THE N EW 1 ISORTA ALLEYNE 1 YRELAND Fes 1a W927 (3 ANNs av uh Sita ete be rt ‘n . AWG : oh Hu be 7.4 ane Wey THE NEW KOREA Books by Alleyne Ireland Mr, Ireland, one of the foremost living author- ities on government, is particularly well known for his works on Colonial Administration. “‘Nothing in the English language in the same field can compare with them for monu- mental] fullness of design and execution.” —The Springfield Republican. Democracy and the Human Equation Mr. Ireland earnestly considers the problem of making Government responsive to the needs of modern civilization. “‘Every book like this which is sincere and honestly thought out is of value to all who are thinking at all upon the great problems of today.” — The Boston Post. An Adventure with a Genius Recollections of Joseph Pulitzer. “‘One of the most graphic portraits of a man that could be created.” — The Boston Evening Transcript. “The book holds its readers like a vise and haunts them like a vision.’ — Life. v FEB 17 i927 a cep SE Ocicat sew Wy & THE NEW KOREA ALLEYNE IRELAND, r-rcs., Author of “(Democracy and the Human Equation,” “‘An Adventure with a Genius,”’ etc. NEW YORK EK. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 681 Firra AVENUE Copyright, 1926 By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America PREFACE About twenty years ago I published three volumes ‘dealing with colonial administration in the Far East. They related to British rule in Burma, the Federated Malay States, the Straits Settlements, Sarawak, British North Borneo, and Hong Kong, American rule in the Philip- pines, Dutch rule in Java, and French rule in Indo-China. It had been my intention to include an account of Japanese rule in Formosa; but by the time I had turned back east after two years of westerly travel the Russo-Japanese war was in progress, and a visit to Formosa was out of the question. When, in 1922, the opportunity presented itself to spend the greater part of the year in the Far Fast, I decided that a volume describing Japan- ese administration in Korea would make a more interesting contribution to the study of Govern- ment than a similar work about Formosa. Formosa is merely one example among many of a civilized race ruling a people in a very low stage of development. Korea, on the other hand, presents the rare spectacle of one civilized race ruling another civilized race. It is true that at v vi PREFACE the time Japan annexed Korea, in 1910, the actual conditions of life in the Peninsula were extremely bad. This was not due, however, to any lack of inherent intelligence and ability in the Korean race, but to the stupidity and corrup- tion which for five hundred years had, almost continuously, characterized the government of the Korean dynasty, and to the existence during that period of a royal court which maintained throughout Korea a system of licensed cruelty and corruption. Such was the misrule under which the Koreans had suffered for generation after generation that all incentive to industry, thrift, and social prog- ress had been destroyed, because none of the com- mon people had been allowed to enjoy the fruits of their own efforts. The title of the present volume gives the key to its contents. What I have attempted is to present in some detail the aims, the methods, and the results of Japanese administration in Korea. Of the right of the Koreans to govern them- selves, of the right of the Japanese to govern them I have said but little, for the subject has been discussed exhaustively by other writers, both from the point of view of the Korean na- tionalists and from that of the Japanese imperi- alists, and is in any case of such a nature that a judgment one way or the other can reflect noth- ing but the individual temperament of the judge. PREFACE vii There is already in existence a voluminous lit- erature relating to Korea, much of it of great interest and importance. Most of it, however, falls under one of two heads—writing descriptive of the country and of the people, or polemical writing in which Japanese administration in Korea is attacked or eulogized on the basis of material specially selected to serve one purpose or the other. To the English-reading public there is avail- able at present only one source of statistically- based information covering every phase of Japanese rule in Korea—the Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen, compiled and published by the Government-General. Al- though these reports contain a great deal of valuable comment and a considerable body of statistical data, a careful perusal of the volumes covering the past ten years convinced me that a work such as I had in mind could not be written from that material alone. It was clear that a good deal of the matter appearing in the reports had been condensed from departmental reports in which various subjects had been treated in full detail. Both as to data and to comment a large proportion of the contents of the present volume is taken from translations of official material which has not hitherto been accessible in English. Where I have expressed my own opinion of Japanese administration in Korea, it has been viii PREFACE derived from the consideration of what I saw in the country, what I have read about it in official and in unofficial publications, and from discus- sions with persons—Japanese, Korean, and for- eign—who were living in the Peninsula at the time of my visit. ALLEYNE JRELAND. CONTENTS PAGE PREPACK i rediiet ia \raalite WIN M gt MOI alah Pipl Kcielicl witty foul tae ot hg) Mm Ot CHAPTER TP LANTRODUCTORY (ca seuitecdnn Sih Pera re hate stat MRO Vi ek Korea’s Position in Far Eastern Affairs, 1; Annexation by Japan, 1; Imperialism and Nationalism Contrasted, 2; Self-rule and Dependent Rule Contrasted, 10; Japanese Rule in Korea Characterised, 17. I. DESCRIPTIVE AND HisTorIcaL. . SE Aaa RE Rod NEM Es Descriptive, 18; Population, 23; Railways, 27; Roads, 31; Streets, 32; Maritime Transportation, 34; Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone Communications, 34; His- torical, 36. TIESSUMMABY Seay Cube ey phn alum etiam taveinee eRe! ily yt Oe Relations between Japan and Korea, 62; Governor- General Saito Appointed, 69; New Spirit Introduced in Administration, 70; Material Progress, 73; Reorganiza- tion of Government, 77; General Progress of the Country, 80. IV. GovERNMENT ORGANIZATION . 2. « « «© «© « « 83 J. Tat GOVERNMENT-GENERAL . 2. «© © ce © e« « 83 Provincial Government . . 88 The Present Organization of the Government of Korea. . 96 The Civil Service . . . . 104 Appointment and Salary, 104; Pensions, 105 V. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION. II. Locat ADMINISTRATION . . y . 108 Introductory, 108; Formation of Leal Caetis 114; Inspection of Local Administration, 120; Local Finance, 121; Municipalities, 126; Villages, 128; School Associa- tions for Japanese, 131; District Educational Bodies for Koreans, 133; Water-utilization Associations, 135. 1x x CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE VI. Toe Laws anp Courts or Korea. ... . . 187 Historical, 137; The Sources of Law in Korea, 143; Civil Procedure, 145; Criminal Procedure: The Judiciary, 150; Courts of Law, 152. VEL }PoLici AND WPRIBSONS occ ec aera Dee ee a ae oe I. Potice ADMINISTRATION . . 154 Historical, 154; After the Anrlexntidi 158; A, Police Jurisdiction, 160; Cost of the Police Force, 161. II. Prison ADMINISTRATION . . . : fy Nose aL OS Control and Administration of, 163; puna of prisoners, 164; First Offenders, 165; Recidivism, 165; Pardons, 166; Prisoners’ Labor, 167; Morbidity and Mortality of Prisoners, 167. VIII. GovernMEeNT FINANCE . . . . 169 Historical, 169; Subsequent to the Pees oa of 1910, 173; Sources of Government Revenue, 175; Monopolies and other Government Undertakings, 178; Lumber Under- taking Station, 179; Objects of Government Expendi- ture, 181; The Korean National Debt, 184. IX. Epucation ... . 188 Principles of, 188; Objects of, 190: Bee for Guida of Teachers, 190; Historical Development, 191; Present State of the Educational System, 197; The School Cur- riculum, 204; Salaries of Teachers, 205; Religion in the Schools, 206; Educational Finance, 208. X. Mepican, SANITARY, AND SociAL SERVICE .. . 212 Historical, 212; Epidemic Diseases, 217; General Causes of Death, 218; Sanitary Equipment, 219; Expansion of Medical Organs, 222; The Central Health Society, 223; Hygienic Inspection, 223; Bacteriological Service, 224; Opium Control, 224; Relief Work for Lepers, 226; Hospitals, 227; The Severance Union Medical College, 228; Health Practitioners, 230; Vital Statistics, 231; Social Service, 231. XI. Tot Economic DEVELOPMENT oF KorEA. .. . 237 I. AGRICULTURE Ares . 227 Historical, 237; Yield of Prineoel Cae 249. Vale of Agricultural Products, 243; Sericulture, 244; Land CONTENTS xi CHAPTER PAGE Tenure, 246; Financing the Farmer, 249; Official Encouragement of Agriculture, 251; Irrigation, 254; Agricultural Labor, 256. XII. Economic DEVELOPMENT or Korza. ..... . 260 II. Forestry, Fisoery, AND MINING . .... . . 260 Forestry .. 260 Historical, 260; Condition of the Forests, 262; Affores- tation, 264. Fishery . . 266 Experiments in APesithts Products, 269; Development of the Fishing Industry, 270; Economic Progress of the Fishing Industry, 272. Mining . 273 Historical, 273; poe State og the. Mining Tadastry 275. XIII. Economic DEVELOPMENT oF KorEA .... . 278 III. Commerce, MANUFACTURES, AND BANKING. . . . 278 Currency, 278; Economic ACRE Re 282. Commerce . . 283 The Foreign ade a Kora 983; O Disthiitions of For- eign Trade, 285; Gold and Silver Bullion, 285; General Character of the Export Trade, 287; General Character of the Import at 289, Manufactures . . ae ee ee eae meee CaO Banking. . 294 Historical, 204: Banking Biatistics) 299; “The Bank of Chosen, 300; The Chosen Industrial Bank, 302; Ordi- nary Banks, 302; People’s Banking Associations, 302; The Oriental Development Company, 303; Mutual Credit Associations (Mujin-Ko), 304. APPENDICES: Appendix A. Treaty of Annexation. . . te pt UL Appendix B. Imperial Rescript on Ainexaton ess 81 8 Appendix C. The Late Korean Emperor’s Rescript on Cession of Sovereignty . 315 Appendix D. Imperial Rescript Concerning the Reorgani- zation of the Government-General of Chosen (3715 Pt Ua a RR le One xii CONTENTS PAGE Appendix E. Governor-General’s Instruction to High Offi- cials Concerning Administrative Re- forms .. . 319 Appendix F. Governor-General’s Proclamation to the Peo- ple of Chosen. . 322 Appendix G. Governor-General’s Address ‘to ‘Provincial Governors. . . 325 Appendix H. Administrative Sanerintendentis s Instruc- tions to Provincial Governors . . . . 328 Appendix I. Rulesfor Teachers. . . . .-.. . . 887 INDEX . . IKEA RT be MIRED MR sel eA cs GEOGRAPHICAL ‘Piacn Namus aE yeah 8 354 Map or Korea (CHOSEN) . ... , mW acing Page 354 THE NEW KOREA Rey a ey Ay, } re} y beak Saat 3 4 ° aban “ i eS ee THE NEW KOREA CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY, Korea is destined to occupy a position of con- stantly increasing importance with reference to the general problem of the Far East. Her geo- graphical situation predetermines for her a future indissolubly linked with that of China, of Asiatic Russia, and of Japan, with two of which she has land frontiers, and from the third is sep- arated only by a narrow strait. It is impossible to foresee any political, social, or economic devel- opments in northeastern Asia in which Korea will not fill a rdle as significant as that of Turkey in respect of the Near East, of Kgypt in respect of the British Empire, or of the Panama Canal Zone in respect of the United States. The annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910 made waste paper out of bales of laboriously compiled reports and of ingenious predictions 2 THE NEW KOREA about Far Eastern affairs. It reflected, in brief, the determination of Japan to forestall any at- tempt which might be contemplated by China to reassert, and to make active, its former suzerainty over Korea, or on the part of Russia to secure in the Korean Peninsula a position of such domi- nance as would create the temptation, and fur- nish the instrument, to take the control of the country out of the hands of its weak, incompe- tent, and corrupt rulers. Looking forward from 1910, one thing was clear where many things were obscure, namely that Japan, having decided to make Korea part of her Empire, would deem the permanence of her occupation to be a major element of her national policy, to be held intact, at whatever cost, against internal revolt or foreign intrigue. In the field of international policy the Japan- ese annexation of Korea is perfectly suited to serve as a demarcating issue between two schools of political conviction—the imperialist and the nationalist—and according to whether the reader belongs to one or to the other of these schools, so will he convince himself that Japan has the “right” to rule Korea, or that the Koreans have a “right” to independent nationhood. The common employment of the word “right” in this connection has done much to befog the actual matter in controversy between the imperi~ alists and the nationalists, since the “rightness” INTRODUCTORY. 3 of either doctrine when applied to a particular case can only be measured with reference to the particular circumstances. The most extreme imperialist would balk at the suggestion that the United States should, on account of its great power and of its advanced social development, annex every backward and undeveloped country south of the Rio Grande. The most extreme nationalist would ridicule the idea that the “right” of the Australian aborigi- nes to self-determination justified an effort to emancipate the island-continent from white rule. The pinnacle of absurdity would be reached if anyone should start a movement to restore the control of the North American Continent to the Indian tribes. Grotesque as these instances ap- pear when viewed from the practical standpoint, they suffice to expose the fallacy of basing either an imperialist or a nationalist policy upon a prin- ciple of abstract right. It is my purpose to examine Japanese rule in Korea as a concrete example of colonial admin- istration, without reference to the legal or moral sanctions upon which it rests. The reasons for thus limiting the inquiry will be obvious to all serious students. I state them here in the hope that they will be accepted as valid by the general reader. The annexation of weak countries by strong countries is a phenomenon which has persisted 4 THE NEW KOREA since the beginning of recorded time; practically every strong nation has practiced the habit. The arguments for and against such a pro- cedure have been stated and re-stated thousands of times in every country, and have been ex- pressed in almost every language. They are familiar to, or accessible to, every person who will read this volume. I have nothing to add to them. A discussion of the moral, ethical, legal, political, social, and economic problems raised by an act of annexation, as such, is irrelevant to a presentation of the facts descriptive of a working system of colonial government, since the charac- ter of an administration is what it is, and can be fairly judged only on the basis of the data of its operation. To combine a description of a colonial govern; ment with an essay on the moral quality of the imperialist principle would be to invite confusion of thought. Thus, in any given case, if the admin- istration of an imperial government is found to be bad in fact, this badness will be used by nationalists as an argument against imperialism, whereas if bad administration is found in a popu- lar government, nationalists will not tolerate any use of this badness as an argument against popu- lar rule. Conversely, with reference to good adminis- tration; if nationalists find that it exists in fact under a system of popular self-government, they INTRODUCTORY 5 will welcome the finding as a justification of that system; but if good administration is found in an imperial dependency, nationalists will not allow the finding to stand to the credit of the imperial- ist system; they will then shift the issue from the quality of the administration to the quality of the sanctions from which the government derives its authority. In a word, to the nationalists good government ws good government if it is self-government, and even bad government is good government if it is self-government—in the first case because both good government and self-government are good; in the second case because, under self-govern- ment, bad government will certainly lead to a demand for, and to the instituting of, good gov- ernment. ‘Thus, so runs the argument, bad self- government is merely a passing phase in the evo- lution of good self-government. This attitude of the nationalists is perfectly logical so far as it affects their desire for nation- hood, since it enables them to use bad colonial administration as an argument in support of an independence agitation, and at the same time undercuts the position of those imperialists who seek to justify colonial rule by appealing to the visible evidences of what good colonial adminis- tration can do for the safety, health, cultural advancement, and prosperity of a colonial domain. 6 THE NEW KOREA It is clear, then, that with reference to an accepted group of facts, a totally different evalu- ation will be made by a nationalist and by an imperialist. Japanese rule in Korea, and the opposition to it on the part of the Korean nation- alists, furnish an excellent illustration of the point. The Japanese refer with pride to their road-building, to their great extension of educa- tional facilities, to their effective protection of life and property throughout a country but re- cently overrun by bandits, to their rapid develop- ment of agriculture, trade and industry, to their technical training schools, to their scientific experiment stations which serve the farmer, the fisherman, the stock-breeder, and the manufac- turer, to the enormous increase during the past fifteen years in every branch of production, with its connotation of increased employment for Koreans, to the constantly mounting number of Koreans appointed to the Government service. The foregoing facts cannot be gainsaid, as will be proved by the data contained in subsequent chapters. But the Korean nationalists attribute to them a sinister significance. The roads, they say, are built solely for the purpose of facilitat- ing the movement of Japanese troops; the educa- tional system is nothing more than an ingenious scheme for destroying Korean nationality; the protection of life and property is merely an ex- cuse for maintaining a large Japanese police INTRODUCTORY 7 force; the economic development of the country is sumply a device for swelling the profits of Japanese capitalists; the technical schools and the scientific bureaus have no other aim than to make Japanese rule profitable to the Japanese; the employment of Koreans in the Government service is an insidious form of bribery calculated to secure support for the Japanese occupation of the country. The situation thus created is familiar to all students of colonial government. If the local administration builds roads, erects schools, and so on, it is wrong, because the motive is base; if it fails to do these things it is wrong, because it is the obvious duty of an imperial ruler to confer such benefits upon a dependency. So also in relation to developing the resources of a depend- ency; if the sovereign power invests money in the colony, it is wrong because all it amounts to is capitalist exploitation; if it does not invest money in the colony, it is wrong because the failure to do so reflects a determination to keep the people poor and weak in the interest of an easy domination; if it employs natives in the government service it is wrong because such a policy tends to weaken nationalist sentiment; if it fails to do so it is wrong because such a course discloses the purpose of making the colony the happy hunting ground of imperial officials. To all colonial governors this is an old story. 8 THE NEW KOREA All sincere and humane colonial governors—and none is more worthy of such a description than is Viscount Saito, Governor-General of Korea since 1919—are compelled to close their ears to the mutually destructive criticisms to which I have alluded, and must content themselves with carrying out from day to day measures designed to improve the general conditions of their de- pendencies. The bulk of the present volume is devoted to a description of the administrative system of the Japanese in Korea, and to a statistical account of its results. The author feels it incumbent upon him to furnish his readers with a brief state- ment of the point of view from which he has approached his task. During the past forty years he has lived about half the time in self-governing countries—Eng- land, the United States, Canada, Australia, Japan, France, Germany, and Denmark—and the other half in colonial dependencies—India, the British West Indies, the French West Indies, British and Dutch Malaya, French Indo- China, British Borneo, the Philippine Islands, and in a few scattered dependencies of various powers. This experience has left him without any trace of prejudice in respect of forms of government, for he has seen government wisely and honestly administered under every form, and stupidly and INTRODUCTORY 9 dishonestly administered under every form; he has seen freedom cherished under a monarchy and destroyed under a republic, and vice versa; he has seen justice dispensed with an even hand under popular rule and under autocratic rule; he has seen judicial decisions bought and sold in self-governing countries and in the dependencies of imperial powers. In each class of territory he has seen, living side by side, persons content with their government (whilst favoring reforms in this or in that particular) and persons who are so discontented with the same government that nothing short of its complete destruction appears to offer an adequate guaranty of desired reforms. When the strongly dissatisfied group exists in a sovereign state, its members become socialists of one kind or another, or communists, or syn- dicalists, or fascists, or anarchists, according to their individual temperaments; when the group exists in a dependency, its members create a party aiming at the achievement of independence from the sovereign state. It is one of the most curious matters forced upon the attention of a student of comparative government that the chief object of the national- ist party in a dependency should be to obtain the status of an independent sovereign nation, since the obvious fact is that in most of the countries which already exist as sovereign states there are to be observed all the evil conditions for which 10 THE NEW KOREA a colonial independence party deems independ- ent sovereignty to be the unfailing panacea. If the opponents of imperially imposed rule could point to the self-ruled countries and say: “In these countries there are justice, toleration, honest and efficient administration, social equal- ity, adequate protection of life and property, equal economic opportunity, and freedom from the exploitation of the weak by the strong, and of the poor by the rich,” the argument against imperialism would rest upon solid foundations. But the anti-imperialists cannot say with truth that the kind of dispensation described above exists in any marked degree in the general cate- gory of self-ruled states; nor can they say with truth that, in whatever degree it does exist any- where, this degree is higher in self-ruled coun- tries than it is in imperial dependencies. No informed person would be prepared to maintain that Spain, Mexico, the Central Amer- ican Republics, Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria —all of them self-governing, independent states —enjoy asuperior general social condition, or are better administered, than Burma, Java, British Guiana, the Federated Malay States, Korea, and the Philippine Islands—all of them ruled as dependencies. Self-rule and dependent rule each have in- herent in them the possibility of misrule. In self- ruled countries the danger lies in the dishonesty ' INTRODUCTORY 11 and incompetence of which partisan politics and political machinery are the supple instruments and the staunch defenders. As between the good of the country and the good of the party, the latter is usually—by the liberal use of patronage, and by the unrestrained employment of sophisti- cal oratory—accorded in practice the leading position. In dependencies the threat to good govern- ment comes from another source—the stupidity, the incompetence, or the arrogance of colonial officials. In the matter of corruption I am con- vinced beyond all doubt that, allowing for an occasional exception, the government of self- ruled countries is much more corrupt than that of colonial dependencies, and that, in the latter, malversation in public office is of very rare oc- currence. In the twenty-five years during which I have kept in touch with the dependencies con- trolled by the India Office and by the Colonial Office in London I have not heard of a dozen cases of graft on the part of non-native govern- ment officials above the rank of mere clerks. There exists, of course, in each type of govern- ment an obligation to govern well. This respon- sibility is rooted in morals, and where moral considerations do not operate with sufficient force to compel the ruling authority to govern well, the promptings of expediency will usually suffice 12 THE NEW KOREA to dip the seale on the side of reasonably humane and efficient administration. It seems to me that these two factors, morality and expediency, act with greater effectiveness in colonial dependencies than in self-governing countries, and this chiefly for two reasons. In self-governing countries the moral responsibilty is split up among thousands, or millions of voters; in dependencies it is centered in a single person, the Governor-General, the Governor, the Chief Commissioner, or whatever the title may be. In the former case every voter can shift the blame for bad government on to some one else’s shoulders; each political party can shift it on to the shoulders of the other party, one branch of a legislature can make a gift of it to the other; both branches can leave it on the doorstep of the Chief Executive; the Chief Executive can hand it back to the voters with the comment that he is but the servant of the people, that they had demanded certain legislation, certain administra- tive measures, and that he had carried out their wishes; finally, the Chief Executive and the Legislature can combine to lay the blame upon incompetent or corrupt officials, who will pres- ently be disciplined, reformed, dismissed, or de- nied re-election, as the case may be. In a dependency the situation is totally differ- ent. A Colonial Governor, vis-a-vis his colony and his Colonial Office in the home country, occu- INTRODUCTORY 13 pies a position analogous to that of a ship’s captain vis-a-vis his ship and his owners. He is directly responsible for the conduct of affairs; he takes the credit for success, he must accept the penalties of failure; he can never plead an alibi. Furthermore, the Colonial Governor looks for his advancement to the distant authority of a Secretary of State at the national capital. Pro- motion and other rewards will depend upon the way in which he administers his charge. He is little likely to earn them if, from preventable causes, his territory fails to advance in its health, prosperity, and general social condition; he is almost certain to miss them if, in consequence of harsh and incompetent administration, the people rise in revolt against his rule, or sink into the apathy and sloth which are the assured products of prolonged misgovernment. Briefly, the suc- cess of his rule will be the measure of his personal success. | Since he is directly responsible for the conduct of his subordinates, and for the appointment of most of them, and has in addition the power of promotion and dismissal, his officials have every incentive to earn their own advancement by ren- dering such service as will redound to the credit of the Governor. I do not intend to imply that a home govern- ment may not, even in modern times, be actuated by the base motive of ruthlessly exploiting a 14 THE NEW KOREA colonial dependency—the earlier history of the Belgian Congo is a case in point—or that in such circumstances the administration may not be as bad as the motive. But such a situation is, year by year, falling in the scale of statistical expectation because, international relations being what they now are, the influence of publicity being what it now is, and party tactics in home countries demanding, as they now do, a diligent assemblage of material on which to base attacks on the party in power, the ventilation of grave abuses in colonial administration presents a very serious political problem to the home government which is responsible for them or which tolerates them. : The other important factor, which has to be taken into account when estimating the proba- bility of government being competently admin- istered in a dependency, is one to which recent political events in Europe have imparted a strik- ing significance. It is that as social and eco- nomic conditions increase in complexity under the combined influences traceable to industrial development, to the growing size of commercial and banking enterprises, and to the gradual sub- stitution of the community for the individual as the unit of social progress, the problems of gov- ernment are, day by day, becoming less amenable to political solutions—to legislative debate, long ballots, and the popular election of public officials INTRODUCTORY 15 —and more clamorous of solutions dependent upon highly expert technical knowledge. The assumption that politics would be the com- petent and all-sufficient handmaid of social service was given authoritative currency through the propaganda associated with the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, and the fight for Parliamentary Reform in Eng- land. ‘These movements were spread over a period of about a century and a quarter, roughly from 1760 to 1890, a period during which public sentiment was strongly averse to the idea of government regulation, and was totally blind to the possibility that Government might become, as it has since become, not only the trustee of social progress but also its most powerful instru- ment. What these revolutionary and reform movements were chiefly concerned with was, in fact, settling what Government should not do to people, not with what Government should do for people. It is safe, indeed, to infer that the liberal- minded statesmen of the eighteenth and nine- teenth centuries would be horrified if they could witness the extent to which Government today intrudes upon everything, and regulates almost everything which happens to a citizen, or is done by him whilst he is moving from his cradle to his grave. Whether or not Government should under- 16 THE NEW KOREA take its vast business of regulation and of social service is a question upon which opinions may well differ; but the obstinate adhesion to the belief that politics, whose life-blood is a mixture of contention, intrigue, and self-interest, can and will furnish the spirit, the knowledge, and the technique essential to the effective handling of social and economic problems is what has brought parliamentary government into disrepute in almost every country in which it is practiced. The establishment of Fascism in Italy, the support which that principle is receiving in other countries, the adoption of the City-manager plan in the United States, the setting up, by the mutual consent of opposing interests, of “Czars”’ to administer the affairs of certain great Ameri- can industries (baseball and the movies, for in- stance), and the recent dictatorship in Spain, are all in their essence revolts against the open- to-all system of guidance and control. If my observation has led me to believe that in countries where authority ‘is vested in a small group of trained public officials there will, as a rule, be found a better administration of govern- ment than in countries where administration is subject to the influence of an uninformed and, ad hoc, unintelligent public, I do not from that belief infer that, because a country is ruled under a system of concentrated authority and of fixed responsibility, it is, therefore well governed. INTRODUCTORY 17 So, with reference to Korea, there can be found in its history under Japanese rule in- stances of the abuse of power, of official incom- petence, to some extent of corruption; but whether or not Korea has on the whole been well governed can be determined only from a study of the available data. From such a study, which has occupied me for more than three years, and of which the results are presented in this volume, I have formed the opinion that Korea is today infinitely better governed than it ever was under its own native rulers, that it is better governed than most self-governing countries, that it is as well governed as any of the British, American, French, Dutch, and Portuguese dependencies which I have visited, and is better governed than most of them, having in view as well the cultural and economic development of the people as the technique of administration. CHAPTER II DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL Descriptive— Korea* is a peninsula extending almost due south from Manchuria. Its area is ap- proximately 85,000 square miles; its coast-line is about eleven thousand miles long, and has the peculiarity that on the west and south it is deeply indented and, for the most part, fringed with islands, whereas the east coast presents an almost unbroken front and has very few islands adjacent to it. On the north, Korea is bounded by Manchuria, from which it is separated by the Yalu River, and by Asiatic Russia, which lies on the other side of © the Tumen River; on the east by the Sea of Japan; on the west by the Yellow Sea; and on the south by the Korea Strait. ‘The distance from Fusan, Korea’s southeastern port, to Moji, the port at the southwestern entrance of Japan’s Inland Sea, is only 135 miles. * The Japanese have adopted officially the name Chosen, by which the Peninsula was known in ancient times. Throughout this volume ‘Korea’ is used, as being more familiar to the world at large. 