsome brick Cathedral,
and they have already quite a congregation. The officiating Priest
is said to be a gentleman of learning and talents—but the Roman
Catholics never stick asses in their pulpits—and we hope of piety
also. They bid fair to have a flourishing church.
Hardly, however, was the modest temple of the Lord
far enough advanced for divine service to be held within
its walls, before the continual increase in the number
of faithful showed that Father McAleer had miscal-
culated its size, and that the time was not far distant
when a larger edifice would be needed. No doubt this
was one of the reasons why he did not erect the spire
which he had planned, or even have the church formally
dedicated.
Scarcely had’ the Dominicans taken spiritual charge
of Memphis, when they were confronted with the
question whether they should enlarge Saint Peter’s, or
build another church. Money was scarce; as a rule,
the new Catholics had acquired little of the world’s
goods; those not of the faith felt that they had done
their share. This situation rendered the erection of a
new edifice so soon after the first practically prohibitive.
On the other hand, the fathers felt that an addition to
the old would solve their problem for only a short time,
and in the end greatly increase the burden of the people
entrusted to their care.
For these reasons, it was determined to proceed with
the dedication of the church, leaving matters in statu
RESUME—PERSONS AND PLACES 507
quo for a few years more. Meanwhile, the flock grew
steadily. Among the most noted additions, tradition
tells us, was a nephew of Bishop Miles—Doctor George
Murphy, who was not less faithful as a Catholic than
successful as a physician.** Finally, May 25, 1852,
Father Grace had the following notice inserted in the
Daily Eagle and Enqurer: “To Brick Masons :—Pro-
posals will be received for the Brick Masonry of a
Catholic Church, to be built in the city of Memphis,
agreeably to the plans and specifications to be seen at
the office of the Rev. T. L. Grace, in the rear of the
Catholic Church, Adams Street. Proposals desired
immediately.”
In like manner, the Catholic Telegraph of Cincin-
nati, in its issue of December 18, 1852, tells its readers:
“The Catholics of Memphis, Tennessee, are about to
erect one of the most splendid edifices west of the Alle-
ghanies.... It is to have two towers, each one
hundred feet high, surmounted by a chime of bells.”
But to tell of the progress, final completion, dedication,
and beauty of the new Saint Peter’s will fall to the final
chapter.
32 The Catholic Advocate of January 24, 1846, notes the marriage of
“Dr. George Murphy of Memphis, Tennessee, to Miss Mary Ann McManus
of Bardstown,” Kentucky, in the latter place on January 15. Doubtless he
went to his former home to marry a sweetheart of his earlier days.
CHAPTER XXI
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS
It was doubtless immediately after his installation
that, as an apparently authentic tradition tells us,
Bishop Miles went to board at the hospitable home of
Philip Callaghan, which stood on Market Street (the
present Second Avenue), near the corner of Church
Street. But he soon rented a house from one Dough-
erty, possibly the William Dougherty mentioned in the
previous chapter. Here most likely it was that he fell
sick in the fall of 1839, and received the last sacraments
from Father Stokes. This building stood on the same
street, then one of the nicest thoroughfares in the city,
as that of Callaghan, but farther to the north.’
Here also was the holy man’s stay of short duration,
for he wanted a place of his own, wherein he would feel
less fettered for the work of God. Accordingly, as soon
as he received his first aid from the providential Society
for the Propagation of the Faith—just before he
started on his journey for Europe—he purchased a
large lot from James and William Park. It fronted
on the west side of Market Street, near Whiteside.
On it evidently stood a commodious house, which was
at once converted into a residence for the bishop and
Father Stokes, no less than into a little seminary, since
1 Notes of the Rev. William Walsh, after talks with Mrs. Mary (Ken-
ney) Dougherty (Nashville Archives) ; Ropert, Nashville and Her Trade
for 1870, p. 452.
508
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS 509
such an institution appeared imperatively necessary
that the diocese might be supplied with priests.*
Two more adjacent purchases, one from the same
parties immediately after his return from abroad, and
the other from Joseph B. Knowles and William
Boswith, early in 1843, extended the diocesan property
from Market Street on the west to Water Street (now
First Avenue) on the east; while it stretched fromi
Whiteside on the north to perhaps Locust on the south.*
Considering the times, the bishop’s poverty, the price
paid for the holdings, and other circumstances, it was a
bold venture which required a brave heart. A con-
tributor to the Nashville Herald of January 12, 1890,
tells us that the entire tract contained ten acres, and
that it lay in the heart of what was then Nashville’s
finest residential section. Here Bishop Miles hoped
to erect a cathedral, seminary, and college, in all of
which he had the hearty sympathy of the city’s most
representative citizens, whether non-Catholics or those
of his own faith.
Doubtless the man of God would have preferred
to protect his seminarians with the quiet of a life in the
country, but he had neither the means nor the clergy
necessary for so many separate institutions. Besides,
he wished to have the young aspirants to the priesthood
near himself that he might keep a more constant eye
on their training, whilst they could lend added solemnity
to the services in the cathedral and give a helping hand
2Father Stokes to Bishop Purcell, December 27, 1839 (Cincinnati Ar-
chives) ; same to the editor of the Catholic Advocate, February 19, 1840—
copied in the U. S. C. Miscellany of April 4, 1840; Deed Book II, 459-
460, Recorder’s Office, Nashville.
3 Deed Book IV, 412-413; V, 23-24; and VI, 21-22, Recorder’s Office,
Nashville; Nashville Herald, January 12, 1890.
510 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
in the college. All these proposed structures he
intended to make the grandest within his power, for he
well knew the love of the southern people for the beau-
tiful, and felt that in no other way could he more surely
win their esteem, and perhaps predispose them to con-
version.
Hardly, however, were his purchases completed
before the likelihood of the encroachment of railroads
and other public utilities on that part of the city began
to loom large. He therefore secured other property for
a cathedral. Nor was the wisdom of the step slow to
become manifest; yet this change of plan, imposed by
necessity, brought many inconveniences, greatly in-
creased the burden of the bishop’s indebtedness, and
seriously interfered with his efforts for good, if it did
not even retard the growth of Catholicity in Tennessee
by shortening the means for its advancement. Thus,
although the first location, at the time it was bought,
appeared to be one of the best adapted for his purposes
that he could select, the choice, through the civic devel-
opment, proved unfortunate.
At any rate, our apostle now had no alternative but
to leave his treasured seminary where it was, or to close
it and sell the property at a sacrifice which he could not
afford. Accordingly, he retained his residence, which
stood at 110-114 North Market Street, where he con-
tinued his efforts to educate young men for the diocese.*
Fathers Morgan, Hoste, Alemany, and Jacquet were
successively the superiors of the seminarians. All lived
with the pious bishop, who, as occasion permitted, not
infrequently aided with the teaching. Tradition tells
4 City Directories of 1853-1854, 1855-1856, 1857.
5 See the Catholic Almanacs from 1841 to 1848.
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS 511
us that Father Montgomery also often gave a helping
hand, and at times acted as superior. Father Schacht
seems to have played a similar part.
Just when the little seminary was definitely closed
we did not ascertain. It involved almost heroic sacri-
fice and hardship. Fathers O’Dowde, Howard, and
Schacht appear to have been the only priests ordained
from it. Yet there are clear indications that a number
of others tried their vocations there, and proofs that
Bishop Miles would ordain only those who showed
evident signs of possessing such a sturdy character as
would enable them to persevere on the trying missions
of the diocese. More than one eveat, with a few lines
of recommendation (for his letters were ever brief),
reveal a student sent to other parts, where he became a
successful harvester of souls.
Mention of Saint Athanasius’ Seminary does not
appear in the Almanac after 1848. Doubtless, in view
of the results, Bishop Miles concluded that the candle
was not worth the flame, for the money and labor
devoted to the institution might yield richer fruits of
religion in other fields. However, it deserves this fuller
notice not only because it reveals a noble effort for the
good of souls, but also because it was really the only
diocesan seminary ever in Tennessee.°
Catholic education was a topic in which the subject
of our narrative took the keenest interest. As the reader
will recall, one of the first things he did, after regaining
his health and the arrival of Father Stokes, was to
establish a school. ‘Tradition tells us that it was first
started in the little frame building which stood beside
6 Father Stokes’ letter to the Advocate, as in note 2, and the Almanacs
of 1841 and 1842 show that the seminary was called Saint Joseph’s at first.
512 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Holy Rosary Cathedral on Capitol Hull; but on his
return from abroad the bishop erected a larger structure
of the same material near his residence, and removed
the classes thither. It stood at 122 North Market
Street. The seminarians are said to have been the
principal teachers, at the start at least; yet the priests
also gave a part of their time to this work.
The Catholic Almanac for 1843 states: “Attached
to the seminary is an academy for boys, in which, besides
mathematics and the ordinary branches of a good
English education, the Greek, Latin, Italian, French
and Spanish languages are carefully taught. The
religious instruction of Catholic pupils only is attended
to, and every facility [is] afforded for the improvement
of the mind and the cultivation of virtue. The academy
is conducted by ecclesiastics under the superinten-
dence of the Rev. Superior of the seminary.” ‘The
Almanac for 1844 tells us practically the same, except
that it states the institution “is conducted by clergymen
and seminarists under the direction of the Right Rev.
Bishop Miles.” *
It would seem that about this time the zealous prelate
must have made a suggestion that the Jesuits Fathers
in Kentucky should take over his college; but, after a
consultation with him, they felt that Nashville did not
hold out a sufficiently good prospect of success.’ Early
in the same year (1844), either Father Edward Sorin
offered of his own accord to let him have some Brothers
of the Holy Cross, then called the Brothers of Saint
Joseph, for his parochial school, or gave a favorable
7 Directories as in note 4.
8 Almanac for 1843, pp. 105-106; for 1844, p. 144.
9 THEBAUD, Three Quarters of a Century, III, 264.
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS ap ie
reply to an appeal for such aid. In any case, on the
ninth of April, that year, the sorely tried bishop wrote
to Father Sorin:
Your favour of the 5th ult. came to hand in due time, the
acknowledgment of which has been delayed for some time in con-
sequence of my absence from home. I have long wished to have
some of the Brothers of St. Joseph in my Diocese, and am glad
to indulge the hope that my wish may be realized. Should it be
possible to send me some, please inform me in order that I may
make preparations for them. I will cheerfully bear their travelling
expenses and give the annual pension you demand. . . .1°
Then he answers some questions asked by Father
Sorin, and closes his letter with these words: “I am
decidedly of the opinion that this excellent institute
should not be confined to any one place, but that it
should be spread as widely as possible, convinced that
the most beneficial results will follow from it.” Eyvi-
dently, these fair prospects gave Bishop Miles much
pleasure, which perhaps made his disappointment all
the keener. December 15, 1844, he wrote another letter
to Father Sorin, in which he says:
Some time in the spring you honoured me with a letter respecting
the institution over which you preside, and gave me hopes that
I should be able to obtain two of the Brothers of St. Joseph for
Nashville. I immediately replied, and expressed my wishes to
have them, since which I have heard nothing on the subject. I
would consider it a great favour, if you would be kind enough, at
your first leisure, to drop me a line stating whether I may hope
to have the aid of those good Brothers!
Doubtless Father Sorin thought it unwise to accept
a place so far from home which could support only two
brothers. ‘Thus Bishop Miles was obliged to conduct
10 Notre Dame Archives.
11 Jbid. Evidently the bishop had forgotten the delay in his reply caused
by absence from home.
34
514 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
his school with a secular staff. The college, or “male
academy,” ceased with the close of the seminary; for,
without the aid of ecclesiastical students, his limited
means rendered it impossible to carry it on any longer.
However, the building was at once turned into a private
school for the sons of the better-to-do Catholics who did
not wish to send their children to the more common
parochial school.
Despite the failures of Bishops Flaget and Rosati
along the same line under far more favorable auspices,
Bishop Miles now assayed the establishment of an order
of teaching brothers, whom he called the Brothers of
Saint Patrick. ‘This was hoping almost against hope.
Still his private school prospered under this tentative
religious institute for five or six years later. Then,
principally for want of vocations, the brothers dis-
banded. Somewhat later, September 4, 1854, the
anxious prelate wrote a letter of strong appeal to Bishop
Spalding to let him have a few members of the newly
established ‘Xaverian Brothers who had come from
Belgium, so that he might place them in charge of his
private school. As none could be spared, the holy man
was again obliged to engage secular teachers.”
Nevertheless, the Father of the Church in Tennessee
managed to keep this school going in a most creditable
manner until his death. The early Nashville Directories
tell their readers: “Bishop Miles’ school is ably con-
ducted.” ** Under his watchful care, it could hardly
have been otherwise. ‘Tradition informs us that men
of note in every profession were either wholly educated
in his college, or started on their way of success in his
12 Louisville Archives.
13 See note four.
VERY REV. REV. JAMES A. ORENGO,
SAMUEL L. MONTGOMERY, O. P.
Oe R
REV. JOHN A. LYNCH, REV. JANUARIUS M. D’ARCO,
One, O. P.
FOUR OF THE FRIAR-PREACHER MISSIONARIES IN NASHVILLE AND
MIDDLE TENNESSEE UNDER BISHOP MILES
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS at Ie
private school. Both rendered invaluable services to
religion.
After the establishment of the new community of
sisters, these taught the children of both sexes of the
poorer classes in the “spacious’”’ rooms under the cathe-
dral, as well as took care of the wealthier girls in Saint
Mary’s Academy. Again the city Directories assure
us: “The Sisters of Charity, laborious and _ self-sacri-
ficing, are doing much to educate the poor.” The
bishop, however, paid these laborers their salaries; for,
as a just man, he saw that every toiler received his
wages—would permit no meritorious deed to go unre-
quited.
Indeed, the charity of Christ urged His ambassador
ever onward. It is this that explains his efforts in
behalf of the colored people. Few of his contemporary
bishops seem to have taken so keen an interest in that
race. Throughout his episcopate, that their lives might
thus be rendered happier, no less than that their souls
might profit therefrom, he sought to gather around
him the few free colored people in Nashville, and as
many of the slaves as their masters would allow such
a privilege, to give them a rudimentary education, teach
them to sing, and instruct them in the principles of
Christian doctrine. First, according to tradition, he
used the old frame church on the hill for this noble
purpose. Afterwards, they were brought to his own
house (where the people long attended mass on week
days), taken to the cathedral basement, or collected
wherever he could find a place for them. Really his
efforts in this regard amounted to, as they were called,
a “free colored school.” ™*
14 Catholic Almanac, year after year.
516 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Father Hoste went to reside at Saint Michael’s,
Robertson County, in 1846. Shortly afterwards, under
the instructions of his bishop, this saintly priest and
lover of children erected a building and opened a board-
ing school in order to accommodate parents who could
not afford to patronize an expensive institution. Both
boys and girls were admitted here, but they had separate
quarters. A matron looked after the girls. Gustave
Bouchard, whom Father Hoste seems to have brought
over from France for that purpose in 1847, took charge
of the boys. Father Hoste exercised a supervision over
all; nor did anything escape the watchful, yet kindly,
care of the general director, who, as his time permitted,
also took part in the teaching. Here, too, orphan boys
were collected and taken care of until good homes were
found for them, or they were able to provide for them-
selves.*°
This institution continued until the stress of mission-
ary work and the bishop’s finances obliged him to close
it. This was about 1855, when the Sisters of Charity
opened a new house in the country, a few miles from
Nashville. The boys’ orphan asylum was then trans-
ferred to this place."° During the eight or nine
years of its existence, Saint Michael’s Academy, as it
was called, proved a source of wide-spread good for
religion in the diocese. Apparently the intention was
to suspend it only temporarily. Even this gave the
bishop and Father Hoste no little sorrow. Father
Hoste, it is said, hoped to do in Robertson and Sumner
counties, ‘Tennessee, what T‘ather Demetrius Gallitzin
15 These facts are shown by several of the Almanacs. In years past
we met several people who had been at this school when they were chil-
dren. They spoke of it in terms of high praise.
16 The Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, Kansas, p. 28.
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS 517
had done in Cambria and the surrounding counties of
Pennsylvania; nor did he give up the idea until the
southland was disrupted by the Civil War.”
Bishop Miles evidently believed in the principle that
a full Catholic school meant full pews. One can but
admire the anxiety with which, when there was question
of a new church to be built, he sought to secure enough
ground for a school in order that it might be put in
operation as soon as the place had a resident pastor.
Under his inspiration, Father Hoste continued a paro-
chial school at Saint Michael’s, that in Nashville was
conducted in the basement of the cathedral, and special
buildings were erected for that purpose in Memphis,
Chattanooga, and Knoxville at the earliest oppor-
tunity.*®
The impossibility of doing otherwise necessitated the
employment of lay teachers in all these places except
Nashville, after the new community of the Sisters of
Charity had been set on its feet there. However, the
pastors were instructed to keep a watchful eye on both
pupils and teachers within their jurisdictions. That
none might have an excuse for sending their children
elsewhere our apostle insisted, despite the expense thus
entailed when money was scarce, on these schools being
free for all Catholics. Herein, it should be noticed,
he set an example which is now followed by many of our
bishops, and which the rest would like to see put into
practice wherever feasible.”
17 Rev. P. J. Gleason, who was once the pastor of Saint Michael’s, to
Rey. William Walsh, May 14, 1909 (Nashville Archives).