18 DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 19 The east coast of Korea has but two harbors of consequence—Seishin and Gensan—both in the northern sector, on the inprovement of which the Government-General has expended more than five million yen. On the south and west coasts, however, Korea is well supplied with good ports. Of these the principal one is Fusan, at the southeastern tip of the Peninsula. Here the Government has spent more than thirteen million yen in providing modern facilities. A steamer runs twice daily to and from Japan, and passen- gers can transfer directly on the dock to a train of the South Manchuria Railway. This railway en- ables one to travel without changing cars as far as Changchun in Northern Manchuria and, with a single change there or at Mukden, to go to Peking, Dairen in Southern Manchuria, or to make connection with the Trans-Siberian. Thus, one can go by rail from Fusan to any point in Northern Asia or in Europe which is provided with a railroad. The capital of Korea, Keijo (commonly called Seoul), is on the main line from Fusan, and is also connected by rail with the port of Jinsen (Chemulpo) on the west coast, and with Gensan on the east coast. Near the mouth of the Yalu is Shin-gishu, also on the South Manchuria Rail- way main line, which is becoming year by year an increasingly important depot for trade both by land and by sea. Other important ports on the 20 THE NEW KOREA west coast are Chinnampo, which serves Heijo, capital of the Province of South Heian; Kunsan, which is connected by rail with Ko-shu, the Pro- vincial Capital of South Chusei; and Mokpo, which is the port for Kwo-shu, capital of the Province of North Zenra. Korea may be described, topographically, as a country of constricted plains intersected by rug- ged mountain ranges. Along the east coast from north to south the mountains thrust themselves almost into the sea, and I have never seen a more beautiful or striking region than the Diamond Mountains, which lie to the south of Gensan. The whole of the east coast, so far as I saw it, presents an aspect of romantic wildness, which is enhanced by the extraordinary coloring of the soil and of the fantastically shaped crags and iso- lated pillars of rock. The soil is of a rich terra- cotta color, the unplanted portions furnishing a rich background for the brilliant green of the young rice plants. The rocks and crags, which in some places are bare, in others clothed with creepers, range in color between deep purple and rich yellow. It would not be a difficult under- taking to make the east coast of Korea into one of the most popular tourist resorts in the Far Fast. The climate of Korea, generally speaking, runs to extremes both of heat and of cold. Spring and autumn are very short seasons, and DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 21 the difference in temperature between day and night is very great, sometimes reaching 25 de- grees Fahrenheit in places near the Manchurian border. This difference is not so great in the south of the Peninsula, since there the climate is somewhat modified by the surrounding ocean. The cold in winter fluctuates, there being fre- quent short spells of mild weather, so that the people describe the winter climate as “three cold and four warm.” The mean annual temperature in southern Korea is about 55° F., in central Korea about 52°, and on the northern border about 40°. ‘The fall of rain and of snow is abundant compared with that of Manchuria and Mongolia, but scanty compared with that of Japan proper, being from thirty to forty inches a year in most places, gradually decreasing in the direction from southeast to northwest. The following account of the seasons is abridged from Dr. J. D. Van Buskirk’s “The Climate of Korea, and Its Probable Effect on Human Efficiency,” which was printed in the Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 10, 1919. Like the rest of the temperate zone, Korea has four seasons. The winter is quite cold and in the northern part especially is severe. In the north, frost occurs in September or October; and for about five months the mean daily tem- 22 THE NEW KOREA perature is below freezing point on the Man- churian border. Streams are frozen over for the whole winter, and there are severe snow storms. The station at Chukochin reports temperature as low as 41° below freezing point, Fahrenheit. Seoul has over two months with the mean daily temperature below freezing, and, during a period of five years, averaged twenty-eight days a year below freezing point every hour of the day. Summer is the rainy season. There are not such intensely hot days as are common in the United States, but the heat is continuous, so that the summers are more trying than in places in the United States having the same mean tem- perature. The highest temperature reported by the Government stations is 103.2° F. from Won- san (Gensan), but this is exceptional. Taikyu, the Provincial capital of North Keisho-do has as a rule the hottest weather, its maximum going as high as 103° EF’. The coast towns in the south have less extreme heat, Fusan reporting a maxi- mum of 91.5° F. and Mokpo 95.2° F. The humidity of the summer is high, and this, with the steady heat and the rains, makes the total effect of the summers quite depressing. Spring and autumn are nearly ideal seasons in Korea. The winter ends and spring advances almost imperceptibly—no hot days followed by severe cold, but a gradual warming up, with bright sunshine, occasional rains, and for the DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 23 most part gentle winds. There is in the southern part of the country, even as far north as Seoul, a distinct short season of rains in April. This furnishes an abundant supply of water to irri- gate the rice fields and makes this an ideal region for rice-farming. ‘The heat gradually grows more intense and the rains more heavy, and then summer has come. The autumn is comparatively warmer than the spring, alike sunshiny and equable. There is a more distinct marking of the beginning of autumn than of any other season. ‘The rains rather suddenly cease in September and there is a different feeling in the air. But autumn changes to winter so gradually that one hardly knows when winter begins. Population— The following data in regard to the population of Chosen are taken from the Annual Report on Administration of Chosen, 1922-1923 compiled by the Government-General, and issued in De- cember 1924. Under the old Korean Government no census, strictly speaking, was ever taken, or, if at- tempted, it was taken solely for the purpose of fixing the basis of tax assessment. ‘The men in charge unscrupulously indulged in the vicious practice of falsifying their returns in order that they might fatten on the taxes paid by families 24 THE NEW KOREA which they had omitted to record in the official registers. ‘The statistics compiled in this way were, of course, absolutely worthless. (When Japan established its protectorate, in 1906, the Japanese police adviser to the Korean Govern- ment found this evil very detrimental to the smooth working of civil administration, and therefore caused instructions to be sent to each provincial police office to make an honest count of the entire population on a given date. This was, one may say, the first real census ever taken in Korea. As there were many difficulties to be overcome the count could not be made as accu- rately as was desired, but the results showed that the population had been very much underesti- mated. Hitherto the population had been put at something over five million; the new count proved it to be nearly seven million. A more careful investigation, made after the annexation of 1910, placed the total population at 13,313,- 017; and the estimated population in 1923 was 17,626,761. Of this total the Koreans make up something over 17,000,000, the Japanese nearly 400,000, all other races about 32,000. The ratio of females to males was 94 to 100 among Koreans, 88 to 100 among Japanese, and 13.7 to 100 among foreigners. The following table shows the distribution of the population according to occupation. DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 25 Occupation Japanese | Korean Foreign Agriculture, forestry, and stock-farming. . 38,573 | 14,738,126 5.346 14,782,045 Fishing, and salt- manufacture 10,775 213,266 25 224,066 Industries 63,999 358,205 3,517 425,721 Commerce, and trans- portation 126,893 984,405 16,080 1,127,378 Public service, and the professions 325,733 1,576 444,389 Miscellaneous 410.561 4,737 435,940 Unrecorded 177,843 848 187,222 17,208,139 | 32,129 17,626,761 It is thus seen that slightly more than 80 per cent of the entire population of Korea is depend- ent for its subsistence upon direct use of land. The exact number of Koreans living outside the Japanese Empire is not known, but the latest investigations put it at more than 1,500,000, the large majority of whom live in Manchuria and Siberia, and the remainder in China (chiefly in Shanghai), in the United States, Hawaii, and Mexico. For the protection of Koreans living abroad, particularly for those in neighboring Chinese territory, a special item was incor- porated in the Korean budget for 1920; and the Governor-General, in co-operation with the Japanese consulates in Manchuria, is doing his best for their welfare by founding schools, hos- pitals, and monetary organs in important places, by sending doctors to treat gratis the sick in 26 THE NEW KOREA remoter parts, by encouraging the formation of Korean societies and giving them financial help, and by providing for the relief of poor Koreans in times of natural calamity. Moreover, as the activities, open or otherwise, of agitators abroad were the first cause of the popular unrest in Chosen at the time of the Inde- pendence Movement, the Japanese authorities saw the necessity of controlling them, as well as of protecting law-abiding Koreans from the in- trigues of the disaffected, by a more efficient method than had hitherto been employed. Ac- cordingly, the Japanese consuls at Antung, Mukden, Kirin, and Chientao—all in Manchuria —were, in 1920, charged with the duty of acting as secretaries of the Government-General of Korea. Little is known of the original inhabitants of Korea. When the Chinese statesman, Ki-tze, invaded the country in the twelfth century, B.C., he found the Peninsula occupied by cave- dwellers living in a state of savagery. ‘The race as it exists today is clearly of Mongol stock, but it presents points of difference from both the Chinese and the Japanese. The general consen- sus of opinion among foreign residents is that the Koreans are an amiable and intelligent people quite capable of responding to education and to other measures designed to foster social progress. I may add that neither in Korea nor DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 27 in Japan proper did I encounter any anti- Korean feeling. On the contrary I met many Japanese who were eager to enlarge upon the admirable features of the early Korean culture and to ex- press their appreciation of the contribution which Koreans had made to the art, religion, and philosophy of Japan itself, in the centuries pre- ceding the accession of the Yi Dynasty, which, after more than five hundred years of misrule had reduced the Korean people to a cultural and economic condition deplorable in the extreme, and which came to an end when Japan annexed the country in 1910. Ralways— The first railway construction undertaken in Korea was a line of about 25 miles between Seoul and Chemulpo. A concession for this under- taking was secured from the Government of Korea by an American citizen, Mr. James R. Morse, in 1898. The selection of this particular route was due to the circumstance that the line would connect the capital of the country with the nearest deep-water port. Whilst the line was still under construction it was bought by a Japanese company which car- ried the undertaking through and opened the line to traffic in 1902. ‘The next line to be con- structed was that from Seoul to Fusan, a port at the extreme southeastern tip of the Peninsula, 28 THE NEW KOREA about 135 miles from Moji, the nearest Japanese port. The concession for the construction and operation of this line was granted in 1898 to a Japanese syndicate which began work in 1901. The line was completed in 1904 and was opened to traffic on January 1, 1905, its length being 268 miles. | The outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904 gave a strong impetus to railway construc- tion, and by the end of 1905 the total mileage had increased to 636. In the following year the Japanese Government purchased the lines from Seoul to Fusan, and from Seoul to Chemulpo, and took over the two lines (Seoul-Shingishu, and the Masan branch line) built by the Japanese mili- tary engineers, thus bringing the whole railroad system under government control and manage- ment. At the time of the annexation of the country by Japan (1910) the management of the railways was assigned to the Railroad Depart- ment of the Government-General. From this time onward a steady increase has occurred in railroad mileage, and a great deal has been spent on improving the lines. Among the more important undertakings are to be noted the construction of an iron bridge, about 3000 feet long, across the Yalu River, connecting the Korean railroad system with that of the South Manchuria Railway Company; and the building of branch lines connecting the ports of Gensan DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 29 on the east coast, Chinampo on the west coast, and Mokpo on the south coast with the main line running north and south the whole length of the Peninsula. Several other lines are projected as part of a general plan to provide Korea with an adequate net-work of standard-guage and light railroads. The Mauapenent of all the state-owned rail- ways in Korea was, in 1917, entrusted to the South Manchuria Railway Company—an im- portant and highly efficient Japanese Corpora- tion. The terms of the arrangement are, in brief, that the Government makes the plans for new construction and improvements, and provides the capital for these purposes, while the Company is responsible for carrying out these plans, for the proper maintenance of the railways, and for their operation. With respect to the capital advanced by the Government since the annexation the Company must pay interest on it at the rate of 6 per cent, though the concession was made in 1921 that for the following three years it should pay interest at 4 per cent instead of 6 on the capital advanced in and after 1921. In the man- agement of the railways the Company must work within the terms of the laws and regulations of the Government-General, which are, except in minor details, the same as those in force in Japan proper. The general features of railway development 30 THE NEW KOREA during the ten years ending on March 31, 1922 are shown in the following table: RatLway DEVELOPMENT IN Korea 1912 * 1921 * Total amount of capital T....... . 114,720,385 | 214,906,215 Construction and repairs {....... . 8,767,647 18,287,156 Passenger receipts.............. . 8,820,185 13,361,903 Hreight reeeiptat iu eee kes . 2,816,482 11,454,094 Miscellaneous receipts........... : 180,596 3,293,689 otal receipisi eo. .uis eo aietes vie). . 6,817,263 28,109,695 Operating expenses............. SOD weg be 21,629,879 Number of passengers carried... . 4,399,022 13,821,144 Tons of freight carried.......... 1,105,362 3,331,381 Miles of line open to traffic...... 837 1,165 * The figures are for fiscal years, which end on March 31. + Invested up to the year. t During the year. Later figures are available for some of the foregoing items. Thus at the end of March, 1925, the mileage had increased to 13800, the number of passengers carried to 17,487,874, the receipts from traffic to 29,027,866, whilst the ton- nage of freight carried remained practically stationary. In addition to the state railways there are a number of short privately owned lines. At the time of annexation there was only one private line in operation, having a length of five miles. In 1914 the Government decided to subsidise such lines, on the principle of making up any deficit in profit below a certain percentage on the paid-up capital. Up to 1917 deficiencies were DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 31 made up by subsidy to the point of 6 per cent. This was raised to 7 per cent in 1918, and to 8 per cent in 1919. This policy exerted a marked influence on private railway construction. By 19238 the length of such lines open to traffic had increased to 333 miles, whilst those under con- struction, or projected, totaled 1340 miles. During the ten years 1912-1922 the number of passengers carried on private railways in- creased from 156,523 to 1,995,259, and the ton- nage of freight carried from 4161 to 536,650, in- cluding baggage. During the same period the paid-up capital of these undertakings mounted from less than 200 thousand yen to more than 26 million. Roads— Prior to the establishment of the Government- General, 1910, there were not fifty miles of good road in the whole country, almost all travel and transportation being done on narrow, deep- rutted tracks. In the interest of cultural and economic progress the Government-General laid out a project for constructing a net-work of good roads throughout the length and breadth of the Peninsula. The first part of the programme provided for the construction, over a number of years, of about 8000 miles of first- and second- class roads, the cost to be borne by the general revenue of the country, and of about 7000 miles 32 THE NEW KOREA of third-class road, to be paid for out of local taxation. Of this programme there had been carried to completion by the end of 1923 between 60 and 70 per cent of the proposed road-mileage —more than 5000 miles of first- and second-class roads and a little under 5000 miles of the third class. ) The classification of the roads is made accord- ing to the width—24 feet or more for the first class, not less than 18 feet for the second, and not less than 12 feet for the third. Of the total mileage now open to traffic, about 4000 miles can be used by automobiles. Streets— The most recent issue of the Annual Report on Administration of Chosen is that covering the year ending on March 31, 1923. It deals as follows with the question of street improvements. Towns in Chosen for the most part contain nar- row, dirty, and crooked streets, causing great incon- venience to communications and to sanitary and fire- brigade arrangements, and naturally hindering their development, so of late years much has been done for their improvement by straightening, grading, and widening existing streets, and by constructing new ones as circumstances required. Keijo (Seoul) is the capital of Chosen and quite different in scale and plan from other towns, so it was decided to conduct street improvements in it at _ DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 33 national expense. Forty-three of its streets were selected for improvement, of which thirteen were com- pleted at a cost of three million yen in the eight years from 1911 to 1918. The most important of these were made from 72 to 90 feet in width and provided with sidewalks. Where the traffic is heaviest the macadamised surface is tarred. Other roads were made not less than 48 feet in width, thus bringing about an extraordinary change in both the appear- ance and traffic-efficiency of the city. The second programme takes in nine streets, the budget estimate for which is 3,400,000 yen spread over six years from the fiscal year 1919, and this is still in course of execution. Chosen being still in the first stages of modernization in many ways, it was highly necessary to lay down a permanent plan for street improvement in towns of importance and promise, so the Government-General incorporated in the budget for the fiscal years 1921 and onward an item for investigation regarding town-planning, and started work on it in four large cities—Keijo, Fusan, Taikyu, and Heijo. There are now nine towns marked out for street improvement, including the principal seaports and provincial centers. The expenditure for this is to be defrayed out of local revenue with some assistance from the national treasury, and work in each is going on actively as a four to seven year enterprise. A proper sewerage system is a very necessary aid to sanitation, so it was decided to carry on its estab- lishment side by side with street improvement. On this work the city of Heijo was pledged to spend 34 THE NEW KOREA 580,000 yen in eleven years, Keijo 1,600,000 yen in seven years, and Taikyu 150,000 yen in five years. Part of the money thus allocated is provided by the national treasury and part by public bodies. Maritime Transportation— In order to insure regular maritime communi- cation, both coastwise and foreign, the old Korean government found it necessary to subsi- dise local steamship lines. This policy was adopted by the Government-General at the time of annexation, and has been continued down to the present time. At the beginning of 1923 it was granting an annual subsidy of 1,144,371 yen, distributed among 126 vessels of a total tonnage of about 20,000. ‘The contracts under which these subsidies are granted prescribe the routes to be followed, the number of voyages to be made, and the time-schedule to be maintained. In 1928 there were eighteen routes, of which four connected Korea with Japan, North China, and Vladivostock, the remainder linking up the vari- ous Korean ports with each other. Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone Communica- tions— Prior to 1876 there was nothing in Korea which could be dignified by the name of a postal service. In that year, however, the Japanese DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 35 Government opened a post office at Fusan, when the port was opened to foreign trade, and later, as Japanese settlers became more numerous, the number of post offices was gradually increased. At first only ordinary mail business was done; but as early as 1880 money orders were made available and a postal savings system started. To these services a parcel post was added in 1900. In the meantime the Korean Government had, in 1896, engaged a Japanese adviser in the Communications Department and organized the post office on modern lines. An agreement was concluded in 1905 by which the postal service of Korea was placed under the charge of the Im- perial Japanese Government; but in the follow- ing year the control was transferred to the newly-established Residency-General. When Korea was annexed to Japan in 1910 a Com- munications Bureau was created in the Govern- ment-General, and to it were assigned the con- trol and management of all postal, telegraph, and telephone business. In 1923 the permanent staff of the communication services numbered nearly 11,000 employees, with several thousand temporary workers engaged as occasion de- manded. As illustrating the rapidly increasing use made of the communication services it may be noted that between 1910 and 1923 the number of pieces of ordinary mail delivered in Korea advanced 36 THE NEW KOREA from 538 to 174 million, the number of parcels delivered from less than one million to more than two million and a half, the number of offices available for postal, telephone, or telegraph serv- ice from 395 to 739, and the number of telephone calls from less than 25 million to more than 82 million in the year. There is a steadily growing resort to the Post Office Savings Banks. In 1910 the total amount deposited by Japanese was 3 million yen, and by Koreans 200 thousand yen; in 1922 these figures had grown to 17 million and 2,750,000 respec- tively. Wireless apparatus was installed in 1910 on the Government signal-inspecting ship, and at three lighthouses; but the service has not yet been opened to the general public. Historical— A brief account of the relations between Korea and Japan in modern times will suffice to give the reader the broad facts pertinent to a consid- eration of the situation as it exists today. In 1894 Japan declared war on China, largely for the purpose of settling once for all the inter- national status of Korea, about which there had existed for centuries a dispute which constantly threatened the peace of the Far East. During more than two thousand years Korea had been alternately independent, and under the suze- DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 37 rainty of China, or of Japan. She had been repeatedly invaded from the north—by China, under both the Chinese and Manchu dynasties, by Mongols, and by nomadic tribes—and in 1592 the Regent of Japan, Hideyoshi, attacked Korea with an army of 300,000 men, as part of a proj- ect for the conquest of China. ‘These various invasions and raids, together with the prevalence of piracy in Korean waters led the Korean au- thorities to adopt and to enforce with the utmost rigor a policy of absolute national seclusion, a policy which was followed for several centuries and was enforced with great rigor. It was from this circumstance that Korea became known throughout the world as the Hermit Kingdom. History has proved that this attitude of no-intercourse cannot be indefinitely main- tained. In the case of Korea the matter was complicated by the question of the Chinese suze- rainty. Was Korea a vassal state of China, or was she not? The answer made by Korea and China was at one time yes, at another time no. Thus, whenever it suited the purpose of the Koreans to claim the protection of China, the plea was made that the suzerain must defend the vassal; when, however, China sought to make its suzerainty effective for some purpose of her own, the Korean argument was that the suzerainty was a mere figment, the annual tribute being paid solely on sentimental grounds in perpetua- 38 THE NEW KOREA tion of an ancient custom which had completely lost its practical significance. Conversely, when Peking saw some advantage to be gained by insisting on the living force of the suzerainty the point was made very clear to the Koreans; but when, as occurred from time to time—as, for example, when French and American punitive expeditions attacked Korea in 1866 and 1871, respectively—foreign nations sought redress from Korea for wrongs done to their citizens, China disclaimed any kind of bond with Korea which made her responsible for the latter’s acts. No country had more reason to be irritated by the posture of Korean affairs than had Japan. In 1875 a Japanese war-ship was fired on by a KKorean shore-battery without the slightest provocation. The Japanese at once captured the fort, and seized all the arms and ammunition in it. Tokyo decided that the occasion was favor- able for bringing to an end the equivocal rela- tionship between Korea and China. General Kiyotaka Kuroda was sent to Korea as Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, charged with the task of concluding a treaty between Japan and Korea. This compact, known as the Treaty of Kwangha, was signed in 1876. It provided for the mutual opening of ports, for mutual permission to trade, and for the formal recognition by Japan of the independence of DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 39 Korea. It is from this date that an account of Japanese-Korean relations, in modern times, may take its departure. In 1880 a Japanese Legation was established at Seoul, and it was hoped by sober-minded Japanese statesmen that with direct representa- tion at the Korean capital the relations between the two countries would assume a more friendly tone. ‘These hopes were not destined to be ful- filled. There existed at the time a long-standing rivalry between a party headed by the King of Korea’s uncle, the Tai Wen Kun, and the rich and powerful family of the Mins, of which the Queen of Korea was amember. In this domestic quarrel China intervened on the side of the Mins, sending troops into the Peninsula for the pur- pose of suppressing a revolt started by the Tai Wen Kun. For years Korea was the scene of coups d’état and of insurrections, in the course of which the Japanese Legation was twice attacked —once in 1882 by a Korean mob aided by Korean soldiers, and once in 1884 by Korean and Chinese troops acting in co-operation. On each occasion the Japanese Minister, with his wife and chil- dren, had to seek safety in flight. The constant intrusion of China upon the field of Korean domestic affairs is what led up to the Chino-Japanese War of 1894-5. Japan had recognized the independence of Korea in 1876, by the Treaty of Kwangha; and there was, of 4.0 THE NEW KOREA course, a reciprocal obligation on the shoulders of Korea to repudiate the Chinese suzerainty. Notwithstanding this, the Korean Government, in 1894, asked China to send troops to Korea to put down a formidable rebellion. Early in June the Chinese force arrived, and the Japanese im- mediately countered by sending a military guard to her Minister in Seoul, and, a little later, by despatching to the Peninsula a force of some 5000 troops. The situation thus created was dif- ficult in the extreme. ‘The Japanese were not prepared to recognize the Chinese claim that Chinese troops were in the country as the de- fenders of a Chinese dependency; but they sug- gested that the Chinese and the Japanese should act together in restoring order and in initiating such reforms as should conduce to the future peace of the country. ‘This proposal was re- jected. In the meantime China had moved an army of about eight thousand troops to a point on the Yalu, near the Korean frontier. The Japanese Minister brought the matter to a head by delivering an ultimatum to the Korean Gov- ernment in respect to its failure to live up to the terms of the Treaty of Kwangha. This was on July 20th; three days later the Japanese occu- pied the palace and, virtually, made the King prisoner. Japan declared war on China on August Ist, actual fighting having taken place a few days DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 41 earlier, both on land and at sea. The details of the fighting are of no interest in the present con- nection. Japan was completely victorious, the extent of her triumph being testified to by the terms of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. So far as Korea was concerned, Japan carried her point, the recognition of the absolute independence of the country. Shortly after this the Queen of Korea was murdered under circumstances for which no terms of condemnation could be too strong. ‘The facts are relevant to the relations of Korea and Japan at the time, for the murder had a very im- portant influence upon the subsequent course of events. On October 8, 1895, a band of Korean and Japanese assassins, after long and careful preparation, entered the inner chambers of the Palace at Seoul and killed the Queen. Not only does the evidence establish it beyond doubt that one of the prime movers in this plot was the Japanese Minister at Seoul; but that evidence is supplied by the Japanese Judge of Preliminary Enquiry who investigated the murder. The findings of this judge make the most extraordi- nary reading. He describes the plot, names all the prisoners before him as having been con- cerned in it, states that its object was to murder the Queen, leads his conspirators to the outside of the palace, and continues: “‘About dawn the whole party entered the palace through the 42 THE NEW KOREA Kwang-hwa Gate, and at once proceeded to the inner chambers. Notwithstanding these facts, there is no sufficient evidence to prove that any of the accused actually committed the crime originally meditated by them. . .”; and then immediately discharges all the prisoners! This is certainly one of the most disgraceful episodes in the annals of colonial rule. It is relieved by only one mitigating circumstance, namely that there is no evidence to show that any of the Government officials in Tokyo were con- cerned in the matter. The murder of the Queen improved the gen- eral aspect of affairs, from the Japanese stand- point, by removing a woman who had been their bitterest and most unscrupulous opponent, and by increasing the influence of the Tai Wen Kun, who was supple to the Japanese intentions. The conception undoubtedly entertained in Tokyo at the conclusion of the war with China was that, with the question of the Chinese suze- rainty definitely and finally disposed of, Korea, reformed and strengthened by Japanese aid and advice, would serve as an effective buffer state as against China or Asiatic Russia, should either of them attempt to use the Peninsula as a base for operations against Japan. It is very doubt- ful whether the real independence of Korea could have been preserved even under the most favor- able circumstances; and as time passed the cir- DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 43 cumstances became, from the Japanese point of view, as unfavorable as could be imagined. A Japanese statesman called upon to defend the Korean policy of his country in the years following the Chino-Japanese War would pre- sent his case somewhat as follows. In going to war with China, Japan had thrown her own fate into the scales. If she should suf- fer defeat—and when you fight a people which outnumbers your own by ten to one, and whose territory and natural resources present an equal disproportion, defeat is certainly a very serious possibility—she was prepared to suffer the con- sequences. That among these would have been loss of territory and the payment of an indemnity cannot be doubted. If Japan secured a complete victory—as, in the event, she did—she expected to gather such fruits as she could compel her adversary to de- liver as the price of a treaty of peace. Among these fruits was the cession to Japan of the Chinese Peninsula of Liao-tung. Before the treaty was signed, however, France, Germany, and Russia intervened, and forbade the cession to Japan of any territory on the Chinese main- land. It was impossible for Japan to offer any resistance to an ultimatum with such formidable backing: her victorious troops were withdrawn; the Liao-tung Peninsula was restored to China. Within three years of the date on which the AA, THE NEW KOREA principle of an inviolate Chinese mainland had been used as the pretext for forcing Japan out of Liao-tung, the three defenders of China against Japanese “aggression” were all in com- fortable occupation of various parts of the “inviolate” Chinese mainland—Germany in Kiaochow, on a 99 years’ lease; France in Kwangchouwan, on a 99 years’ lease; and, as a crowning triumph of international cynicism, Russia, on a 25 years’ lease of the very Liao- tung Peninsula from which she had been chiefly instrumental in ejecting Japan. Although Great Britain had refused to take any part in the coercion of Japan, her conception of her own national interest led her to adopt the policy of occupying Chinese territory on lease. In the south she secured a 99 years’ lease of 370 ‘square miles on the mainland opposite Hong ‘Kong, as an offset to the French lease of Kwang- chouwan; in the north she leased the territory of: W ei-hai-wei, 285 square miles, for so long a time as Russia should remain in possession of Port Arthur. In what sense was Japan to interpret these manceuvres? Was it possible for her to see in them anything but a determination on the part of the great European powers to prescribe for and to enforce upon Japan a rule of conduct totally different from that by which they them- selves would be bound; and which, if Japan DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL AB should subscribe to it, would deprive her not only of every advantage attached to her geographical situation off the coast of Asia, but also of every further advantage which she might legitimately (according to the international code of ethics hitherto in force) expect to derive from her rapid development, from her strong and unifying sen- timent of nationality, from her tireless industry, and from her heroic military qualities? Was Japan, in brief, to accept the restrictions of a self-denying ordinance at the very moment when England had reached the climax of her territorial acquisitions in every quarter of the globe, when Russia and Germany were fortifying themselves on Chinese soil almost within sight of the Japanese coast, when France was reforming her administration, strengthening her garrison, and extending her control in Indo-China, when the United States had recently taken possession of the Philippine Islands? To have yielded to such a preposterous demand would have constituted a betrayal of the Japan- ese nation in which no reputable statesman could conceivably have become an accomplice, since so to yield would have earned for the persons responsible the just execration of their own nationals and the just contempt of all men who esteem patriotism to be