18 This may be seen from various sources.
19 Brother Michael Whelan, O. P., for more than twenty years an efh-
cient lay brother at Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, was a teacher in Father
Grace’s school at Memphis before he became a religious. He might have
518 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
One of the great difficulties against which Bishop
Miles had to contend, it will not have been forgotten,
was the way in which his little flock was widely scattered
here and there, few places having more than five or six
families—many even a smaller number. To better this
condition, to the end that they might be visited oftener
by a priest, he continued his efforts to induce those so
unfortunately situated to locate nearer one another, or
where there was already a nucleus of faithful which
gave better promise of soon having a church. ‘This
mayhap explains why the Almanac occasionally drops
a station that had been mentioned before. Certainly
his fatherly advice was followed in some instances.
For the same reason, the holy man centered his
attempts to bring Catholic farmers into his diocese on
just a few places. Perhaps Morgan County, in east
Tennessee, Humphreys County, in middle Tennessee,
and the vicinity of Memphis, in west ‘Tennessee, are
the most conspicuous examples of his endeavors along
this line. He felt, no doubt, that, if he met with success
in these places, he could then turn his attention to other
parts, and have a better hope of obtaining missionaries
for their spiritual care.
Mention has been made of the two circulating libra-
ries established (one in Nashville and another at Saint
Michael’s), with the many books gathered from differ-
ent parts of Europe and America. The fathers are said
to have had a third in Memphis, which they collected
themselves. Bishop Miles showed no little anxiety that
all his priests should possess a good library, and that
they should be generous in lending books to the public.
entered the Order as a candidate for the priesthood, but he preferred the
more humble state of a lay brother.
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS 519
His idea in this, as regards Protestants, was to let them
see for themselves what the Church teaches. Catholics
he wished not only to acquire the habit of reading whole-
some literature, but also to be able to give a reason for
the faith which they professed. Possibly the intelligent
Catholicity of Tennessee today is in part due to this
apostolate of its first bishop.”
Whilst in this, as in all other matters, we should
take the luridly-phrased denunciations of fanatics with
a liberal reservation, it must still be admitted that in
times past the habit of excessive use of strong drink
was all too common. Scarcely had Bishop Miles donned
the miter, though himself not at all an extremist, when
he began a kindly campaign against this vice. Tem-
perance societies were established in the main parishes,
with branches in the missions attended from them.
That of the cathedral attained a membership of six
hundred. Many and appealing were the sermons he
preached on this subject; for he would not only safe-
guard the souls of the faithful, but also have them set
an example for their neighbors.
In like manner, the man of God sought in every way
to foster religious societies among his people. Al-
though there is no record of it, tradition tells us that
he had a flourishing Rosary Confraternity in the
cathedral parish. There was another at Memphis.
In their choice of societies, however, he seems to have
let the pastors follow the bent of their own devotion,
with the exception of the Sacred Heart Society and
20 Bishop O’Finan, a Dominican who gave Bishop Miles a number of
books, requested that those which came from him should be bequeathed
to a house of the Order in the diocese, if there were one there; and if
not, to Saint Joseph’s Province. Practically no trace of these libraries
is now left.
520 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
the Archconfraternity of the Immaculate Conception,
or of the Sacred Heart of Mary, for the Conversion
of Sinners. These two sodalities he had established in
about every parish of the diocese.
Bishop Miles’ devotion to the Blessed Sacrament is
said to have been the tenderest. He loved to pray
before his Kucharistic God. For a further proof of his
devotion to the Blessed Virgin one has but to consider
the fact that nearly half of the churches in the diocese
were dedicated to the divine service under her patron-
age. Clarksville and Sumner County and Knoxville
had each its Church of the Immaculate Conception;
Jackson its Saint Mary’s; Nashville its Church of the
Assumption; the first cathedral, on Capitol Hull, was
called the Holy Rosary; while to the second was given
the name of the Cathedral of the Seven Dolors. It is
noteworthy that the church at Clarksville, dedicated in
1844, was one of the earliest in the country designated
the Immaculate Conception.
Nowhere in the United States were the clergy more
overwhelmed with toil, or had less time at their disposal,
than those of Tennessee. Yet its apostolic bishop, in
his broad charity, not infrequently had them extend
their missionary journeys into northern Alabama, and
perhaps into Georgia and southern Kentucky. For
some years Ilorence, Huntsville, Tuscumbia, and Deca-
tur, Alabama, were attended from Nashville for Bishop
Portier. From Memphis the Fathers of Saint Dominic
long burdened themselves with the northwestern coun-
ties of Mississippi and places in eastern Arkansas.
The bishop loved the work of the confessional.
Wherever he went, he spent hours in the sacred tribunal
of reconciliation. Everywhere, especially in the cathe-
VARIOUS APOSTOLIC EFFORTS 521
dral, crowds sought his kindly ministrations there; for
his wise guidance never failed to bring peace to the soul.
In the pulpit, in administering the sacrament of pen-
ance, in his conversations, he urged frequent commun-
ion. Always did he press the faithful to subscribe for
and to read the Catholic papers, convinced as he was
that a knowledge of the efforts in behalf of religion in
other parts of the country would be an incentive to a
better life. One of his keen regrets was that he could
not afford to have a paper for his own diocese. ‘T'radi-
tion informs us that he published a very practical little
catechism which long did excellent service in the state.”
Truly the whole story of the early apostolate in
Tennessee is one of edifying zeal, self-sacrifice, and even
heroism.
21 We could not discover any copy of this catechism, but the tradition
about it is so strong that it leaves no doubt about its publication or its
simple excellence.
CHAPTER XXII
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE
Even today a traveller from another part of the
country in the day coaches in the south is astonished
at the frequency with which he hears the Bible and
religion form the subject of conversation between the
passengers. ‘The arguments are usually earnest and
intense. This spirit was still more prevalent three
quarters of a century ago. Doubtless Bishop Miles was
perforce drawn into such discussions from time to time
while on his journeys. Indeed, it has been handed down
to us, he was often amused by this stage-coach theology,
and deftly sought to use his superior knowledge for
bringing those who thus approached him into the true
Church.
Oftener than not, however, the man of God failed in
these zealous efforts. Nor is the reason far to seek.
He possessed all those graces and accomplishments
which give charm and elegance to society. As a rule,
he found the people of 'Tennessee full of human kind-
ness, friendly, and good neighbors. They served God
sincerely according to their hight. They admired the
bishop and his clergy no less for their lives than for their
gentlemanly qualities and for their higher attainments.
Yet, brought up as they were, these people, for the most
part, knew the Catholic religion only through perverted
522
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 523
history and the popular jeremiads against the so-called
dark ages and the Inquisition.
Thus, although they saw that the few Catholics with
whom they came into contact ordinarily had uncommon
trust in God, led exemplary lives, and showed great
devotion to their religion, as well as earnestness in its
requirements, they (the Protestants) understood little
about the Catholic faith. It was all but a myth to
them—a pillar of cloud not only by day, but by night
as well. The doctrine that Christians can get to
heaven only by way of the cross, for that was the way
by which our Lord and His Blessed Mother journeyed
(and we are no better than they), did not appeal to
them. To whatever sect they belonged, their creed was
deeply ingrained. Under such circumstances few con-
versions could be expected. Perhaps no one could have
made more than did the subject of our narrative.
This inherited religious bias combined with unscru-
pulous politics and the greed and vaulting ambition of
characters with little or no conscience to give birth to
Know-nothingism, which attained the height of its
strength and influence in 1855 and 1856, On the night
of Christmas, 1855, adherents of that party gathered
around the cathedral of Nashville, bent on making
trouble for the worshippers at the midnight mass.
Bishop Miles, having received word of these evil inten-
tions, notified as many as he could that the mass was
cancelled, and had some of his friends to patrol the
streets and quietly induce all Catholics to return
to their homes. He himself kept watch in the sacred
edifice, and gave similar directions to those who, because
they had not received the information, made their way
thither. ‘The rowdies kept up a hideous uproar for a
524 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
couple of hours, but dispersed when they discovered that
their plot had been frustrated.*
Franklin, Murfreesborough, Pulaski, and _ other
places had a number of riots. Knoxville, however,
seems to have been the greatest stronghold of Know-
nothingism. Here Catholics, and especially those of
Irish origin, were accorded the most shameful treat-
ment. ‘Through all these troubles Bishop Miles kept
in constant contact with his priests,.and it was perhaps
through his wise guidance that much harm was pre-
vented.
The greatest trouble of the bishops in the east, north,
and new west was to build churches fast enough to
accommodate the steady influx of immigrants. ‘Ten-
nessee’s apostle had all sorts of difficulties to face.
Few priests were willing to bear the hardships of his
mission. He had little means with which to erect
needed churches, and an insufficient number of clergy
for the care of those which he had. Throughout the
country the growth of Catholicity was principally
through immigration. In Tennessee immigration was
a negligible quantity ; for the newcomers, as a rule, were
not only opposed to the institution of Negro slavery,
but also saw little prospect of success where they would
be obliged to compete with the colored laborer who re-
ceived no wages for his toil. Besides, this class of
immigrant was not wanted in the south; and he received
scant courtesy from the prior occupants of the soil.
Slavery and an antagonistic attitude towards immi-
gration, it is generally admitted, were what prevented
a more rapid increase of population in the south. In
most of these states, they combined with religious bias
1 Traditions of this night still live in Nashville.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 525
to retard the growth of the Catholic Church. Only by
taking this into consideration can we form a just appre-
ciation of the trials of the bishops in those parts, or
rightly understand why they did not accomplish so
much as their brethren in the hierarchy who labored
in more favorable environments.
Despite obstacles of every sort, and declining health,
the Father of the Church in Tennessee strove bravely to
do all he could in the cause of God. As early as June
22, 1850, he had sold a part of his land on Water Street
(First Avenue) to the Nashville Gas and Light Com-
pany. Further debts, it seems, had been necessitated
in order to place the new community of sisters on its
feet. On September 24, 1855, therefore, he sold another
tract to Charles EK. Franklin; and September 6, in the
same year, he sold his house and the ground on which
it stood to the Nashville and Northwestern Railroad.’
March 26, 1856, Bishop Spalding wrote to Archbishop
Purcell:
By the way, the Nazareth Sisters at Nashville have prospered
beyond my anticipations. In going to the South, I stopped two
days with our brother of Nashville, and visited the seceding branch,
which is getting on famously, having already twenty-one members,
of whom only three are the original “bolters.” I was agreeably
disappointed, and I begin to think that “secession”, after all, is
not so bad. It is well that each Diocese should have a mother
house and a novitiate.
I found Bishop Miles in very bad health. His cough is
exceedingly troublesome, and I fear that he is not long for this
world. He has sold his fine house and lot, and bought what he
calls a “rattrap’ near his Cathedral. But he congratulates him-
self that he is at least out of debt.?
2 Recorder’s Office, Nashville, Deed Book XIII, 494-495; and XXII,
294-295, 362-363.
3 Notre Dame Archives. Two of the earlier sisters had died—Sister
Jane Frances on February 18, and Sister Ellen on December 6, 1854. They
were the first sisters who died in Nashville.
526 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Busy man as he was, Doctor Spalding’s regard for
Nashville’s saintly prelate was such that he often visited
him, in spite of the slow, tiresome travel of the day.
Archbishop Purcell held him in no less esteem. March
28, 1856, he wrote, in reply to the above letter: “I am
sorry to hear of good Bishop Miles’ ill, or threatening
state of, health. He was, I think, the best choice for
Nashville that could have been made; and the founda-
tion which he has built will surely receive, in God’s
time, a noble superstructure.”* This seems to have been
the prevailing opinion among the hierarchy, by all of
whom he was looked upon as a model of piety, virtue,
and zeal, no less than as a most fatherly bishop possessed
of splendid judgment and no mean executive ability.
“Whom the Lord loveth He chastiseth,” says Saint
Paul. Judging Tennessee’s apostle by this criterion,
one feels that he enjoyed no small measure of divine
favor. March 21, 1856, he suffered the loss of another
of his zealous priests. Four days later, Father Schacht
wrote to the editor of the Catholic Telegraph:
Very Rev. dear Sir:—You will oblige us all by publishing in the
next issue of the Catholic Telegraph and Advocate the death of our
dear Rev. Father Augustine Murphy, who died of flux on Good
Friday at his mission, about nine miles from this city. The de-
ceased was a native of Ireland; near fifty years of age; a man
devoted to God, to prayer, and to the duties of the holy ministry;
beloved by all who knew him. His remains were brought to the
Cathedral in the night between Good Friday and Holy Saturday,
and were surrounded all the time by our afflicted people, whose
prayers and tears were the best evidence of their sincere grief. At
half past two, P. M., the Right Rev. Bishop recited the Solemn
Office of the Dead with his clergy, and then performed the funeral
obsequies. You can conceive, Very Rev. dear Sir, what a loss the
4 Louisville Archives.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 527
death of this good priest is to our poor Diocese. May God send us
such another.’
A. few days later, the holy man’s soul was tried per-
haps as it had never been tried before, when a historic
fire, fanned by a strong wind, destroyed a number of
Nashville’s public structures, and threatened to include
his cathedral, school, and home in its work of devasta-
tion.° However, like Job, he placed his trust in God,
who both gives and takes away with a wisdom that is
divine and not to be judged by man. Whatever hap-
pened, therefore, he submitted to with an admirable
Christian patience, and continued his work with a heart
that never lost its courage, and seldom its good cheer.
Despite an ever weakening constitution and a racking
cough that often tortured his entire frame, the ambassa-
dor of Christ appears to have traversed the whole state
again in 1856. Mrs. Mary Dunn, now of Nashville,
told us that she was one of a large class, a number of
whom were converts, confirmed in Chattanooga that
year, while the bishop was on a tour of his diocese. The
records of Knoxville give a list of some thirty confirmed
there on the sixth of July. Nearly all these latter ap-
pear to have been adults, if not even married people, a
circumstance which shows that they were late arrivals
in the city, and how it was often hard in those days for
the faithful to receive that sacrament. Before the close
of the year, his missionary forces were weakened by the
recall of eloquent Father N. R. Young.
5 Issue of April 5, 1856. Evidently the body could not be kept until
the next morning. We regret that more could not be learned about this
excellent priest than has been given in the text. He must either have
come directly from abroad to Tennessee, or was ordained late in life for
Nashville. Father Schacht’s letter to the Telegraph is dated March
25, 1856.
6 Telegraph, April 19, 1856.
528 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
The work of the next two years was but a repetition
of that which we have just outlined. Still, however oc-
cupied at home, the zealous bishop’s goodness of heart
rarely failed to cause him to find, or rather to make,
time that he might increase the joy of the occasion by
his presence at the consecration of a new member of the
hierarchy within the ecclesiastical province of which he
was a member, or that in which he had spent a large
part of his life—Saint Louis and Cincinnati. Thus
we find him in the latter city for the consecration of
the Rev. Henry D. Juncker as the first bishop of Alton,
Illinois, and the Rev. James F. Wood as coadjutor to
Philadelphia, which took place on April 26, 1857, and
was one of the most noted church events that had hither-
to occurred in the near west.’
From Cincinnati the venerable prelate returned to
Louisville with his friend, Doctor Spalding, whence he
intended to accompany him to Saint Louis a few days
later for the consecration, on May the third, of the Rev.
James Duggan as coadjutor to Saint Louis, and the
Trappist, Father Clement T. Smyth, for the same posi-
tion in the Diocese of Dubuque. But, on his arrival
at Louisville, our patriarch felt so weak that he feared
to undertake this further journey. He therefore pro-
ceeded to Saint Rose’s Priory. Thence, after a short
rest, he went back to Nashville.*
Evidently, before he left Kentucky on this occasion,
Father M. A. O’Brien, then prior at Saint Rose’s, per-
suaded him to return there and officiate on July 5 at a
celebration, which must have been to commemorate the
7 Telegraph, May 2, 1857.
8 Bishop Spalding to Archbishop Purcell, April 30, 1857 (Notre Dame
Archives); Telegraph, May 2, 1857.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 529
golden jubilee of the erection of the first building of
that Dominican alma mater. Very likely, indeed, the
idea of these festivities originated in the bishop’s visit at
the time, and they were largely in his honor. At any
rate, on June 2, 1857, he wrote to Doctor Spalding from
Nashville:
I am very much relieved on hearing that you have returned safe
home, and must congratulate you on the success of your wild-goose
chase. It is an additional pleasure to know also that you will
honour us with your presence at St. Rose on the first Sunday in
July. Allow me also to crave the favour of using the crozier on
that occasion, and to thank you in advance for the same.®
Although we discovered no account of this celebration
as such, the Catholic Telegraph of July 25, 1857, indi-
cates that it was carried out on a rather grand scale.
Manifestly Saint Catherine’s Academy made the clos-
ing exercises of their school a part of the event; for the
good sisters, no doubt in honor of their beloved co-
founder, did their best that these might be a notable
success. Bishop Miles himself presided. Father John
De Blieck, S.J., rector of Saint Joseph’s College,
Bardstown, and Mr. James P. Barbour, both men of
distinction, delivered addresses. Doubtless in part be-
cause of the occasion, and in part that he might have a
much needed relaxation, the bishop spent two weeks or
more at his old home. Father Brown, perhaps no less
to look after the needs of his esteemed superior than to
gratify his own desire to revisit the place where he had
received the light of faith, accompanied the venerable
apostle on this occasion.
Father James V. Daly took the place of Father
Cleary, deceased, at Memphis late in 1855. The Rev.
John Scollard came from Princeton, New Jersey, to
9 Louisville Archives.
35
530 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN: TENNESSEE
join the clergy at Nashville in the summer or early fall
of 1857. There too Father John Hyacinth Lynch,
O.P., not only soon filled the vacancy created by the re-
call of Father Young, but was also appointed rector of
the cathedral, Father Schacht having resigned that
position that he might have more time for the erection
of a chapel at the new academy and orphan asylum, and
a church in Edgefield (now East Nashville), as well as
to make preparations for building another for the Ger-
mans in Nashville proper.”