a virtue. Thus, a hypothetical Japanese statesman. For my own part I am convinced that whatever 46 THE NEW KOREA chance there had ever been of Korea attaining independent nationhood, was destroyed when Germany, France, and Russia deprived Japan of the fruits of her victory over China, took those very fruits for themselves, and thus taught Japan the bitter lesson that if she wished to obtain a valid guaranty for her future security, to present to the world a valid sanction for her foreign policy, she must develop her own military strength. This Japan proceeded to do. Prior to the Chino-Japanese War, Japan’s expenditure on her army had, for a number of years, averaged less than seven million dollars; in 1903 the army estimates exceeded 25 million dollars. At the outbreak of the Chino-Japanese War Japan’s navy consisted of about fifty vessels of a total tonnage of less than 75,000; at the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, 1904, the number of vessels had increased to 160, the tonnage to ap- proximately 800,000. | I was in the Far East during the years 1902-4. Everyone with whom I discussed the matter, from Lahore to Wei-hai-wei, was confident that war between Japan and Russia was inevitable unless one or the other of two highly improbable contingencies should arise—one that Japan should decide to acquiesce in Russia’s obvious in- tention of making herself the dominating power in Korea; the other that Russia should reverse DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 4:7 her historic policy of thrusting southward from the Trans-Siberian Railway until she found her- self, at whatever cost of men and money, mistress of an ice-free port in northeastern Asia. The Russian advance toward the north Pacific had been carefully planned and effectively exe- cuted. At the beginning of the twentieth cen- tury Japan saw her great rival occupying the Liao-tung Peninsula, in virtual control of the Chinese Province of Manchuria, and in possession of two of the most formidable naval and military bases to be found anywhere in the world— Vladivostock, within a few hours’ steaming of Korea’s northeastern boundary; Port Arthur, within a few hours of her southwestern boundary. That these fortresses were separated by the Korean Peninsula, that the former was ice-bound for six months in the year, that the latter was too small to serve adequately the naval and commer- cial needs of Russia in that quarter were facts to be set side by side with Russia’s diplomatic pres- sure on the Korean Court, her intimate relations with the anti-Japanese party in Korea, and her efforts to purchase land in or near Korea’s south- ern ports. ‘There were a number of attractive possibilities: the excellent ice-free port of Ma- sampo might be leased, thus giving Russia a naval base within two hundred miles of the Japanese coast; it might be feasible to secure control of the proposed railroad from Wiju, on the Manchurian 48 THE NEW KOREA frontier, for the construction of which a French company had obtained a concession, thus assuring an all-rail connection from northern Manchuria into the heart of the Peninsula; and other, simi- lar, opportunities presented themselves. During the summer of 1903 Japan decided that the time was ripe to make a definite stand against Russia’s steady advance through Man- churia to the Korean border, and to put an end to the ceaseless intrigues by which, within Korea itself, Russian agents were preparing for the day when the Russian flag would fly over the palace at Seoul. Negotiations were opened with St. Petersburg with a view to reaching some agree- ment on the broad question of Russian-J apanese relations in the Far East. Between August, 1908, and February, 1904, ten different drafts of a proposed treaty were discussed; but the evasive and otherwise unsatisfactory character of the Russian proposals and counter-proposals con- vinced the Japanese cabinet that it was hopeless to look for a peaceful solution of the problem. Japan having, in defence of her Korean policy, fought the most populous nation of Asia would now, in the same cause, fight the most populous nation of Kurope. On February 5, 1904, the negotiations were broken off, and a few days later war was declared. From this point onward Japanese policy to- ward Korea stiffened. The first evidence of the DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 49 new attitude was the conclusion of a Protocol between the two countries on February 23, 1904. Although Japan reasserts her guaranty of the independence and territorial integrity of Korea, it is agreed that “. . . the Imperial Government of Korea shall place full confidence in the Im- perial Government of Japan and adopt the ad- vice of the latter in regard to improvements in administration”; and, further, that “in case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea, or the territorial integrity of Korea, is endangered by the aggression of a third power, or by internal disturbances, the Imperial Government of Japan shall immediately take such necessary measures as the circumstances require, and in such cases, the Imperial Government of Korea shall give full facilities to promote the action of the Im- perial Japanese Government. . . . Japan may, for the attainment of the above mentioned ob- jects, occupy, when the circumstances require it, such places as may be necessary from strategical points of view.” Another agreement, signed on August 22, 1904, makes it mandatory on the Korean Goy- ernment to engage a Japanese financial adviser, whose advice must be heard before any financial matter is acted upon; and a foreign diplomatic adviser, recommended by the Japanese Govern- ment, without whose previous counsel no impor- tant matter concerning foreign relations is to be 50 THE NEW KOREA dealt with. 'The final article of the agreement reads: “The Korean Government shall previ- ously consult the Japanese Government in con- cluding treaties and conventions with foreign powers, and in dealing with other important diplomatic affairs, such as the grant of conces- sions to or contracts with foreigners.” It is obvious that one effect of this agreement was to make Korea a protectorate of Japan, whilst leaving public authority to be exercised in the name of the Emperor of Korea. ‘The next step taken in the course which led, finally, to annexation, was an agreement dated November 17, 1905. ‘The preamble contains the significant provision that “the following stipulations are to serve until the moment arrives when it is recog- nized that Korea has attained national strength.” The agreement provided that the external rela- tions of Korea should in future be conducted by the Department of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo; that Japanese diplomatic and consular officers should have charge of the subjects and interests of Korea in foreign countries; that Japan should assume responsibility for the execution of treaties already existing between Korea and other pow- ers; that the Government of Korea should not in future enter into any act or engagement of an international character except through the me- dium of the Government of Japan; and that the Government of Japan undertakes to maintain DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 51 the welfare and dignity of the Imperial House of Korea. Article 3 completely changed the character of Japan’s representation vis-d-vis the Korean Court. The envoy is replaced by a Resident- General, having the right of private and personal audience with the Emperor of Korea, and the Japanese consuls are replaced by Residents, to be stationed at the several open ports and at such other places in Korea as the Government of Japan may deem necessary. It is to be observed that in this agreement no mention is made of Korean independence, the fact being, probably, that by this time Japan realized the impracticable quality of a policy which on the one hand made her responsible for Korea’s national status, and on the other left her with no sufficient authority in the country to prevent the occurrence of events which might at any moment involve her in the most serious inter- national difficulties. On November 22, 1905, the Japanese Govern- ment issued a declaration to the powers in treaty- relation with Korea, in which is presented a clear and frank account of her new Korean policy. The document runs as follows: The relations of propinquity have made it neces- sary for Japan to take and exercise, for reasons closely connected with her own safety and repose, a paramount interest and influence in the political and 52 THE NEW KOREA military affairs of Korea. The measures hitherto taken have been purely advisory, but the experience of recent years has demonstrated the insufficiency of measures of guidance alone. The unwise and im- provident action of Korea, more especially in the domain of her international affairs, has in the past been the most fruitful source of complications. To permit the present unsatisfactory condition of things to continue unrestrained and unregulated would be to invite fresh difficulties, and Japan believes that she owes it to herself and to her desire for the general pacification of the extreme East to take the steps necessary to put an end once for all to this dangerous situation. Accordingly, with that object in view and in order at the same time to safeguard its own posi- tion and to promote the well-being of the government and people of Korea, the Imperial Government has resolved to assume a more intimate and direct influ- ence and responsibility than heretofore in the ex- ternal relations of the Peninsula. The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea is in accord with the Imperial Government as to the absolute necessity of the measure, and the two Governments, in order to provide for the peaceful and amicable establishment of the new order of things, have con- cluded the accompanying compact. In bringing this agreement to the notice of the powers having treaties with Korea, the Imperial Government declares that in assuming charge of the foreign relations of Korea and in undertaking the duty of watching over the execution of the existing treaties of that country, they will see that those treaties are maintained and respected, and also engages not to prejudice in any DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 58 way the legitimate commercial and industrial in- terests of those powers in Korea. Both in respect of foreign and of internal affairs the new arrangement proved to be unsatis- factory. So far as reforming the Korean sys- tem of administration was concerned two circum- stances combined to make the task hopeless; the Korean officials were bound to listen to the advice of their Japanese advisers in the various depart- ments, but they were not bound to follow it; and most of these officials were dishonest and grossly incompetent. The situation might have pro- longed itself had it not been for a highly inju- dicious step taken by the Korean Emperor, in 1907, in direct violation of that article of the agreement of 1905 under which Korea pledged herself not to enter into any act of an interna- tional character, except through the medium of Japan. In July, 1907, there appeared at The Hague three Koreans who sought recognition as delegates to the Peace Conference, offering as their credentials a document bearing the seal of the Korean Emperor. When this news reached Japan it created a good deal of excitement, since it appeared to contain the threat that the whole Korean problem was about to be opened up again. Public opinion was seriously disturbed, and the press was almost unanimous in demand- ing a strong course of action. Such a course the Government decided to adopt. 54 THE NEW KOREA At the time, Marquis Ito (a sincere friend and well-wisher of Korea) was Resident-General in Seoul. To him was sent Viscount Hayashi, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, with au- thority to act in the circumstances, after con- sultation with the Resident-General. He arrived in Seoul on July 18. During his service as Resident-General, Marquis Ito had reached the firm conviction that Korean affairs could never be put in any decent state of order as long as the throne was occupied by the Emperor, who had shown himself to be wholly untrustworthy, and who, moreover, had done everything possible to hinder the progress of internal reform. YF or- tunately there had recently been appointed a new Korean Cabinet, composed of men who saw clearly that unless the Emperor and his Court should cease their pernicious interference with the conduct of Government, it would be impos- sible to save the Imperial House from the most serious consequences. ‘The present crisis put in the hands of the Cabinet a weapon which they were glad to employ in the general interest of the country. Even before the arrival of Viscount Hayashi the Cabinet had urged upon the Em- peror the advisability of abdicating in favor of his son. ‘The day after the Viscount’s arrival their arguments prevailed; and on July 17, the Korean Minister of Justice carried to the Resi- dent-General the Emperor’s announcement of his DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 55 abdication. Shortly after the matter became generally known there was serious rioting in Seoul, precipitated by a mutinous regiment of Korean troops. After a series of conferences between the Japanese Representatives and the Korean Cab- inet, and between the latter and the new Em- peror, an agreement was signed between Japan and Korea on July 24, 1907. This agreement left the Imperial Korean House still on the throne; but it placed Japan in practical control of the administration of the country, by making the appointment and dis- missal of all high officials in Korea dependent upon the concurrence of the Resident-General, by providing for his previous assent to the enact- ment by the Korean Government of all laws, ordinances, and regulations, and by binding the Government to appoint as Korean officials any J apanese subjects recommended by the Resident- General. Having in view the general conditions of the country in the period after the new agreement, it is difficult to see how Japan could long postpone an act of annexation, unless she was prepared to face indefinitely the risks and inconveniences of an anomalous administrative system. A Treaty of Annexation was negotiated between the two governments, and was signed on August 22, 1910, by Viscount Masakata 'Terauchi, Resident- 56 THE NEW KOREA General, and by Yi Wan Yong, Minister Presi- dent of State. In the first Annual Report compiled by the Government-General, which succeeded the Resi- dency-General, the subject of the annexation is thus dealt with: The Governments of both Japan and Korea, ex- erting for more than four years, their utmost efforts in the way of administrative reform, and looking forward to the consummation of the desired end, the improvements and progress made were by no means small. But they failed to find in the Protectorate régime sufficient guarantees of the permanent welfare of the Imperial Family of Korea and of the pros- perity of the people. In spite of the fact that a number of pacificatory measures with regard to insurgents were put into effect, insurgents and brigands continued to appear in certain localities, and could not be put down. Escorts of police or gendarmes. were often needed for officials, individuals, and letter-carriers, travelling in the remote interior or mountainous regions. Even a certain class of peaceful people, instigated by reck- less agitators, were led to believe that Japanese revenue officers would carry away to Japan the money collected as taxes; and thus, frequently, they at- tempted to do injury to these officials. In the blind- ness of fury and inspired by short-sighted supersti- tion and mistaken patriotism, a band of Koreans assassinated Mr. Durham White Stevens, a citizen of the United States, Councillor to the Korean Govern- ment, in March, 1908, in San Francisco, on his way DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 57 to Washington on furlough. In October of the fol- lowing year, Prince Ito, who had filled the office of Resident-General in Korea till June, was also as- sassinated by a Korean in Harbin Station, when he was on a visit to North China. In the following December, a Korean further attempted to kill Mr. Yi Wan-Yong, the Prime Minister of the Korean Government. Thus distressing conditions still existed in Korea, and uneasiness and anxicty often kept the Imperial Family of that country in a state of misery, while the Ministers of State had to be constantly escorted by armed policemen. In these conditions the Imperial Government failed to find in the régime of a Protectorate in Korea suffi- cient hope of realising the improvements which they had had in view, despite the fact that many reform measures had been introduced for the benefit of the Korean people. Stability of public peace and order not being firmly established yet, a spirit of suspicion and misunderstanding still dominated the whole Peninsula, and the mass of people were burdened with anxiety. Most of the Japanese and foreigners in Korea had to confine their residence to cities, ports, or towns along the railway lines and could not enter the interior to engage permanently in business. In order to sweep away evils rooted during the course of many years as well as to secure the well- being of the Korean Imperial Family, to promote the prosperity of the country, and at the same time to insure the safety and repose of Japanese and foreign residents, it had been made abundantly clear that, the Protectorate system being unable to achieve these aims, Korea must be annexed to the Empire and 58 THE NEW KOREA brought under the direct administration of the Im- perial Government. There being no other way to attain the object in view, the Japanese conceived the policy of annexation as early as July, 1909. Even afterward the actual condition of affairs in Korea had continued to grow worse and worse, with no ap- parent hope of improvement. The assassinations of Mr. Stevens and Prince Ito, and the attempt to as- sassinate Premier Yi, mentioned already, induced cer- tain classes of Koreans to tender to their Sovereign and the Resident-General a petition for annexation, so that the question became a matter of public agita- tion among officials as well as among the people of Japan. In fine the necessity of annexation grew day by day, and the measure was finally carried into effect on August 29, 1910. That the aims set forth in the foregoing quota- tion have been pursued during the past sixteen years with a great, and in some directions with an astonishing measure of success is made evident in the body of the present volume. For the first nine years of the Government-General’s exist- ence Korea was administered under a system which, though it yielded many benefits for the Korean people, was applied with far too much military harshness and inflexibility. It was most unfortunate for everybody concerned that a rule of this character should have existed at the time when the extremely difficult and arduous work of organizing a new government was in progress. In such an undertaking the authorities could have DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 59 found no more powerful ally than a spirit of friendliness among the people. The measures taken to stamp out the Inde- pendence Movement of 1919, stupid, cruel, and unjustifiable as some of them undoubtedly were, accomplished their purpose. F'rom that time on- ward Korea has enjoyed a period of internal tranquillity and of general progress for which the previous history of the country affords no re- motest parallel. Of the Independence Movement itself I have little to say in the present connection. The Inde- pendence Party contained many Koreans of excellent intelligence and education, inspired by a deep nationalist feeling. Whether or not the Japanese administration of the country had been so conducted as to justify an attempt to subvert it has no bearing upon the “right” of the Koreans to make the attempt. The “right” of revolt is inherent wherever Government exists, whether that government is of native origin or has been imposed from without. Whenever such revolts occur those who take part in them fall into three groups—one is made up of men and women profoundly convinced that success will result in benefit to the general wel- fare, and who have no aim other than this; one contains those who, from selfish motives of per- sonal advantage, wish to substitute themselves for those then in power; one is a nondescript rabble 60 THE NEW KOREA which welcomes the opportunity of fishing in troubled waters. ‘Those who belong to the first group deserve and usually receive the respect which mankind pays to those who offer their lives and their property in support of an honestly held conviction; and of these sincere patriots the Korean Independence Movement contained an unusually large proportion. It seems to me that there is absolutely no possi- bility of Korean Independence being reached by the road of revolt. The Koreans cannot drive the Japanese out of the country; and if the cause of JXorean Independence were espoused by any na- tion powerful enough to create a serious threat to the Japanese occupancy, the first move made to carry out that threat would, without question, plunge Asia into war overnight, and would bring most of the balance of the world into the struggle within a month. There is one possibil- ity, and one only, of an independent Korea. If at some future time the League of Nations, or some similar Association of Powers, should pre- scribe a universal surrender of all colonial de- pendencies to their native inhabitants, Korea would be one of Japan’s contributions to the gen- eral settlement. Such a possibility is, of course, too remote to call for present discussion. I found informed opinion both in Korea and in Japan divided on the question of what, short of independence, would be the ultimate status of the DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL 61 Peninsula. Two theories held the field—one that it will become an integral part of the Japanese political system, sending elected representatives to the Imperial Diet; the other that it will event- ually be given Dominion home-rule within the Japanese Empire. Speaking as a person in whom the idea of Korean Independence incites neither mental nor moral resistance I may express my belief that those Koreans will be doing their country the greatest service who co-operate with the Japanese in building up the cultural and economic con- ditions favorable on the one hand to the granting, and on the other to the successful use, of local self-government. During the past year the news from Korea justifies the hope that a trend in this direction has already set in. To whatever extent it exists the credit is due chiefly to the humane and concilia- tory attitude of Governor-General Saito toward the Korean people, and to the wise measures which, for more than six years, have been the fruit of an unstinting employment of his unusual energy and of his still more unusual adminis- trative talents. | CHAPTER III SUMMARY: The internal administration of Korea has, for many years, been a matter of earnest solicitude to the Japanese. ‘The dangers and annoyances as- sociated with corrupt and grossly inefficient rule in a country whose southern coast-line is within a few hours’ steaming from Japan will be obvious to those who have had occasion to study the causes of the Spanish-American War, and to those who, today, are hoping to see Mexico develop in such a way as to encourage the most cordial relations with the United States. There exists, indeed, a certain type of mind to which the contagion of misrule conveys no threat to domestic tranquillity on the other side of a frontier, to which the circumstances of American territorial expansion, and of the extension of British rule in India, teach no lesson. Intelligent observers, however, are aware that bad govern- ment can be as poor a neighbor as bad health, that social unrest can cross a boundary line as readily as small-pox or yellow fever, that the “land- grabbing” of the English-speaking races, which followed the original conquest or settlement was 62 SUMMARY 63 due in large measure to the necessity of bringing within the national sovereignty a neighbor who, for one reason or another, was a menace to the national welfare. In the case of Korea the menace to Japan arose from two main causes—first, that centuries of misrule had reduced the Korean people to a con- dition from which it was hopeless to expect that, through a popular demand for internal reform, Korea might lift itself into the rank of a State having sufficient wealth and sufficient power to maintain its independence; second, and as a con- sequence of the first, that, either by force or by guile, Russia or China might take possession of the Peninsula, thus creating a strategic situation which could not be tolerated by any person or party responsible for the national defence of Japan. All available evidence tends to prove that for many years Japanese policy toward Korea was concerned chiefly with securing for that country the position of an independent sovereign State, and for herself the acceptance by the great powers of the principle that Japan’s interest in Korean affairs was to be considered predominant, in the sense that England’s special interest in Egypt, and that of the United States in Latin America, had received tacit recognition in the world’s chancelleries. | In support of the first conception Japan de- 64 THE NEW KOREA clared war on China in 1894 and, in the Treaty of Shimoneseki, exacted the renunciation of China’s suzerainty over Korea and the acknowl- edgment of that country’s independence. In de- fence of the second conception Japan, having in view the Russian occupation of Vladivostok and of Port Arthur, the conversion of these places into two of the most formidable fortresses in existence, the extension of the Trans-Siberian Railway to the Korean frontier, and the per- sistent Russian intrigues in Manchuria and in Korea itself, fought the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905. At the conclusion of the War Japan decided that in the interest of Korea, in her own interest, and in the general interest of peace and progress in the Far East, her power to influence the Gov- ernment of Korea in respect of administrative reform, which had hitherto depended upon diplo- matic procedure and upon the activities of several Japanese advisers in various departments, could be made effective only by establishing a Resi- dency-General somewhat after the pattern of that set up by the British in the Federated Malay States, a system which had yielded the most bene- ficial results. This was done in 1905, and had the practical effect of making Korea a Japanese Pro- tectorate. Under the original arrangement the results of the new policy were unsatisfactory, be- cause it was not mandatory upon the Korean SUMMARY 65 officials to follow the advice of the Resident- General. This situation was remedied in 1907 by the conclusion of a Convention between Korea and Japan, under the terms of which the Gov- ernment of Korea “shall follow the direction of the Resident-General in connection with the reform of the administration” and “shall not enact any law or ordinance, or carry out any im- portant administrative measure, except with the previous approval of the Resident-General.” Three years’ experience under the new system showed that it could not be operated successfully in face of the hostility, of the indifference, incom- petence, or dishonesty of the Korean officials. In Korea, as elsewhere, divided authority and re- sponsibility—the method of diarchy—led to little but social unrest and administrative impotence. Accordingly, under the terms of a Treaty signed on August 22, 1910, by the plenipotentiaries of the two countries, the Emperor of Korea made complete and permanent cession to the Emperor of Japan of all rights of sovereignty over the whole of Korea. A week later the Emperor of Japan issued an Imperial Rescript announcing the annexation and ordering the establishment of the office of Governor-General of Korea. From August 29, 1910 Japan has had full responsibil- ity for, and full power in, the administration of Korea. The Japanese proclamations issued at the time 66 THE NEW KOREA of the annexation were couched in conciliatory language, and the measures adopted when the transfer of authority was effected were well cal- culated to mollify public sentiment. The im- perial house of Korea was liberally provided for, its dignity was preserved by granting to the ex- emperor and to other members of the imperial family the same privileges and honors enjoyed by princes of the imperial blood in Japan, peerages were conferred upon a number of Korean nobles. An imperial donation of thirty million yen (fifteen million dollars U. S.) was made by the Emperor of Japan, of which about one third was bestowed upon Korean noblemen, meritorious public servants, scholars, indigent widows, wid- owers, orphans, and others, the balance, of some- thing over seventeen million yen, being set aside as a permanent fund of which the annual interest was to be devoted to giving various forms of aid to Koreans. If the imperial donation to Korea was only equal to three-quarters of that which the United States had paid in respect of the cession of the Philippine Islands, it should not be over- looked that the American money went to the Spanish Government, whereas the Japanese Do- nation went to the Korean people. The problems confronting the Government- General of Korea were neither few nor simple. The purpose of the Japanese was to set up a thoroughly modern administrative system, to de- SUMMARY 67 velop the natural resources of the country, and to foster trade and industry. ‘The road to success was encumbered with every imaginable obstacle. The whole machinery of administration had to be planned, a complete civil service had to be cre- ated, a large staff of technical experts had to be engaged, a financial system had to be devised capable of yielding the revenue essential for the carrying out of the government’s policy. The situation presented but one favorable cir- cumstance, the docile character of the mass of the Korean people. There was not, at the time of annexation, nor has there since arisen, any ground for serious anxiety on the part of the Japanese military authorities. It is, therefore, difficult for a foreign observer to understand why the Japanese Government should have made the rule that the Governor-General of Korea could only be appointed from the roster of officers of the army or navy. Experience proved that in this matter a serious mistake in policy had been made, and in 1919 the restriction was removed, the appointment being thrown open to civilians. The selection of military officers for colonial governorships has been a common practice both of the Dutch and the British; but it is an objec- tionable procedure. History furnishes, indeed, instances in which the talent for conducting mili- tary enterprises has been combined with the tal- ent for civil administration; but such instances 68 THE NEW KOREA are extremely rare. The task of administering the affairs of a colonial dependency is one which calls for a temperament totally different from that which goes to the making of a good military man. ‘The success of a military commander, sound technical knowledge being assumed, will depend upon the extent to which he enforces dis- cipline and exacts compliance with thousands of precise and inflexible regulations; his duties are to issue orders and to see that they are obeyed without argument or protest; he need give no thought to the feelings engendered by his admin- istration. A civil administrator, on the other hand, can only succeed if he adopts a policy of give and take, and carries it out in a spirit of compromise. A large proportion of his work is constructive in its nature, and needs, for its fruition, the good- will of the people. What is necessary above all things is that the administrator’s rule should bear the impress of urbanity and conciliation—the two qualities least to be expected in a military man. From 1910 to 1919 Japanese rule in Korea, though it accomplished much good for the people, bore the stamp of a military stiffness which aroused a great deal of resentment, hampered the progress of reform, and was largely responsible for the discontent which culminated in the procla- mation of Korean Independence by the leaders of the Korean nationalists on March 1, 1919. SUMMARY 69 The merciless severity with which the revolt was repressed shocked the public sentiment of the world. In Japan itself the indignation reached such a height that the government was compelled to find means of appeasing it. The Governor- General of Korea was recalled, the rule excluding civilians from eligibility for that post was can- celed, the new Governor-General, Admiral Baron Saito (now Viscount), though not a civilian, was recognized throughout the Far East as a man of high administrative ability, of generous and hu- mane disposition, and of great personal charm. The New Korea of which I write is the Korea which has developed under the wise and sym- pathetic guidance of Governor-General Saito. I may quote here a few paragraphs of an article by Bishop Herbert Welch, Resident Bishop, in the Korean capital, of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The article appeared in The Christian Advocate of May 138, 1920, and the quotation derives particular significance from the circum- stance that Bishop Welch has always been an out- spoken critic of everything he has deemed to be blameworthy in the Japanese administration of Korea. | Referring to Baron Saito’s assumption of the Governor-Generalship, Bishop Welch says: A sharp contrast at once became evident with the methods and spirit of the preceding administration. 70 THE NEW KOREA The Governor-General himself was simple and un- affected in manner, genial, approachable, evidently anxious to know and to propitiate foreign opinion in the country. His advent was marked by the speedy disappearance of countless swords and uniforms. - - - His chief associate, Dr. R. Midzuno, the Ad- ministrative Superintendent, an official of high stand- ing and wide executive experience, seemed to share with the Governor to a large degree the ideals of simplicity, directness and the permeation of the gov- ernment activities by the civilian as contrasted with the military spirit... . Meanwhile, on the Korean side the past year has unquestionably brought a further crystallization of opinion which is hostile to any Japanese government. The minds of many are fixed on complete national independence as the only goal, and they declare that they have no interest whatever in the question of reforms by the present or any Japanese administra- tion. On the other hand many, including some of the most intelligent and far-seeing, are persuaded that there is no hope of speedy independence, and that they must settle down for a long period to build up the Korean people, in physical conditions, in knowledge, in morality, and in the ability to handle government concerns... . It must be fully recognized that the Japanese gov- ernment has by no means as yet won the hearts of the Korean people; rather they are further off from that today than fifteen months ago. ... On the other hand, there are elements of decided encourage- ment. One of these I find in the character of the Governor-General, Admiral Baron Saito himself. He SUMMARY yp came to Korea last September with the possibility in his thought of declaring a general political am- nesty—wiping the political slate clean and making a new start on the basis of a liberal and humane policy. He was met at the railway station in Seoul by a bomb thrown by the hand of a fanatic, an action which was promptly disavowed by representative Koreans, yet which could not but affect somewhat one’s view of the situation. Baron Saito, however, instead of taking a strong hand, as some would have justified him in doing under those circumstances, has continued of mild and friendly temper. I have implicit trust in his sin- cerity, and I believe that with time enough he will show the strength, even in spite of the difficulties which confront him in Korea, and of the backfire of criticism and opposition from the militaristic and bureaucratic groups in Tokyo, to bring to pass large things for the welfare of the Korean people... . The foregoing paragraphs were written in 1920, when Governor-General Saito had only been a few months in the country. At the time of my own visit to Korea, in 1922, the Governor- General had nearly completed three years of his tenure of office. He had latterly had the advan- tage of having as Vice-Governor-General, or Administrative Superintendent (the two titles appear to be used indiscriminately in the official documents) Mr. 