On the whole, the progress of the diocese was good.
During 1856, Father Orengo finished a church at
McEwen, which seems to have supplanted an earlier
one in Humphreys County built by Father Schacht,
10 Daly’s first baptism in Memphis at this time is dated December 2,
1855. Scollard’s first in Nashville was on September 18, and Lynch’s
first October 18, 1857.
Father Nicholas Raymond Young was born in the District of Columbia
about 1818. He was a nephew of the noted Ohio missionary, Father N.
D. Young, and the son of Ignatius and Barbara (Smith) Young. He
received the habit of Saint Dominic at Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, from
Bishop Miles, then prior, January 23, 1834, and made his religious pro-
fession, in the same place and to the same superior, June 28, 1835. In 1838
he was sent to Rome to complete his studies, where he was ordained in
1841. From the time of his return home, late in 1844 or early in 1845,
as a Lector in Sacred Theology, he taught the Order’s ecclesiastical stu-
dents in Ohio and Kentucky, was professor in Saint Joseph’s College
(in the former state), and filled other important positions until he went
to Tennessee. On leaving Nashville, he became pastor of Saint Dominic’s,
Washington City, whence he went to Rome in the spring of 1859. He
returned to Washington in 1860, and went back to Ohio the next year.
In 1862 he became provincial, but resigned the position two years later,
and shortly afterwards was secularized and incardinated into the Diocese
of Cincinnati, under his intimate friend, Archbishop Purcell. Here he
labored in Dayton and Bellefontaine. Twelve years later, for he ever
retained his love and esteem for the Order, he made arrangements to
return to it. He then paid a visit to his brother in Washington City,
where he died on July 24, 1876, before he could put his design into ex-
ecution.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 531
and received the same name—Saint Patrick. Father
Brown completed Saints Peter and Paul’s at Chatta-
nooga before the close of 1857." Tradition, supported
by the fact that he would undergo almost any hardship
to benefit such occasions by his august presence, tells
us that Bishop Miles blessed the two fanes. The church
at McEwen was a log structure; the other a frame on
a stone foundation. Both were neat and well built.
Sometime in the same year (1857), the zealous prelate
also purchased a Presbyterian church at a bargain in
the thrifty town of Shelbyville, which he was having
converted into a Catholic temple of prayer.” Father
Grace had a fourth ready for dedication in Memphis.
A German student was also nearing the end of his
studies in the seminary at Cincinnati.
Although the corner-stone of Saint John the Evan-
gelist’s, Edgefield, was laid only on November 8, 1857,
owing to the good weather and the earnestness of the
workmen, it rose so rapidly that Bishop Miles was able
to dedicate it on Sunday, December 22.° It was a neat
Gothic structure, fifty-four feet in length by thirty-
four in width. A correspondent of the Baltimore
Catholic Mirror writes:
On the 8th November, was recorded the laying of the corner
stone of the Catholic church in Edgefield, near this city; and I
feel much pleasure in having now to state that it is now finished,
and has been (on yesterday) solemnly dedicated by our beloved
and [venerable?] Right Rev. Bishop, in his usually solemn manner.
Owing to the profound respect in which his Lordship is held by
all classes of the community, although many non-Catholics were
present, nothing occurred during the interesting and edifying cere-
11 For several years the Almanac had noted the second church at Chat-
tanooga as under way, but that for 1858 shows that it was then completed.
12 The Guardian, November 27, 1858.
13 The Metropolitan, December, 1857.
532 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
monies to mar the heartfelt satisfaction and pleasure which he
must have experienced at this further proof of the increase of
Catholicity in his Diocese, to the interest of which he is so entirely
devoted.
It was a matter of agreeable surprise and conversation to many,
as they left the church, to find that in the short space of a few
weeks so neat and substantial a church has sprung up in their
midst. It is built of brick in the Gothic style of architecture.
No doubt it speaks well for the zeal of the Pastor and the piety
of the people to do so much in so short a time, particularly as the
church is nearly paid for.14 |
Father Schacht said his midnight mass there for
Christmas. On this occasion also, the Telegraph of
January 9, 1858, tells us, the church was crowded with
worshippers, “many of whom were not Catholics, but
who vied with their Catholic fellow-citizens in religious
and respectful behavior.” Continuing the account,
it says:
The choir performed Mozart’s Twelfth Mass to a delighted
congregation, who felt and expressed their pleasure and grati-
fication to all their friends; for, though the Catholics are not
many in number, they have long needed a little church, especially
in the winter season. And they have now realized, they said,
their long cherished hopes. The Right Rev. Bishop has (on the
12th of October last) charged the Rev. I. Schacht with the new
mission, where much remains to be done, it being the terminus of
three different railroads, where several Catholic families will find
employment.!©
Together with Saint John’s, the industrious mission-
ary busied himself with another sacred work. ‘This
was also outside the city. Of the celebration of the
14Tssue of January 9, 1858.
15 Both in this quotation and in that which immediately follows Father
Schacht’s initial is J. Evidently he himself wrote the account, and this
error was caused by the fact that he made the capital I exactly like the
capital J. We corrected the mistake in both instances.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE sake
feast of our Lord’s Nativity there the Telegraph's
correspondent writes:
On the same Christmas morning, Rev. I. Schacht opened the
chapel at the new Academy of the Sisters of Charity three and
a half miles from Nashville, on the White’s Creek Turnpike, and
celebrated therein his second Mass on Christmas Day. The little
sanctuary was most tastefully decorated by the good sisters, and
they sang several hymns during the celebration of the Holy
Sacrifice. The neighboring Catholics who were present approached
Holy Communion after the community. You see, Messrs. Editors,
that we are endeavoring to do something nowithstanding the
many difficulties we labor under in this Diocese.
Hardly had our aged prelate recovered from the fa-
tigue caused by the hard labor of the Christmas season,
when he started for Memphis, accompanied by Fathers
Montgomery and Lynch. The object of this journey
was to dedicate the new Church of Saints Peter and
Paul (January 24), and to administer the sacrament
of confirmation. In an account of the ceremony, a
southern contributor to the Telegraph of January 30,
1858, writes:
The dedication of the new Catholic church on Sunday last was
witnessed by one of the largest assemblages of citizens that we
remember ever to have seen on any religious occasion in our city.
The service of dedication was performed by the Right Rev.
Bishop of the Diocese, Doctor Miles, assisted by Rev. T. L. Grace
of Memphis, and Rev. S. L. Montgomery of Nashville. The cere-
monies were most imposing, and had a striking effect upon all pres-
ent, particularly when the procession, after moving around the ex-
terior of the edifice, advanced through the great door up the nave to
the High Altar. After the blessing of the church, a Solemn High
Mass was performed by the Very Rev. T. J. Jarboe of Wisconsin,
assisted by the Rev. J. V. Daly and the Rev. J. H. Lynch as
deacon and subdeacon.
Among those in the sanctuary were the Right Revs.
William Henry Elder of Natchez and Martin J.
534 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
Spalding of Louisville, the latter of whom preached at
the Gospel. After vespers, in the afternoon, Bishop
Miles, in his characteristically edifying manner, con-
firmed a class of more than a hundred—among them
a number of converts. Doctor Elder delivered a
sermon. ‘The day closed with benediction in the eve-
ning and an eloquent discourse by the Louisville
prelate. At all these services the church was crowded
by an audience who conducted themselves with the
utmost decorum.
Saints Peter and Paul’s was largely the work of
Father Grace, who had been pastor from 1849, and vicar
general for the western part of the diocese from 1856
or 1857. Few clergymen in the country enjoyed so
great a reputation for learning, zeal, eloquence, and
prudence. Every notice of the church he had built
which one sees in the literature of the day, whether in
the form of a letter or an article in print, speaks of its
exquisite beauty. The stately brick Gothic structure
is still regarded as one of the finest ecclesiastical edifices
of the south.
In point of numbers the Catholicity of Memphis had
by this time perhaps overtaken, if not even outstripped,
that of Nashville. Saint Peter’s was now a flourishing
parish. German members of the faith had considerably
increased, had a pastor (Father Gangloff) specially
for themselves, and were anxiously awaiting the day
when they could afford to have a church of their own.
The records also show the beginning of that splendid
Italian element which was later to play an important
part in the religious affairs of the city.
Bishop Miles, it will be recalled, would have preferred
to be placed in the ecclesiastical province of Cincinnati.
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THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 535
His clergy seem to have felt the same way—possibly
more for reasons of convenience than anything else, as
the development of the country lay at that time. Now
therefore, since a number of suffragan dioceses had
been erected under the metropolitan see of Saint Louis,
he consulted Archbishop Peter R. Kenrick, and ob-
tained his consent that Tennessee should be taken from
the Province of Saint Louis and affiliated to that of Cin-
cinnati. But, of course, this change could not take
effect without the sanction of Rome. Accordingly,
April 5, 1858, the man of God wrote to acquaint
Archbishop Purcell with the matter.*© The reply must
have been both swift and strongly favorable; for on
the thirteenth of the same month he wrote again:
Your very kind welcome to my old home has filled my heart
with gratitude; and my trip to Cincinnati will be one of the most
pleasant in my recollection. I thank you for your kindness in
offering me a room in your house, and cheerfully accept it. The
room at the head of the stairs, in which I have spent many happy
hours, would suit me “to a fraction.” Whilst I am very grateful
to Mr. Slevin and Lady for their kind offer of hospitality, I beg
leave to say that it is too far from the Cathedral for my
comfort. . . .17
Doubtless Archbishop Purcell’s prompt response
was due to his anxiety to have his life-long friend in
his province, and his desire that he should be at hand
when the affair came up for consideration at the pro-
vincial council of Cincinnati which was to convene on
the second day of May. The kindness of the metro-
politan’s offer of a room in his own house at this time
may be gauged by the fact that it was not large enough
to accommodate all the bishops of the province who
16 Notre Dame Archives.
17 Thid.
536 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
would attend the council, and the subject of our nar-
rative had no legal right to be there. Indeed, wherever
he went, his own native goodness seems to have caused
Nashville’s prelate to be accorded some special regard.
Possibly Archbishop Purcell procured him the offer
of Mr. Slevin’s hospitality that he might avail himself
of it, in case he should not like to be so closely associated
with .the fathers of a conciliar body of which he was
not a member.
In any event, he soon started for Cincinnati, accom-
panied by Father Schacht. He remained in the city
until after the close of the council, but took no part
in its deliberations, although he was no doubt invited
to its sessions. While there, he preached in the
cathedral, and gave a discourse to its school children.*®
The overworked apostle had long desired and sought
to obtain a coadjutor. Doubtless, therefore, as he felt
that he would soon be out of the ecclesiastical province
of Saint Louis, was borne down with age and broken
in health, and did not believe that he had long to live,
it was in Cincinnati that he wrote to Pius [X, begging
this favor. Father N. R. Young, who had already
labored in ‘Tennessee, was the first on his list. Father
Sydney Albert Clarkson, prior of Saint Rose’s, in
Kentucky, was second. ‘Then came Father James
Whelan, provincial at the time. ‘The reason why he
proposed only Dominicans for the position was that
more than half of the priests in the diocese belonged
to the Order, that this religious institute had always
aided him at a great sacrifice, that the Church of Ten-
nessee was very poor, and that the fact of its first bishop
having been a member of the Order would, in case
18 Telegraph, April 24 and May 1, 8, and 15, 1858.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE Jan
his successor were taken from it, cause it to continue
its heroic sacrifices in behalf of religion there.”
Father Brown, because a convert, the holy man no
doubt felt had not yet been long enough ordained to be
elevated to the episcopal dignity; Father Grace, he well
knew, would not accept the honor of the miter without
compulsion; humble Father Hoste, who spoke English
very indistinctly, would have recoiled from such a
responsibility with his whole soul; and Father Schacht,
despite his talents and capacity for work, lacked qual-
ities necessary for a good bishop. The others were either
too young in the ministry or too imperfectly acquainted
with the language of the land. ‘These considerations,
there can be little doubt, explain why no priest of the
diocese was placed on the list. Probably another reason
was the hope that the appointment of an outsider might
result in bringing more missionaries into ‘Tennessee.
That Bishop Miles submitted his petition to the pro-
vincial council of Cincinnati is evidenced by a letter of
Archbishop Purcell to the prefect of the Propaganda
of date May 9, 1858. In this document the metro-
politan says that he prefers Father Young for the place,
and that the Right Rev. Peter Paul Lefevre, adminis-
trator of Detroit, objected to only Dominicans being
placed on the list. Others seem to have been added by
the fathers of the council, but we could not learn who
they were.” Evidently some influence not that of Bish-
op Miles determined the appointment of Father Whe-
lan—-or was it perhaps the fact that his name had been
previously sent to Rome in connection with other vacant
19 A draft of his letter in the Notre Dame Archives. It is not dated,
but circumstances leave little or no doubt that it was written in Cin-
cinnati at this time.
20 A draft or copy in the Notre Dame Archives.
538 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
sees! The tradition of Saint Joseph’s Province has al-
ways attributed it to Archbishop Purcell.
Our apostle did not tarry long in Cincinati. On
his homeward journey he seems to have stopped at
Louisville and Saint Rose’s. A communication from
Nashville, May 24, 1858, to the Guardian says:
As an item of ecclesiastical intelligence, I have no doubt that
many of your readers will be glad to hear that our venerable Bish-
op, Right Rev. Doctor Miles, has returned home in good health
from his short visit to Ohio and Kentucky, the scenes of his former
many labors and triumphs. It afforded much pleasure to his
affectionate flock, on yesterday (Pentecost Sunday), to witness
with what solemn and impressive dignity he administered the Sac-
rament of Confirmation to those of the children who were prepared
to receive that consoling and strengthening rite.?!
Bishop Miles’ rule was one of patience, kindness, for-
bearance, and discretion. No one could be freer from
the charge of favoritism. Never did he act with im-
petuosity. He sought first to correct a transgressor by
gentle advice, rather than by infliction of punishment;
and rarely did his efforts fail. Still, when he felt it
necessary, he could be firm and unbending. Now his
calm spirit was to be subjected to a test such as perhaps
it had never experienced before.
A strong tradition, which is rather corroborated even
by the History of the Sisters of Charity of Leaven-
worth, has it that for some time the gentle prelate had
admonished F'ather Schacht of certain unwise actions,
and exhorted him to be more prudent; but his paternal
advice was neither heeded nor kindly taken.” Shortly
after his return from Cincinnati, he learned that Father
Schacht was using a glass goblet for a chalice at the
academy and orphan asylum on White’s Creek Turn-
21 Issue of June 5, 1858. 22 Page 33.
THE CROWNING OF A WELL-SPENT LIFE 07
pike. The distressed bishop lost no time, as he was
bound in conscience to do, in ordering a discontinuance
of this flagrant and unpardonable transgression. Fa-
ther Schacht, however, not only defended himself, but
even continued to use the goblet at mass.** Although he
must have felt that he was now obliged to take severe
measures, Bishop Miles did not wish to do this without
first consulting another member of the hierarchy. He founded
Saint Antoninus’ Priory, Newark, New Jersey. In 1877 he was
elected provincial, but resigned his office two years later because
of ill health and a desire to have more time for labor that lay near
to his heart. While provincial, he established Holy Rosary Priory
in Minneapolis. Always ailing though he was, he never ceased
from toil of one kind or another. Although he died in Minne-
apolis, his love for Saint Joseph’s Convent, in Ohio, caused the
superiors to have him buried there.
Doubtless that which will especially perpetuate Father Byrne’s
memory in future generations is his literary work and efforts in
behalf of Catholic colonization. He translated several spiritual
books, wrote a number of biographical brochures, and contributed
many historical articles to the Catholic papers. Perhaps no one
12 For his work in Tennessee see text.
13 Father Byrne was called away from Memphis in June, 1860; but he
labored there again at a later date.
568 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
strove more fruitfully (certainly none with greater energy and
perseverance) in the cause of Catholic colonization. By far the
greater part of his writings, whether in the form of brochures or
articles, were on this subject. ‘These were scattered throughout
the country, were read by hundreds of thousands, and were admired
for their statistical lore. The story of his life, if well written,
would make a volume full of interest and instruction. At the time
of his death, the editor of the Catholic Columbian says that the
event has “filled many hearts with great sadness,’ speaks of his
character, and then adds:
“He was also, during his life, a studious scholar, fully informed
on those subjects that would tend to promote the good of our holy
religion, and in all had the beautiful simplicity of the child. He
contributed frequently to the columns of the Columbian. He was
the historian of his Order, and had he lived longer, might have
still further enriched that department of our literature. We of the
Columbian who knew the deceased well, and loved him for his
many noble qualities, his grand character, and happy geniality,
will miss him; and unite our prayers with the thousands that will
ascend for him to the Throne of Grace, that he may be admitted
to eternal happiness.”
THE REV. ANTHONY VOGEL
Of Father John Anthony Vogel we discovered but little more
than has been narrated in the text of Bishop Miles’ life. He
seems to have been born in Germany. He spent some years in
Louisville, Kentucky, before he studied for the priesthood, and
made many friends there. He entered the seminary at Bardstown
for the Diocese of Louisville, but later requested that he might
give his services to Bishop Miles. Bishop Spalding consented, and
the young man was then sent to the seminary in Cincinnati, where
Archbishop Purcell, apparently without charge to his new ordinary,
kept him until ready for ordination.
Father Vogel certainly labored with great zeal and effect at
the Church of the Assumption in Nashville until the outbreak of
the Civil War. The Catholic Almanac was not issued for the years
1862 and 1863. His name does not appear in that for 1864, or
afterwards. Quite probably, like several of the priests of Ten-
APPENDIX I 569
nessee, he became a chaplain in the Confederate forces and fell on
the field of honor, as did Father Emmeran Bliimel, O.S.B., in the
eastern part of the state. Perhaps some day a record may be
discovered of Father Vogel’s noble deeds and heroic death in one
of the bloody battles of the south.#
FATHER JANUARIUS MANNES D’ARCO
Father J. M. D’Arco was born in Naples, Italy, May 24, 1818.
At the age of nineteen years he entered the Order of Saint Dominic
at the Convent of San Domenico Maggiore, that city, and was there
ordained by Cardinal Riario Sforza on December 18, 1841. Octo-
ber 17, 1844, along with Father Orengo, he obtained the degree
of Lector in Sacred Theology in Rome, and started at once for the
United States. His first field of toil was Perry County, Ohio.
In 1847 he was sent to aid Father John T. Van den Broek at
Little Chute, Wisconsin, but returned to Saint Joseph’s before
the close of 1849. Here he now remained until he went to Ten-
nessee with Bishop Whelan. At Nashville he was secretary, chan-
cellor, and one of the diocesan counsellors.
After the resignation of Bishop Whelan, Father D’Arco obtained
the permission of the Order’s Master General, the Most Rey.
Alexander V. Jandel, to become a missionary apostolic, and went
to Oxford, Ohio (in the Diocese of Cincinnati), where he labored
until 1873.1° That year he entered the Diocese of Vincennes
(now Indianapolis), and was stationed at Liberty, Indiana. Here
he labored on until 1894, when, broken down by age and infirmity,
he retired from active work. About the same time, as he feared
that he could not again adapt himself to community life, he became
secularized. He continued to live at Liberty until 1898, when
he went to Saint Vincent’s Hospital, Indianapolis, dying there
on June 1, 1899. He is buried in Holy Cross Cemetery,
Indianapolis.
FATHER JAMES AEGIDIUS (GILES) MARSCHAL
Of Father James A. Marschal’s early life we know only that he
was born in Prussian Poland, entered the Order of Saint Dominic
14 For further information see text.
15 Father D’Arco’s last record at Nashville is dated July 6, 1863.
16 Father Marschal’s name is practically always given as Moshall or
Marshall in the Almanac; but this is incorrect.
570 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
there, went to Rome after the suppression of his province by the
German government, and received letters patent from Father A.
V. Jandel, the Dominican Master General, to come to the United
States as a missionary apostolic. The first record of him here
places him at Manayunk, Pennsylvania, in 1854. Thence he went
to Maine, from there to Wisconsin, and then to Tennessee, where
he was stationed at Clarksville. The Freeman’s Journal of Novem-
ber 3, 1860, shows that during his pastorate at Clarksville he was
held up by robbers, and thought to be killed. Possibly this was
why he did not remain longer in Tennessee. From there he went
back to the Diocese of Philadelphia, remaining in it for four years.
Late in 1856, he went to the Diocese of London, Ontario, and was
stationed at Ingersoll. Thence he departed for Chicago, and after
some years returned to Europe, where he died on September 4, 1893.
Wherever he labored, Father Marschal left a good reputation
for zeal, candor, and priestly deportment. He was an intellectual
and highly educated man. He spoke English, French, German,
and Polish perfectly. This gift of languages seems to have caused
him to be placed in charge of “mixed”’ congregations which were
troublesome in themselves, in addition to the difficulty inherent in
such a care. Besides, he was of a nervous temperament, and per-
haps somewhat tactless, while the letters patent of missionary
apostolic given him by his highest superior made him independent
of the Order’s authorities in this country, whose direction might
have rendered him a more stable and useful harvester of souls.
FATHER JOHN THOMAS NEALIS
Father John T. Nealis, who was born in New York City about
1833, was the son of Thomas and Mary (Harrison) Nealis. How
early in life he developed a religious vocation may be seen by the
fact that he became a postulant at Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio, in 1847.
Thence he went to Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky, where he received
the habit of Saint Dominic, September 6, 1851, and made his
religious profession on the eighth of the same month in 1852.
Archbishop Purcell ordained him at Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio.
August 4, 1856. Then he was returned to Saint Rose’s, where
he remained, with the exception of a few months which he spent
APPENDIX I 571
in Washington City to take the place of one of the fathers at
Saint Dominic’s, until stationed at Memphis.”
Father Nealis had already developed into an excellent preacher.
This combined with his zeal, charity, genial manners, and priestly
deportment to win the hearts of the hospitable southern people.
From Memphis, however, he soon went to Chattanooga which had
been left witheut a priest. His last record in the Bluff City is
dated September 5, 1861. Late in 1862, while attending some of
his stations, he was maliciously shot by a ruffian, and narrowly
escaped death. In fact, though he continued his labors and did
not lose his spirit of optimism, he never fully recovered from the
wound he received. Near the close of 1863, he was brought to
Nashville, and placed in charge of Saint John’s, in Edgefield.
The injury inflicted on him at Chattanooga had left him subject
to sinking and fainting spells, in one of which he fell from the
window of his room at the cathedral rectory on the night of March
18, 1864, and was instantly killed.
With one voice tradition and the journalistic literature of the
day tell us that Father Nealis was a most exemplary priest who,
while he labored heart and soul for the salvation of others, never
forgot his own. No wonder his sudden and unexpected death
brought deep sorrow to his many friends far and wide. He is
buried at his alma mater, Saint Rose’s, in Kentucky.1®
THE RIGHT REV. JAMES WHELAN
As yet no documentary record of the place of Bishop James
Whelan’s birth has been discovered other than that this honor
belongs to Ireland. The most reliable authorities say that he was
born in historic Kilkenny. Both June 8 and December 8, 1823, are
given as the date of his birth. Tradition tells us that his mother
was only fourteen or fifteen years of age when she married, and
that he was the eldest of two children. He was taken to Dublin in
infancy, and brought thence to New York City. In these two
17 Numerous inaccuracies are given in sketches of Father Nealis’ earlier
life. The above is based on the church records of the places named.
18 Despite the clear, calm, and well-reasoned decision of the coroner
and his jury, who pronounced Father Nealis’ death evidently accidental,
a few evil-minded bigots sought to create the impression that the good
priest committed suicide. However, they only succeeded in bringing odium
upon themselves.
572 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
places he received his early education. From the beginning, he
had attracted attention by his rare mind, remarkable memory, and
love of study.
Father Andrew Byrne, then pastor of Saint James, New York,
and later the first bishop of Little Rock, Arkansas, carefully fos-
tered a vocation to the religious life which he detected in the
promising Irish youth, and took him to the Very Rev. N. D.
Young who had most likely gone to the east to see his nephew,
Brother N. R. Young, off for Rome. This was in the spring or
early summer of 1838. The next year, now that he had nearly
completed his classical course, James Whelan went to Saint Rose's,
in Kentucky, where he received the habit of Saint Dominic on
May 1, 1839, and took his vows of religion on June 29, 1840.
Brother James, for in the Order he took the name which he had
received at baptism, mastered philosophy and theology with strik-
ing thoroughness, and was the first member of the province to
obtain the degree of Lector of Sacred Theology at home. August
2, 1846, Bishop Purcell ordained him at Saint Joseph’s, near
Somerset, Ohio.
From this time, Father Whelan rose rapidly in his province,
holding many offices of trust and responsibility. In October, 1854,
he was elected provincial.!9 This position he filled for four years.
Traditions in Saint Joseph’s Province still exist of the ability and
success with which he guided its destinies at the time. From the
same source we learn that only the strong prejudice then existing
against a provincial immediately succeeding himself prevented
his re-election in 1858. Father Whelan was a philosopher, a
theologian, a scientist, and a historian of a high order. During
his provincialship, he gave missions, preached, and lectured in va-
rious parts of the country. Everywhere, for he had an excellent
voice, a fine personal appearance, a good delivery, graceful ges-
tures, he established a reputation as a pulpit orator. Besides, he
was a priest and religious of irreproachable life, as well as zealous
and possessed of a charming personality.°°
19 He was elected provincial at the age of one and thirty years, and was
the youngest person who has ever held that office in the province.
20 The writer has often heard old persons, both lay and clerical, in Ohio
and Kentucky speak of the facts given here, and they are borne out by
many statements in print.
APPENDIX I 573
These were the qualities that caused his name to be sent to
Rome in connection with more than one see. From the time of his
installation at Nashville, he entered on his new duties with an
admirable zeal and capacity which won the hearts of all.21_ Un-
fortunately, his lot in Tennessee was cast in trying times. Scarcely
had he his work well in hand, when the Civil War broke out.
Perhaps no bishop from the north with Federal sympathies could
have met with much success in Tennessee or Kentucky at this
period. The few accounts and records of the day show that Bishop
Whelan did his best impartially to administer to the spiritualities
of the Catholics on both sides of the fratricidal strife. But it
was practically impossible for him to steer between Scylla and
Charybdis.
Federal sympathies filled his breast, for he was strongly op-
posed to a dismemberment of the Union, and in his honesty he
made no effort to conceal his convictions. . Naturally this at once
alienated from him the affections of by far the greater part of his
flock. A number of his priests had become chaplains in the army,
which left the parishes without shepherds; the costly stone foun-
dation of the church in Chattanooga was torn down; his own cathe-
dral had been converted into a military hospital; everywhere his
diocese was in ruins; by not a few his fervent exhortation (at ben-
ediction during a novena for the protection of heaven just before
the fall of Nashville) to the Catholics that, should the worse come,
they would put their trust in God, and not forget their religion,
was construed as the act of an enemy.** Numbers of the officers
(General Rosecrans, for instance,) and soldiers from Ohio were
his personal friends. With these he openly fraternized, and this
was bitterly resented alike by Catholics and non-Catholics.
Under the circumstances, all this was but natural—nay, might
have been expected. However, it was more than the zealous
bishop could stand. He was a victim of circumstances. His health
failed; his nerves became shattered; he felt that, even after the
21 See text.
22 This exhortation is still spoken of in Nashville. Some years ago,
several old persons of intelligence who were present on the occasion told
the writer that the people, owing to the excitement of the times, simply
lost their heads, and could find nothing too harsh to say against Bishop
Whelan, though he spoke only for their good. The late Father P. J.
Gleeson said that he had investigated the matter, and found it as given
above.
574 THE FATHER OF THE CHURCH IN TENNESSEE
war, he would be able to effect but little good for religion in Ten-
nessee. Accordingly, he resigned his miter and retired to the quiet
of cloister life at Saint Joseph’s, in Ohio.22 Somewhat later, he
went to Zanesville, where he spent the remainder of his years in
prayer, study, and scientific investigation. He had a facile pen
as well as a logical mind. His Catena Aurea, or Golden Chain of
Evidences of Papal Infallibility, though brief and pithy, is one
of the best works we have on the subject in the English language.
Bishop Whelan died in Zanesville on February 18, 1878. He long
felt that his death would come suddenly, as it did in a stroke of
apoplexy, and he prepared for it by a saintly life. He is buried
in the cemetery of Saint Joseph’s Convent.*4
23 We did not discover the date of his resignation. Reuss (Biographical
Cyclopedia, p. 107) and Shea (The Defenders of Our Faith, p. 307) say
that it was in 1864. Father J. A. Kelly, who was appointed administrator
of the diocese, signs himself as such in the baptismal records on October
25, 1863. Probably Bishop Whelan insisted that Archbishop Kenrick
should appoint an administrator at this time, though he had not yet actually
resigned.
24 Clarke’s Lives of the Deceased Bishops (III, 292-294) is grossly
unjust to Bishop Whelan, and we are glad to learn that an unbiased study
is being made of his life.
APPENDIX II
There were two foreign sources from which our American
Church, and especially our bishops, received an aid which we
should never forget. One was the French Society for the Propa-
gation of the Faith; the other an Austrian society, known as the
Leopoldine Association, which was established specifically to help
the missions of the United States. We found no record of any
aid that the Leopoldine Association gave Bishop Miles; yet it
is not unlikely that he was benefited by it from time to time. The
French society was a regular benefactor of his; and the following
list shows the amounts it gave him year by year from 1839 to
1858. We could not find the volumes of the Annales which should
have specified the sum given to him for 1859 and 1860; so we
do not know how much the society allowed Tennessee these two
years.
1839. 26,827 Francs. 1849. 6,000 Francs.
1840. 33,900 “ L850 bIb00 0S
1841.) 24,600). © )* VSoly 5,000. ee
18 aa eer oS O40 aa 1852. 18,000 <“
1843.° 21,560 “ L855.0 910,000 ui) 5
1844. 28,500 “ LSh4r 6.0008 4
1845. 18,500 “ 1855.. 8,000 “<
1846. 15,872 “ 1856. 7,000 “*
1847, 15.600 4". “ 1857....16.000' 41)“
1848. 5,040 “ 1S 56 eS 000 thane
Thus the Church of Tennessee received 219,839 francs from the
French Society for the Propagation of the Faith in the twenty
years from 1839 to 1858. If we allow six thousand francs each
for 1859 and 1860, this would bring the amount up to 231,839
francs. Thus, valuing the franc at twenty cents, Bishop Miles
received about $58,000 from this source for his poor diocese.
While this amount of money was by no means sufficient for all his
needs, we can but wonder how he could have managed without it.
The story of his life shows the good works to which it was devoted.
575
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. PRINICIPAL MANUSCRIPT SOURCES
Vatican Archives of the Secretary of Briefs; Archives of the
Propaganda down to 1830; and Archives of the Dominican Master
General, and of the Convent of San Clemente, Rome.—Archives
of the Dominican Fathers in Belgium, Holland, England, and
Ireland.
Diocesan Archives of Baltimore, Cincinnati, Saint Louis, Louis-
ville, and Nashville—Catholic Archives of America, Notre
Dame University.—Archives of Saint Joseph’s Province of
Dominicans.—Archives of Georgetown University.—Records and
Archives of Saint Rose’s Church and Priory, Springfield, Kentucky,
of Saint Joseph’s Church and Priory, Somerset, Ohio, and of Saint
Peter’s, Memphis.—Archives of Mount Saint Joseph’s Academy,
Cincinnati, and of Nazareth Academy, Kentucky.—Church Rec-
ords of Holy Trinity, Somerset; Saint Thomas’, Zanesville; Saint
John’s, Canton; and Saint Mary’s, Temperanceville (all these in
Ohio).—Church Records of the cathedral, Nashville, Immaculate
Conception, Knoxville, and Saints Peter and Paul’s, Chattanooga,
Tennessee.
Records of the Land Office and Registers of Deeds and Wills,
Annapolis, Maryland (state documents).—Registers of Deeds and
Wills, Leonardtown, La Plata, and Marlborough, Maryland.—
Registers of Deeds, Frankfort and Morganfield, and of Deeds,
Wills, and Marriages, Bardstown, Kentucky.—Records of Deeds,
Knoxville, Chattanooga, Nashville, and Memphis, ‘Tennessee.
Diaries of Bishops Flaget (1812-1813) and Rosati, and of
Fathers John A. Bokel and Joseph A. Kelly.—Father Raymond
Palmer’s Anglia Dominicana.—Father Stephen Byrne’s rough
sketch (in pencil) of Saint Joseph’s Province; and his brief his-
tories of Saint Rose’s, Kentucky, Saint Joseph’s, Ohio, and
Saint Peter’s, Memphis.—Acts of the provincial chapter of 1837.
II. PRINTED SOURCES AND OTHERS WHICH MAY
BE CONSIDERED AS BELONGING TO THAT:
CLASS
Indirizzo alla Pieta dei Fedeli, etc., (a circular letter addressed
to the people of Italy by Bishop Fenwick, and printed at Rome
576
BIBLIOGRAPHY 577
in December, 1823).—Acta Capitulorum Provinciae Angliae,
London, 1918.—Archives of Maryland, 41 vols.—Bullarium de
Propaganda Fide, Vol. V.—The Calvert Papers, Nos. 28, 34, 35
of the Fund Publications of the Maryland Historical Society.—
The Catholic Almanacs (now called Catholic Directories), from
1822 to 1896.—Concilium Plenarium. ... Baltimori Habitum
Anno 1825, Baltimore, 1853.—Concilia Provincialia Baltimori
Habita ab Anno 1829 usque ad Annum 1849, Baltimore, 1851.—
Hernaez (Rey. Francis X.), Coleccion de Bulas, Breves y Otros
Documentos relativos a la Iglesia de America y Filipinas, 2 vols.,
Brussels, 1879.—WuireE (Rev. Andrew), Relatio Itineris in Mary-
landiam, No. 7 of Fund Publications.
BaLpwin (Jane, and later Jane Baldwin Cotton) and Henry
(Roberta Bolling), Maryland Calendar of Wills, 7 vols., Baltimore,
1901-1925.—BrumBauGu (Gaius M.), Maryland Records: Coloni-
al, Revolutionary, County, and Church, Baltimore, 1915.—Camp-
BELL (Rev John P.), Nashville Directory, for 1853-1854, for 1855-
1856, and for 1857.—The First Census of the United States, 1790
—Maryland.