'T. Ariyoshi, one of Japan’s most expert and highly regarded civil administrators— aman whom, from my own observation, I know to 72 THE NEW KOREA be a tireless worker and sympathetic toward the Korean people. The general consensus of opinion in Korea in 1922, except in so far as it reflected the feelings of the anti-J apanese extremists, was that Gover- nor-General Saito had been animated by a sincere desire to rule Korea through a just and tolerant administration, that he had accomplished notable reforms, that in the matter of education he had ministered very generously to the cultural ambi- tions of the people, and that in regard to their political ambitions he had, whilst setting his face sternly against anything which could encourage the vain hope of independence, shown himself eager to foster local self-government, and to in- fuse into the personal relations of the Japanese and Koreans a spirit of friendliness and co- operation. Discussing Korean affairs with a good many people—Korean, Japanese, and foreign, officia! and non-official—I found almost unanimous agreement on two points: one, that native senti- ment had, in recent years, shown a continuing tendency to become less anti-J apanese; the other, that the remarkable increase in the country’s prosperity had been accompanied by a striking improvement in the living conditions of the Korean people at large. Writing now, four years after the date of my visit, and having in mind the most recent accounts SUMMARY 73 of the state of Korea, I can express my conviction that there has occurred a steady and accelerating improvement in the general conditions of the country, in the administrative organization and personnel, and in the temper of the intercourse between the Koreans and the Japanese. In the following pages I present a brief sum- mary, under specific heads, of the salient features of Korean progress from the time of annexation down to the date of the latest available informa- tion. With reference to statistics it is to be noted that the official fiscal year begins on April 1 and ends on March 81 of the year following. The unit of money is the yen, which has a par value of fifty cents, U. S., fluctuating, however, with the movement of the foreign exchange market. Material Progress Production— About eighty-two per cent of the total popula- tion of Korea depend directly upon agriculture for their livelihood. The area under cultivation increased from about 10,600,000 acres in 1912 to nearly 15,000,000 in 1923.* During the same period the estimated value of agricultural prod- uce rose from 435,000,000 yen to 1,169,000,000 yen. A considerable proportion of the increases noted above was due to measures taken by the * When two or more crops are raised in one year on the same land the area is counted for each crop. 74 THE NEW KOREA Government for improving the condition of the farmers. Among these may be named organiza- tion of various forms of agricultural credit, the reclamation of waste lands, the construction of irrigation works, the improvement of farming methods, and the introduction of new agricul- tural industries. In respect of the first of these measures it may be noted that in 1912 the amount of outstanding agricultural loans was less than five million yen, and in 1923 was more than 134 million yen, a large part of the increase representing invest- ment in agricultural improvements of one sort and another. As an instance of the introduction of new industries silk culture is an example. In 1910 the total value of Korean sericultural prod- ucts was only 400,000 yen; in 1923 it had risen to nearly 26 million yen. Closely associated with agriculture is forestry. Under native rule there had been an almost com- plete neglect of forest conservation, so that at the time of annexation there was a serious shortage of fire-wood and of building lumber. What was even worse was that the denuded mountain sides could no longer absorb the heavy rainfall of the wet season. ‘This resulted in serious annual floods and in the loss of the land’s natural supply of moisture. As early as 1907 the Japanese Resi- dency-General had induced the Korean Govern- ment to undertake afforestation work; and in SUMMARY 75 1911 the Government-General issued its new forestry regulations. In the same year the Governor-General established an Arbor Day. Since annexation more than a thousand million seedlings have been planted for the purpose of re-establishing the Korean forests. The Govern- ment, further, encouraged the formation of For- estry Associations, and of these there were in 1925 three hundred and fifty, with a total mem- bership of nearly a million. The Government also interested itself in the development of the Korean fisheries. Measures were taken to improve the methods of fishing and of curing and packing aquatic products. Be- tween 1912 and 1921 the value of the catch increased from eight million to forty-five million yen; the value of the exports of fresh fish from 138 thousand to over seven million yen; the value of marine products manufactured, from four mil- lion to twenty-five million yen; and the value of manufactured marine products exported, from less than two million yen to more than eleven million. In the mining industry the total output was valued in 1912 at nearly seven million yen and in 1921 at over fifteen million yen. In the main group of metals and minerals the gold production shows a decline in value, other production a marked increase. Coal mounted from something over 500,000 yen to a little over three million, 76 THE NEW KOREA iron ore from 156,000 to nearly two million, pig iron from nothing to nearly five million, concen- trates from 275,000 to nearly five million. In regard to manufactures, commerce and in- dustry progress was seriously hampered under native rule by the deplorable condition of the native system of currency, by the insecurity of life and property, by the lax or corrupt adminis- tration of law, and by the lack of governmental interest in the general question of development and in the advantages to be derived from scien- tific research in the various fields of industry. In each of these matters the Government-General has introduced wide-reaching reforms, of which the consequences can be observed in the following table: Ten Years’ Growrs or Commerce, MANUFACTURES, AND BANKING (Values in thousands of yen) 1912 1921 Exports by sea 20,985 207,280 Exports by land 356* 10,996 Imports by sea 67,115 205,210 Imports by land 467* 27,171 Total foreign trade 88,101 450,658 Paid-up capital of business corporations 103,720 | 1,083,551 Value of factory products 29,362 166,414 Number of Koreans employed in factories. . . 14,974 40,418 Number of Japanese employed in factories... 2,291 6,330 Government expenditure for advancement of commerce and industry 2,932 8,797 Bank deposits 27,837 171,891 Value of clearing house transactions 98,488 852,053 * Figures for 1913. SUMMARY 77 Government On October 30, 1910, the Organic Regulations of the Government-General of Chosen (Korea) were promulgated by a Japanese Imperial Ordi- nance. ‘The Regulations established a Secre- tariat, and five Departments, to which were assigned, respectively, General Affairs, Home Affairs, Finance, Justice, and Agriculture, Com- merce and Industry. For the purpose of carry- ing on the government a large staff of Japanese officials was installed. As few of these officials had any close knowledge of local conditions or of the Korean language, the actual position was that although a complete administrative machine was set in motion, it was realised by the authorities that from the experience of its employment the necessity would become apparent of many changes designed to make the system increasingly suitable to the particular circumstances of the country. F’rom year to year various reforms were intro- duced; but it was not until 1919 that, following the outbreak and suppression of the Independ- ence Movement, and the appointment of Admiral Baron Saito to the Governor-Generalship, a matured plan of general reorganization was undertaken under the authority of an Imperial Rescript. A The statement of the matters to be effected by 78 THE NEW KOREA the new plans shows that the authorities recog- nized clearly the character of the defects which had become apparent during the nine years which had elapsed since the original Organic Regula- tions had been put in force. ‘The official list of the purposes to which the new measures were addressed was as follows: (1) Non-discrimmation between Japanese and Korean officials. (2) Simplification of laws and regulations. (3) Prompt transaction of state business. (4) Decentralization policy. (5) Improvement in local organization. (6) Respect for native culture and customs. (7) Freedom of speech, meeting, and press. (8) Spread of education and development of in- dustry. (9) Re-organization of the police system. (10) Enlargement of medical and sanitary agen- cles. (11) Guidance of the people. (12) Advancement of men of talent. (13) Friendly feeling between Japanese and Koreans. In a Proclamation to the People of Chosen, issued by Governor-General Saito on September 10, 1919, His Excellency made the following declaration: I am determined to superintend officials under my control and encourage them to put forth greater SUMMARY 79 efforts to act in a fairer and juster way, and pro- mote the facilities of the people and the unhindered attainment of the people’s desires by dispensing with all formalities. Full consideration will be given to the appointment and treatment of Koreans so as to secure the right men for the right places, and what in Korean institutions and old customs is worthy of adoption will be adopted as a means of government. I also hope to introduce reform in the different branches of administrative activity, and enforce local self-government at the proper opportunity, and thereby ensure stability for the people and enhance their general welfare. It is most desirable that the government and the governed throw open their hearts and minds to each other and combine their efforts to advance civilization in Chosen, solidify its founda- tions of enlightened government, and thus answer His Majesty’s benevolent solicitude. If anybody is found guilty of unwarrantably refractory language or action, of misleading the popular mind, and of impeding the maintenance of public peace, he will meet with relentless justice. May it be that the people at large will place reliance on all this. The reader of the administrative chapters in the present volume will see that Governor- General Saito has been as good as his word. He has kept his promise to rule with justice, firm- ness, and tolerance, and to keep in view the cultural and economic interests of the Korean people. Among the more important of his adminis- 80 THE NEW KOREA trative measures are to be noted the abolition of the gendarmerie, the abolition of the old Korean custom of flogging convicted offenders, the ap- pointment of an increasing number of Koreans to high posts in the Government, the appoint- ment or election of advisory councils, largely composed of Koreans, the delegation of a great deal of local administration to local authorities, thus contributing to the education of the people in local self-government, the expenditure of large funds in aid and in encouragement of agriculture, industry, and commerce, the notable increase in the expenditure on education, culminating in the founding of a University at which Koreans will be able to secure in Korea an education as thor- ough as they would be able to get in Japan proper. Some of the foregoing points, and others bear- ing upon the general progress of the country, can be established statistically, as will be seen from the following table: Bupcet Estimates or EXPENDITURES BY THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL on VARIOUS SPECIFIED OBJECTS (In thousands of yen. 1 yen=50 cents U. S.) 1918* 1921f Increase Local administration............ 4,440 10,133 128% Medical and Sanitary........... 730 1,883 157 Education ge ed ae sce one 2,196 6,100 180 Encouragement of industry...... 8,573 8,798 146 Public: Werks sy iss sardine salen cae 7,341 15,329 108 SUMMARY 81 Bupcet Estmates ror Various Ciasses oF EXPENDITURE BY PROVINCIAL AND OTHER Pus.ic Bopigs (In thousands of yen) 1918* 1921f Increase Medical and Sanitary 1,723 120% Education 19,382 287 Encouragement of industry 5,411 153 Public Works 11,953 272 383 97 * The year before Governor-General Saito’s arrival. { The second year after his arrival. The following explanations may be given of the terms used in the foregoing tables: “Local Ad- ministration” means in this connection the local administrative offices of the Government-Gen- eral, situated in each province, county, and municipality; “Public Works” includes road- making, bridge-building, and the construction and repair of public buildings; ““Encouragement of Industry” covers items such as subsidies and expert services to various agricultural and manu- facturing enterprises. The term “Provincial and Other Public. Bodies” refers to administrative units organized in provinces, districts, munici- palities, and villages for dealing with education, sanitation, industrial encouragement, civil engi- neering, social and charitable undertakings in various localities, and with general administrative services in villages. The increases in expenditure on education and on public works register the 82 THE NEW KOREA practical character of Governor-General Saito’s cultural policy; and it is to be noted that these increases were brought about within two years of Viscount Saito’s assumption of office. CHAPTER IV GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 1. Tur GovERNMENT-GENERAL Prior to the annexation of Korea—effected by the Treaty of August, 1910—the influence ex- erted by Japan upon government in Korea passed through two phases. The first of these may be described as a period of diplomatic ad- vice, during which the Japanese Minister at Seoul, aided by a number of Japanese advisers engaged by the Korean Government, attempted to improve the deplorable condition into which the internal administration of Korea had fallen under native control. This period came to an end in November, 1905, when the Japanese- Korean Convention formulated a new relation- ship between the two countries. This Convention introduced the second phase of Japan’s influence in Korean government. It may be described as a period of administrative control and participation. In accordance with the terms of the Convention, Japan established in Korea, in February, 1906, a Residency- 83 84 THE NEW KOREA General, with subordinate Residencies at various points. The functions of the Residency-General were defined in a Convention signed in July, 1907. It was then provided: (1) That the Government of Korea shall follow the directions of the Resident-General in respect of administrative reforms; (2) That the Government of Korea shall not en- act any laws, ordinances, or regulations, or take any important administrative measures without the previous approval of the Resident-General ; (3) That judicial administration in Korea shall be conducted independently of other branches of ad- ministration ; (4) That the appointment and dismissal of all high officials in Korea shall be made with the con- currence of the Resident-General ; (5) That the Government of Korea shall appoint, as Korean officials, Japanese subjects recommended by the Resident-General. Under this arrangement considerable improve- ment occurred in the general administration of the country; but in two important matters the system failed of efficiency. ‘These were finance, and the administration of justice. In respect of the first of these Japan was con- fronted by the fact, almost universally over- looked, that whatever advantages may flow from GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 85 administrative reform, and whatever economies such reform may eventually effect, these advan- tages and economies cannot be produced without increasing the initial cost of administration; in a word, that good government is cheap at the price, but that it cannot be had at a cheap price. So far as justice was concerned the Korean system was such, both as to its procedure and its officials, that far-reaching reform appeared to be impossible unless its administration was placed in the hands of Japanese public servants. In order to meet these difficulties Japan ar- ranged for a loan, free of interest, estimated at ten million dollars, but actually reaching a total of thirteen million, for the purpose of stabilizing the Korean budget; and took over the administra- tion of justice and of the prisons, whilst assuming the cost of these departments as a charge upon the Japanese Treasury. The period of administrative control and par- ticipation was brought to an end by the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910. ‘The circumstances which led to this step have been dealt with in the historical section of Chapter II. Simultaneously with the annexation of the country the Government-General of Korea was established, on August 29, 1910. It was not, however, until September 30, 1910, that the Organic Regulations of the Government-General were promulgated by an Imperial Japanese Or- 86 THE NEW KOREA dinance which made them effective as from the following day. These Regulations provided for the appoint- ment of a Governor-General, and of a Vice Governor-General; and for the erection of a Government-General to consist of the following six departments: Secretariat; General Affairs; Home Affairs; Finance; Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry; and Justice. Provision was made for the executive, administrative, technical, and clerical services; and an annual budget was pre- scribed as the basis of the financial system. The Organic Regulations have been amended from time to time as experience indicated the necessity. Before describing the organization of the Government of Korea as it now exists a few paragraphs may be devoted to the form it as- sumed at the end of the first year after the crea- tion of the Government-General. At the head of the Government was the Governor-General, who conducted public affairs through the instrumentality of two groups of offices—one classified as the Government-Gen- eral of Korea, the other as Affiliated Offices of the Government-General. ‘The organization of these two groups at the end of 1911 is exhibited in the following table: GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 87 PERSONNEL OF THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL, 1911 High Subordi- : nate Total Officials Officials Government-General: Secretariat, os ak ea bee 5 5 10 Department of General Affairs 13 116 129 Department of Home Affairs. . 26 140 166 Department of Finance....... 30 142 172 Department of Agriculture,... Commerce, and Industry... 23 66 89 Department of Justice....... 4 16 20 Total, Government-General. 101 485 586 Affiliated Offices: Courts, Police, Prisons....... 363 811 1,174 Local Government........... 404 2,321 2,725 Railway Bureau ee e.c.. ks 55 405 460 Communications Bureau..... 39 1,005 1,044 Land Survey Bureau......... 29 1,069 1,098 Government Schools......... 24 91 115 Customs Service............. 17 245 262 Hospital and Medical School. . 15 28 43 Model Matmiwit.. . seckk a dene’. 13 52 65 Monopoly Bureau........... 4 43 47 Priiting, Bureau wae. lene +6 3 22 25 Bureau of Ancient Customs... 6 8 14 Government Lumber Station. . 5 16 21 Government Coal Mine...... 2 5 f GCentraliCouncil tii ckons sees. eae 2 2 Total, Affiliated Offices..... 979 6,123 7,102 Grand totals vis da 1,080 6,608 7,688 All the items in the foregoing table are, in a broad sense, self-explanatory, except “Central Council.” This body was created at the time of the annexation, 1910, for the purpose of provid- ing the Japanese Governor-General with a Korean advisory committee, which he could con- sult in regard to administrative measures. ‘The 88 THE NEW KOREA Vice President and all members of the Council were chosen from the ranks of the Korean no- bility, gentry, and officialdom. The president of the Council, the chief secretary, and the secre- taries were chosen from the higher ranks of the Japanese officials attached to the Government- General. The members of the Council were given hon- orary official rank; but as they were not to be classed as Government servants, they were not included in the official figures from which the foregoing table was compiled. The actual num- ber of Koreans in the Council at the end of 1911 was 71; and the Japanese staff of the Council consisted of one president, one chief secretary, one assistant secretary, and one interpreter- secretary. Provincial Government By Imperial Ordinance No. 357, promulgated on September 10, 1910, provision was made for local government in Korea. ‘The country was divided into thirteen provinces. ‘The Organic Regulations for Provincial Government estab- lished a central authority in each province, headed by a Provincial Governor, and equipped with the administrative staff necessary to conduct the pro- vincial business connected with Finance, Medical and Sanitary Service, Police, Education, Har- bors, Forestry, Public Works, and so on. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 89 Each province was subdivided into districts of three types—municipal prefectures, rural coun- ties, and insular districts. The last-named group comprised two of the larger islands lying off the coast of Korea. As originally designed, the Government of Korea presented the following administrative pattern: 1 Government-General, 13 Provincial Governments, 12 Municipal Prefectures, 218 Rural Counties, and 2 Insular Districts. The problem presented to Japan by its respon- sibility for the Government of Korea was one of extreme complexity. The task had neither that kind of simplicity which exists where a powerful and “superior” race assumes control of a people low in the scale of civilization, weak in physical resources, and devoid of the sentiment of nation- alism, nor that kind of simplicity which exists when a mere transfer of political control occurs between two peoples of somewhat similar eco- nomic and social status. | In a word, the problem was neither that of England ruling the native tribes of New Guinea, nor that of Italy taking over the Austrian admin- istration of Fiume. The situation was, in fact, almost without 90 THE NEW KOREA precedent in modern times. Measured by the standards of Asiatic civilization the people of Korea constituted an advanced race; like the Japanese they owed much of their culture to China; unlike the Japanese they had been little affected by the political and economic progress of the Western world. Down to the middle of the nineteenth century the description ‘Hermit Kingdom” would have applied with equal force to Japan and to Korea. Each country possessed an ancient religion, an ancient philosophy, an ancient culture, an ancient aristocracy, and an ancient social organization. If the two countries had been compared at that time on the basis of their national evolution as Asiatic states it would have been impossible to attribute to the Koreans any inherent inferiority to their Japanese neigh- _ bors. At the present time a comparison of such a character would be wholly irrelevant to any prac- tical issue. Since 1858 Japan has become westernized. If the process has conferred upon her many of the alleged advantages of Western progress, it has also infected her with the many evils which appear to be inseparable from the Western type of civilization. Her own problems are now those of the West; their solutions will be found, if at all, by adopting Western methods and by improving upon them, not by attempting to make Asiatic theories and Asiatic practices GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 91 serve the necessities of a modern society of the Western type. For my own part, having spent a number of years in various parts of Asia, I am unable to entertain the conviction, so commonly held in Europe and in the Americas, that Western civilization is superior to that of the East. But the question now before me is not one into which any speculations of this kind can enter. It is that of describing the Japanese administrative sys- tem in Korea, as an example of an attempt to govern an Asiatic dependency by Western methods. For the purposes of such a discussion it is essential that two separate subjects should be kept separate—the right of Japan to govern Korea, and the way in which Japan is actually governing Korea. ‘The former subject is one of great interest and importance, viewed from the standpoint of Imperialism as a phenomenon of statecraft; but it can receive no more than inci- dental treatment—as it does in the introductory chapter—in a volume devoted to a discussion of matters subsequent to the acquisition of a de- pendency. Any description of the Government of Korea, as it is now constituted, must start from the fact that Japan took over the responsibility in 1910, that she was confronted immediately by the con- dition of the country as it then was, and that in 92 THE NEW KOREA view of that condition she had to establish a Gov- ernment, formulate a public policy, and construct an administrative machine. Approaching these tasks from the base line of her own experience of half a century under a westernized Constitution, she found that the m- mediate situation was full of difficulty; but that, on a long view of her undertaking, the future held out the possibility of a success at least as great as that achieved by any other nation in the direction of governing dependencies. The chief difficulty with which the newly- formed Government-General was faced was that in respect of modernizing the public administra- tion of the country it could count upon little aid from the past. The existing body of Korean officials were for the most part indifferent, and in some part violently hostile, to reform along Western lines; the mal-administration which, by common consent, had for many years character- ized the Government of the native Yi Dynasty, had affected adversely the whole of the Korean public service; the economic stability of the coun- try had been wrecked by an unsound system of taxation and by a debased currency; means of communication were wretched; the country dis- tricts were overrun by bandits; banking facilities were inadequate for the development of com- merce and industry; above all, the Korean people had been reduced by many years of stupid mis- GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 93 government and oppression to a state of patient lethargy. Even if there be attributed to Japan no higher motive than that of making a profitable invest- ment out of the annexation of Korea, the pursuit of such an aim could only end in success if the general condition of the country was improved. The general policy through which this im- provement was to be achieved was announced in a Proclamation issued on August 29, 1910, by Viscount Masakata Terauchi, the Japanese Resident-General. The Proclamation made of- ficial announcement of the annexation, and it was supplemented by a statement in the form of general instructions to the high Japanese officials who would be responsible for the administration of Korea until the Government-General had been organized. Divested of the rhetorical phrases which are to be found in all documents of this character, the Proclamation outlined a clear policy. (1) To afford relief to the people by aban- doning the Government’s claim on unpaid Jand taxes, by making a reduction of twenty per cent in the land tax about to fall due, by making a donation of seventeen million yen (about $8,500,000) from the Imperial Japanese Trea- sury for promoting education and for the relief of famine and other disasters. (2) To establish law and order throughout 94 THE NEW KOREA the country, in order that life and property might be secure and the people supplied with an incentive to industry. (3) To improve the means of communication and transportation, thus aiding material de- velopment whilst affording occupation to large numbers of Koreans. (4) The creation of a Council of responsible and experienced Koreans to be consulted with reference to proposed administrative measures. (5) The establishment of a charity hospital in each province to extend and supplement the work of the Central Hospital at Seoul, and of the three charity hospitals, institutions which had been put in operation by the Japanese be- fore annexation. (6) The extension of educational facilities and the adoption of an educational policy which should “instil mto the minds of the young men the detestation of idleness and the love of real work, thrift and diligence.” (7) The guaranty of freedom of religious be- lief. The paragraph in the Proclamation of Annexation which deals with this matter was framed as follows: The freedom of religious belief is recognized in all civilized countries. There is, indeed, nothing to be said against anybody trying to gain spiritual peace by believing in whatever religious faith he or she considers to be true. But those who engage in GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 95 strife on account of sectarian differences or take part in politics or pursue political intrigues under the name of religious propaganda, will injure good cus- toms and manners and disturb the public order, and, as such, will be dealt with by law. There is no doubt, however, that a good religion, be 1t Buddhism, or Confucianism, or Christianity, has as its aim the spiritual and material improvement of mankind, and in this not only does it not conflict with the adminis- tration of Government, but really helps it in attain- ing the purpose it has in view. Consequently all religions shall be treated equally and, further, due protection and facilities shall be accorded to their legitimate propagation. The Instructions issued to Japanese officials at the time of annexation include a paragraph which is quoted in full here, because it discloses the fact that up to that time the relations between the Japanese and the Koreans had been marked by an attitude of contempt towards the natives, and that the Resident-General was fully aware of the obstacles which such an attitude would place in the way of his general policy of conciliation and development. The aim and purpose of the annexation is to con- solidate the bonds uniting the two countries, to re- move all causes for territorial and national discrimi- nations, necessarily existing between separate powers, in order that the mutual welfare and happiness of the two peoples may be promoted. Consequently, should the Japanese people regard the annexation 96 THE NEW KOREA as a result of the conquest of a weak country by a stronger one, and should speak and act under such an illusion in an overbearing and undignified manner they would act in a spirit contrary to that in which the present step has been taken. Japanese settlers in Korea seem hitherto to have considered that they were living in a foreign land, and have often fallen into the mistake of adopting a superior attitude toward the people of the country. If, in connection with the inauguration of the new order of things, they were to increase their self-con- ceit, and were to subject the people just incorporated into the Empire to any sort of insult, they would arouse ill-feeling, with the result that in everything they would be in collision with the natives, and the opportunity would be denied of establishing an in- timate relation between the two peoples, which would be an unmeasurable calamity for the future. It is opportune that things have now assumed a new aspect. Let the Japanese settlers take this occasion to change their ideas and their attitude toward the people of Korea. Let them always bear in mind that they are our brothers, and treat them with sympathy and friendship, thus, by mutual help and co-opera- tion, enabling both peoples to contribute their share to the growth and progress of the whole Empire. The Present Organization of the Government of Korea Starting with the organization briefly de- scribed in the foregoing pages, the passage of time and the extension of governmental activities GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 97 pointed to the necessity of effecting a number of changes in the routine of public business. Both as to methods and as to personnel experience served as a guide to a number of adjustments and reforms which, in the aggregate, have brought the administrative system to the highest state of efficiency attained since the annexation. The actual development of administrative work in Korea, in the more important branches, is shown in the following table: PuBLic EXPENDITURES ON VARIOUS OBJECTS (In yen. One yen=50 cents U. S.) Actual Actual Outlay Outlay Increase 1911 1920 ve Central Administration 2,771,753 | 6,306,518 127 Local Administration 3,901,735 | 8,902,995 128 Courts and Prisons 2,372,951 | 6,816,139 187 2,127,653 | 19,757,048 820 893,684 | 2,793,942 212 Construction: buildings, roads, bridges, railroads 14,401,000 | 35,620,104 147 Research: chietly relrting to in- dustry, and natural resources. 