III. WORKS PRINCIPALLY CONSULTED
Apair (James), History of the American Indians, London,
1775.—ALBRIGHT, (Edward), Early History of Middle Tennessee,
Nashville, 1909.—Aturrpina (Rev. Herman J.), A History of the
Church in the Diocese of Vincennes, Indianapolis, 1883; and The
Diocese of Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, 1907.—Atsop (George), 4
Character of the Province of Maryland (No. 15 of Fund Publica-
tions), Baltimore, 1888.—Auizoa (Rev. John), Manual of Uni-
versal Church History (Pabisch-Byrne translation), Vol. III,
Cincinnati, 1878.—Atrwater (Caleb), A History of Ohio, Natural
and Civil, Cincinnati, 1838. |
Bancrorr (George), History of the United States, (24th ed.),
10 vols., Boston, 1872.— Bozman (John L.), A Sketch of the His-
tory of Maryland, Baltimore, 1811; and The History of Maryland,
2 vols., Baltimore, 1837.—Brown, (B. F.), Maryland not a Roman
Catholic Colony, Baltimore, 1876.—Browne (William H.), Mary-
land, The History of a Palatinate, Boston, 1888; and George
Calvert and Cecilius Calvert, Barons of Baltimore, New York,
1890.—Bruce (H. Addington), Daniel Boone and the Wilderness
Road, New York, 1916.—Bryant (William C.), A Popular His-
tory of the United States, 4 vols., New York, 1888-1890.—Bryant
and Fuuiuer, History of the Upper Ohio Valley, 2 vois., Madison,
Wisconsin, 1890.—Burns (Rev. James A.), The Catholic School
System in the United States, Its Principles, Origin, and Estab-
lishment, New York, 1908; and The Growth and Development of
the Catholic School System in the United States, New York,
38
578 THE FATHER OF THE CHUORCH IN TENNESSEE
1912.—Burver (Mann), A History of the Commonwealth of Ken-
tucky, Louisville, 1834.
Carr (John), Harly Times in Middle Tennessee, Nashville,
1857.—CavanauGcH (Rev. John), The Priests of Holy Cross,
Notre Dame Press.—Cuaumers (George), Political Annals of the
Present United Colonies from their Settlement to the Peace of
1768, 2 vols., London, 1780.—Cuarvevorx Dr (Rey. Francis X.),
History and General Description of New France (Shea transla-
tion, with notes), 6 vols., New York, 1866-1872.—CuarkeE (Richard
L.), Lives of the Deceased Bishops of the Catholic Church in the
United States, 3 vols., New York, 1888.—Clarksville, Picturesque,
Past and Present, A History of the City of Hills, 1887.—Cuiayton
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1880.—Coxss (Standford H.), The Rise of Religious Liberty in
America, New York, 1902.—Coxuins (Lewis), History of Ken-
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Davin (Rev. John B.), A Vindication of the Catholic Doctrine
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1821.—Davis (George L.), The Day Star of American Freedom,
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GoopsPEED (Weston A.), History of Tennessee, Nashville, 1886.—
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Guitpay (Rev. Peter), The English Catholic Refugees on the
BIBLIOGRAPHY 579
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580 THE (FATHER (OF ‘THE CHURCH IN| TENNESSEE
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McSweeney, The Story of the Mountain, 2 vols., Emmitsburg,
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(William), History of Knoxville, Tennessee, Chicago, 1900.—Rvus-
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 581
Scuarr (J. Thomas), History of Maryland, 3 vols., Baltimore,
1879.—Suea (John G.), History of the Catholic Missions among
the Indian Tribes of the United States, New York, 1854; and A
History of the Catholic Church in the United States, 4 vols. (sec-
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IV. PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS
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582 THESFATHER OF sSTHE: CHURCH DIN: TENNESSEE
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1886.—GrauHam (Rey. Edward P.), A Sketch of St. John’s Parish
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1867.
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1900.—Annales de la Propagation de la Foi.—Annales de L’ Archi-
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Leopoldinen-Stiftung im Kaiserthume Oesterrich.—Catholic His-
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Vie ek ue:
(Catholic) Adam—Catholic Advocate—Catholic Columbian—
Catholic Guardian—Catholic Herald—Catholic Journal of the
New South—Catholic Mirror—Catholic Telegraph—Freeman’s
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(Secular) Liberty Hall and Cincinnati Gazette; Cincinnati Daily
Gazette; and the Western Spy.—Louisville Courier Journal.—
Knozville Register; Whig; and Wilson’s Gazette—Memphis Ap-
peal; Avalanche; and a few others of that city —WNashville Gazette;
Whig; Banner; Banner and Whig; Republican; Republican Ban-
ner; Patriot; Union; Union and American; Herald, etc.
INDEX
Since bibliographical references have an alphabetical arrange-
ment in the Bibliography, they are not repeated here.
Abell, Rev. Robert A., 118 n., 132 n.,
novice, 114-117; education, 159 n.;
in Tenn., 295-306
Achilli, Giovanni, apostate priest,
458.
Ackerman, Father Francis, O.P.,
visit of Miles to, 353
Adams, Richard, 45
Ahern, John and Helen, 497
Pike ei heves LON AE.) On). tod.
463 n
Aiken, Mary and Robert, conver-
sion, 326-327, 376n.; letter of
Miles to, 386-388; confirmation,
396
Aiken, Col. Matthew, 324, 327 n.
Alemany, Most Rev. Joseph S.,
aE AAT 00s (it. LADOLS in) O/ Os
380, 409, 410, 418, 427; at ordina-
tion, 390; in Cuba, 399; account
by, 399-401; in Memphis, 420n.;
made bishop of Monterey, 440-
441; sketch of life, 441 n.; superior
of Nashville seminary, 510
Alexian Brothers, 142n.
Alton, Ill., diocese, 465 n.
Anderson, Rev. Augustine P., O. P.,
made subdeacon, 327; ordination,
348
Angier, Rev. Robert A., O.P., 67,
1o2 Belo nN. sin Md. 409 sat7 St.
Rose’s, 84; missionary labors, 92,
101, 102, 141, 142n.; scholarship,
101, 102
Anne Arundel
family in, 7, 9
Co., Md., Miles
583
Archer, Bridget, 504
Armstrong, Cornelius and Elisa
(Gillin), 493
Armstrong, Patrick and Martha
(Woods), 481
Arthur family, at Bolivar, 500
Ashport, Tenn., plan for church in,
333-335
Assumption, see Fort Assumption
Athens, Tenn,, 340; Miles at, 323;
early Catholics, 490
Attakapas, mission, 55n.
Aud, Father Athanasius A., aid
offered Miles, 328
Aud, Thomas, 45
Aud, Zachariah, 45
Augustinians, in Philadelphia, 74 n.,
83 n.
Avalon, Calvert’s colony, 2n.
Axtel, Ky., 64
Badin, Rev. Stephen T., cited, 36-37,
60n., 153; at. consecration \ of
Miles, 257; in Ky., 46, 49, 54,
61-63, 65, 107; in Tenn., 283-293,
296 ne S00in} 332
Badjer family, 486
Baltimore, Lord, see Calvert
Baker, , at St. Thomas’, 153
Baltimore, Md., provincial council,
343, 349, 351-352, 385, 386, 388-390,
410, 411-412, 434, 440-442; first
plenary council, 454-455
Baltimore Co., Md., Miles family
in, 7
Bamber, Sister Margaret, 452n.
584 INDEX
Baptiste, John and Judith, 481
Barbour, James P., alumnus of St.
Thomas’, 157; address, 529
Bardstown, Ky., Cathedral, 36; ex-
tent of diocese, 292
Barr, Daniel, 480
Barres, John, 486
Barriére, Rev. Michael
labors, 54-55
Barron, Rev. Edward, letter of, 330;
account of, 331 n.
Barry, Arthur, 500
Barry, Daniel, 500
Bernard,
Barry, Valentine D. and Mary
(Adams), 500
Barry, William, 500
Bates, WJames 7b; at) St. Thomas,
Mec Reds)
Baxter, John, 489
Bayer, Rev. Benedict, C.SS.R., and
Miles, 349-350
Bean, Russell, 274 n.
Bean, William, 274n.
Beckwith, Mary, wife
Miles, 8
Begly, John and Dolly (Hennessy),
490
Bennet,
land, 6
Benzer, George and Louisa (Kut-
man), 481
Bibliography, 576-582
Biemans, Rev. Joseph L., missionary
labors, 473, 490, 544; sketch of
life, 473n., 564; cited, 494n.
Blackloc, Ann, wife of Nicholas
Miles, 19-20
Blackloc, Nicholas, 20 n.
Blackloc, Thomas, 20n.
Blackloc family, 20 n.
Blanc, Rt. Rev. Anthony, 132n.;
aid to Miles, 324-326, 337; at
Baltimore council, 352n.
Blanc, Rev. Charles, at consecration
of Miles, 257
Blieck, Rev. John de,
of John
Richard, action in Mary-
S.J., address
at St. Catherine’s, 529
Blount, Gov. William, 284, 285
Bodkin, Rev. Francis, O.P., letter
from, 29
Bohen, Michael and Catherine, 497
Boisleduc, James, at St. Thomas’,
154
Bokel, Rev. John A., O. P., 106n.;
cited, 438 n.; hore 459, 466, 474;
sketch of hie. 474 n.
Bolen, Thomas and Mary, 498
Bolivar, Tenn., early Catholics, 500
Bonfils, Mary, 481
Boone, Daniel, in Kentucky, 26
Boone, sat» St. Thontas#erss
Boone, Henry, 71, 112 n.
Bordley, Patrick R. and Henrietta,
502
Bornheim, college at, 66, 67
Boswith, William, 509
Bouchard, Gustave, 486, 516
Bowling, Rev. C. D., O.P., 246
Bowser, James J., 492
Boyle, Cornelius and
(Allen), 481
Boyle, Patrick and Ellen, 497
Boyle, Thomas and Mary, 497
Bradley, Nicholas, 487
Bradshaw, William, 503
Braeckman, Rev. Pius,
of Miles to, 353
Brannan, Catherine, 481
Brassac, Rev. Hercules,
Tabitha
OPP air sif
353 n.
Brazil, Martin and Anastasia, 481
Breene, John and Jane (Burke),
494
Brenahan, Daniel, 493
Brennan, Michael, 487
Brewer, Thomas, 45
Broderick, John, 488
Brown, Gov. Aaron V., 415
Brown, Blanche (Mrs. Matthew
Aiken), 327 n.
Brown, Rev. Henry V., ordination,
439; cited 443, 546-547; in Chat-
tanooga, 456, 457; missionary
INDEX 585
labors, 458, 459, 463, 474, 491,
492, 496, 497, 499; proposed as
Bishop, 463-464; churches erected,
472, 499, 531, 543-544; paintings,
484; at St. Rose’s, 529; and co-
adjutor, 537; diocesan counsellor,
553; at Miles’ funeral, 557; sketch
of, 563-564
Browne, Rt. Rev. George J., 416n.;
death, 417 n.
Browne, William H., cited, 4
Brownlow, William G., 495
Brunner, Sister Joanna, 451
Bruté, Rt. Rev. Simon G., and con-
secration of Miles, 256, 257
Buckman, Rev. Thomas D., O.P.,
minor orders, 406-407
Buddeke, Mary (Ratterman), 480
Bullock, patiSt) Ghomas 7153
Bullock, Rev. James V., O. P., 156;
246
Burchiel, Abraham, 487
Burke, John and Bridget (O’Con-
nor), 503
Burke, John and Margaret (Po-
land), 503
Burke, Robert, 503
Burns, Dina, 481
Burns, Hugh, 480
Burns, James, 480
Burns, Michael, 413, 480, 482
Burns, Patrick, Nashville, 480
Burns, Patrick, Humphreys Co., 487
Burns, William, 480
Busey, Paul, 20n.
Byrne, Dorothy, 486
Byrne, John, 485
Byrne, Rev. Stephen, O.P., cited,
71n., 93n., 249n.; at Memphis,
548; sketch of, 567-568
Byrne, Rev. William, 132n.; foun-
der of St. Mary’s College, Ky.,
280; in Tenn., 310
Byrnes Colony, 485
Caiwood, Benjamin, 20n.
Calfield, Catherine, 502
Calhoun, eatin euomas,
153
Calhoun, Tenn., Miles at, 319
Callaghan, John and_ Bridget
(Wrenn), 494
Callaghan, Philip, 479, 482, 508
Calvert, Benedict, fourth Lord Bal-
timore, apostasy of, 6
Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Bal-
timore, 2, 6
Calvert, Charles, third Lord Balti-
more, Maryland under, 6
Calvert, Charles, fifth Lord Balti-
more, charter restored, 6
Calvert, George, first Lord Balti-
more, 2
Calvert, Gov. Leonard, 3
Calvert Co., Md., Miles family in,
7D
Campbell, Rev. Allan, D., 301
Campbell, Patrick, letter of, 287,
289 n.
Campbell, R. C., proprietor of
Ashport, 335
Campbell, Maj. William, 289 n.-
290 n.
Campbell’s Hill, church on, 303
Cappellari, Cardinal, 203
Carlin, Daniel, of N. C., 278
Garlin, Thomas, of Ni -C., 278
Carney, Patrick and Mary (Daley),
494
Carney, Sister Serena, 452 n.
Carrondelet, Francis Baron de, 273
Gare , 478
Carr, Rev. Matthew, O.S.A., 74n.,
83 n.
Carryoarahy:9
Carr, Thomas B., 502
Carroby, Timothy, 498
Carroll, Jane (Manea), 479
Carroll, Most Rev. John, 31, 66n.,
504; vicar apostolic, 5153, first
bishop of the United States, 54-56;
and the Ky. missions, 60-65; and
586 INDEX
establishment of Dominicans, 76-
78; appointment, 269
Carroll, Mary, 479
Carroll, Thomas, 493
Carroll, Father Wlliam, at Miles’
funeral, 557
Carter, Rev. Charles H. J., at coun-
cil, 412 n.; vicar general of Phila.
delphia, 552
Carter, Landon, Tenn. lands, 284
Cartwright Creek’s Settlement, 35,
61n., 63
Casey, Thomas and Mary (Shea:
han), 493
Catholics, persecution of, 23
Catoir, Peter and Collette, 486
Cellini, Rev. Francis, 380 n.
Chabrat, Rt. Rev. G. I, 132n., 343,
JoZi ser ordination, © LUG) 2e109m..
made coadjutor, 239-240; bishop-
ric of Tenn. proposed by, 249-250,
254; and pastor of Nashville, 312,
313; and St. Mary’s College, 416;
illness, 420-421
Champion, James
(Harrison), 489
Chanche, Rt. Rev. John J., letter
from, 414
Charitysy Sistersotjwin® Ky 238;
239 nJ:) Nazareth, Ky.) 377 ;)\in
Tenn., 377-379, 423; academy, 405;
hospital and orphanage, 430; in
Nashville, 515, 516, 533
Charles Co., Md., Miles family in,
7, 13, 17, 18; emigration to Ky.,
30-35
Charleston, S. C., diocese of, 306-
307
Chattanooga, first priest, 372n.;
state of Church in, 456; early
Catholics, 496-498; school, 517;
church built, 531
Cheatham, Dr. William A.,
dence, 452
Cherokees, 267, 268
Chicago, diocese established, 388
and Eleanor
resi-
Chickasaws, 268
Childress, Elizabeth, 483
Chisca, Indian village, 263-264
Choctaws, 267
Cincinnati, dedication of cathedral,
406-407; made archbishopric,
434n.; provincial council, 536
Cipoletti, Most Rev. Thomas, O. P.,
Superior General, 245, 248-249,
253
Claiborne, William, dispute with
Calvert, 5, 6
Clancy, Rev. William, labors, 338-
339, 361, 502; in Nashville, 348;
transfer, 366
Clark, “at St. Phomay eae
Clark, Clement, 45
Clark, Gen. George Rogers, 28
Clark, Joseph, 45
Clark, Sister Magdalen, 446
Clark, Richard, 45
Clark, Rev. W. E., .at consecration
of Miles, 257
Clarkson, Rev. James H., O. P., and
choice of provincial, 246; in
Memphis, 427; labors and death,
435-438
Clarkson, Rev. Sydney A., O.P.,
cited, 106 n., 438n.; made sub-
deacon, 401; made deacon, 406;
proposed as coadjutor, 536
Clarksville, Tenn., church erected,
395; church dedicated, 402; early
Catholics, 486-487
Clay, » at Stl, Thomas yias
Clay, Green, son of Gen. Green
Glay155
Clay, General Green, 155
Claybrook, John S., 501, 504
Cleary, James, 497
Cleary, Rev. John R., O.P., mis-
sionary labors, 459, 466, 474-475;
death, 475-476; sketch of life,
475 n.
Cleary, Mary, 497
Clements, Austin, 45
INDEX 587
Clifford, Patrick and Elisa (Cobel),
493
Clifford, Thomas and Pauline (Ca-
hill), 493
Coe, Hon. L. H., residence, 446
Coffey, Francis and Bridget (Fo-
ley), 503
Coleman, David, 497
Colleges, early Catholic, system of
instruction, 117, 119-120
Collet, Francis W., and wife, 482
Collins, Jeremiah and Sarah (Hem-
bree), 493
Collins, Patrick and Jane (Lee),
493
Collins family, at Bolivar, 500
Collings, Zebulon, 41
Cologne, letter to archbishop of,
they
Colonies, American, Church in, 23
Columbia, Tenn., 340; Father Stokes
at, 331-332
Conaghan, John
(Clancy), 503
Conaghan, Mary, 503
Concanen, Right Rev. Richard L.,
O.P., 95; and the establishment
of Dominicans, 67-68, 68 n., 76-86;
legacy, .1115,130
Conlan, Sister Monica, 447 n.
Conley, Thomas, 488
Connolly, Peter, and wife, 504
Connor, John and Margaret, 493
Connor, Michael, 493
Connor, Patrick and
(Body), 493
Connor, Peter, 487
Connor, William, proprietor of Ash-
port, 333-334, 335
Connor and McAlister, merchants,
326
Consalvi, Cardinal, 180-181
Conwell, Rt. Rev. Henry, 352n.
Coode, John, insurrection of, 12
Coomes, Rev. Charles, 132 n.
Coomes, Francis, 45
and Margaret
Rachael
Coomes, Richard, 45
Coomes, William and wife, 29
Cooper, William, artist, 427
Copely, Gov. Lionel, 12
Coppola, Archbishop Dominic, 78 n.
Cosgreve (Cosgrove), Rev. James,
in Nashville, 307, 308, 309, 355
Costigan, Thomas, 504
Cotter, James and Bridget (Mc-
Carthy), 498
Cotter, Patrick and Elizabeth
(Vane), Knoxville, 493
Cotter, Patrick and Elizabeth, Chat-
tanooga, 498
Coughlin, James and Honora, 486
Councils, first plenary, 454-455;
provincial, see Baltimore, Cincin-
nati, St. Louis
Cox’s Creek Settlement, see Fair-
field
Cretin, Bishop, at provincial council,
465
Crimmins, Mrs. Honora (Cotter),
498
Crimmins, Nora, 478n., 498 n.
Crowley, Daniel and Soethe, 497
Crughan, ——, at St. Thomas’, 153
Cubero, Rev. Francis, O. P., labors,
379, 380, 466; Sisters escorted by,
446; sketch of life, 466n.
Cullen, Rev. Paul, 250 n.
Cumberland River, bridge, 294-295
Curley, Peter, 487
Curry, Catherine, 493
Curry, Elizabeth, 493
Curtain, James and Catherine, 497
Curtis family, 488
Dady, John and Elizabeth, 489
Daily, Patrick and Martha (Win-
sight), 490
Daley, John and Eugenia (Rorke),
493
Dalmazzo, William J. 49n.
Daly, Rev. James V., O.P., mis-
sionary labors, 466; at Memphis,
588
529; at dedication, 533; transfer,
548; sketch of, 549n.
Daly, Mary, 498
Damiani, Father Innocent,
478 n.
Dane, John and Mary (Sanders),
481
Danville, Ky., Dominicans at, 159 n.
D’Arco, Rev. Januarius, M., O. P.,
in Nashville, 548; at dedication,
OP ses
551; diocesan counsellor, 553;
Miles’ funeral, 557; sketch of,
569
Dardis, James, early Catholic in
Tenn., 285, 289, 290, 332, 489, 491
Dardis, Thomas, 289, 289n., 491
Dargan, Timothy and Mary (Mc-
Carthy), 494
Daugherty,
Davern, Mrs., 504
David, Rt. Rev. John B., 49, 132 n.;
rector of seminary, 159; conse-
cration, 161-162; resignation, 239-
240; and consecration of Miles,
Zoo aon
Davis, Sister Ellen, 451
Davis, Garrett, 157
Davis, Jefferson, at St.
College, 147-153
Davis, Rudolph
(Armstrong), 503
Deady, Helen, 497
De Blieck, see Blieck
Delaune, Father, at St. Mary’s Col-
lege, 416
De Montbrun, Timothy, story of,
281-283, 286, 290, 300
Demoville, Mrs. Felix, 483
Dempsey, Thomas, 488
De Pestre, see Pestre
Deparcq, Father, 312
Deppen, Rev. Louis G., 261 n.
Derigaud, Rev. James, 132n.; or-
dination, 139 n.
Desha, Clarissa (Rogan),
484
» 45
Thomas’
and Elizabeth
280 n.,
INDEX
De Soto, Hernando, expedition, 263-
265
De Soto, Rev. Louis, O. P., 264
Després, Joseph and Louisa (Mitch-
el), 481
Devine, Timothy and Bridget (Sul-
livan), 494
Devitt, Rev. Edward I., S.J., 110 n.-
IT in. l42ine
Dillon, Christopher, 493
Dillon, Margaret, 497
Dittoe, Jacob, 111 n., 124n.
Doheny, Michael and Bridget, 497
Dolan, Bernard D. and Bridget, 493
Dolan, Maurice and Margaret
(Lawne), 494
Dominican Sisters, in Ky., 238-239;
and Miles, 377; in Tenn., 445-447 ;
in Memphis, 548; see also St.
Catherine’s; individuals by name
Dominicans, of Md., 1; in Ky., 62-
66, 79-90; English, 66; establish-
ment in U. S., 67-74, 75; cere-
mony of investiture, 86-90; cere-
mony of profession, 97-99; aims
and studies, 100; wearing of ton-
sure, 123, 125; in early Ten., 264;
assume charge of Memphis, 420;
see also St. Joseph’s; St. Rose’s;
and individuals by name
Donaghue, Patrick and Catherine
(Sullivan), 494
Donaghue, Patrick and Honora
(Connell), 494
Donohue family, 486
Donovan, Jeremiah and Mary (Ly-
ning), 481
Dorchester Co., Md., Miles family
in, 7
Dorly, Collum, 481
Dorney, family, 488
Dorrity, William, 482
Douay, Father Anastasius, O.S.F.,
with La Salle, 265
Dougherty, Clarksville, 486
Dougherty, John, 487
INDEX
Dougherty, John R., 502
Dougherty, Mrs. Mary (Kinney),
508 n.
Dougherty, Patrick, 487
Dougherty, William, 480, 481, 508
Dowd, Patrick and _ Elizabeth
(Brotherton), 493
Driscoll, John and Mary, 497
Drury, Hilary, 45
Drury, Ignatius, 45
Duane, Patrick —J.
(Starms), 494
and Sarah
Dubois, Rt. Rev. John, 61 n., 352 a
Duffy, Francis, 484
Duffy, John, 484
Duffy, Michael, 484
Duffy, Nancy, 278
Duffy, Patrick, 484
Duggan, Rt. Rev. James, consecra-
tion, 528; at consecration, 545, 549
Dunlevy, John and Sarah, 486
Dunn, Rev. John, aid offered by,
330
Dunn, Mrs. Mary, cited, 527
Dupontavice, Rev. Hippolytus, at
consecration, 432
Durbin, Very Rev. Elisha J., at St.
Thomas’, 153; in Louisville, 156;
education, 159n.; at consecration
of Miles, 257; in Tenn., 311-314,
340, 368; and induction of Miles,
315-322, 328; at dedication, 425;
at Ross’ Landing, 496
Duval, watwoten Dhnomasy4153
Dwyer, John, and family, 484
Dwyer, Joseph and family, 479
Easley, Hugh and Catherine, 497
Easley, Hugh and Margaret, 497
Easley, Patrick, 498
Eccleston, Most Rev. Samuel, let-
ters to, 158n., 330, 384; at Balti-
more council, 351, 352n.; dedica-
tion by, 407; and Spalding, 431;
and bishopric of Monterey, 440
Edelen, Rev. James V., O. P., cited,
589
106 n., 438 n.; made subdeacon, 406
Edgefield, Tenn., dedication of
church.) 531-532
Egan, Rev. Constantine L., O.P.,
106 n.
Egan, Rt. Rev. Michael, O.S.F.,,
first bishop of Philadelphia, 61
Elder, Rev. George A., 132n.
Elder, Thomas, 45
Elder, Rt. Rev. William H., at dedi-
cation, 533-534
Elkhorn Creek, settlement, 35
Ellen, Sister, death, 525
Elliot, Rev. James, in Tenn., 311
England, Rt. Rev. John, cited, 309,
Solr oOo ati baltimore, council:
352n.; successor, 389
England, condition of Church in, 23
English, William and Mary
(Dunn), 503
Erhart, Jerome and _ Henrietta
(Wetzell), 494
Etschmann, Rev. Edmund, O.S.F.,
labors in Tenn., 438-439
Evans, Capt. William, 290 n.
Evremond, Rev. Francis. X., S. J.,
348 ; at consecration of Miles, 257;
mission by, 366-367
Ewing, Gen. Hugh, genealogy by,
111 n.
Ewing, Rev. Hugh, cited, 111 n.
Facts, 281n., 497
Fahey, Anna, 498
Fairfield Settlement, 35, 40, 44, 57
Farley, Ann, 489
Farley, Luke, 488
Farrell, James, 480
Farrell, Margaret (Coyle), 480
Farrell, Patrick, 503
Farrell, Patrick and Margaret, 497
Farrell, Thomas, 480, 482
Farrell, Thomas and Elizabeth, 494
Fawkes, Mrs. Ellen (Maguire),
498 n.
Fayetteville, Tenn., 340; Miles at,
590 INDEX
319; Father Stokes at, 331, 332;
early Catholics, 489
Feehan, Rt. Rev. Patrick A., 544 n.
Fennelly, Rev. William, in Nash-
ville, 394
Fenwick, Rt. Rev. Benedict, at Bal-
timore, council, 352 n.
Fenwick, Rt. Rev. Edward D.,
132 n., 143; birth, 1, 66; life and
labors, 65-85; education, 66; or-
dination, 67; and establishmént
of Dominicans, 67-70, 75-80, 91;
Cited, (oleae m2 Le) in! ON ee
95-96; (‘visits Md., 109; “at” St.
Thomas’, 113-115
Fenwick, Rev. John C., O.P., la-
bors, 84n.
Fenwick, Joseph, 61 n.
Ferriter, John and Mary, 493
Finn, Andrew, contractor, 334-335
Finn, Frances, 488
Finn, John, 488
Finn, Lawrence and_ Elizabeth
(Clay Duval), 488
Fisher family, 485
Fitzgerald, John and Anna (Con-
nell), 494
Fitzgerald, William and Mary
(Flemming), 493
Fitzgibbon, John and Margaret,
497
Fitzgibbon, Mary E., 497
Fitzpatrick, early families in Ky.,
27
Fitzpatrick, Rt. Rev. John B., pro-
posed for coadjutor, 389
Fitzpatrick, Sister Mary
447 n., 468 n.
Fitzpatrick, Sister Vincentia, 446
Fitzsimmons, Ann, 481
Fitzsimmons, Eleanor, 481
Flaget, Rt. Rev. Benedict J., 132 n.;
ordinations by, 107-110, 138; and
wearing of tonsure, 125; cited,
138, 159, 236-239, 292, 296, 305;
and Miles, 239-240, 254, 255; visit
Pius,
to Nashville, 299-302; at Balti-
more council, 352n.; title to pro-
perty, 403; illness, 420; and
Louisville coadjutor, 431-432
Flannagan, John and Mary
(Hughes), 481
Flowers, Mrs., 480
Floyd, Jeanne, 280, 484
Fogarty, Terrence and Mary (Har-
rison), 490
Foley, Michael, 492
Forbin-Janson, Bishop Charles A.
de, at Baltimore, 351-352
Forest, Dr. Richard, 158 n.
Fort Assumption, 265, 267, 269,
270 n., 293
Fort Pickering, Tenn.,
church, 363, 371, 375 n.
Fort Prud’homme, 265, 267
Fort San Ferdinando, 269-270
Fossick, Thomas L., 491, 492 n., 495
Foster, Anthony, property for
church, 301, 303, 304, 403, 405 n.
Foster, Robert, 303 n.
Fournier, Rev. Michael J., labors,
57-59; death, 59
Fowler, John W., 502
Foy, Hugh, 488
Foy, Hugh and Mary (Cannon),
486
Foy, Sister. Rose, O.S. D., 491n:
Franciscans, community proposed
for Scott Co., Ky., 61; early con-
vent, 73; in Nashville diocese,
438
Franklin, Charles E., 525
Franklin, State of, 272
Franklin, Tenn., 340; Miles at, 320;
Father Stokes at, 331-332; early
Catholids, 488-489; Know-noth-
ingism in, 524
Franzoni, Cardinal, 250n., 253
Frenaye, Mark, letter to, 443
French, Charles and Frances, 481
French and Indian War, 269
Froman’s Creek, 41
proposed
INDEX 591
Gaddi, Most Rev. Pius J., O. P., 67,
75-84, 122
Gaffney, Michael and wife, 503
Gallagher, , 480
Gallagher, Rt. Rev. Nicholas A.,
470 n.
Gallagher, Susanna, 480
Gallagher family, 488
Gallatin, Tenn., 340; visit of priest,
312; Miles at, 321; first Catholics,
484-485
Gallegos, Father John de, O. P., 264
Gallitzin, Father Demetrius, 516
Galvin, James, 484
Gangloff, Rev. Anthony R., O.P.,
minor orders, 406; missionary la-
bors, 466, 474, 534; sketch of, 564,
565
Ganilh, Rev. Anthony, 132n., 139 n.,
Gannon, Thomas and Elizabeth, 489
Gardiner, Christina (Mrs. Thomas
Miles), 49
Gardiner, Clement, 41, 45; chapel in
house of, 40, 47
Gardiner, Mother Frances, 450n.,
452 n.
Gardiner, Joseph, 45, 73 n.
Garvin, John and Emily (Frensly),
481
Garvin, Patrick and Ellen (Dris-
coll), 498
Gary, Michael, 498
Gazzo, Rev. Eugene, 468n., 539n.
Georgetown College, 74n., 110n.,
327
Germam, Jefferson and Dellalion
(Wright), 494
Gerraghty family, 488 .
Gibbons, Michael and Margaret, 497
Gibson, Sister Pauline, 452
Gilgannon, Patrick, 488
Gillespie, , 478
Gilliam, Margaret, 480 n.
Glassner, John, 487
Gleason, Rev. P. J., 517 n.
Glynn, Thomas, 488
Glynn, William, 488
Golden, Patrick, 504
Gough, ati ote bhoniase: 153
Gough, Ignatius, 286, 287
Grace, Margaret, 502
Grace, Most Rev. Thomas L., O. P.,
memorial, 357, 358 n.; labors, 417,
418, 427, 459, 466, 474; proposed
as bishop, 440; school, 517n.;
church built, 531; at dedication,
200 mana coadjutor. 90734 at) pros
vincial council, 542; appointed
bishop, 548; consecration of, 549-
550, sketch of, 550 n.
Grace family, at Bolivar, 500
Gracewood Farm, 447
Grady, David, 491-492
Grady, Father Francis D., 478 n.
Graham, Maj. Daniel, residence, 397,
398
Gravier, Rev. James, S. J., 26
Gregory, XVI, 250, 253-254
Green, James and Mary (Gorman),
503
Greenville, treaty of, 28
Griffin, John and Martha (Watter-.
son), 481
Griffin, Col. Joseph J., 498
Griffin, Patrick and Jane (Shea.
han), 493
Griter, Balthasar and Martha, 486
Griter, Margaret, 486
Grundy, Felix, 301, 438
Guillet, Rev. Urban, 61, 70
Gwynn, Thomas, 59, 70, 71 n.; chapel
in house of, 41, 47
Hagan, ateote. Holds malod
Hagan, Clement, 49
Hagan, Raphael, 45
Hagerty, Margaret, 497
Hailandiére, Rt. Rev. Celestine de
la, at Baltimore council, 352n.
Haley, Mary, 504
Haloran, Michael and Anna (Ody),
493
592
Halpin, Patrick, 487
Hamilton, Mrs. Catherine,
505 n.
Hamilton, George, 61 n.
Hamilton, Leonard, 32 n.
Hamilton, Mrs. Lucy (Edelen),
95 n.
Hamilton, William T., alumnus of
St. Lnomasqe ins
Hammond, Nicholas, will of. 9
Hannon, John, 497
Hardin’s Creek Settlement, 35
Harford Co., Md., Miles family in,
1G}
Harnett, William, 498
Harper, Sister Lucy, 446
Harrington, Michael, 459, 498, 499
Harringham, Thomas and Elizabeth
(Body), 493-494
Harrison family, 489
Harrodsburg, settlement, 65
Hart, Dr. George, 29
Hartford, Conn., diocese established,
388
Hartsville, Tenn., 312, 340
Harvey, Nicholas, 8
Hawkins Co., Tenn., early Catho-
lics, 284
Hayes, , 478
Hayes, William, 492
Hazeltine (or Haseltine), Rev. Jo-
seph, at consecration of Miuiles,
257; deed to, 451; and Sisters of
Charity, 377-378
Heim, Rev. Ambrose J., account of,
340
Henderson, Andrew, 447 n.
Henderson, Col. Richard, 36n.
Henderson, W. A., cited, 277 n.
Henni, Rt. Rev. John M., consecra-
tion, 393; at provincial council,
465; at consecration, 550
Henry, Mrs., 289
Henry VIII, persecution under, 2
Herity, Patrick, 488
Herlini, , Chattanooga, 498
502 n.,
INDEX
Herman, John, 480
Hickman and Austin, contractors,
505
Hickson, James, 498 n.
Hickson, Robert, 498 n.
Higdon, Thomas, 45
Ei , at Stclhomas aia
Hill, Rev. John’ A., O“P), 93 teeta,
133; letter to, 122-132; sketch of,
126n.; characteristics, 133 n.
Hill family, 488
Hinds, Howell, at St. Thomas’ Col-
lege, 149-150
Hinds, Maj. Thomas, 149-150
Hite, , at St. Thomas’, 153
Hogan, Daniel, 498
Hogan, Thomas
(McCabe), 503
Hogan, Thomas and Margaret, 493
Holy Cross, first Catholic church in
Ky., 53, 63
Holy Cross College, Bornheim, Bel-
gium, 66, 146
Holy Name of Mary, Calvary, 57,
63
Holy Rosary Cathedral, Nashville,
dedication, 337; mission, 366-367 ;
converted into hospital, 430
Holy Trinity, Somerset, Ohio, Miles
aeoge
Hopkins,
I boys)
Horan, James and Mary (O’Brien),
493
Horne, Catherine, daughter of Su:
sanna Miles, 11
Horne, Edward, 11
Hoste, Rev. Louis, at ordinations,
372, 390; labors, 377, 380, 396, 409,
438, 458, 470-471, 482; superior of
Nashville seminary, 510; school
established, 516-517; and coad-
jutor, 537: at dedication,;) S51"
diocesan counsellor, 549; sketch
of, 560
Howard, Rev. William, minor or-
and Catherine
, at) Ste Thomass
INDEX
ders, 371; ordination, 390, 394,
395, 511; transfer, 411; missionary
labors, 439, 489-490
Hughes, James, 501°
Hughes, Rt. Rev. John, in Europe,
351, 352n.; and Nashville priests,
411; at council, 412; invitation
from, 414; at dedication, 455
Hughes, John, 488
Hughes, Patrick, 498 n.