264,553 | 1,969,010 645 Allowing for certain minor changes in admin- istrative organization effected between the years 1910 and 1919, Korea was, in effect, governed for the ten years following annexation under the provisions of the Organic Regulations of the Government-General, which were promulgated 98 THE NEW KOREA on September 30, 1910, and went into effect on the following day. On August 19, 1919, an Imperial Ordinance was promulgated on the subject of the reorgan- ization of the Government-General of Korea; and was put in force the same day. The general purpose of the reorganization is set forth in the following quotation from the Rescript: We are persuaded that the state of development now reached in Korea calls for certain reforms in the administrative organization of the Government- General; and We hereby issue our Imperial command that such reforms be put into operation. The meas- ures thus taken are solely designed to facilitate the working of administration and to secure enlightened and efficient government, in pursuance of Our settled policy, and for the purpose of meeting the altered needs of the country. The instrument through which the Imperial Rescript was to be made effective was a revised “Organic Regulations of the Government-Gen- eral” published at the same time as the Rescript. The revised Regulations embodied all amend- ments made from time to time since the issue of the original Regulations, and such additions of new matter as were needed to give effect to the Rescript. The organization of Government in Korea, as fixed by the Regulations of 1919 is described in GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 99 the following pages. The administration of government, that is to say the work performed by the organization, is described in the chapters following this. At the head of the Government is the Gov- ernor-General, appointed by the Emperor of Japan, and directly responsible to him for the administration of government in Korea. Until 1919 it was obligatory that the Governor-Gen- eral be selected from the Japanese military estab- lishment. The new Regulations abolished this restriction, and made civil officials also eligible for the appointment. Next in rank is the Vice Governor-General, sometimes described as Director of Civil Admin- istration. His duties resemble those performed by the Secretary General in Java, and by the Colonial Secretary of a British Crown Colony. He is the Governor-General’s right-hand man, and is responsible for all administrative decisions, unless or until they require the formal sanction of the Governor-General. The Governor-General conducts the adminis- tration of Korea through the agency of two groups of administrative organs, one of which constitutes the Government-General, the other being designated as Affiliated Offices of the Government-General. 100 THE NEW KOREA ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL (As of March, 1923) Central Offices _GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S SECRETARIAT: Private Secretaries Office, Councillors Office, In- spectors Office, Foreign Affairs Section, General Af- fairs Department, Public Works Department, Rail- ways Department. HOME AFFAIRS BUREAU: Local Administration Section, Social Works Sec- tion, Officials Training Institute. FINANCIAL BUREAU: Internal Revenue Section, Customs Section, Budget Section, Financial Section. INDUSTRIAL BUREAU: Agricultural Section, Afforestation Section— Branches, Fishery Section, Commercial and Indus- trial Section, Mining Section—Branches, Land In- vestigation Section, Geological Investigation Office, Fuel Laboratory, Commercial Museum. JUDICIAL BUREAU: Civil Section, Criminal Section, Prison Section. EDUCATIONAL BUREAU: School Affairs Section, Compiling Section, His- toric Remains Inquiry Office, Religious Section, Museum, Meteorological Observatory—Branches. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 101 POLICE BUREAU: Police Affairs Section, High Police Section, Peace Preservation Section, Sanitary Section, Export Cat- tle Inspecting Station. Affiliated Offices CENTRAL COUNCIL: General Affairs Section, Investigation Section. PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT: Governor’s Secretariat, Internal Affairs Depart- ment, Financial Department, Police Department, Municipalities—Districts—Islands, Charity Hospi- tals, Police Stations. POLICE TRAINING INSTITUTE, COMMUNICATIONS BUREAU: General Affairs Section, Supervising Section, Ac- counts Section, Engineering Section, Electric Works Section, Marine Affairs Section—Branches, Special Water-power Inquiry Section, Postal Money Order and Savings Supervising Office, Post Offices— Branches, Employees Training Institute, Sailors Training Institute. MARINE COURT. MONOPOLY BUREAU: General Affairs Section, Management Section, Manufacturing Section, Branch Offices. 102 THE NEW KOREA CUSTOMS: General Affairs Section, Surveillance Section, Cus- toms Duty Section, Inspecting Section, Branch Offices, Coastguard Stations. LAW COURTS: Supreme Court—Procurators Office, Appeal Courts —Procurators Offices, Local Courts—Procurators Offices, Local Branch Courts. PRISONS——BRANCHES. PUBLIC DEPOSITORIES., LUMBER UNDERTAKING STATION: General Affairs Section, Management Section, Saw Mill, Branch Offices. GOVERNMENT-GENERAL HOSPITAL: Medical Departments, Medicine Section, General Affairs Section, Nurses and Midwives Training In- stitute. GOVERNMENT CHARITY ASYLUM: Orphans Department, Blind and Deaf-Mutes De- partment, General Affairs Section. MODEL FARM: Branches, Sericultural Experimental Station, Seri- cultural School for Girls. CENTRAL LABORATORY. CATTLE-DISEASE SERUM LABORATORY. FISHERIES EXPERIMENTAL STATION. FORESTRY EXPERIMENTAL STATION. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 103 PERSONNEL OF THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL The following table shows the number of officials of the Government- General engaged in each branch of administration. The figures refer to the fiscal year 1922-23. High Lees 2 nate Total Officials Officials The Government-General: General Secretariat..............-. 52 861 413 Bureau of Home Affairs............ 8 82 40 Bureau of Finance................. 11 51 62 Bureawor industry 77. we ae a 48 226 274 Bureau of Justice!’ soo. Se ss ed 5 20 25 Bureau of Education............... 11 35 46 Roreayw of Police ope te in 24 49 73 LOtARY kk Coe eer UR aie este sieis 159 774 933 Offices Affiliated to the Government- General: Central Council wuie gee vane 3 9 12 Higher Land Investigation Committee]........ 1 1 Forest Investigation Committee..... 5 6 11 Bureau of Communications......... 51 1,502 1,553 Bureau of Monopoly............... 35 401 436 COSEOIOS Stes on deere ee tied ote este alge 1l 345 356 PUPLEINS KOOURL sala ec tala a ates 12 5 17 Courts of lst and 2nd Instance..... 258 650 908 EPISONS oes ae One es eee es 22 140 162 Government Higher Schools........ 84 266 350 Provincial Government and its Sub- ordinate Agencies............... 487 4,853 5,340 Government Lumber Business...... 11 147 158 Government Hospitals and Asylums. 22 47 69 Heijo Coal Mine Station........... 4 13 17 Modeli Karn yn truth vee ie uae edcare 12 37 49 Experimental Stations............. 10 39 49 Police Training Institute........... 5 y 12 Totals cots eee Ral a clas Soe 1,032 8,468 9,500 Grand ‘total? oss 3. oe ei 1,191 G,242 | 10,433 The terrible economic effects of the Japanese earthquake, 1923, made it necessary to adopt 104 THE NEW KOREA throughout the Empire a policy of drastic re- trenchment in government expenditures. One of the measures carried out in Korea was the reduc- tion by nearly twenty-five per cent of the number of government officials. The Civil Service Appointment and Salary— Appointment to the government service in Korea is made in conformity with very elaborate rules and regulations, which, in the main, follow the lines of the Imperial Japanese services. Provision is made for a lower and for a higher examination of candidates, for salaries and allow- ances, for promotion, for pensions, for leave of absence, and for the appointment, resignation, and dismissal of officials. Civil servants are classified by rank and by grade in the rank. The highest ranks are those of Shinnin and Chokunin; the next lower rank is Sonin; and the lowest rank attached to any offi- cial of the Government-General is Hannin. Promotion goes from grade to grade within the rank, and from rank to rank. For the appoint- ment, resignation, or dismissal of civil servants of Sonin rank the Governor-General obtains the Imperial assent, through the Prime Minister of Japan; in respect of persons of Hannin rank the Governor-General decides. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 105 The total salary of an official is made up of his regular salary, and his additional salary (for colonial service). In the Shinnin and Chokunin ranks the yearly total salaries range from that of the Governor-General, 12,000 yen, down to 6300 yen, which is paid to Chief Public Procurators of Local Courts and to Presidents of Professional Schools. In the Sonin rank the range is between 6300 yen and 1260 yen; and in the Hannin rank between 8840 yen and 652 yen, according to grade and nature of employment. In addition to the foregoing salaries there are three kinds of special allowances: residential allowance, where a residence is not provided; traveling allowances, approximately equal to out-of-pocket expenses; and bonuses. ‘There is no fixed rate for the bonus, but it is usually be- tween 80 per cent and 100 per cent of a month’s pay. ‘The general rule is that the lower the pay the higher the rate of the bonus. Pensions— The pension regulations are too elaborate to permit of detailed description in a volume of this size. The annual pension is based on the salary received at the time of retirement and on the number of years served. For one retiring after serving fifteen years and less than sixteen years the pension is one-third of his annual salary at 106 THE NEW KOREA the time of retirement. For each additional full year served, up to forty years, one-one hundred and fiftieth of the annual salary is added. The pensions are paid from the public funds; but each civil servant above the Hannin rank must pay one per cent of his yearly salary to the pension fund. Special provisions are made to cover the cases in which an official dies in office after fifteen years’ service, or dies in execution of his duty with less than fifteen years’ service, or dies after retirement on pension. These provisions exhibit a wise gen- erosity, which other governments would do well to emulate. In any of the foregoing circum- stances the pension is classed as an allowance-in- aid. The amount is fixed at one-half of the an- nual pension received by or due to the deceased at the time of his death; but if death occurred while or through executing his official duty, the allowance is increased to four-fifths; and when death occurs through injury or disease caused by war or by a similar contingency the total amount of the pension is paid to the surviving beneficiary. The allowance-in-aid is claimable by a relative of the deceased in the following order of prece- » dence: (1) wife; (2) children under age, in the order of their rights as heirs; (8) husband, in case the deceased is a married woman; (4) father, but the father-in-law claims before the natural father if the deceased was an adopted son or GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 107 daughter; (5) mother, with the same proviso; (6) children above age; (7) grandfather; (8) grandmother. At the time of the annexation special regula- tions were framed for the treatment of Korean officials, placing them in a less favorable position than that of the Japanese officials. Governor- General Saito, shortly after his appointment, and in conformity with the policy of non-discrimina- tion announced in an Imperial Rescript, annulled all the ordinances relating to the status and sal- aries of Korean officials, and applied in their stead the ordinances applicable to Japanese offi- cials, thus removing a grievance which had been detrimental to the civil service. At the same time revision was made in the educational regulations which had the effect of making Korean teachers eligible for appointment as principals of public common schools—posts which up to that date, October, 1919, had been strictly reserved for Japanese. In the following year an ordinance was promulgated removing the restrictions which had hitherto existed on the authority exercised by Korean judges and public procurators. CHAPTER V GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION II. Locat ADMINISTRATION One of the most important elements in the new policy inaugurated in 1919 on Viscount Saito’s assumption of the Governor-Generalship was that of administrative decentralization. Indeed it may be said that the backbone of the new policy was that the Koreans should, in the largest pos- sible measure consistent with the country’s po- litical status, learn to take part in the administra- tion of their own public affairs. I have had before me a great deal of material describing the extension of local self-government in Korea; but the whole subject is so fully and lucidly treated in the Annual Report on the Administration of Chosen, 1922-1923, that I have transcribed practically the whole of this chapter from that document. Introductory— The administrative divisions of the Peninsula were in a very confused state prior to the annexa- tion of the country in 1910. In addition to prov- 108 GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 109 inces, urban prefectures, districts, and villages, there existed a number of other district organs, such as police and financial organs, local resi- dencies for resident Japanese, Japanese munici- palities, foreign settlements, Chinese exclusive settlements, and school associations for the edu- cation of Japanese children. The mixed relations of those organs making it impossible to maintain uniformity and efficiency in matters of local ad- ministration, these differences all required to be adjusted simultaneously at the time of annexa- tion. But during the time of transition, when everything else was necessarily unsettled, sudden radical changes were avoided as far as possible, and above all the question of the disposal of the settlement system was held over, as it required most careful negotiation with the powers inter- ested. So, when the Government-General was established, the first step toward general reform in the local organization was to abolish all local residencies and financial bureaus, and to establish a financial department in each province, while giving prefectural and district magistracies part management of financial affairs. At the time of the enforcement of this readjustment the local administrative organs comprised 138 provincial governments, 12 municipal and 317 district magistracies, and 4,322 village offices, presided over by governors, prefects, sub-prefects, and headmen. 110 THE NEW KOREA Although the administrative boundaries of municipalities, counties, and villages were left much the same as before the annexation, there were marked differences among them in area, population, and resources, and this was especially the case with villages, so that some villages bore much too disproportionate a burden of taxation, causing not a little difficulty in the execution of administrative duties. After careful study it was decided to amalgamate certain villages and alter the boundaries of others in order to secure greater uniformity and convenience in local ad- ministration. Accordingly, the area of each municipality was reduced to its natural limits by taking from it all attached villages, while the area of each district was restricted to about 40 square 7 containing about 10,000 people, and that of each village to about 4 square 7i* containing about 800 families. This readjustment of areas left the number of municipalities as before at 12, but reduced districts from 317 to 220, and vil- lages from 4,322 to 2,504. All this was done to promote their administration, curtail local ex- penditure, and secure a fair distribution of the burden of taxation on the people. On the other hand, Saishu and Utsuryo are islands so distant from the mainland that their administration could not be smoothly carried on owing to difticulty of communication. So in * 1 square ri=5.95 square miles. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION ry May, 1915, they were made separate districts, and the governor of each was empowered to issue all necessary instructions for the good of the island, and was also made head of the island po- lice. Below are given the local administrative divisions as at present constituted: 4 Divisions Seat of Province | Area ran Provincial Percent Munici-| Dis- | Vil- | Govern- Area | palities | tricts | lages | ment Sq. ri 830.83 North Chusei. 480.93 South Chusei. 525.59 North Zenra.. 553.13 South Zenra. . 900. 41 North Keisho.| 1,231.16 797 .78 1,084.82 South Heian.. 967 .'70 North Heian..} 1,844.24 2,702.79 2,073 .36 North Kankyo| 1,319.19 Total 249 | Keijo 110 | Seishu 175 | Koshu 188 | Zenshu 269 | Kwoshu 272 | Taikyu 257 | Shinshu Kaishu Heijo Gishu Shunsen Kanko CO he e © Od =F Or CO S CO OO 09 Or SCAMAWAAADWS ONE CO A Provincial Governor, while being held re- sponsible to the Governor-General, executes laws and ordinances, supervises the administration of his province, controls all public corporations, and is also authorized to issue provincial ordi- nances. Formerly, the police organs existing in a province were entirely separate from all other local administrative organs, and the Governor 112 THE NEW KOREA had no power whatever over them, and in all police and sanitary affairs the head of the provin- cial police alone could set on foot measures deemed necessary, though he was required to ob- tain the approval of the Governor before issuing instructions. But with the progress of the times and the development of local administration it was recognized that a Provincial Governor ought to be in control of all police and sanitary affairs, so when the gendarme system was abolished in August, 1919, the police were transferred to the control of the Provincial Governors, and in each province a Third Department was instituted, composed of police, medical, and quarantine offi- cers, and this was later renamed the Police Affairs Department. During the transition period special importance was placed on the unity and consistency of general administrative business, and a policy of centralization was ad- hered to, so that the powers of a Provincial Goy- ernor were somewhat circumscribed. As im- provement in local administration was effected, and each year saw increase in official business, it was seen that this policy was losing in efficiency, so one of decentralization was gradually adopted, and following on the general revision in August, 1919, the powers entrusted to a Provincial Gov- ernor were by degrees widened. After the annexation careful investigation was made concerning the revision of the existing sys- GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 113 tem, and in March of 1914 it was found possible to abolish the foreign settlement system by agree- ment with the nations interested. In the follow- ing month, new regulations relating to urban prefectures and school associations came into force, by which both were recognized as juridical persons, the jurisdictional district of the settle- ments being incorporated into that of their re- spective urban prefectures, while all business con- cerning the education of Japanese children was transferred to the hands of school associations formed within each prefectural jurisdiction. In this way the long pending question of the adjust- ment and unification of the local administrative system was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. As a consequence of the revision of the system all business regarding the registration of per- petual leases, hitherto conducted by the consular representatives of the Powers concerned, was turned over to the law courts. Perpetual leases being particular real rights, the provision of ownership was applied correspondingly, and it was recognized that they could be made objects of other rights. Further, foreign lease-holders of land in perpetuity were given the option of converting their leases into actual ownership, while those perferring to make no alteration in their lands were required to bear as a rule taxes and other public charges on a par with actual landowners. 114 THE NEW KOREA Since the enforcement of the local adminis- trative readjustment, steady progress has been made in all lines of society, in industry, educa- tion, communications, and commerce, as well as in the various official functions. Especially note- worthy has been the recent development of local interests. So the reorganization of the Govern- ment-General being effected, it was decided to introduce greater reforms into the administration of the country, and in particular to aim at decen- tralization of power, so that a system of local self-government might be firmly established in the future. Accordingly, as the first step in this direction, in July, 1920, further amendment was made in the existing local system, providing for the creation of advisory councils for public cor- porations, the members to be either appointed or elected, in order to give advice about local finance and other important matters. By these organs it is hoped that popular sentiment will be reflected in the local administration, and that through them more complete organs of local self-government will gradually be evolved. Formation of Local Councils— After a year or so of careful inquiry into the subject the revised system of local administration was at last proclaimed on July 29, 1920, and advisory bodies were formed for the administra- tion of provinces, municipalities, districts, and GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 115 villages. Of course these organs were far from being real local self-governing bodies, since Chosen was still not in a condition to justify the immediate enforcement of a complete system of local self-government, and the people needed a course of training in the transaction of public affairs. Still, they marked an important step forward in the right direction. In the local administrative system hitherto ob- taining in Chosen there existed municipalities and villages as the lowest magistracies, the former in cities and towns and the latter in rural communi- ties. Besides, there were organs called “the pub- lic common school expenditure” for the benefit of Korean children, school associations for the education of Japanese children, and water- utilization associations dealing with irrigation. Of these the two last only possessed anything of a self-governing aspect. Although the munici- palities had their own advisory councils, and specially designated villages had advisers at- tached to them, they were composed of compara- tively few members, and all were nominated by the Government, so it could not be said that they really represented popular desires and ideas. On the other hand, the prefects were always govern- ment officials, and even village headmen were appointed by the Government. ‘Then, too, the public common school expenditure was under the management of prefects, sub-prefects, and island 116 THE NEW KOREA governors, whilst provincial expenditure was supervised exclusively by Provincial Governors. In addition, each province had three councillors and each city, district, and island two councillors, yet these men being appointed by the Govern- ment from among a few men of influence, and their posts being merely honorary, they too could hardly be considered representative of popular sentiment, so a revision of the local system was imperatively necessary that the way might be opened for expression of the popular will, and it was effected in the followmg manner: In revising the organization of municipal ad- visory councils it was arranged that the members should be elected by popular vote instead of being appointed by the Government, and, at the same time, all villages were to be provided with advisory councils for discussion of village finances and other important affairs. Since, however, the elective system was quite new to the Koreans in general and, if enforced in all villages without exception, might become the source of endless disputes and confusion, it was arranged that only in specially selected villages should the members of the advisory council be elected by popular vote, and that in all other villages the appoint- ment of the councils should be left to the dis- cretion of the district or island magistrates who, in making appointments, were to take into ac- count the opinions of the principal inhabitants in their districts. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION af Ig Public common school expenditure, so-called, existed only for providing an elementary educa- tion for Korean children. But new regulations were framed to deal with all affairs relating to the general education of Koreans throughout the country. ‘To meet the expenditure the authori- ties were empowered to levy school taxes, requisi- tion labor and goods, collect rents, raise public loans, and also form plans for consecutive ex- penditure. Then, as advisory organs, school councils were created. In cities the members are elected by popular vote, while in districts or islands they are appointed from among candi- dates elected by village councils. Further, as advisory organs to discuss provin- cial budgets, etc., provincial councils were cre- ated, the members of which are appointed by Provincial Governors from among candidates elected by municipal or village councils, as well as from among men of knowledge and repute. The revised local system came into effect on October 1, 1920, and the election of members of councils of municipalities and designated villages took place on November 20 following. At first the Koreans seemed to adopt a rather indifferent attitude, many of them evidently being duped by the seditious talk of agitators. However, as the election day drew near, inspired by the Japanese canvassing, they began to show great interest and enthusiasm, and many offered themselves as can- 118 THE NEW KOREA didates, and the elections proceeded without a hitch. ‘The following list gives the result in 12 municipalities and 24 specially designated vil- lages: MUNICIPALITIES Number Votes Percent- A ora of Voters Cast age Elected Japanese.) Uys 6,251 5,486 B81 pe Korean coun 4,713 3,122 66 of VILLAGES Number Votes Percent- Ae of Voters Cast age Elected The members elected were mostly leading per- sons in their localities. Especially creditable was it that the elected Koreans were all rising men with moderate ideas. Another very creditable thing was the fact that Japanese restricted the number of their own candidates by agreement _ among themselves, and that some elected Japan- ese resigned in favor of Koreans next to them at the polls, while not a few Koreans gave their votes for Japanese candidates. A little later, the members of councils of vil- lages other than those specially designated were . GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 119 appointed, and in this way the election and appointment of members of all the municipal and village councils were successfully completed. The election and appointment of members of school councils in cities, districts, and islands, as well as those of provincial councils, were all com- pleted with equal success on December 20, 1920. The composition of these provincial councils is shown in the following list: Members Members Total Appointed Elected Japanese ey cc suns de 63 24 87 ROP ear eee 56 219 275 Totaly Vu vO ue ty 119 243 «| ~—s 368 The first meetings of these councils after the reform initiated in the local administrative sys- tem were held between February and April of 1921, and each proved fairly successful and was well attended. The discussions were very smoothly conducted and were marked by great enthusiasm. Indeed, during the sessions all showed a co-operative attitude, and laid before the authorities questions and opinions reflecting the popular will, to which the latter responded with the utmost sincerity. On the whole, the meetings ended to the great satisfaction of all concerned. 120 THE NEW KOREA Inspection of Local Administration— In old Korea an institution existed for main- taining certain officials charged with the duty of going about incognito to inspect local administra- tion and check official oppression. ‘This was lauded as an excellent system under the Y1 Dynasty, but these secret agents are said to have frequently abused their power by turning the misdeeds of local officials to their own profit. On the division between the judicature and executive being distinctly marked out, in 1907, officials were no longer able thus to abuse their power and oppress the people. However, in view of the fact that local public affairs had not only rapidly in- creased and become more complex in substance, and that the powers of Provincial Governors had been extended so as to carry on the administra- tion in a manner more fitted to local conditions, it was found imperative to institute thorough superintendence of their doings in order to see that enterprises undertaken were really adapted to the situation, and that they contributed to the promotion of the popular welfare. At the same time, it was considered necessary to secure closer connection between the central and local govern- ments in order to make the new administrative policy as effective as possible, and to probe fully popular sentiments. For these reasons a Local Administration Inspectorate was formed with a GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 121 staff consisting of 2 chief inspectors, 5 special secretaries, and a number of clerks. Local Finance— At present the revenues of the provinces are mainly obtained by making additional levies on the land and urban land taxes, and by imposing household, market, abattoir and slaughtering, fishing, shipping, and vehicle taxes. ‘To those sources of revenue must be added the subsidies from the national treasury and receipts derived from Government undertakings. ‘The revenue thus obtained meets the outlays for education, sanitation, public works, industrial encourage- ment, etc., of a local nature. Besides, there is a certain amount of interest accruing from the Im- perial donation funds which is spent on philan- thropic undertakings. ‘The incidence and man- agement of local expenditure are much the same as those in Japan proper, but, unlike the mother country, from financial considerations the two items of local police and district office expendi- ture have been excluded from provincial budgets and are still borne by the national treasury. The Budgets for Local Finance are shown in the table on page 122. The local finance budget for 1925-26 makes a preliminary estimate of 22,567,529 yen for rev- enue, the proposed expenditures balancing at that figure. The most notable increases in ex- 122 THE NEW KOREA Loca Finance Bupcets (In yen. 1 yen=50 cents U. S.) Description 1923 1922 1910 Revenue: Additional Levy on Land and Urban Land Pax scecea ee ae 4,775,288 | 4,361,898 | 605,427 Household and House Tax....... 4,817,992 | 4,801,493 Market bax eee os aa ee eae 593,924 581,388 | 137,535 . Abattoir and Slaughtering Tax... 664,622 684,630 | 241,347 Pishingi lax ogy een 158,181 LOL OSO Hee Slipping: Taxes Vues poe aon oe 1,142 BLEEOR Rac ees Vehicle Pax yee naa Nalin 541,729 ASS SSS init Receipts from Imperial Donation Bids SNS er LION 917,439 O37; 2OS Mi ieee Subsidy from Central Government! 2,804,691 | 3,618,778 | 235,497 Balance Transferred............ 1,714,847 | 1,360,725} 56,390 Other Sources iis eb uy See ay 2,445,735 | 2,361,005 | 33,644 ol Wn 8:5 UG RPE Ea Ud 2 a Eg 19,135,590 | 19,293,656 |1,309,7'70 Expenditure: Civil Engineering............... 5,199,480 | 4,911,100] 303,464 Industrial Encouragement....... 4,758,504! 4,310,867 | 104,458 Affording Means of Livelihood...| 1,481,697] 1,340,684] ...... MOCUCALION Oe (Onis Ehak arene 5,581,195 | 6,698,395 | 164,238 Sanitation and Hospitals........ 296,273 211,922| 35,281 Relief and Charity.............. 31,304 33,880 3,600 Provincial Councils............. 81,820 SS,07T ig sas Social Works: Cg an eT Me 359,798 485, OOO Ei dekh ccs we Transferred to Imperial Donation TACES of Re Ms rR 56,317 1D. SOO AT ocak Unt Miscellaneous) i.) ou 954,611 W71,794 | 135,265 IRGACYVES ee cue a mae eA iL ails 334,591 369,606/ ...... LOU arte bolas nie eruntd einaeree 19,135,590 | 19,293,656 | 746,306 penditure are those for education, which rises to seven million yen, and for sanitation and hos- pitals, which rises to two million yen. The latter item is of special significance, since it discloses an advance in local expenditure in public health GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 123 from 212,000 yen in 1922 to nearly ten times that amount in 1926. On the revenue side one item alone calls for explanation—receipt from the Imperial Dona- tion Funds. These, amounting in all to 30,000,- 000 yen were granted to Korea at the time of annexation, by the Imperial Japanese Treasury. Of the whole amount 17,398,000 yen were allot- ted to prefectures and districts as funds for such works as undertakings affording means of liveli- hood, educational works, and relief works. The funds are permanently in the care of the Provin- cial Governors, and the interest derived from them, aggregating 869,900 yen per annum, is de- voted to the above-mentioned works in the pro- portion of sixty, thirty, and ten per cent respectively. ‘These undertakings, carefully se- lected to accord with actual local conditions, have been established as widely as possible. On the expenditure side it is to be noted that enterprises at provincial expense come under five heads, viz., (1) public works, (2) sanitation and hospitals, (8) relief and charity, (4) industrial encouragement, and (5) education. Public works are primarily concerned with road con- struction and repairs, rivers, harbors, water- utilization, irrigation, land-clearing, ete. Sanita- tion occupies itself chiefly with vaccination, in- spection of carcasses, and also the building of isolation hospitals, public wells, street latrines, 124 THE NEW KOREA etc. Relief and charity works take care of the sick or dying on the road and other needy people. Industrial encouragement takes up the develop- ment of local industries such as agriculture, seri- culture, forestry, fishery, weaving, paper manu- facture, etc., and, for agricultural improvement, seedling stations are now maintained by all the provinces after the example of Japan proper. These stations conduct experiments with various species, and distribute among the farmers im- proved seeds, seedlings, and livestock, while they give the training needed in farming, carry on inspection of all rice and beans for export in order to secure uniform quality, and also send out itinerant technical experts for the practical guid- ance of the country people. Besides, as economic crops the planting of American cotton and the sugar-beet is extensively encouraged. In seri- culture, the climatic conditions of Chosen being very favorable, remarkably good results have already rewarded this official encouragement, and to effect further improvement in it nurseries have been formed for the production of silkworm eggs of superior species, and stations for the combat- ing of diseases attacking the silkworm and for controlling the sale of silkworm eggs and mul- berry trees, and in addition, visiting experts are sent round to give the farmers proper sugges- tions for the betterment of their work. For for- estry and fishery a number of experts have spe- GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 125 cially been appointed to instruct the people in these lines. Lastly, in education the establish- ment or maintenance of agricultural, industrial, and commercial schools of secondary grade is car- ried on, and by the aid of subsidies from the Im- perial Donation Funds elementary educational works also. Originally, enterprises with the Imperial mon- etary grant were of three kinds, but in view of the rapidly changing social conditions various social works have been added. Relief works are carried on in the time of calamities, giving succor to the sufferers by providing them with seed- grain, foodstuffs, huts, farming tools, ete. In educational works the aim is principally to sub- sidize elementary schools. Undertakings afford- ing means of livelihood are chiefly for those hav- ing no fixed occupation or property, so as to enable them to obtain permanent employment. For instance, to those too poor to enter the seri- cultural school, boarding expenses are allowed, and to those successfully completing the training course capital is furnished to enable them to start on their own occount. As social works, the estab- lishment of public markets, pawn-shops, bath- houses, lodging-houses, laundries, people’s lunch- eon-rooms, agencies for laborers, free medical treatment of the sick poor, and the care of orphans are extensively carried on. 126 THE NEW KOREA Municipalities— At the time of annexation most of the urban prefectures were found in open ports, and in them Japanese municipalities, foreign settle- ments, and other local bodies existed side by side, each pursuing its own system, while for the man- agement of public business relating to Koreans no organ was provided, so that many. obstacles were encountered in conducting municipal ad- ministration. In April, 1914, therefore, new or- ganic regulations for urban prefectures were en- forced, and Koreans, Japanese and foreigners alike were brought under one uniform system. Prefectural Municipalities were then created as legal bodies in the principal cities in Chosen, and their respective jurisdictional districts were made to coincide with those prefectures estab- lished as state administrative divisions. The Pre- fects, who are appointed by the State, represent ex officio the inhabitants and conduct all munici- pal business, and the municipal councils act as their advisory organs. Until recently the mem- bers were appointed by the Provincial Governor subject to approval by the Governor-General, but as a result of the reorganization of the Government-General, and in response to the de- mands of the times, the members are now elected by popular vote so that the councils may be really representatives of the general public. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 127 The expenditure by municipalities was in prin- ciple to be defrayed with the income from rents, fees, and public properties, but these sources being inadequate the chief source of revenue is now found in municipal taxes, while receipts from rents and fees, municipal loans, and State and local subsidies follow in order. Municipal taxes eonsist of additional levies in the State taxes on urban land and the local taxes on buildings, and other special taxes of which the major are the business tax and the house tax. In imposing these taxes care is taken to avoid any pronounced increase in the burden on the residents, especially on the Koreans, so on the whole few complaints have been made; on the contrary, the income from municipal taxes improving year by year, the financial condition of the municipalities may safely be said to present a flourishing aspect. The aggregate annual revenue of the twelve municipalities of Chosen has risen from about two million yen in 1918 to about eight million in 1922, the expenditure-estimates balancing at those figures. In practice the revenue shows a surplus over the expenditure, and this in 1923 reached the substantial sum of 1,714,847 yen. The chief single source of municipal revenue is municipal taxation. The average per household in 1922 was 14.3 yen. ‘The average does not, however, represent the actual incidence of muni- cipal taxation, for the taxes are so framed that 128 THE NEW KOREA Japanese and foreigners pay a much higher sum per household than do the Koreans. In 1922 the per household figures were for foreigners 26.1 yen, for Japanese 32.4, afd for Koreans 5.2. Although there are many works that have to be undertaken and managed by municipalities, anything like sudden increase in the burden on the inhabitants, especially on the Koreans, has been avoided as far as possible, and works most urgently needed and requiring big expenditure have been undertaken by raising public loans. The more important works undertaken by the municipalities are (1) waterworks, (2) sewerage, (3) general and isolation hospitals, (4) social works, and (5) street, road, and bridge construc- tion and repair, scavengering, and maintenance of abattoirs, cemeteries, crematories, markets, parks, town halls, public libraries, and _ fire- brigades. Villages— In the days of the Korean Government village administration throughout the country was in a very confused state, no distinction being main- tained between public and private affairs, yet it was concerned with hardly anything beyond the collecting of State taxes and census-taking. So, on the present régime being instituted in 1910, organic regulations for local government were promulgated, and contained a specific provision GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 129 respecting village headmen. By it a headman was to act as assistant to the district magistrate in conducting the administrative business in a vil- lage, while he was required to have a public office, or, if conducted at his own house, to set apart a room for public business only, and at the same time permanent clerks were appointed to village offices. Later on every district held occasional conferences of village headmen and formed an institute for village clerks, so that the better man- agement of their respective villages might be secured. Formerly, villages were not authorized to make a levy for anything outside salaries and office ex- penses, so that being in reality without financial power to conduct any public enterprise, those most necessary for their development could only be carried out by various private associations or as joint undertakings, and great lack of uni- formity was experienced. Accordingly, in 1914, the number of villages was reduced by one-half to give effect to financial readjustment, and, tak- ing into account gradual improvement in popular conditions as well as in village affairs, a new vil- lage system was finally instituted in 1917. In- deed, the adoption of this new system might be called an epoch-making event in the history of local administration, for by this villages for the first time were distinctly recognized as public bodies of some importance. 130 THE NEW KOREA According to this system, villages are the low- est of the administrative divisions, and are local bodies conducting all public business within their jurisdictions, with village headmen as sole man- agers. The expenses of village offices are met by the income from levies, fees, and rents, but, by those villages specially designated by the Gov- ernment, loans can be floated for enterprises, and 4 to 8 honorary advisers were appointed to each as consultants. After the reorganization of the Government- General in 1919 it was considered advisable to make further revision in the existing village sys- tem, and this was done in July, 1920. The most important revision was the creation of new vil- lage councils as advisory organs in all villages. Membership of these was made elective or nomi- native according to the standing of the village, and their function is principally to discuss village finances. At present the number of villages is 2,504, in- cluding 41 designated ones. ‘Their total expendi- ture figured in 1919 at some 6,093,000 yen and increased in the fiscal year 1922-23 to nearly 16,654,000 yen, largely due to the growing ex- pansion of the various works with which they are charged. Public undertakings common to a majority of them are (1) the building of roads and bridges and the upkeep of ferry-boats and river-banks; (2) the holding of markets, and GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 131 work in model forestry and farming; (3) the maintenance of cemeteries, crematories, abat- toirs, isolation hospitals, water supply, drainage, cleansing, and disinfection; and (4) fire-brigades and defence against floods. Besides these, some villages maintain jetties, moorings, electric light- ing and relief works. School Associations for Japanese— Formerly, in places other than cities or open ports in which Japanese municipalities were organized, the education of Japanese children was conducted by School Associations, and these were finally recognized as juridical persons by virtue of the regulations issued in 1909. On the abolition of Japanese municipalities and the adoption of the new municipal system, all public undertakings were transferred to the Prefectural Office. But educational measures for Japanese children could not be transferred to the local ad- ministration proper, since it bore on Koreans and Japanese alike, because the different conditions and language of the two peoples prevented their being brought under the same educational treat- ment for some time to come. On account of this, the regulations for school associations were re- vised, and a school association was required to be organized in each urban prefecture, and to it was transferred all educational matters affecting Japanese. 132 THE NEW KOREA According to the revised regulations, a school association 1s formed by Japanese residents pos- sessing a certain qualification. It being self- governing, in contrast to other government of- fices, it has a council composed of six to eighteen elected members. Prefects act ew officio as superintendents of school associations, provided the jurisdictional district of the association covers that of the urban prefecture, otherwise the super- intendent is selected from among Japanese resi- dents of good repute by the Provincial Governor, and, with few exceptions, the post 1s honorary. School Associations maintain elementary schools in general, but those in cities maintain girls’ high schools, commercial schools, and kin- dergartens in addition. Under the management of these school associations there were, at the end of March, 1922, 480 primary schools, thirteen girls’ high schools, five commercial schools, and five elementary commercial schools. As the school association system has been but a short time established its financial foundation is not yet sufficiently firm. Its chief source of revenue being found only in the levying of rates, its upkeep is not an easy matter in most cases, so the Government not only grants the associations special subsidies to aid in school building and equipment, but yearly subsidies also toward ordi- nary expenses. In the fiscal year 1920 the in- crease in salaries and expenses due to the ex- GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 133 traordinary rise in prices, with the consequent increase in rates by about 80 per cent, caused considerable increase in the general accounts as well. The following table shows the aggregate budget of school associations and the average burden on each household for the last few years: Niuber'ct Population Average cate forming Budget Burden per Associations Associations Household 342,905 322,437 325,483 312,541 391, 304,481 1,863,264 District Educational Bodies for Koreans— What School Associations are to the education of Japanese children in Chosen, District Kduca- tional Bodies are to the education of Korean children. In the fiscal year 1918 public schools for Korean children numbered 466 throughout the country, and the expenditure for them amounted to 1,835,000 yen, of which only 195,000 yen, namely about ten per cent of the whole, fell upon the Korean population, the average burden on each household being as low as six sen,* while the rest was met by government assistance. How- *1 sen=]% cent U.S. 134 THE NEW KOREA ever, in view of the ever growing need of common education among the people a programme was drawn up in 1919 to found 400 more schools within the next four years on the standard of “one school to every three villages at least,” and this necessarily meant large increase in expendi- ture and consequent increase in the incidence of the school tax, as well as in the amount of gov- ernment aid. | The number of elementary schools for Ko- reans, and their financial condition is shown in the following table: ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS FOR KOREANS 1922 | 1921 1920 VERO Meee BOs oh ip tates 13,309 | 10,385 | 8,143 | 2,514 | 1,835 School Tax (Thousands of yen)| 6,511 | 4,766 | 4,377 527 195 Average Burden per House- Hold: (Haag ya | 2.03 1.49 1.39 0.16 | 0.06 It is to be noted that between 1918 and 1922 the expenditure on the elementary education of Koreans increased nearly eight-fold. For information as to the Korean educational system above the primary grade the reader is referred to the chapter on Education. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION 135 W ater-utilization Associations— Agriculture leads all other productive indus- tries in Chosen and, in especial, is the production of rice of great importance. In developing this industry therefore and thereby enhancing the wealth of the country nothing is more essential than irrigation works, Possessed with this idea, the Japanese Resident-General prevailed on the old Korean Government to promulgate Regula- tions for Water-utilization Associations so that they might conduct irrigation, drainage, reclama- tion of waste land, etc. But as these regulations were enacted simply to meet the needs of the times they soon fell out of date and could no longer cope with the situation, so new regulations were framed and put into force in October, 1917, thus consolidating the system of Water-utiliza- tion Associations as well as making them conform with the progress in agricultural ideas in the populace. These associations are recognized by the new regulations as juridical persons with irrigation, draining, and flood prevention for their object, and the land served by any one association is regarded as its scene of operations, while the owners of the lands, houses, and other properties necessarily form its membership. The associa- tions have each a president and secretaries, be- sides a council whose business it is to discuss 136 THE NEW KOREA financial and other important matters. The asso- ciations are also authorized to levy rates from their members for their maintenance, as well as to raise public loans for fresh enterprises, and in case of need they can co-operate by forming unions. In April, 1919, with the object of pro- moting their work the Government issued regula- tions for subsidizing these associations, and at the same time arranged to detail special- engineers from the Government to assist them. Further, in December, 1920, new regulations for helping on land improvement work were published, and the amount of subsidy was increased. At the end of the fiscal year 1922-3 existing associations numbered 50. Of these, four were organized previous to annexation, while of the 46 remaining 38 date from the year 1919 onward. For further particulars the reader is referred to the chapter on Agriculture. CHAPTER VI THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA Prior to 1895 the laws in force in Korea were those of the native system which had been de- veloped after the Chinese model, and which embodied rules of justice and methods of pro- cedure wholly repugnant to the modern Western conception of such matters. There was, before the introduction of the re- forms, hereafter to be described, but one written code, the penal law; there was no independent judiciary, justice being administered by the Emperor’s executive officers, who rarely had any legal training or any understanding of legal prin- ciples; torture was commonly employed not only to prisoners for the purpose of exacting confes- sion, but also to witnesses for the purpose of securing the desired evidence. In such circumstances it was inevitable that the administration of justice should be grossly cor- rupt, and that the power of the law was gen- erally used for the enrichment or other gratifica- tion of those who could evoke it. As in China, so in Korea, foreign powers insisted on the right of consular jurisdiction over their nationals. 137 138 THE NEW KOREA The first judicial reforms were undertaken shortly after the conclusion of the China-Japan war in 1895, at the instance of Japanese advisers. The Emperor of Korea promulgated an order for the constitution of law courts on March 25, 1895. It provided for the establishment of a special court to deal with crimes committed by members of the Imperial family, a court of ap- peals, circuit courts, local courts, and treaty-port courts for the purpose of dealing with cases hav- Ing an international aspect. ‘The order was, how- ever, more honored in the breach than in the observance, as only two of the courts were effec- tively established—the court of appeals and the Jocal court at Seoul. Referring to these paper reforms, the follow- ing comment is made in a volume entitled Recent Progress in Korea, published in 1910 by the Japanese Residency-General. . . . the distinction between the judiciary and the executive existed only in form, and the administration of justice continued to be one of the principal means of satisfying covetous executive officials. As if these evils were not enough, both the muni- cipal and district magistrates, by special provisions of the law, were empowered to give decisions in any action whatever. These local officials discharged their judicial functions independently of the Law for the Constitution of Law-Courts, thus largely de- feating its object. The majority of the people, both THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA _ 139 governing and governed, had a very imperfect knowl- edge of judicial proceedings, and in spite of Regula- tions clearly providing for appeals from judgments pronounced by municipal and district magistrates, litigants who had adverse judgments given against them by a district magistrate often went to a second district magistrate instead of going to the appellate tribunal fixed by law. Nor was it rare for the magis- trate to whom such appeal was made to give hearing to it. The police stations also frequently usurped some of the functions of a law-court, while the Military and the Household Departments not only sometimes caused people to be arrested in an arbitrary manner, but actually pronounced judgment on their prisoners. In short it is not too much to say that nearly all offices of the executive departments meted out justice and always abused this power at the expense of the helpless masses. Amidst all this complicated judicial system, the Seoul Court, and the Supreme (Ap- pellate) Court stood somewhat prominent on account of their comparatively regular constitution. In 1906 the whole governmental situation in Korea was changed by the establishment of the Japanese Residency-General, in conformity with the terms of an agreement signed on November 17, 1905. Although the Japanese immediately introduced certain reforms in the judicial sys- tem, and insured their execution by placing a Japanese legal councillor in the Korean Depart- ment of Justice and in each court of trial, it was 140 THE NEW KOREA not until 1907 that a thorough overhauling of the whole system was undertaken. The power to do this was conferred on Japan by an agreement, signed on July 24, 1907, which had the practical effect of making Korea a Japanese protectorate. In this compact it was specifically provided that the judiciary should be separated from the other branches of administration, and that the Govern- ment of Korea should not enact any law, ordi- nance, or regulation without the previous assent of the Resident-General. Acting upon this agreement, law courts were opened in August, 1908, competent Japanese being appointed judges, public prosecutors, and clerks, in association with selected Korean judi- cial officers. But the financial resources of Korea proved to be insufficient for an adequate recon- struction of the judicial system, which would have involved large expenditures for court houses, and for modern jails to replace the unsanitary and otherwise unsatisfactory prisons of the old type. In 1907 the Japanese Government, in order to advance the cause of the administrative and judi- cial reforms which were then contemplated, had arranged for the Government of Korea to bor- row approximately twenty million yen, in six an- nual instalments, the loan to bear no interest and to have no fixed date of redemption. When it became clear that this sum would not suffice to finance the judicial as well as general adminis- THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA 141 trative reforms, an agreement was concluded on July 12, 1909, under which the whole of the judi- cial and prison administration of Korea was transferred to the Japanese, who undertook to defray all the expenses of reforming and of ad- ministering these services. Accordingly, in October, 1909, all the law courts which had been established by the Korean Government under the reforms of 1908 were con- verted into Residency-General Courts, and in addition twenty-six new district courts were es- tablished. As the administrative organ of justice and prisons a Judicial Bureau of the Residency- General was created by an Imperial Japanese Ordinance. At the end of 1909 there were in Korea one Supreme Court, three Courts of Appeal, eight Local Courts, nine Branch Local Courts, and eighty District Courts. The transfer of the Korean Law Courts to Japanese administration did not make Japanese law applicable to Koreans, for the Residency- General Courts were required to administer jus- tice in conformity with Korean law. Japanese residents in Korea continued to be subject to the jurisdiction of their own Consular Courts, as were all other foreigners whose governments had concluded treaties with Korea providing for ex- traterritorial rights. These were, of course, extinguished in 1910 when the constitutional status of Korea was completely changed through 142 THE NEW KOREA the annexation of the country by Japan. The general judicial principle then adopted was that Japanese law should be held applicable to Korea; but in view of the wide differences be- tween the social conditions of the two countries, the courts were authorized to apply Korean laws and ordinances in so far as Japanese law was not specifically provided as applicable, when both parties to a civil suit are Koreans. In civil suits between Koreans and non-Koreans it was pro- vided that Japanese laws and ordinances should be applied, with such modifications as local cus- toms and usage showed to be equitable. In the matter of the criminal law the Japanese Code was to be applied, except in regard to mur- der or armed robbery committed by Koreans. This exception was made on the ground that these forms of crime were at that time of too com- mon occurrence, and were of such brutal cruelty in their commission, that the more severe punish- ments provided by Korean law were better cal- culated to check them than the milder penalties of the Japanese law. In respect of minor offences the Japanese re- tained, so far as Koreans were concerned, the usual Korean punishment of flogging; but an exemption was made in the case of women, of boys under sixteen, of men over sixty, and of per- sons who were sick or insane at the time of sen- THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA = 148 tence. Flogging as a penalty was finally abol- ished in 1920. At the time the new system was inaugurated a distinction was made between Japanese and Korean judges, the latter being authorized to sit only in cases in which Koreans alone were Gon- cerned; and the same distinction applied to pub- lic prosecutors. This distinction was abolished in 1920. The Sources of Law in Korea— Civil and criminal law in Korea, substantive and adjective, is derived from several sources; from the Imperial Constitution of Japan, from Treaties between Japan and other Powers, from such laws of the old Korean Government as were made valid at the time of annexation, from Residency-General Ordinances made valid at the same time, from Imperial Japanese Laws, passed by the Diet and sanctioned by the Emperor, having specific application to Ko- rea as originally passed, or made applicable later, from Imperial Edicts (Chokrei), and from Decrees (Seirei) of the Governor-General. The power of the Governor-General in respect of issuing Decrees is clearly defined and limited in an Imperial Ordinance, promulgated at the time of annexation. When local circumstances call for the enactment of a law, he may draft such 144 THE NEW KOREA a law, but it cannot be put in force until the Imperial sanction has been received through the Prime Minister of Japan. Incase of emergency, the Governor-General may issue a Decree and make it immediately effective; but he must at once forward it to Tokyo for the Imperial sanc- tion, and if this is withheld, he must withdraw it from operation. No Decree may be in conflict with any part of Japanese law which has been extended to Korea, or with any Imperial Laws or Ordinances which have been promulgated for special application to Korea. J apanese laws, in part, or in their entirety, are often adopted as the contents of a Governor- General’s Decree. In respect of Decrees formu- lated in Korea by the Governor-General the pro- cedure is as follows: A draft is prepared either by the Council or by the department immediately concerned with the particular subject; this is then referred to other departments for consultation; if the draft was originally made by a department, it is at this stage referred to the Council for discussion; it then goes to the Chief of the Archives Section, for reading; from him to the Vice Governor- General, for examination, then to the Governor- General, for his final approval; as approved it returns to the Chief of the Archives Section for transmission to Tokyo for Imperial sanction; in Tokyo it is received by the Colonial Bureau, THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA § 145 which transmits it to the Secretary of the Cab- inet, who, in turn refers it to the Bureau of Legislation, for discussion; it is then returned to the Secretary of the Cabinet, and by him sub- mitted to the Prime Minister for deliberation at a Cabinet meeting; the Prime Minister reports it to the throne, and, Imperial sanction having been given, the document is returned to the Sec- retary of the Cabinet for transmission back to Korea; the Decree then becomes effective on pub- lication in the Korean official gazette. Local rules and regulations are issued by the Governor-General in the form of administrative ordinances (F'wrei) and by the Governors of the thirteen provinces of Korea. These latter do not require the previous sanction of the Governor- General before going into effect. Municipal by- laws are drawn up after consultation with the Municipal Council, and require the sanction of the Governor-General before they are applied. Civil Procedure— A plaintiff institutes a civil suit by a written application to a local court or its branch, which sits with a collegiate bench, and is a court of first instance. Judgments of such courts may be car- ried to appeal to a court of second instance; and from the second decision an appeal lies to the Supreme Court, such appeals to be lodged within thirty days of the notification of a judgment to 146 THE NEW KOREA the parties concerned. In the court of second in- stance, as in that of first instance, the facts of the case are examined. In the Supreme Court ques- tions of law alone are generally dealt with in ap- pealed cases, though the Court may, at its dis- cretion, enter into the facts. The work of the courts in civil suits shows a steady increase in recent years. This is due in part to the growing complexity of civil relations, which has been the natural accompaniment of the economic development of the country, and in part to the gradual spread among the people of confidence in the administration of justice. The following table shows the number of civil suits instituted in courts of first instance, for sev- eral years, classified according to the subject- matter. Crvit Cases INSTITUTED IN THE Courts or First INsSTaNcE IN KoREA Cases Referring to | 1912 1921 1922 1923 1924 —— | | | | | Tanda sae ee cio 6,827 5,587 5,532 5,750 7,493 Buildings).))00 9.020% 695 1,228 1,379 1,640 2,106 MONey eae Veter ie 21,515 | 35,997 | 31,501 | 36,064 | 38,322 BCE OO Pe 2,080 1,893 2,284 2,262 2,843 Other goods......... 531 911 838 896 888 All other matters....} 3,089 3,431 3,774 4,994 5,340 A Otabeetik Vewt ae 34,737 | 49,047 | 45,308 | 51,606 | 56,991 About seven per cent of the decisions of the courts of first instance are carried to appeal in THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA § 147 the courts of second instance; and of these ap- peals about half are dismissed. About sixteen per cent of the decisions of the courts of second instance go to appeal in the courts of third in- stance; and of these appeals about two-thirds are dismissed. Criminal Procedure— All criminal cases are brought into court by the public procurators, whose position corresponds, roughly, with that of district-attorney in the United States. The procurator acts either upon his own information, or upon the complaint of a victim, or upon the statement of a witness, or upon evidence gathered by the judicial police, a body of men assigned to the duty of criminal in- vestigation. They are specially selected, and rank above the assistant police inspectors of the ordinary police. A person caught in the actual commission of crime may be arrested by an ordinary policeman; otherwise he must produce a warrant issued by a procurator or by one of the judicial police, as auxiliary to a procurator. The police may hold a suspect under detention for not more than ten days, to prevent him from absconding, or from destroying or concealing evidence. The following table shows the number and nature of the sentences imposed in criminal cases by the courts of first instance. Penal servitude 148 THE NEW KOREA involves hard labor; imprisonment does not. A major fine is one which exceeds twenty yen; a minor fine is below twenty yen. Detention, as used in the table, means imprisonment for less than thirty days. Flogging was abolished as a penalty in 1920, SENTENCES ImposED IN CRIMINAL CASES BY eR oF First INSTANCE Nature of Sentence 1912 1921 1922 1923 Death oe sae Cee 81 69 17 30 Penal Servitude: For later ers tou ee 6 4A 47 16 26 HGY ALOR Fe OS, 181 cates 9,533 16,744 12,892 9,585 Imprisonment BOE G e e drrn ee ae 0 0 1 0 Fora. Perm eet ye open 19 60 62 66 Major Pine Foe ie ee we 846 8,657 | 12,155 | 11,576 Minor: Fine sey Usicnk © plein 309 1,162 1,022 1,074 Detention acta, Oe ee tlie aise 42 53 61 50 Blog wmip ys vtech oe Geketeeate ss 4,321 0 0 0 Potalyerevese eae ae, 15,195 26,792 | 26,209 | 229,377 In a population of nearly eighteen million, of which less than four hundred thousand are Jap- anese and foreigners, the figures given above refer, naturally, for the most part to Koreans. The racial distribution of serious crime, that is to say of crimes which involved penalties of death, penal servitude or imprisonment, was as follows in 1923: Japanese 638; foreigners 147; Koreans 8,922. THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA § 149 The total number of convicts entering the prisons of Korea in 1923 was 8,978, and of these, 5,299 had sentences to serve of less than one year. This leaves a balance of 3,679 persons—21 per 100,000 of the total population—who may be assumed to have committed more or less serious crimes. Of the penalties, twenty-seven were death, twenty-three penal servitude for life, twenty-seven penal servitude for fifteen years or more, and seventy-one penal servitude for terms from ten years to less than fifteen years. From the foregoing figures one may deduce that the Koreans are a law-abiding people, and that the Japanese are giving them a mild admin- istration of criminal justice so far as the charac- ter of the sentences is concerned. At the present time, when the prevalence of serious crime in the United States is being investigated by a number of states and cities, by private organizations, by university faculties, by the Federal Government, and by a National Crime Commission, one fea- ture of the administration of criminal justice in Korea is of particular interest—the extremely high percentage of convictions. During the twelve years ending with 1923 there was no year in which less than 95.1 per cent of the cases tried in the criminal courts ended in the conviction of the accused; and the average for the period was 96.8 per cent of convictions. The circumstance that less than five persons charged 150 THE NEW KOREA with crime in each hundred, so charged, escaped conviction contributed no doubt to the excellent record of Korea in respect of the incidence of crime. A convicted criminal in a court of first instance may take an appeal to a court of second instance, and from the decision there rendered he may ap- peal to a court of third instance. In 1923 there were 2,292 cases of criminal appeal before the courts of second instance; of these, 939 were with- drawn, 607 were dismissed. In 565 cases the de- cision of the court of first instance was reversed in whole; and in thirty-six cases in part. Of appeals to the courts of third instance there were 196, of which 164 were dismissed, and seven with- drawn. ‘The decision of the lower court of appeal was reversed in whole in seven cases, and in part In one case. : The Judiciary— The judicial staff of Korea consisted at the beginning of 1923 of 162 Japanese and 37 Ko- rean judges, of 67 Japanese and 10 Korean pub- he prosecutors, of 4 Japanese chief clerks, of 4 Japanese interpreters, and of 482 Japanese and 232 Korean clerks and assistant mnterpreters. The judges are appointed directly by the Em- peror of Japan, and their tenure is for life, up to the legal age of retirement, which for the presi- dent of the Supreme Court is fixed at sixty-three, THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA 151 and for other judges at sixty. An extension of not more than five years can be granted by the Governor-General after the passage of a resolu- tion by the General Council of the Supreme Court in favor of it. The regulations governing the eligibility of persons to be appointed as judges in Korea are strict and precise; and they are in the main iden- tical with those in force in Japan proper. The independence of the judiciary is protected by the rule that a judge can be dismissed only if he has been sentenced to imprisonment by a Court of Law, or if a special commission of his colleagues on the bench have sentenced him to disciplinary punishment. Both Koreans and Japanese are eligible for admission to the bar, under the regu- lations for barristers. The standing of the judiciary has been greatly improved in recent years by raising the salaries of all judicial officers. This has had the effect of attracting to the service a higher type of men than could be secured for the pittances paid dur- ing the period of native Korean rule. ‘Thus, the salaries of judges and of public procurators have gradually been raised from a minimum of 500 yen a year to one of 1,200, and from a maximum of 2,200 yen a year to one of 6,500. At the other end of the scale the salaries of secretaries and student-interpreters have been raised from a minimum of 120 yen a year to one of 480, and 152 THE NEW KOREA from a maximum of 600 yen a year to one of 1,920. Similar advances have been made in the salaries of the intermediate grades of the judicial service. Courts of Law— In 1925 there were in Korea one Supreme Court, three Courts of Appeal, eleven Local Courts, forty-six Branches of Local Courts, and 160 Detached Offices of Local Courts, the last named dealing only with business under the law of registration, and with notarial matters. Both civil and criminal cases are first heard in Local Courts or their Branches. The first appeal goes to one of the Courts of Appeal; the next, and final, appeal is heard by the Supreme Court. Decisions of the Korean Courts cannot be car- ried for appeal to the Courts of Japan proper. As a general rule a single judge presides at a Local Court; but in civil suits involving a sum of money