Humphreys Co., Tenn., first Catho-
lics, 487-488
Hussey, Martin
(Dwyer), 498
Hutton, Brother William P., O. P.,
251 i.
Hynes, Alfred, 150
Hynes, Michael, Saundersville, 486
Hynes family, 486
Hyronemus, Francis A., and wife,
481-482
Hyronemus, William H., 304
and Catherine
Immaculate Conception, Clarksville,
dedicated, 402
Immaculate Conception,
Tunnel, 459
Immaculate Conception, Knoxville,
dedicated, 473
Indians, in Tenn., 267-269
Ingle, Richard, insurrection of, 6
Ireland, Most Rev. John, 550 n.
Ireland, immigrants from, 7; con-
dition of Church in,: 23
Irwin, Henry and William, contrac-
tors, 505
Irwin, William and Mary (Quin-
lan), 503
Gallatin
Jackson, Gen. Andrew, visit to, 149;
at Catholic service, 308; attitude
towards Catholics, 404 n.
Jackson, Tenn., Father Stokes at,
334; church at, 340, 459; early
Catholics, 501
Jackson Mound, 264
39
593
Jacquet, Rev. John M., at Chat-
tanooga, 372 n., 496, 497, 498-499 ;
in Nashville, 409; labors, 438, 457,
458, 459, 462, 468-469, 482; sketch
of, 469n.; superior of Nashville
seminary, 510
Jane Frances, Sister, death, 525
Janes, wate ot... nomas alld
Jarboe, Rev. Joseph T., O.P., edu-
cuuotwel Ole labors, 23/ine and
choice of provincial, 246; and in-
duction of Miles, 316-319; cited,
360 n.; conversion by, 439; at dedi-
cation, 533; at provincial council,
543; proposed as bishop, 545n.
Jarboe, Richard, 45
Jenkins, George and Lydia (Ar-
mour), 501
Jesuits, in Md., 15; early communi-
ties, 74n.; in America, 83n.; pro-
fession, 97n.; suppression, 269;
in charge of St. Mary’s College,
Ky., 310
Johnson, Judge, church land given
by, 429
Joliet, Louis, expedition, 26, 264
Jones, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Jones, , of Memphis, 503
Jonesborough, Tenn., capital, 272;
Miles at, 324; early Catholics, 491
Joy, William and Honora (Nolan),
491, 494
Joyce, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Joyce, Peter, 493
Juncker, Rt. Rev. Henry D., con.
secration, 465 n., 528; at consecra-
tions, 545, 550
Kearney, Rev. L. F., O. P., 226
Kearney, Sister Mary Vincent, 451
Kedian, Thomas, 497
Keegan, William
(Oaks), 494
Keenan, Patrick, 498
Keeney, John, 496
Kelly, , at St. Thomas’, 154
and Margaret
594 INDEX
Kelly, Sister Baptista, 451
Kelly, Judge Charles C., alumnus
of St. Thomas, 71540158
Kelly, Hugh and wife, 488
Kelly, Rev. Joseph A., O. P., minor
orders, 407; provincial, 545; at
Miles’ funeral, 557
Kelly, Myles, 498 n.
Kem, Michael and Jane (Boler),
493
Kenna, Mrs. Henrietta, 336 n.
Kenna, Patrick R., 336, 502, 504
Kennedy, Allen, 496
Kennedy, James and wife, 503, 504,
505
Kennedy, Sister Jane Frances, 451
Kennedy, Margaret, 493
Kenrick, Most Rev. Francis P., and
consecration of Miles, 256, letters
from, 240n., 305, 309, 460; and
Miles, 250 n., 389, 414; at Balti-
more council, 352n.; and Louis-
ville coadjutor, 431, 432; letter
to, 463-464
Kenrick, Most Rev. Peter R., 433;
sermon, 432; at provincial coun-
cil, 465; consecrations by, 545,
549; and Schacht affair, 539, 540
Kent Co., Md., Miles family in, 7, 9
Kentucky, early immigration, 26, 27,
56; Spaniards and English in,
27n.; early Catholics, 29, 31-40,
61-65; growth, 36n.; early life in,
42-44, 123, 125-128; education in,
48; early missionaries, 52-56;
Trappists in, 70, 73n.; Domini-
cans, 78, 79-90, 132n., see also
names of individuals; work of
Sisters in, 238, 239
Kerby, Denis, 504
Kernahan, Eliza, 489
Kiely, Mrs. Michael, 503
Kiley, Patrick and Ellen, 497
King, , of Nashville, 391
Kinney, Charles, 481
Kinney, George, and wife, 486
Kinney, Mary, 481
Kinney, Patrick, 480
Knapp, Dr., New Orleans, 487
Knott, James, 45
Knowles, Joseph B., 509
Know-nothingism, in Tenn., 523-524
Knoxville, capital of Tenn., 273;
state of Church in, 456, 462;
church erected, 472-473; early
Catholics, 491-495; Know-noth-
ingism in, 524; school, 517
Koehneke, John, organ builder, 417
Koen, Alberta, 290 n.
Kruggs, , at Sts Thomas 6134
Kuhns family, Nashville, 481
Lamy, Most Rev. John B., conse-
cration, 443
Lancaster, Rev. James M., at St.
Thomas’, 154, 158 n.; accompanies
Sisters, 377-378; proposed as bish-
op, 440
Lancaster, Ralph, 49
Langan, M., of Memphis, 336; 502,
504
Langan, Thomas, 487
Larkin, Rev. John K., 277 n. 295 n.,
478 n., 495 n.
Larkin, Rev. John, S. J., mission by,
366
Larkin, Mary, 503
Larkin, Michael and Margaret (Ry-
an), 494
Larkin family, 488
La Salle, Robert de, 26, 265
Lawrence, Sarah, 480
Leahman, Andrew, 487
Leahman, Anthony, 487
Leary, Mary, 493
Lee family, at Bolivar, 500
Lefevre, Rt. Rev. Peter, 537
Lenoir, A. S., 496
Leonard, Mrs. Columba, 304
Leonard, Michael and Mary (Mur-
phy), 502
Leopoldine Association, purpose of
INDEX 595
and, aid from, 357;.575
Lexington, Ky., congregation, 142
Lilly, John, 45
Lilly, Rev. Michael D., O. P., 106 n.
Lilly, Thomas, 45
Panahan, weve William; -K., .O.P.
116 n.
Little Rock, diocese established, 388
Livers, Robert, 49
Lonergan, Kennedy, 481
Loras, Rt. Rev. Mathias, at councils,
352 n., 389, 412, 465; at consecra-
tion, 434
Loretto, Sisters of, in Ky., 57, 238,
239 n.; see also Mt. Carmel Acad-
emy
Loretto Academy, 158n.
Lorigan, Rev. James T., cited, 295,
459
Lottery, for Nashville church, 308
Louis Philippe, visit to Nashville,
282
Louisville, dedication of Cathedral,
457-458
Love, Watvotcnoinas » 154
Lowe, William, 481
Lowe, William and _ Bridget
(Coyle), 481
Lynch, F., 480
Prnchaney.))obn«ts,.0; P., Jabors,
106n., 530; at dedication, 533;
pastor at Memphis, 548, 553;
diocesan counsellor, 549; Miles’
funeral, 557; sketch of, 566-567
Lyons, Catherine, 493
Lyons, Daniel, 492, 495
Lyons, Daniel and Catherine (Rice),
494
Lyons, Mary, 493
Lyons, Nicholas, 493
Lucas, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Lucket, Hezekiah, 45
McAleer, Rev. Michael, goes to
Nashville, 349, 359; labors, 364-
365, 380, 390, 394, 400, 409, 410,
420 n., 504-506; at Memphis, 374;
transfer to N. Y., 411; at coun-
cils, 412, 417; sketch, 412n.;
Church erected by, 418, 504-505
McAlister, see Connor and McAlis-
ter
McAulay, Andrew, 484, 485 n.
McAulay, Anne, 484, 485 n.
McAulay, Daniel, 484, 485
McCaffrey, Rev. John, letter to, 350
McCarthy, Jane, 481
McCarthy, Mary, 504
McClellan, Mrs., 406
McCloskey, Cardinal John, proposed
for coadjutor, 389
McConico, Rev. Garner, 302n.
McCormack, Sister Catherine, 446,
447 n.
McCormack, Edward, 491
McCormack, Patrick, 491
McCulla, James and Margaret (Mc-
Neely), 490
McDermott, James, 481
McElroy, fp-F euihey mye Mare vaer ko
154
McElroy, Father John, S.J., 348
McEvoy, Joseph, organist, 391
McEwen, Tenn., church built, 530
McGill, Rt. Rev. John, consecration,
442
McGill, Joseph H., 482
McGovern, Eleanor, 481
McGovern, Elizabeth (McGran),
480
McGovern, John, 480
McGovern, Rev. John B., O.P.,
106 n.
McGovern, Thomas and Jane, 497
McGrady, Brother Hyacinth, O. P.,
IZAN:
McGrath, Daniel, 481
McGrath, James and Mary (Har-
rison), 481
McGrath, John, 493
McGuire, Terrence, 488
MacHale, Most Rev. John, 439
596
McHenry, John, 480
MclInroe family, 488
Mackay, Jat St whomas’, 154
McKenna, Father Charles H., O. P.
cited, 116 n.
McKenna, Brother Patrick, O. P.,
237 n.
McKeon, Patrick, 336, 489, 502, 503,
504
McKeon, Mrs. Patrick or William,
446 :
McKeon, Thomas, 504
McKeon, William and Margaret
(Brady), 488, 503
McKieran, Peter
(Wambell), 493
McLaughlin, Ann and Thomas, 480
McLaughlin, Eleanor, 481
McLaughlin, James, 481
McLaughlin, Patrick, 488
McMahon, John, 504
McMahon, John and _ Catherine
(Finukin), 498 n.
McMahon, “Squire,” 502
McMahon, Thomas and Catherine
(Burden), 486
McManus, Francis and Mary, 486
McManus, Mary A., 507n.
McManus, Patrick, 486
McManus, Thomas, 486, 488
McNally, Patrick, 490
McNamara, Michael, 504
McNamee, James and Mary (War;
fel), 503
McQuaid, Frank, 487
McQuaid, Mrs. Thomas F., 488 n.
McShane, Father Francis D., O. P.,
baptism, 394 n.
McSherry, Father William, 83n.
Magevney, Eugene, school, 335n.,
336; instructions by, 400; mar-
riage, 502; mass in home of, 503;
of building committee, 504
Magevney, John, 501
Magevney, Mary, 503
Magevney, Michael, 501
and Amanda
INDEX
Magevney Philip, 501
Maguire, Rev. John, ordained, 350,
351 n.; labors, 360, 361, 364, 367-
370, 373, 374, 376, 380, 384, 390-
391, 392, 496; at ordinations, 372;
cited, 386; sermons, 397, 402, 403;
examinations by, 405, 415, 416;
transfer, 415, 416; sketch, 416-417
Male Academy, Memphis, 335
Malone, Walter, cited, 264n.
Manea, Jane, 479
Manning, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Manning, John D. and Elizabeth
(Moran), 493
Marcell, Henry C., 482 n.
Marcell, Mrs. Sarah (Murphy), 482
Maréchal, Archbishop, 142 n.
Marion Co., Ky., created, 63 n.
Marquette, Father, voyage, 26, 265
Marron, Father Francis T., 492 n.,
495
Marschall, Father James A., O.P.,
labors, 548; sketch, 569-570
Marten, Thomas and Henrietta, 486
Martin, Matthew, 312n., 332-333,
364, 489; letter of Miles to, 326
Martin, Michael B. and Margaret
(Murphy), 503
Martin, Father
1274251
Mary, Queen, persecution under, 2
Maryland, religious liberty, 1-5;
action of Protestants in, 5; Catho-
olic immigrants, 7, 16, 17; perse.
cution of Catholics in, 14, 15;
Jesuit missionaries in, 15; mar-
riage law in, 20n.; emigration
to Ky., 27, 29; Dominican house
proposed for, 75
Massachusetts, colonists in Md., 5
Massip, Father Julius, of Ala.,
309 n.-310 n.
Mauilla, (Mavilla), battle, 264
Maurelian, Brother, cited, 264 n.
Maxey, David W., at St. Thomas’,
154, 155
Thomas, s7O3P8
INDEX 597
May, Catherine (Malloy), 481
May, Thomas, 480-481
Mazzuchelli, Rev., Samuel C., O. P.,
foreign aid to, 354n.; at Balti-
more council, 389
Meagher, Rev. Denis J., O. P., 106n.
Meagher, Patrick, 502
Meechin family, at Jackson, 501
Membré, Father Zenobius, O.S. F.,
with La Salle, 265
Memphis, Tenn., Father Stokes at,
334-336; erection of church, 371,
504-507; school, 400, 517; church
dedicated, 418; early Catholics,
501-505; state of Church in, 534
Mercier, Rev. Lucian C., aid ac-
knowledged, xiv
Mercy, Sisters of, 448-453
Messenger, Rev Joseph, deed to,
Zine, oo
Micken, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Miége, Bishop John B., 465, 541;
consecration, 445; at consecration,
545
Miles, Ann (Mrs. Daniel Smith),
49
Miles, Ann Blackloc, at investiture
ceremony, 86
Miles Catherine, daughter of Fran-
cis, 8
Miles Catherine, wife of Francis,
8
Miles, Charity (Mrs. Ralph Lan-
caster), 49
Miles, Edward, in Revolution, 16
Miles, Edward, son of Harry, 34n.
Miles, Edward, son of John, 10
Miles, Edward, son of Nicholas, 48
Miles, Edward Blackloc, brother of
the bishop, 21 n., 50, 460n.
Miles, Francis, of St. Mary’s Co.,
8, 11
Miles, Francis, son of John, 11
Miles, Frederick, 16
Niles BrowG. is, Ji 35.0:
Miles, Henry, in Revolution, 16
Miles, Henry, of Somerset Co., 9,
137816
Miles, Henry, son of John, 10
Miles, Henry, son of Joseph, 16
Miles, Henry, son of Philip, 31-32
Miles, Jacob, 16
Miles, James, 16
Miles, James, son of Francis, 8
Miles, James, son of John, 10
Miles, John, 12, 16
Miles, Corp. John, 17
Miles, John, of Dorchester Co., 8
Miles, John, of St. Mary’s Co., 10
Miles, John, son of Francis, 8
Miles, John, son of John, 10, 11
Miles, John, son of Nicholas, 8
Miles, Joshua, 16, 17
Miles, Margery, wife of John, 12
Miles, Mary, daughter of John, 11,
12
Miles, Mary (Mrs. Robert Livers),
49
Miles, Matilda (Mrs. Clement Ha-
gan), 49
Miles, Murphey, (Murphy), soldier
in Revolution, 13, 16
Miles, Nicholas, a Revolutionary
soldier, 16
Miles, Nicholas, early settler in
Md., 8
Miles, Nicholas, father of the bis-
hop, 19-22; in Ky., 34, 37-50; will,
48n.; mass in home of, 58; at
investiture ceremony, 86; fi-
nances, 112n.
Miles, Mrs. Nicholas (Ann Black-
loc), 19-20
Miles, Lieut. Nicholas, of Charles
Cossl7 18
Miles, Nicholas, son of John, 10
Miles, Peter, son of Nicholas, 8
Miles, Philip, arrival in Ky., 31, 34,
38, 40
Miles, Priscilla, daughter of Fran-
cis, 8
Miles, Rebecca, wife of, Edward, 50
598
Miles, Richard, Revolutionary sol-
dier, 16
Miles, Rt. Rev. Richard P., descent,
7, 11, 20n., 22; early youth, 44,
50; early studies, 71-74 at St.
Rose’s, 80, 83-90; as novice, stu-
dent and professor, 91-120; for-
mula of profession, 97-98; musi-
cian, 103, 109, 131 n., 337; manual
toil, 105-106: records,» 1ilin.
132 n.; ordination, 137-140; at St.
Thomas’ College, 141-145; early
priesthood, 159-162; at consecra-
tions, 240-241, 432, 433, 442, 462,
528, 549; and Dominican Sisters,
243, 445-447; prior of St. Joseph’s,
244; provincial, 246-254; appoint-
ment as bishop, 250-254, 314; con-
secration, 254-262; takes posses-
sion of his see, 315-340; ordina-
tions by, 315, 348, 349, 358, 371-
372, 390, 406-407, 543; illness, 328-
331, 356, 443, 445, 525, 526, 545;
character, 341, 554, 558-559; jour-
ney abroad, 343-347, 352-358; pas-
toral letter 344-347; visits St.
Rose‘s, 348-349, 401, 406, 421, 528-
529; and coadjutor, 385, 536-538,
544, 545, 546-547; at provincial
councils, 349, 351-352, 385, 386, 388-
390, 410-412, 434, 440-442, 465, 536,
541; lectures, 373; letters, 403,
404, 406, 408, 460; at dedications,
407, 455, 457-458, 465, 473, 531-533,
551-552; and Propagation of the
Faith, 408-409, 413; sermons, 414,
418, 464; relations with his
priests, 419; visitation of Ky.
parishes, 421; report of diocese
(1847), 422-423; and bishopric of
Monterey, 440; difficulty with
Father Schacht, 447-451, 538-540;
at first plenary council, 454-455;
buys Nashville property, 508-509,
510; establishes teaching order,
514; libraries established, 517-518;
INDEX
and religious societies, 519-520;
devotion to the Blessed Virgin,
520; death and burial, 554-559
Miles, Robert, 7
Miles, Robert, Annapolis, 17-18
Miles, Susanna, will of, 11
Miles, Thomas, early Md. settler, 9
Miles, Thomas, Revolutionary sol-
dier, 16
Miles, Thomas, son of Nicholas, 49
Miles, Rev. Thomas, S.J., 34n.,
ae hae
Miles, Thomas Blackloc, nephew of
the bishop, 20 n.
Miles, Tobias, of Anne Arundel
Co., 9
Miles, Tobias, of Calvert Co., 9, 13
Miles, Tobias Jr., 9
Miles, Walter Revolutionary sol-
dier, 16
Miles, Corp. Walter, 17
Miles, William, of Kent Co., 9
Miles, William, Revolutionary sol-
dier, 16
Miles family, genealogy, 7-14, 17-22
Miles River, 10
Miller, M. and Mary (Snyder), 503
Milwaukee, diocese established, 388
Miro, Gen. Stephen, 273
Mitchell, , 45
Molloy, Ellen, 490
Molloy, John C., and Anna C., 490
Monahan, Patrick, 481
Montbrun, see De Montbrun
Montgomery, , at St. Thomas’,
154
Montgomery, Austin, 45
Montgomery, Rev. Charles P., O.P.,
labors, 238n.; and choice of pro-
vincial, 246; letter to, 357; bishop-
ric declined, 440
Montgomery, Mrs.
111 n.
Montgomery, Louis, records 111 n,
Montgomery, Rev. Samuel L., O. P.,
cited, 70n.; postulant, 85; reli-
Charles W.,
INDEX 599
gious name, 89n.; religious pro-
fession, 94n., 95; labors, 132n.,
395, 438, 458; ordination, 137-140;
at St. Thomas’ College, 141, 142;
and choice of provincial, 246;
steward, 419; vicar general, 471;
at Nashville seminary, 511; at
dedication, 533; diocesan counsel-
lor, 549; at Miles’ funeral, 555;
sketch, 561
Montgomery, Rev. Stephen H.,
O.P., postulant, 85; religious
name, 89n.; religious profession,
an. Joeerecords,, 111 ns" 132'n.;
Brdinationyyyio/-140;" at? St
Thomas’ College, 141, 143; at con-
secration of Miles, 257
Mooney, early families in Ky., 27
Moore, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Moore family, at Bolivar, 500
Moran, Peter and Bridget, 497
Morgan, Edward and Anna, 493
Morgan, Patrick and Mary, 489
Morgan, Patrick and Mary (Mc-
Barrens), 493
Morgan, Rev. William O. C., goes
to Nashville, 349; labors, 360-361 ;
illness, 364; death, 365; superior
of Nashville seminary, 510
Morgan family, 486
Morison, D., architect, 505
Morrison, Andrew, 480
Moscoso, Louis de, 264 n.
Mt. Carmel Convent, Sisters of, 305
Mt. Pleasant, Tenn., Miles at, 320
Mt. St. Mary’s College, Md., 61n.;
visit of Miles, 349, 350, 351; priest
in Nashville, 361, 394n., 412 n.
Mulholland, Michael and Theresa
(Jenkins), 493
Mulloy, , 479
Mufios, Father Raphael, O.P.,
110n., 453
Murfreesborough, Tenn., Miles at,
319; early Catholics, 489; Know-
nothingism in, 524
mis-
A88 ;
Murphy, Father Augustine,
sionary labors, 466, 471,
death, 526-527
Murphy, Dr. George, 507
Murphy, Laurence, 489
Murphy, Michael and Catherine
(McDonald), 494
Murphy, Thomas, 482
Murphy, Rev. William, S.J., ser-
mon, 401
Murray, W. and Jane, 481
Myers, John and Margaret, 497
Nashville, erection of diocese, 249-
250, 313; trading post, 268; made
capitol of Tenn., 273, 396; early
Catholics, 290, 478-484; seminary,
339; new cathedral, 396-397;
schools, 400; report of diocese
(1847), 422-423; diocese annexed
to St. Louis, 441; dedication of
cathedral, 423-427; circulating
library, 518-519; Know-nothing.
ism, 523; coadjutor proposed, 536-
538; German church, 551
Nazareth, Sisters of, Academy,
158n., 405; in Nashville, 525
Neale, James, 487
Nealis; Father’ John *T.,’:QwP., in
Memphis, 548; sketch, 570-571
Negroes, at St. Rose’s, 124
Nelligan, Patrick and_ Bridget
(O’Donnell), 498
Nelson, Gov. Thomas, 36
Nelson, Co., Ky., Catholic com-
munities, 35; Miles family in, 40,
58
Nem, Michael and Mary (Wall),
494
Nerinckx, Rev. Charles, 49, 132 n.:
labors, 70, 287, 289, 290; at con-
secration, 162
Neville, , 479
Newman, Jacob, 472, 473 n.
Newman, Cardinal John H., resolu-
tions to, 458
600 INDEX
New Mexico, vicariate established,
344 n.
New Orleans, right of deposit, 272-
273; made archbishopric, 434 n.
New York, arbishopric created,
434 n.
Nicolas, Sister Vincent, 447 n., 468n.
Nichols, John and Bridget (Keilly),
494
Noon, Rev. Dominic H., O. P., 106 n.
North Carolina, emigration to Ky,,
27; emigration to Tenn., 271, 274
Nugent, James and Annora (Hooli-
gan), 503
Obermeyer, Rev. Leonard, visit of
Miles to, 552
O’Brien, James and Mary (Quinn),
503
O’Brien, Father Matthew A., O. P.,
and Jefferson Davis, 148; ordina-
tion, 315, 327; provincial, 445;
church erected, 465; prior of St.
Rose’s, 528
O’Carroll, Father William D., O. P.,
447 n.
O’Connor, James and Margaret, 497
O’Connor, Rev. Dr. Michael, at con-
secration, 393
O’Daniel, Joseph, father and son,
39 n.
O’Dowde, Rev. John, minor orders
and Ordination mos lo/Z lls
labors, 376, 387; transfer of, 393-
394, 411; education, 394 n.
O’Finan, Rt. Rev. Joseph, O P.,
books from, 401, 519 n,
O’Flaherty, Mrs. 486
O’Flaherty family, 486
O’Gorman, Rt. Rev. James M.,
consecration of, 545
Ohio, Dominicans in, 132 n.
O’Keefe, John and Anna (McGin-
ley), 494
Olivieri, Most Rev. Benedict, O. P.,
appointment by, 245
Olwell, Philip, 483
O’Neal, John and Henrietta, 486
O’Neil, Andrew and Caroline (Dil-
dy), 481
O’Neil, Jeremiah, 488
O’Neill, Fathers Jeremiah, 495 n.
O’Neill, Father Patrick, 495 n.
O’Regan, Rt. Rev. Anthony, conse-
cration, 462; at provincial coun-
cil, 465
Oregon, vicariate apostolic, 388
Orengo, Rev. Aloysius, O.P., la~
bors, 428, 438, 459, 466, 467-468,
476, 487; church erected, 530;
cited, 539n.; sketch, 561-563
Ormsby, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Ormsby, Hon. Stephen, and son, 155
Osbourn, William, alumnus of St.
Thomas’, 157
O’Sullivan, Andrew and Margaret,
486
Overton, Judge John, 501
Owen, Matthew and Margaret
(Martin), 489
Palmer, Dr. Robert C., alumnus of
St. Thomas’, 156-157
Park, John, 447n., 508
Park, William, 508
Parke, Rev. H. F., 462-463
Payne, John, 45
Pedele, John and Mary (Tilden),
493
Pelamourgues, Rev. Anthony, de-
clines bishopric, 549
Pennsylvania, toleration, 23
Perry Co., Ohio, Dominican pro-
perty in, 124n.
Pestre, Julien De, at St. Thomas’,
154
Philadelphia} Augustinians, 83n.;
aid given Nashville diocese, 390 n.
Phillips William and Martha
(Cochran), 493
Phillips, William D., 484n.
Phillips, Mrs. William D. (Eliza-
INDEX 601
beth Dwyer), 479-480, 483
Phobus, Sophia, 502
Pietro, Cardinal Michael di, 78 n.
Pigeon Hills, Pa., 61, 70, 73 n.
Pitt, Archibald, 45
Pitts, Fountain E., Methodist minis-
ter, 280
Pittsburgh, diocese established, 388
Pius V, Dominican Pope, 89
Bis eV ie 177
Pausey L677 7
Pius IX, arid religious vows, 96
Plunkett, J. D., 482
Plunkett, James and wife, 488
Plunkett, see also Underhill
Poe, Isaac and Mary (Daily), 489
Polin, Math ote Lhomas #154
Polin, Rev. Thomas J:,-O. P., 127 n.,
156, 246
Pollock, Agnes, 489
Pollock, Dr. S., 489
Pope, , at St. Thomas’, 154
Pope, Hon. John and sons, 155
Poplar Neck Settlement, 35, 47, 63
Portier, Rt. Rev. Michael, missions,
310 n., 520; with Miles abroad,
352; at dedication of Nashville
cathedral, 425
Posen, letter to archbishop of, 352
Pottinger’s Creek Settlement, 33-35,
S03
Power, Michael and Bridget (Hand-
lon), 503
Powers, Bridget, 504
Pozzo, Rev. Eugene H., O.P., la-
bors, 380; at Baltimore council,
388
Prather, NateotuLonomas.s154
Priber, Christian, Indian agent in
Tenn., 268
Priestly, , early settler of
Nashville, 290
Prince, Balina, 502
Prince, William
(Phiphs), 502
Prince George Co., Md., Miles fam-
and Pauline
ily, 13; emigration to Ky., 29-35
Propagation of the Faith, French
Society, aid given Miles, 331, 354,
408-409, 413, 460, 575
Pulaski, Tenny, Know-nothingism
in, 524
Purcell, Archbishop John B., and
Miles, 248, 251-252, 254, 255, 348,
406, 407, 460, 469, 535; letters to,
329, 408, 415; letters of, 330, 537;
at Baltimore council, 352n.; and
foreign aid, 354n.; and annuity,
357, 358n.; at consecration, 393,
442; visits Nashville, 425-426
Pyburn, Eliza, 488 n.
Pyburn, Michael, 487
Quebec, vicariate apostolic, and
bishopric, 266
Quebec Act, 23-24, 24n., 269
Quincy, IIl., diocese, 465 n.
Quinlan, Rt. Rev. John, consecra-
tion, 553
Quinlon, James
(Shaunpy), 481
Quinn, Rev. William, O.P., 116n.
and Margaret
Ranken, Rev. John D., O.P., visit
of Miles to, 353
Rapp, Basil and Catherine (Spaeh),
502
Rappe, Rt. Rev. Amadeus, conse-
cration, 442
Ratterman, Bernard, 480
Ratterman, Frederic, 480
Ratterman, John G., 480
Raymaecker, Father John V. de,
O.P., visit of Miles to, 352-353
Read, Edward and Drusilla (Cher-
tv8 1503
Read, Martha Lytle, 280
Reagan, Ann, 504
Recollects, with La Salle, 265
Redmond, Mrs. C., 485
Redmond, Frances, 485
Redmond, Harriet, 485
602 INDEX
Redmond, Henry, 485
Reid, James, 18
Reilly, James, 492
Rese, Rt. Rev. Frederic, in Europe,
S521.
Reynolds, Rt. Rev. Ignatius A., 457,
463; proposed for bishop, 240,
388-389; consecration, 393
Ricardi, John B., 492
Ricardi, Peter, 492
Richardson, John and Melvina, 497
Richardson, Margaret, 492 n.
Robertson Co., Tenn., Church at,
374, 375
Rochford, Rev.
106 n.
Rogan, Bernard, 280, 484
Rogan, Charles, 484
Johny tAt, WO sn,
Rogan, Clarissa, (Mrs. Joseph
Desha), 484
Rogan, Francis, 279, 280, 395, 484
Rogan, Hugh, story of, 278-280,
281n.; and Nancy (Duffy), 484;
Rogan, John, 484
Rogan, William, 484
Rogers, Daniel, 45
Rohan, Rev. William, missionary
labors, 53, 54n., 275
Rolling Fork Settlement,
5/2100
Rosati, Bishop Joseph, and conse-
cration of Miles, 254, 256, 257,
258; at Baltimore council, 343,
352n.; with Miles abroad, 352
Ross, John, 496
Ross, Sister Xavier, and division of
Sisters, 449, 450, 451; and Schacht
affair, 541; cited, 541
Ross’ Landing, Miles at, 319; early
Catholics, 496; see also Chatta-
nooga
Rossville, Tenn., Miles at, 319
Rowan, , at St.’ Thomas’, 154
Rowan, Hon. John, Jr., 155
Rudd, Christopher A., 156, 158n.;
postulant, 85; religious name,
34, 35,
89n.; account of life, 92-93; at
St. Rose’s, 114
Rudd, Capt. James, alumnus of St.
Thomas’, 156, 158
Rudd, Richard, alumnus
Thomas’, 156
Ruohs, Joseph, 498
Ryan, Edward, 486
Ryan, Rev. Joseph T., O. P., made
subdeacon, 401; made deacon, 406
of (St
St. Agnes’ Academy, Memphis, 446-
447, 548
St. Andrew’s, Knoxville, 289, 293
St. Ann’s Cartwright’s Creek Set-
tlement, 63
St. Ann’s, N. Y., dedication, 455
St. Anthony’s, Breckinridge Co.,
Ky., 296, 297, 299, 464
St. Athanasius’ Seminary, 510-511
St. Augustine’s, Philadelphia, 74n,
St. Benedict’s, Shelby Co., Ky., 64
St. Bernard’s, Adair Co., Ky., 64
St. Catherine’s Convent, Spring-
field, Ky., 106n., 243, 421, 529
St. Charles’, Washington Co., Ky.,
63
St. Christopher’s, Madison Co., Ky.,
64
St. Clare’s, Hardin Go, Kysnge
St. Dominic’s, Springfield, Ky., 65 n.
St. Francis’ Settlement, 35, 37, 63,
142
St. John’s, Bullitt Co., Ky., 65
St. John’s Hospital and Orphan
Asylum, 430, 432
St. John the Evangelist’s, Edgefield,
dedication, 531-532
St. Joseph, Brothers of, for Nash-
ville, 512-513
St. Joseph’s Cathedral, Bardstown,
161, 442
St. Joseph’s, Somerset, Ohio, erec-
tion of, 243; crucifix, 399 n.
St. Joseph’s College, Somerset, 247,
464
INDEX 603
St. Joseph’s Province, founded, 103;
early days, 121; subsidy to Cin-
cinnati archbishopric, 357, 358 n.
Saint Louis, Ky., 64
St. Louis, Mo., archbishopric, 441;
provincial councils, 465, 541
St. Louis University, 403
St. Magdalen’s, see St. Catherine’s
Saint Mary’s, Columbus, Ohio,
Sisters of, 106n.
St. Mary’s, Hagerstown, Md., letter
from pastor, 29
St. Mary’s, Jackson, 459
St. Mary’s Academy, Nashville,
work of, 405, 414-415, 447-452, 515
St. Mary’s Academy, Somerset,
commencement, 464
St. Mary’s College, Ky., 366, 382,
401; transfer, 310, 416
St. Mary’s Co., Md., Miles family
fe7 io, Opi i213 emigration
to Ky., 29-35
St. Mary’s Seminary,
74 n.
St. Michael’s, Nelson Co., Ky., 47,
63
St. Michael’s, Robertson Co., Tenn.,
375; early Catholics, 485-486;
academy established, 516; library,
518
St. Palais, Rt. Rev: Maurice De,
consecration, 432, 442
St. Patrick, Brothers of, establish-
ment, 514
St. Patrick’s, Danville, Ky., dedica-
tion, 107 n.
St. Patrick’s, Junction City, Miles
at, 358
St. Patrick’s, Maysville, 394
St. Patrick’s, McEwen, 520, 521
St. Patrick’s, Mercer Co., Ky., 64
St. Patrick’s, near Waverly, dedi-
cated, 402
St. Paul, diocese erected, 434 n.
St. Peter’s, Lexingotn, Ky., 64
St. Peter’s, Memphis, erected, 390,
Baltimore,
504-507; dedication, 418; placed
under Dominicans, 420
St. Pierre, Father Paul de, 53 n.
Sti Pius’,- Ky. Mission: 37
St. Rose’s Church and Priory,
Springfield, Ky., established, 65 n.,
73, 79-80; construction, 103-107;
ceremony of profession, 95; deco-
rations, 102; dedication, 107, 465;
ordinations, 108-109, 138; early
days, 122-136; spiritual life, 129-
132; Miles visits, 348-349, 358, 388,
401, 406, 421, 528-529
Sts. Peter and Paul’s, Chattanooga,
erected, 531; dedication, 533-534
St. Stephen’s Ky., 57, 62-63
St. Thomas’ College, 92n., 103n.;
construction of, 103-107; history,
111-120; students and priests, 141-
158
St.. Thomas’, Nelson Co., Ky.,. 63,
139 n.
St. Vincent’s Home, 452
Salem, Tenn., Miles at, 319
Salmon, Rev. Anthony, labors, 57-
59; death of 59-71) 285
Sanders, vatiot,
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