greater than a thousand yen, and in crim- inal cases when the penalty attached to the of- fence is death, or penal servitude, or imprison- ment for more than one year, a collegiate bench of three judges sits. In the Appeal Courts cases are heard by three judges, and in the Supreme Court by five, sitting as a collegiate bench. Trial by jury does not exist in Korea. Petty cases are seldom taken to the Law- Courts; but are summarily disposed of by the THE LAWS AND COURTS OF KOREA 158 chief of a police station, first offenders being gen- erally dismissed with a warning. ‘The matter of summary jurisdiction is dealt with in the chapter on Police and Prisons. Suspended Sentences— A considerable proportion of the sentences passed upon criminals are converted into sus- pended sentences, known locally as a stay of exe- cution of sentence. Persons sentenced to penal servitude or imprisonment for two years or less are eligible to have their sentences suspended, provided such persons have not been sentenced to imprisonment during the seven years imme- diately preceding the new sentence. Suspension of sentence is granted by the sentencing court either on the application of the public prosecutor, or of the judge’s own motion. That the public prosecutors are favorable to the grant of this form of relief is proved by the fact that of the 6,709 suspensions of sentence granted during the five years ending with 1921, more than 30% were at the instance of public prosecutors. In this connection it may be mentioned that, in the case of a first offender, and particularly in that of a juvenile first offender, it is the policy of the public prosecutors to admonish instead of to prosecute him, where the individual circum- stances of the offender indicate that this leniency is advisable. CHAPTER VII POLICE AND PRISONS (I) Police Administration Historical— Prior to the year 1894 police administration in Korea was under the full control of the Korean Government. Police work was regarded as a branch of military affairs; and throughout the various provinces the local garrisons acted as the local police forces. In Seoul, the capital city, there was a separate police organization known as the Potochong (Burglar Capturing Office) ; but the Chief and other officials of this metropoli- tan police force were all soldiers. Observers are generally agreed that under the old Korean police system the people at large had more to fear than to hope for from the activities of the police. Little protection was afforded to life and property, and the police force was, in practice, rather the corrupt instrument of a few influential people than an impartial agent for the preservation of law and order. Under the terms of an Agreement concluded between Japan and Korea in 1894, the Korean 154 POLICE AND PRISONS 155 Government engaged the services of a number of Japanese officials for the purpose of removing the gross abuses which had long existed in the police administration of the country. Acting n conformity with Japanese advice the Govern- ment separated police affairs from the military administration, and created a Bureau of Police Affairs in the Home Office. Provincial Gov- ernors were made responsible for the police af- fairs of their provinces, thus transferring the local control and execution of police work from the military to the civil authorities. In Seoul the office of the Potochong was re- named Kyongmu Chong (Police Affairs Office) ; its functions were extended; and a school was established for the training of Korean police offi- cials. It was hoped that the various changes introduced at this time would reduce, and finally eliminate the abuses of the old system. Ten years’ experience of these early reform measures showed, however, that changes in administrative technique were powerless to offset the defects of an inferior police personnel. Accordingly, in 1904, the Korean Government engaged the services of Mr. Maruyama, an ex- perienced Japanese police official, with a view to placing the police administration upon a sound basis. Mr. Maruyama brought over from Japan twenty-one police inspectors, eighteen sergeants, and 1,205 policemen, and distributed them among 156 THE NEW KOREA the Metropolitan and Provincial Police Offices. He also enlarged the curriculum of the Training School for Police Officials. In 1905 the police situation was altered by the appointment in Korea of a Japanese Resident- General, who replaced the Japanese Minister to the Court of Korea. The creation of a Resi- dency-General called for corresponding adjust- ments in the administrative regulations of Korea; and amongst these not the least important were those which affected the police force. Hitherto the Japanese officials, and their sub- ordinates, doing police work in Korea had been known as the Advisory Police, since they held no rank in the Korean service. This arrangement having proved unsatisfactory from the stand- point of administrative efficiency, the Korean Government, in October, 1907, abolished the Police Advisorship, and made Korean officials of all members of the Japanese police force in Korea. The Director of Police Affairs in the Central Government was left with the power to issue instructions to the Chiefs of the Police Depart- ments in the Provinces, and to the Captains of local police stations in respect of any agitation among the people, of any movements of insur- gents, and of any other matters of national im- portance. The extent to which the Japanese interested POLICE AND PRISONS 157 themselves in the reform of the Korean police system may be measured roughly by the fact that the expenditure on the police force was increased from $196,453 in 1906 to $1,349,599 in 1909. In the latter year the ordinary police force was made up of 36 Japanese and 11 Korean inspectors, 156 Japanese and 102 Korean sergeants, 1,924 Japanese and 57 Korean interpreters, and 63 Japanese physicians—a total of 5,554. In addition to the ordinary police force the Japanese maintained for a number of years in Korea a force of gendarmes. This gendarmerie was originally established after the China-Japan War of 1894, for the purpose of guarding tele- graph lines. Later, its functions were extended to include protection of the railroads and the performance of ordinary police work. The necessity of having such a force available was emphasized by the outbreak of insurgency in various parts of the country after the establish- ment of the Residency-General in 1905. Apart from the special problems created for the au- thorities by the insurrection, the general question of maintaining law and order in the country dis- tricts was one of great complexity. For many years the people of the interior had suffered greatly from the activities of outlaws. Without the co-operation of the Koreans the Japanese gendarmerie would have made little headway in suppressing these marauding bands, 158 THE NEW KOREA The task was one of extreme difficulty, owing to the reluctance, through fear of reprisals, of the local population to give information to the au- thorities, or to appear as witnesses at trials. In order to overcome these obstacles, as far as possible, a force of native Korean gendarmes was enrolled and placed under the command of the Commandant of the Japanese Garrison Gen- darmerie. At the end of 1909 there were 2,369 Japanese and 4,892 Korean gendarmes, stationed at 499 points. After the Annevation— In 1910 Korea was annexed to Japan and made an integral part of the Empire. The An- nexation was proclaimed in Korea on August 29, 1910, but the complete control of police affairs had been transferred to the Japanese two months before this date. During the next ten years the Government- General carried out many changes in police or- ganization. These led, finally, in 1919 to the disbandment of the gendarmerie, to the estab- lishment of a Bureau of Police Affairs in the Government-General, and to the transfer to the Provincial Governments of control over the local police. This last step placed the police adminis- tration in Korea upon the same basis as that of Japan proper. POLICE AND PRISONS 159 In each of the thirteen provinces a police Department was set up, with a Provincial Secre- tary as its official head; and to the ordinary duties of preserving law and order there were added those of a sanitary police. In order to increase the efficiency of the force, whose work was con- stantly becoming heavier and more comprehen- sive, the police training school was greatly en- larged, and was given the status of an independ- ent institution under the direct supervision of the Government-General. In the following table the composition of the Korean Police Force in October, 1922, is given. Under the head “Officers” are included 13 Chiefs of Police, all Japanese; 41 Japanese and 14 PERSONNEL OF KoreEAN Pouice Force, 1922 Officers Policemen Province TE AY TAU ETS Bh ES ToT MLTR il WS raieny otal Jap. |Korean| Jap. |Korean Beikp yeni. es 161 60 1,456 | 1,161 2,617| 2,838 North Chusei..... 50 18 391 329 720 788 South Chusei. .... 65 25 607 465 | 1,072) 1,162 North Zenra...... 67 25 659 501 1,160} 1,252 South Zenra...... 91 36 981 697 | 1,678) 1,805 North Keisho..... 94 =f 1,002 768 1,770| 1,901 South Keisho. .... 101 36 996 658 | 1,654) 1,791 TOKE} uo Penn es re 30 799 642 1,441| 1,548 South Heinan..... 78 26 762 538 1,300| 1,404 North Heinan.... 113 38 1,113 691 1,804; 1,955 PRARTE Ne ei tc ea ee 87 36 731 628 1,359) 1,482 South Kankyo.... 93 29 819 568 1,387} 1,509 North Kankyo.... 83 27 "Lo 514 1,227) .1,837 Dee ee a ee RS ey ne ee eed Potalie.. bli: 1,161 | 422 | 11,028] 8,160 | 19,188! 20,771 160 THE NEW KOREA Korean Police Superintendents; 377 Japanese and 140 Korean Police Inspectors; and 730 Japanese and 268 Korean Assistant Police Inspectors. In addition to the above, there were attached to the police staff thirteen civil engineers, two harbor doctors, two veterinary surgeons, four harbor officers, six assistant harbor officers, three assistant veterinary surgeons, thirty-six assistant engineers, and four student-interpreters. Taking the population in 1922 as approxi- mately 17 million, there was one policeman to 818 inhabitants. The total area of Korea being 85,156 square miles, the police force if evenly distributed would have averaged about one po- liceman to four square miles. Summary Police Jurisdiction— Chiefs of police stations in Korea may exercise summary jurisdiction in cases where persons are charged with trivial offences. Such cases are, for the most part, connected with gambling, simple assault, violation of the traffic regulations, and so on. No offender can be tried by summary juris- diction unless he assents to that process; and if he assents to it and is then dissatisfied with the result he can appeal the decision in one of the ordinary law courts. The right is seldom exer- cised, as first offenders in petty cases are usually let off with a warning. Although the chief of a POLICE AND PRISONS 161 police station may inflict a penalty as severe as three months’ penal servitude, he usually imposes a fine of not more than 100 yen, or simple deten- tion for not more than three months. In the year 1921 there were 73,262 cases de- cided by summary police jurisdiction. Of these, 71,802 ended in a conviction of the defendant; and against these decisions there were only 54 appeals, of which 42 resulted in confirmation of the sentence, and 12 in reversal. Cost of the Police Force— The following table shows the total cost of the Korean Police System. The figures refer to the ordinary police. The Judicial Police is made up of officials who have the authority, ex officio, to investigate crimes. ‘The officials having this power are Provincial Governors, Chiefs of Po- lice departments of Provincial Governments, Police Superintendents, Police Inspectors, and Assistant Police Inspectors, whose salaries are carried in the budgets of their several offices. Cost ofr THE KorEAN PoLicre SySTEM (In thousands of yen. 1 yen=50 cents U. S.) 4,217 1920 4,173 1921 4,183 1922 4,212 1923 4,840 1924 162 THE NEW KOREA The marked increase after 1919 was due to the abolition of the gendarmerie, and the absorption of that force into the ordinary police force. It will be noted that in the fiscal year 1924-5 the cost of the Korean police system averaged less than sixty-five cents per head of the population of the country. (IT) Prison Administration Under native Korean rule the prisons, like those of almost all Oriental countries, were hor- rible beyond description. Sanitary conveniences were lacking, gross ill-treatment of the prisoners was common; and overcrowding was carried to an almost incredible point. When the Japanese took over the prison administration they found that the average floor-space per prisoner was less than five square feet. From year to year since annexation the num- ber of prisons has been increased, and their con- dition improved, so that today, the larger prisons, at least, will bear comparison with those of any country, and are greatly superior to most of the prisons in the United States. Under the old system the prisons were under the control of the Home Department of the Korean Government, and were usually attached to police stations. At present all prisons in POLICE AND PRISONS 163 Korea are under the direct control of the Governor-General, and their administration is supervised by the Judicial Bureau of the Gov- ernment-General. On the spot the responsibility for prison administration lies with the chief pub- lic procurator of a Court of Appeal. As a rule the staff of a prison consists of a Governor, a physician, a chaplain, with a complement of warders, technical experts, and interpreters. In the larger prisons there are in addition teachers and pharmacists. Each year a certain proportion of the warders —ahbout ten per cent—are sent to a training insti- tute to receive a course of instruction in matters connected with their duties. In addition to this, a special course of training is given to a number of picked men each year, in order to fit them for promotion in the prison service. Forty men were given this special course in 1922, the subjects of study and the hours devoted to them being as follows: Criminal law, 50; penology, 25; factory admin- istration, 25; accountancy, 30; drill, gymnastics, etc., 45; prison laws and regulations, and their application—indoor business, 65, outdoor busi- ness, 60; sanitation, 12; education, 10. Chief warders and the more efficient warders are occasionally sent to Japan to attend higher technical courses. 164 THE NEW KOREA The following table gives the number of new convicts for each of the ten fiscal years ending with 1921-22. NuMBER oF Persons ENTERING PRISON UNDER SENTENCE IN KOREA Japanese Koreans Foreigners Male |Female| Male |Female| Male |Female The foregoing figures include, up to the end of 1920, Korean male convicts whose penalty was flogging, but who were not held in prison after the punishment had been inflicted. Flogging was abolished in 1920. ‘The average number of floggings administered annually between 1915 and 1920, both included, was 7,210. Having regard to the early age at which Koreans reach maturity, there is very little ju- venile crime in the country. Of the 8,978 per- sons convicted of crime in 1923, only 546 were under twenty years of age, and of these only eighty were females. Between the ages of 20 and 380 there were 3,786; between 30 and 40 there POLICE AND PRISONS 165 were 3,029; between 40 and 50 there were 1,191; and over 50 there were 426. Perhaps the most striking single feature of the prison statistics is that of a total population of Korea, nearly 18,000,000 persons, only 486 females were con- victed of crime in the year 1924. First Off enders— Under the present prison law and regulations first offenders are kept apart from other convicts, both in the cells and in the prison work-shops, and are given special treatment. ‘They are bet- ter paid than old offenders for the work they do in prison; are afforded more chances of writing to and of meeting their relatives; particular care is taken with their schooling and admonition, and upon their release they are either returned to their near relatives or are placed in the care of one of the Prisoners’ Protection Associations. Recidivism— It will be seen from the following table that about eighty per cent of the yearly batch of prisoners are first offenders. In the table male and female prisoners are combined into a single total. The detailed figures show, however, that almost all the female prisoners are first offenders. During the four years ending with the fiscal year 1921-22 the total number of female prisoners was 8,360, of whom all but 128 were first offenders. 166 THE NEW KOREA PRISONERS CLASSIFIED AccORDING TO RecIDIVISM 3rd Offence Total and over Ist Offence | 2nd Offence 20,317 22,049 14,464 15,098 Pardons— In accordance with Japanese custom pardons are granted to prisoners or their sentences are reduced on occasions of national importance. Since the annexation of Korea in 1910 five such occasions have occurred. The first was at the time of annexation, when 1,711 prisoners bene- fited by the Imperial grace; the second was at the time of the demise of the Emperor Meiji in 1912, when 4,767 prisoners were affected; the third fol- lowed the death of the Dowager Empress Shoken in 1914, when 8,872 prisoners were shown clem- ency; the fourth was the occasion of the corona- tion of the Emperor Yoshihito in 1915, affecting 10,208 prisoners; the fifth was in 1920 when, on the marriage of the Korean Prince Yi to the Japanese Princess Nashimoto-no-Miya, the sen- tences of 3,546 prisoners were reduced. Among these was a large number of political prisoners who had been convicted and sentenced for taking part in the disturbances connected with the in- dependence movement of 1919. POLICE AND PRISONS 167 Prisoners’ Labor— Under the old Korean Government little was done to provide work for the prisoners. It was not until after annexation that this matter was taken up seriously with a view as well to making an offset against the increasing expenditure on prisons as to counteracting the evils which invari- ably result from the enforced idleness of persons im confinement. At the present time about ninety-six per cent of healthy and able-bodied prisoners are kept at work. From time to time the scope of prison work has been extended, the principal occupations now being weaving, paper- making, tailoring, straw-work, brick-making, cabinet-work, and farming. According to the Japanese system of Govern- ment accountancy, the wages of prisoners, whether coming from the proceeds of the sale of their work, or actual payments by employers of prison labor, are incorporated in the State rev- enue account, the actual wage paid to, and becoming the personal property of prisoners is charged against prison expenditures. In recent years the average daily wage paid to prisoners has been between six and eight cents. Morbidity and Mortality of Prisoners— Both the sick rate and the death rate among prisoners in the jails of Korea are very low when 168 THE NEW KOREA compared with those of countries of similar situa- tion in respect of the general public health, In the five years ending with 1923 the average daily population of the prisons was 15,220; the annual average of deaths in prison was 288; and the daily average number of patients under treat- ment in the prison hospitals and sick bays was 1,083. These figures show an average annual death rate of 18.9 per thousand; and a morbidity rate of 71.1 per thousand. | CHAPTER VIII GOVERNMENT FINANCE Historical— Under the old Korean régime the finances of the country were administered by two organiza- tions, the Finance Department of the Korean State, and the Financial Department of the Im- perial Korean Household. Although, in theory, these departments were independent of each other, each collecting its revenue from different sources, in practice the distinction was often dis- regarded, the latter encroaching from time to time on the revenues payable to the former, and occasionally exacting appropriations from it. The principal sources of revenue upon which the Imperial Korean Household depended were the mining tax, the courier service tax, the house tax, the income derived from the sale of official appointments; and later the profit on the ginseng monopoly, which the Imperial Household took away from the State Financial Department in 1899. Another source of Imperial Household rev- enue was the profit made on the minting of coins. 169 170 THE NEW KOREA A curious sidelight is thrown upon the Korean conception of economic law by the habit, which prevailed for many years, of selling to private individuals the right to mint coin and to put it in circulation as a competitor of the official coinage. An amusing abuse of this custom was the renting out of the official mint dies by corrupt officials to the highest bidder, for his private use. ° The principal tax collected by the Finance Department of the Korean State was the Land Tax, based upon a registry of occupancy, and upon an assessment made in respect of the situa- tion, fertility, and irrigation facilities of the land. The standard of land taxation was called the kyel, which represented a figure arrived at by estimating the quantity of grain which could be produced from a given area of land. The land tax was, until 1894, payable in kind, after which it had to be paid in money, and it was imposed upon the person using the land, not upon the owner. The actual collection of the tax was accompanied by many abuses. The desire of the officials to enrich themselves at the expense of the State, and of the people to evade payment of the tax, led to the falsification of the register, and to dishonest assessments. In 1904 Korea agreed to engage a Japanese financial adviser and to accept his decisions in respect of financial reforms. In the years imme- diately following, many changes were effected in GOVERNMENT FINANCE 171 the Korean system of taxation, both in the direc- tion of reforming the methods of collecting the old taxes, and in that of imposing new taxes. But it was not until after the establishment of the Residency-General, in 1906, that it was prac- ticable to undertake a thorough overhauling of the Korean finances. The financial reforms are thus described in the Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen, 1918-1921: To know the Financial condition of Chosen in its true aspect, it is mecessary to have a general idea of what it was previous to annexation. From very early times the finance of the country lacked solid foundation, the taxation and the currency systems both being in the wildest confusion, the annual ex- penditure wasted to no purpose, and the Court and Government having no definite distinction between themselves with regard to their revenues and expendi- tures. . . . With regard to expenditures each Gov- ernment department spent as it pleased, being re- strained by nothing save the lack of funds. The result of this mismanagement was that no reliable foundation existed on which to base accounts, and the compilation of the budget was a mere farce. On the conclusion of the agreement between Japan and Chosen in August, 1904, resulting in the appoint- ment of a financial adviser recommended by the Japanese Government and the establishment of the Residency-General in 1906, strenuous efforts were made to bring to an end the haphazard method of 172 THE NEW KOREA dealing with the finance of the country, by adopting the gold standard in order to secure a uniform cur- rency, by establishing a central bank and making it the national treasurer, whilst giving it power to issue convertible notes, and by founding agricultural and industrial banks and people’s banking associations in important centers, for the purpose ys facilitating the development of industry. The financial resources of the country were fully investigated, the financial law requiring the compila- tion of a yearly budget and the proper carrying of it into practice was strictly enforced, regulations relating to taxes for the purpose of ensuring an annual revenue, and its natural increment, and the equitable distribution of the tax burden were intro- duced, the system of tax collection was improved so as to combat and root out the vicious habit of extor- tion, and various taxes, as well as the income from the ginseng monopoly, etc., formerly collected by the Imperial Korean Household Department, were placed under the control of the Korean Government itself, thus making a clear distinction between the proper- ties belonging to the Imperial Household and to the State respectively, and a great expansion was ef- fected in the financial sphere of the Korean Govern- ment. The result produced by the above-mentioned meas- ures was so great that the poor financial condition of the fiscal year 1905—plainly shown by the ex- penditure (9,550,000 yen) exceeding the revenue (7,480,000 yen) by over 27 per cent—improved so rapidly that in the fiscal year 1910 the revenue and expenditure, each amounting to over 23,960,000 yen, GOVERNMENT FINANCE 173 showed an even balance; and by the time the Govern- ment-General was established, as a consequence of the annexation in August, 1910, the finances of Chosen had been put on a firm basis, though only six years had elapsed since the work was first taken up. Subsequent to the Annexation of 1910— Korea having been annexed in August, 1910, the accounts for the first fiscal year, ending on March 381, 1911, covered only seven months. The first complete fiscal year was that of 1911- 1912. From that year onward the Revenue and Expenditure Accounts of the Government- General are shown in the following table. The figures down to and including 1922-23 refer to actual revenue and expenditure, and for the fol- lowing three years are those of the budget esti- mates. In the budget estimates revenue and expendi- ture are made to balance, as is seen from the fig- ures of the last three years. In practice the revenue has almost always exceeded the estimate, and the expenditure has always fallen below it. Referring to the first thirteen years in the table, in each of which the figures are those of the finally settled accounts, it is to be observed that there has been a substantial annual surplus of revenue over expenditure. The surplus is always carried over to the following year and is incor- porated in the budget as an item of extraordinary revenue. 174 THE NEW KOREA REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL oF Korea (In thousands of yen. 1 yen=50 cents U. S.) Revenue Expenditure Ordinary Extraor- Total (Ordinary Extraor- Total dinary dinary IDL ay 25,564 | 26,720 52,284 | 25,548 | 20,624 46,172 TOTS 28,765 | 33,362 62,127 | 28,000; 23,781 51,781 MOISE ey 31,347 | 31,746 63,093 | 31,690 | 21,'764 53,454 TOTS Ya 35,692 | 26,355 62,047 | 32,278 | 22,829 55,100 yy Rs ae 38,829 | 23,893 62,722 | 34,725 | 22,145 56,870 $916 poe 44,764 | 23,438 68,202 | 36,188 | 21,374 57,562 ONT oa. 46,433 | 25,470 74,903 | 31,944 | 19,227 51,171 LOLS Hei; 59,371 | 40,740 | 100,111 | 34,811 | 29,251 64,062 2OI9 er. 73,951 | 51,852 | 125,803 | 39,248 | 52,778 93,026 TOZO as 71,343 | 75,000 | 146,343 | 64,213 | 58,008 | 122,221 L921 93,417 | 81,717 | 175,184 | 91,366 | 57,047 | 148,414 LOS2 100,248 | 69,112 | 169,360 | 96,089 | 59,023 | 155,113 LOSS nT. $0,885 | 61,828 | 152,713 | 94,560} 50,207 | 144,768 1924..... 102,384 | 38,440 | 140,824 | 106,209 | 34,615 | 140,824 LOZS. C's 143,465 | 32,583 | 176,048 | 136,868 | 39,180 | 176,048 LOSG 574) 149,454 | 38,553 | 188,006 | 140,339 | 47,667 | 188,006 The average revenue raised during the first three years covered by the foregoing table was 59 million yen, the average for the three years 1921-23 (the latest for which settled account figures are available) was 166 million yen. On this basis the revenue of the Government-General increased by 181.3 per cent, as between 1911-13 and 1921-23. During the same period the value of the import and export trade of Korea (upon which the prosperity of the country depends) increased from an average of 88 million yen to an average of 456 million yen, or 418.1 per cent. GOVERNMENT FINANCE 175 In round figures this means that the value of the principal element in the economic development of Korea has increased at two-and-a-half times the rate of the revenue raised by the Government- General. It is to be noted that in the system of accounting followed by the Government-General the proceeds of the flotation of public loans are merged in the revenue receipts. The revenue figures—classed as Ordinary and Extraordinary —include all receipts whether from taxation, loans, profits on Government enterprises, or any other source. ‘The expenditure figures include all payments of interest on the public debt, and all repayments on account of loans. Sources of Government Revenue— The Ordinary Revenue of the Government- General falls under two general heads—Revenue from ‘Taxation, and Revenue from Other Sources. Under the former head the total re- ceipts during the ten years ending on March 31, 1921 were 218 million yen, of which 43.5 per cent was derived from the land tax, 32 per cent from customs duties, 8.5 per cent from the tobacco tax, 5.8 per cent from the liquor tax, 2.8 per cent from the rural household tax, 2.4 per cent from the mining tax; the remaining 5 per cent being distributed among small items, none of which reached a proportion as high as 2 per cent of the total. 176 THE NEW KOREA Ordinary Revenue from sources other than taxation reached a total of 238 million yen in the ten fiscal years 1911-1920. To this total the Government Railways contributed 28.6 per cent, communications (postal, telegraphic, and tele- phonic) 18.2 per cent, revenue stamps 16.1 per cent, the rental of Government land 6-4 per cent, Government monopolies 6 per cent, Government coal 5.9 per cent, Government lumber 5.3 per cent, revenue from salt, forests, optum, and water-works 4.1 per cent, printing, and the sale of weights and measures 3.2 per cent, Govern- ment undertakings other than those referred to above 2.3 per cent. During the same ten-year period the Extraor- dinary Revenue amounted to 219 million yen. Of this total Government loans accounted for 59.9 per cent, subsidies from the Imperial Japanese Treasury for 34.7 per cent, the sale of Government property for 2.2 per cent, and vari- ous small items for the remainder. Comparing the revenue figures given above with those for the five-year period immediately following, that is to say for the fiscal years 1921 to 1925, some changes are to be noted in the sources from which the revenue was derived. In the latter period the percentage of the revenue derived from the land tax fell to 38.9, and that from customs duties to 27.1, while that from the tobacco tax was reduced from 8.5 to 2.5, as a con- GOVERNMENT FINANCE 177 cession to tobacco-loving people. On the other hand the revenue from the liquor tax moved up from 5.8 per cent of the total to 20 per cent, and that from the sugar tax from 0.6 to 4.5 per cent. In the category of Ordinary Revenue from sources other than taxation the only important change to be noted is the receipts from Govern- ment Monopolies, of which the proportion moved up from 6.0 per cent of the total to 31.9 per cent, owing to the establishment of the ‘Tobacco Monopoly in 1921. The sources of Extraordinary Revenue showed several important changes. Receipts from the sale of State properties rose from 2.2 per cent of the total to 8.8 per cent, surpluses from previous years rose from 1.9 to 22.1 per cent while the receipts from public loans declined from 57.4 to 37.1 per cent, and those from Imperial subsidies from 34.9 to 28.6 per cent. During the five-year period 1921-25 the aver- age total annual revenue was, in round figures, 161 million yen, the average annual revenue from taxation was 37 million yen, the average annual revenue from ordinary sources other than taxa- tion was 71 million yen; and the annual average of the extraordinary revenue was 53 million yen. Assuming that the average population of Korea during the period was 17 million it is seen that the total revenue of the Government- General was 9.5 yen ($4.75) per capita of the 178 THE NEW KOREA population; that the revenue from taxation was 2.2 yen ($1.10) per capita; that the revenue from ordinary sources other than taxation was 4.2 yen ($2.10) per capita; and that the extraordinary revenue—chiefly public loans, and subsidies from the Imperial J apanese Trrasut ys Was 3.1 yen ($1.55) per capita. Monopolies and Other Government Undertak- ings— The Government-General maintains two mo- nopolies—the manufacture and sale of tobacco and of ginseng. Tobacco manufacture was started in Korea in 1903 by the Korean-Japanese ‘Tobacco Com- pany, and other companies soon entered the busi- ness. In 1921 the Government-General’s Mo- nopoly Bureau bought out the existing tobacco companies and started the manufacture of a variety of cigarettes and cut-tobacco. In 1923 tobacco manufacture afforded employment to 4,000 men and 1,000 women. In the fiscal year 1922-23 the production of cigarettes was some- thing over three and a half billion pieces, and of cut-tobacco 897,500 pounds, of which the sale yielded about 18 million yen. Ginseng is a perennial herb of the araliaceae family, highly esteemed in China as a stimulant and aphrodisiac. It was made a monopoly by the old Korean Government as early as 1899. After GOVERNMENT FINANCE 179 the annexation of Korea in 1910 the Govern- ment-General encouraged its cultivation by adopting scientific methods and by lending money, without interest, to associations of gin- seng cultivators. In 1911 the amount of pre- pared ginseng sold was 2,120 pounds, which brought a price of 120 thousand yen. In the fis- cal year 1922-23 the amount sold was 45,670 pounds, from which the receipts were 2,269,664 yen. Salt manufacture is conducted by the Govern- ment-General by the process of natural evapora- tion; and salterns have been established at various places on the Korean coast. Up to the year 1921 crude salt only was produced, good table- salt being imported; but in that year a refinery was set up for the manufacture of superior quali- ties. In 1911 the production of salt was about six million pounds, yielding 80,000 yen; in the fis- cal year 1922-23 the production of salt was 100 million pounds, from which the Government- General received a revenue of 860 thousand yen. Lumber Undertaking Station— The Lumber Undertaking Station is the spe- cial government office controlling the State for- ests covering about 5,500,000 acres in the basins of the Yalu and Tumen. It engages in various kinds of work tending not only to improve the 180 THE NEW KOREA forests themselves but to improve their indirect utilization. The principal trees in the forests are mostly those found in the frigid zone, such as the larch, fir, birch, and aspen, all valuable for utilitarian purposes. As for afforestation, not only is the natural way utilized but plantation on a large scale is carried on, seedlings of the most suitable varieties for this region being raised in special nurseries. For the proper protection of the forests the Station established sixty branches in 1919 to guard against wilful damage being done to them, and since the fiscal year 1915 protection unions have been organized in that region to the advan- tage of both officials and people, and such num- bered 232 at the end of this fiscal year, guarding an area of over 1,245,000 acres. The result being very good it is proposed to encourage more such organizations in the future. For further details as to the forests of Korea the reader is referred to Chapter XIII. The preparation of timber was formerly car- ried on by private saw-mills under contract. As this proved unsatisfactory both to buyers and to the Station, it was decided that it should be done direct by the Station so that better adjustment between demand and supply might be main- tained. A saw-mill at Shin-gishu was bought, enlarged, and equipped with modern machinery GOVERNMENT FINANCE 181 for this purpose, and in the fiscal year 1922-23 turned out 2,172,000 cubic feet of timber from logs measuring 3,852,000 cubic feet. The timber prepared by the Station finds its market mostly in Chosen, though a small demand for piles and sleepers comes from Manchuria. Even in Chosen the output by the Station was at first taken solely by the Government, but of late years it has become recognized as excellent in quality and, the credit system being introduced, the general demand for it is increasing. The total production in 1910 was 200,000 cubic feet, of which 121,000 was in lumber, 48,000 in logs, and 31,000 in standing trees. In the fiscal year 1922-23 the total sales amounted to 859,000 cubic feet, of which 176,000 was in lumber, 111,- 000 in logs, and 571,000 in standing trees. In 1910 the profit from this undertaking was 80,000 yen; in 1920 it rose to 850,000 yen; in 1922-23 it fell to 370,000 yen, owing to the universal depres- sion in the business world. Objects of Government Eapenditure— The budget estimates of the expenditure of the Government-General do not afford a clear view of the objects to which the expenditure was applied, for the items are in some in- stances given as the expenditure of the dis- bursing department or bureau, and this ex- penditure may be devoted to several different 182 THE NEW KOREA objects. For example, in the budget estimates for the fiscal year 1921-22 the expenditure of the local offices of the Government-General is given as 82,980,000 yen, and the expenditure on police is given as 378,000 yen. This latter sum repre- sents, in fact, the cost of the central police admin- istration; whilst the actual cost of the police force throughout the country accounted for about 23 million yen out of the 33 million yen set against the budget item “Local Offices of the Govern- ment-General.”” Again, the budget item, “Edu- cation,’ shows in 1921-22 an expenditure of about three million yen, whereas the actual ex- penditure on education under all items of the Government-General’s budget exceeded six mil- lion yen. The following table has been made up by ana- lyzing the figures in the budgets according to the objects to which they were devoted, and recom- bining them under the several heads. It will be observed that the largest single item of expenditure in each year is “Government Un- dertakings.” These include the Government Railways, the Government Printing Office (abolished in 1923), the Tobacco Monopoly, the Ginseng Monopoly, Salt Manufacture, Sale of Opium (in charge of the Police Bureau, formerly in charge of the Monopoly Bureau), the Manu- facture and Sale of Weights and Measures, For- ests, Prison Work, the Lumber Station. Com- GOVERNMENT FINANCE 183 EstmmAaTep EXPENDITURE BY THE GOVERNMENT-GENERAL OF Korma, Cassiriep AccorpinG To Its Ossects (In thousands of yen. 1 yen=50 cents U. S.) Objects 1920 | 1921 | 1922 | 1923 | 1924 Prince Yi Household........ 1,500) 1,800 1,800! 1,800 Central Administration...... 5,483] 6,936 7,786| 8,227 Local Administration. ...... 8,503 10,711) 11,096 Law Courts and Prisons..... 6,034, 7,117 7,295} 7,561 Police ee ea Aart ire a 16,702) 22,754) 22,265) 21,924) 22,402 Medical and Sanitary....... 1,765} 1,882) 1,656} 1,735) 1,747 Education ioe oes tans 4,595| 6,099} 7,279) 5,995) 6,017 11,757, 10,627; 11,724 Encouragement of Industry..| 5,864] 8,798 57,653) 51,241) 45,352 Government Undertakings. ..| 33,570} 68,742 Repairs and Construction....| 8,897; 8,582) 6,298} 4,703) 4,312 Public Debt Charges........ 7,441| 9,485) 11,700) 12,797; 13,568 Reserve Hund). 23.05 0g 2,500} 2,500) 2,500) 2500) 3,250 Roads and other Public Works} 7,108} 6,743 7,914) 6,182] 4,621 Miscellaneous.............. 4,351 900| 2,142) 1,083) 1,018 ef ef ef | munications (Post, Telegraph, and Telephone), the Water-works (transferred to Municipal Bodies in 1922), and the Heijo Coal Mine Sta- tion (transferred to the Japanese Navy in 1922). In respect of the items, “Local Admunistra- tion” and “Education,” it must be borne in mind that most of the expenditure on these objects is, in accordance with the decentralization policy of Governor-General Saito, carried on the budgets of Local Finance. These expenditures are given in Chapter V. It is sufficient here to remark that the total of the Local Finance Budget increased from less than a million yen in 1910 to more than 19 million yen in 1923-24, 184 THE NEW KOREA The Korean National Debi— The following account of the Korean National Debt is taken in the main from the Annual Report on Adminstration of Chosen, 1922-23, compiled by the Government-General. Under the old Korean régime there existed no national debt lawfully raised by the Government. The credit of the national treasury was far too poor to admit of such being contracted, and plans laid for the welfare of the people were pigeon- holed almost as soon as conceived owing to the lack of means to carry them on to anything like fruition. In 1904 the Korean Authorities, acting on the suggestion of the Japanese financial adviser, de- termined to make a fundamental reconstruction of the administrative system, and thereby rescue the country from its helpless condition and lay the foundation for national development. But, to do this the Government realized there was no other way than to resort to a national loan for raising the funds necessary for that purpose, and Exchequer Bonds for 2,000,000 yen were, for the first time in the history of the country, floated in Tokyo in 1905 and the proceeds ap- plied to the adjustment of the Annual Account. From then on, several loans were made to get funds for the adjustment of the currency system, industrial undertakings, monetary circulation, GOVERNMENT FINANCE 185 and the various plans and enterprises taken in hand for the development of the Peninsula. ‘The total of these loans amounted to 32,190,658 yen in all, of which 1,500,000 yen was loaned free of interest by the Imperial Government of Japan as a monetary circulation fund, and the rest at a yearly interest of 6 to 6.5 per cent was advanced by various Japanese banks and the Korean bank. From 1908 onwards, loans amounting to 13,282,623 yen in all were advanced by the Im- perial Government of Japan for unlimited peri- ods and free of interest, to meet the increased expenditure necessary for the improvement of the administration. On the other hand, the Pub- lic Loan Special Account was established to make adjustment of all these loans, and by August 28, 1910, the eve of annexation, the ex- chequer bonds of 2,000,000 yen had been re- deemed, and the net balance of the national debt on the same day stood at 45,590,106 yen. As a result of the annexation, the redemption of the bonds for the monetary circulation fund (1,500,000 yen) and the loans contracted for administrative purposes (13,282,623 yen), all advanced by the Tokyo Government, became un- necessary, and the debt incurred by the currency adjustment was transferred, by a law issued in March, 1911, to the Special Account of the Cur- rency Adjustment Fund of the Imperial Gov- ernment. At the same time the Government- 186 THE NEW KOREA General borrowed 2,094,677 yen from the Bank of Chosen for the construction of roads, subsidies for local engineering works, and enlargement of Heijo Coal Mine Station. The total debt to be borne by the Government-General at the end of the fiscal year 1910 was thus reduced to 21,175,- 422 yen only. After 1911 the annual revenue of Chosen was not sufficient to meet the expenditure on continu- ous undertakings found necessary for the devel- opment of the Peninsula. It was decided, there- fore, to resort to public loans for the raising of funds required for harbor-works, construction and repair of roads and railways, ete. The maximum amount of national bonds to be issued by the Government-General was fixed in 1911 at 56,000,000 yen by the Industrial Bond Special Account Law. But the enlargement of Heijo Coal Mine Station and the progress of other Government undertakings made it neces- sary to raise the maximum issue to 96,000,000 yen. The amount, however, being still considered insufficient, it was again raised to 168,000,000 yen in March, 1918, and to 178,000,000 yen in March, 1919. In the past few years the pressing need of pro- viding for cultural plans has necessitated in- crease in the amount practically each year; thus in August, 1920, it was raised to 206,500,000 yen to admit of the enlargement of Government hos- GOVERNMENT FINANCE 187 pitals, police offices, prisons, and salt fields; in March, 1921, to 230,600,000 yen to allow for the flotation of a public loan to pay the compensation called for by the establishment of the tobacco monopoly; and in March, 1922-23, to 393,700,000 yen. Later statistics than those given in the Annual Report for 1922-23 show that the total amount of loans contracted since the annexation of 1910 down to March 31, 1925, was, in round figures, 443 million yen, of which 108 million was for con- version transactions. During the same period 189 million was repaid,.leaving the outstanding amount of debt on March 31, 1925, at 254 mil- lion yen. This is equal to approximately 14.5 yen ($7.25) per head of the population. The rate of interest on the various loans has varied with the condition of the money market from year to year. ‘The average has been between 5 and 514 per cent. Most of the borrowing has been done for short terms, of three to five years. CHAPTER IX EDUCATION The principles in conformity with which the present educational system of Korea is operated are derived from certain general precepts set forth in an Imperial Rescript promulgated on October 30, 1890, by the late Emperor Meiji of Japan. The Rescript was originally issued for the guidance of the Japanese people; but in 1911, the year following the annexation of Korea, an Imperial Message extended its application to the new dependency. ‘The essential educational principles are laid down in the following para- graph: Be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be har- monious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pur- sue learning and cultivate the arts, and thus develop your intellectual faculties and perfect your morality; furthermore, be solicitous of the common-weal and of the public interest; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State. An educational system having as its aim the 188 EDUCATION 189 creation of a citizenry after the ideal model erected in the Rescript is charged with a task far transcending in scope that undertaken, in prac- tice, by the public schools of the United States. The Rescript, in fact, contains only six words which we can identify with the main purpose, or at any rate with the main actual function of the American public school—scholastic instruction. In a Notification issued by the Government- General to the teachers of Korea on January 4, 1916, the three controlling motives of educational policy are declared: (1) The fostering of loyalty and of filial piety are to be made the radical principles of educa- tion, and special attention is to be given to the cultivation of moral sentiments. (2) Practical utility shall always be held in view when imparting instruction. (3) Robust physical development is to be striven for. : In enlarging upon these principles, the Noti- fication explains that by adhering to the first principle men will be made good subjects of their Emperor, and good sons to their parents, and will acquire those habits of diligence and thrift which lead to social and business success, and to the enhancement of the prosperity of the nation. Referring to the necessity of making education the handmaiden of practical, as well as of patri- 190 THE NEW KOREA otic and of moral, purposes, the Notification says: The object of education is to raise up practical men able to meet the requirements of the State. How can it be expected that a man will establish himself and succeed in life, thus advancing the national in- terest, if he devotes himself to vain argument, and thus becomes of little use to the world, or if he is averse to industry and labor, and neglects the prac- tice thereof? It is therefore required of persons engaged in educational work that they pay earnest attention to the principle of the utilization of knowledge, to the promotion of the national welfare, and to the impart- ing of useful instruction, so that practical persons, able to meet the national requirements, will be found to be the rule and not the exception in the Empire. The Notification proceeds to lay down nine rules for the guidance of teachers. ‘These are reprinted in the Appendices. Their gist is that the individuality of each pupil must be carefully studied, and the tuition adjusted to the individ- ual character and circumstances; that education must also adjust itself to the needs of the times and to the general condition of the people; that adhesion to conventional forms is harmful, and that teachers should, therefore, devise varied methods of imparting physical, moral, and intel- lectual instruction; that every occasion must be availed of so to guide pupils that they will be- EDUCATION 191 come by habit lenient towards others but strict towards themselves, industrious, thrifty, honest, and trustworthy; that the various studies must be co-ordinated, so that each will supplement and not conflict with others; that the general aim must be to give a mastery of a narrower, rather than a superficial acquaintance with a broader field of knowledge; that everything must be done to engage the interest of the pupils and to estab- lish sound methods of study, so that the pupils may desire to supplement their school training by self-training; that physical robustness must be contributed to by gymnastics and games; that the attitude of the teacher should combine affection with dignity, and example with precept; teachers must realize that far-reaching as well as imme- diate results are to be held in view; that the beneficent results of education cannot be ex- pected to flow from scholastic instruction alone, and that teachers must, therefore, aim to advance the objects of education by taking frequent coun- sel among themselves, and by keeping on friendly terms with the elders of the local communities. Historical Development of the System— The educational system of Korea as it exists today represents the results of a slow process of evolution whose beginnings date back to the year A.D. 1398, in which year the Korean King Tai- cho, founder of the Yi Dynasty, established a 192 THE NEW KOREA university in Seoul, the capital city of Korea, and caused schools to be organized in the provin- cial districts. During the reign of Tai-chong, the third ruler of the Yi Dynasty, four schools, preparatory for the university, were founded in Seoul. ‘These institutions were all under Government control, and their up-keep was provided for by granting them endowments of farms and of the services of the slaves necessary to work them. The education supplied in the university and in the schools was based on the Chinese model, that is to say the principal subject of study was the works of Confucius, and the principal reward held out to the students was the prospect of pass- ing the final literary examination which would give them official rank and make them per- manently eligible for official appointments. Apart from the Government schools, there existed throughout the provinces a great number of private establishments, called sohtang, in which the sole subject of instruction was the reading and writing of the Chinese characters. The system above described existed, without substantial change, for about five hundred years. If it did not produce any type of scholar other than the Confucian philosopher, it served well enough the needs of a predominantly agricultural population from which all avenues of change were cut off by an intense national conservatism, EDUCATION 193 and by an almost complete isolation from the modern progress of the Western world. At the time of the China-Japan war of 1894, the King of Korea renounced the historic suze- rainty of China; and Japan became the natural heir to the influence which its great neighbor had for so many centuries exerted in the affairs of the Peninsula. In the Korean educational sys- tem there followed a period of ten years during which the Japanese, as part of their efforts to introduce a general reform of the native admin- istration, turned their attention to the schools of Korea. Acting on the advice of the Japanese Min- ister at Seoul, the King of Korea promised a thorough reorganization of the educational sys- tem. ‘The undertaking met with little success, partly because the new regulations were framed almost exactly along the lines of those in force in Japan, without reference to the many differences presented by the general social conditions of the two countries; partly because there was prac- tically no supply of Korean teachers capable of making the regulations effective. Matters assumed a new aspect with the estab- lishment of the Japanese protectorate in 1905. In conformity with the terms of the agreements by which this arrangement was effected, a Japan- ese educational adviser, vested with administra- tive functions, was appointed by the Govern- 194 THE NEW KOREA ment. In order to assist the carrying out of the changes which were now to be effected, a sum of 500,000 yen was placed at the disposal of the edu- cational authorities by Prince Ito, the Japanese Resident-General, out of a total sum of five mil- lion, borrowed from the Industrial. Bank of Japan in 1906, for the purpose of facilitating various public undertakings. Omitting the numerous changes effected in school management, and in school curricula, the broad features of the educational reforms carried out at this time may be summarized as follows: (1) The Education of Girls. Hitherto the Government of Korea had made little provision for female education; and Korean girls had been chiefly dependent in this respect upon the schools founded by the various Christian missionary bodies. In 1908, however, a girls’ high school was established at Seoul by the Korean Govern- ment. (2) Commercial Education. A Commercial, Agricultural, and Technical School had been founded in 1904, and a private Commercial School in 1906. ‘The latter owed its existence to the generosity of Baron Okura, who expended 200,000 yen on the project. In conformity with the new policy three sep- arate Government schools were built, for Com- merce, Agriculture, and Technology, respec- tively. From this small beginning there devel- EDUCATION 195 oped, in the course of about six years, ten public schools devoted to agriculture or forestry, and two devoted to commerce. (3) Supervision of Private Schools. During the first few years of the Protectorate there arose a strong popular demand for increased educa- tional facilities. The demand ran far ahead of anything that the Government, with reference to financial considerations, could do to satisfy it. The result was that hundreds of private schools sprang up all over the country, province vying with province to take the lead in this direction. This rapid development was accompanied by certain abuses to which the Government could not remain indifferent. In the effort to finance these schools questionable methods were resorted to by many of the interested parties; in not a few cases the schools were schools in name rather than in fact, and became centers of amusement rather than of study; in others the text-books supplied to the children were found to be quite unsuitable to the purposes of a sound education. It was, therefore, decided to bring all private schools under the direct supervision of the Gov- ernment. ‘This was accomplished in 1908 by the promulgation of the Private School Regulations. According to official statistics compiled in 1910 the number of private schools recognized by the Department of Education was 2,220, of which mission schools numbered 823. 196 THE NEW KOREA Owing to events which are described in another chapter, Korea was annexed to the Japanese Em- pire in August, 1910. With the concurrent lapse of all Korean official authority the educational system passed under the full control of the newly created Government-General. : In the first Annual Report issued by the new administration, considerable space is devoted to education. ‘The official point of view is ex- pressed, as to general educational policy, in the following quotation: The educational administration in the Peninsula had hitherto been carried out by two different offices. Education for native Koreans was conducted by the Educational Department of the late Korean Govern- ment, under the guidance of the Resident-General, while education for Japanese children in Korea was supervised by the Local Affairs Department of the Residency-General. When the Government-General came into existence after annexation, all educational administration, both for Japanese and Koreans alike, was brought under the uniform supervision of the Educational Bureau created in the Home Depart- ment of the Government-General. It was decided, however, that the dual system of education—Korean schools for Korean children and Japanese schools for Japanese children—which had hitherto existed in the Peninsula, should be continued hereafter, since different standards of living did not allow amalgamation. The education for Japanese children being practically on the same system as that EDUCATION 197 prevailing in Japan proper, did not need modification in the near future; whereas the educational system for native Koreans, though certain improvements had been made during the Protectorate régime, required further reforms so as to meet existing conditions. At the same time, readjustment of the educational system required much careful consideration, since any hasty reforms at the period of annexation were not likely to secure good results. A year later the new educational system for Koreans was put into effect by an Imperial Ordi- nance, issued in August, 1911, and in October of the same year the Governor-General promul- gated an Ordinance, setting forth the complete rules and regulations applicable to schools in which Koreans were to be taught. The progress made in providing educational facilities for Koreans between the first fiscal year before annexation and the first complete fiscal year after annexation may be judged by the fol- lowing figures. In 1909 there were 139 public schools for Koreans, in 1911 there were 280; in 1909 there were 16,506 Korean students in the schools, in 1911 there were 30,201; in 1909 there were 731 teachers in these schools, in 1911 there were 1,295. The Present State of the Educational System— The present state of the Educational System of Korea reflects the combined influences of sev- 198 THE NEW KOREA eral factors. Of these the more important have ‘been the constantly increasing expenditure on education, the carrying out during the past five years of the progressive cultural policy Iaugu- rated by the present Governor-General, Viscount Saito, the work of the Extraordinary Educa- tional Investigation Committee of 1920, . the promulgation of the new Chosen Educational Ordinance of 1922, and the marked improvement which has occurred in the general social condi- tions of the Koreans, due to the rapid economic development of the country since annexation. The gradual rise in the standard of living of the Koreans, especially of those who live in or near the larger towns, and the growing enthusi- asm amongst them for educational opportunities, have led on the one hand to a large increase in the number of schools for Koreans, and on the other to the modification of the principle of separate schools for Koreans and for Japanese. The co-education of the two races is spreading to such an extent that the authorities realize that it is no longer possible to retain the classification of the schools into those for Japanese and those for Koreans. In Colleges, Normal Schools, and Industrial and Commercial Schools, racial co- education only is the rule. So far as primary and secondary education are concerned the schools are now classified as being for “those habitually using the Korean language,” and for EDUCATION 199 “those habitually using the Japanese language.” Thus, Koreans may attend the schools primarily for Japanese, and vice versa. In respect of their management the schools in Korea are divided into three classes. A Govern- ment School is one conducted directly by the Government-General; a Public School is one maintained either by a provincial body, or by a Korean District Educational body, or by a Japanese School Association; a Private School is one, either secular or religious, maintained by a private body or by an individual. Private Schools are divided officially into two main groups. Of these, one comprises schools which comply in full with the requirements of the Government school system; and these are granted the same privileges as a Government School. In Government documents they are de- scribed simply as Regular Schools; whereas in unofficial literature they are usually referred to as Recognized Schools. The other group of Private Schools comprises what are known ofli- cially as Various, or Non-Standardized Schools, and unofficially as Non-recognized Schools. They fall into two classes—Designated Schools, and Non-designated Schools—the former being those which though not fully conforming to the requirements of the regular school system are possessed of equipment and efficiency approved by the Government as equal to that of Govern- 200 THE NEW KOREA ment Schools of the same grade. They are granted the same privileges as Government Schools in regard to the admission of their gradu- ates to the higher educational institutions in Korea. A Non-designated School is one which has failed to secure the approval referred to above. Before presenting some figures relating to the schools in Korea it is necessary to refer to the serious discrepancies which exist between the statistics given in the official publications of the Government-General and those printed in the annual volume The Christian Movement in Japan, Korea, and Formosa, published by the Federation of Christian Missions, Japan. The explanation is that in the official statistics soh- tang, private establishments somewhat similar to the ancient dame-schools, are not included, since they are not considered worthy to be classed as schools. ‘The missionary statistics, on the other hand, include establishments of this rudimentary character. This is quite natural, for the mission- ary reports offer to their readers an account of the total activities undertaken. Furthermore, with reference to such expressions as “Common School,’ and “Higher Common School,” the official statistics count under them only such schools as have a definite, recognized official standing based on the Government Regulations, whereas the missionary publications include EDUCATION 201 under those heads schools which do approxi- mately the same grade of work as the Govern- ment schools so designated. The matter has been taken up between the Government-General and the Federal Council of Missions; and an agreed terminology for educational data is under con- sideration. All the statistics given in this Chapter are taken from official sources. In respect of the entry “Common Schools” maintained by District Educational Bodies in 1914 it is to be remarked that such bodies were not in existence at that time, and that the ex- pense of maintaining them was provided for from the Imperial Donation Fund, fees, contributions, State and Provincial subsidies, and an assessment levied upon Koreans (these schools being at that time exclusively for the use of Korean children) on a basis similar to that now followed by the District Educational Bodies, which were founded in 1920. The management of Government Middle Schools, Higher Common Schools, and Girls’ Higher Common Schools was transferred to Provincial Bodies in 1925. In addition to the free concession of all the premises and other properties belonging to those schools, the Gov- ernment-General grants the various Provincial Bodies subsidies equal to 80 per cent of the an- nual expenditure incurred by the Government in 202 THE NEW KOREA NuMBER or SCHOOLS AND OF TEACHERS IN KoREA Schools maintained by The Government-General: Higher Common......... Girls Higher Common.... Agricultural, (cic Queues Tridustrial iyo ue La INGEIIRL Che ea eeu Provincial Bodies: Agricultural). 2) %0'04 35044 Commercials yen 20 fu ai, DNCLUSTRIAL 0 Gee ae els Mishery aise, ke seek eet Elementary Agriculture. . Elementary Commercial.. Elementary Industrial... . IVORMAL Loerie, wu School Associations: Elementary... ec Middle ae cae Gk Girls High iti, Commercial i" ts 2 pave Private Bodies or Indivi- duals: Elementary............. COMMON... Se eins s Higher Common........ Girls’ Higher Common... Commercial 07.3 fon Senmon Gakko (Colleges). Non-Standardized: Secular si. sh Ase ee. * Japanese. Schools Teachers 1914 1924 j.* | Kt | J.*/| Kf [Et ee eel 1914 | 1924 0 1 0 0; 20 0; 0 2 3 0 OF 1S ea Ag ASO 2 9} 37 0| 217 0} 4 2} 14) 55 19) 261 36; 1 1 By AT 6} 35 10; 0 0 1 0 0; 14 1; 0 0 1 0 0} 27 2| O 1 5} 16 1} 169 8} 2 0 1 0 0| 37 Bik 0 1 0 0 16 0; 0 15| 20} 65) 24) 128) 34) O Bi LOT eds SB | 13} 3 0 1 0 0 18 1; 0 0 4 0 Ory dO 6; 0 53 6} 96) 84 13 7 O 4 7 10 5} 39 9, 0 1 7 3 2| 33 7| 0 0; 13 0 0} 113; 22 O ee | a en | er | mm | cs | | es | ——— SS eS = | S| 0 1 0 0 1 0| O 20; 51 28; 74) 26) 258) 4 2 8 ve orang & | 42; 141) 11 2 6.18 1S SOP oeD ss 1 3; 12 2| 382 9} 4 1 3} 14 0; 18 36) 21 776) 374) 147|2,571| 230) 1,223) 3 473| 271 32/ 2,052} 61/1,163)115 t Korean. $ Foreign. EDUCATION 203 recent years in their management, viz., in round figures, 530 thousand yen to Provincial Bodies for the nine Middle Schools, 656 thousand yen for the fourteen Higher Common Schools, and 108 thousand yen for the two Girls’ Higher Common Schools. The number of students in the schools enumer- ated in the foregoing table has increased between 1911 and 1924 from 110,789 to 542,679, the greatest increase being in the number attending the Common Schools, which rose from 20,121 to 361,710 (almost entirely Korean children), and the Elementary Schools, which rose from 15,509 to 56,049 (almost entirely Japanese children). The above figures do not include the pupils in two classes of institutions—IKindergartens, and Sohtang. ‘The number of children in the former increased from 606 in 1911 to 4,510 in 1924; in the latter from 141,604 to 256,851. The Sohtang are elementary private schools conducted by Koreans, in which little is taught except the Chinese classics and brush writing. At the time this volume goes to press no de- tails are available as to the courses of instruction established in the newly-founded University, or of the number of students who have entered it. ~ 204 THE NEW KOREA The School Curriculum— The curricula of the schools vary, of course, according to the kind of school—Common, In- dustrial, Commercial, Higher Common, and so on. I select for description the standard cur- riculum of a Common School having a six-year course. Morals. 1 hour a week for the whole course, on the essential points of morals. National Language. 10 hours a week for the first year, 12 for the second and third, and fourth, 9 for the fifth and sixth. Korean Language. 4 hours a week for the first and second year, 3 for the rest of the course. Arithmetic. A progressive course leading up to vul- gar fractions, percentage, and the use of the abacus. 5 hours a week during the first two years, 6 in the third and fourth, 4 in the fifth and sixth. Japanese History. 2 hours a week in the fifth and sixth years. Geography. 2 hours a week in the last two years. Natural Science. 2 hours a week in the last three years. Drawmg. 1 hour a week in the fourth year, and 2 hours for boys and 8 for girls in the fifth and sixth years. Stging. 1 hour a week throughout the course. Gymnastics, Drill, and Sports. Varies for boys and for girls, averages about 2 hours a week through- out the course. EDUCATION 205 Sewing. 2 hours in the fourth year, and 3 hours in the fifth and sixth. Manual Work. In the first, second, and third year manual work may be taught 1 hour per week, and in the fourth and fifth year 2 hours. In the first, second, and third years drawing may be taught one hour per week. With regard to practical exercises, they may be given outside the stated number of hours for instruction. Salaries of Teachers— Presidents of colleges and universities receive salaries varying from 4,500 yen to 5,200 yen per annum, and if they are Japanese they receive in addition a Colonial allowance of 40 per cent of the salary, and, if official residence is not pro- vided, a rent allowance of from 600 to 700 yen. Professors in colleges and universities, and Principals of Normal, Industrial, and Secondary (High) schools fall into 12 salary grades, receiv- ing from 1,200 to 4,500 yen per annum with, for Japanese, 40 per cent as Colonial allowance, and rent allowance of from 312 to 896 yen. Other teachers, in all kinds of schools, are classified in one of eleven grades of Sonin rank, or are of Hannin rank. Those of Sonin rank receive an annual salary of from 1,100 to 3,800 yen, with, for Japanese, 40 per cent Colonial allowance, and a rent allowance of from 312 to 396 yen. Those of Hannin rank receive from 206 THE NEW KOREA 480 to 1,920 yen per annum, with 60 per cent Colonial allowance, and rent allowance of from 156 to 264 yen for Japanese. Religion in the Schools— The question of religious instruction in the schools of Korea has been the subject of a great deal of heated and ill-informed discussion. The facts are quite simple and are accessible to any- one who desires to get at the truth of the matter. The Chosen Educational Ordinance was put into effect in 1911. * New Regulations were issued under this Ordinance in 1915, by which the teach- ing of the Bible and the holding of religious exer- cises were prohibited as a part of the regular curriculum in private schools that wished to be recognized by the Government-General as grad- ing with the Government schools of equal cur- riculum,)and to claim for their graduates privi- leges similar to those granted to graduates of the Government schools. As a matter of public policy such a rule was essential to the organiza- tion of a sound educational system, and for a plain reason. To all schools, whether public or private, which fall within the regular school sys- tem, a definite grade is assigned—Common, Higher Common, and so on—and for each grade a fixed curriculum is prescribed, assigning a defi- nite number of hours per week to the study of the different subjects. EDUCATION 207 It is obvious, therefore, that if a private school were allowed to vary the prescribed curriculum, the description “Common School Graduate” would mean as many different things as there were different curricula. Any private school which teaches the prescribed curriculum for its grade and meets the requirements of the Gov- ernment in respect of the quality of its teachers, the school equipment, and so on, is free to read the Bible, give religious instruction, and conduct religious exercises within the school premises, provided it carries on these activities outside the hours for the official curriculum; and it can re- ceive Government recognition of its grade, with the right to the attendant privileges. New Regulations issued in 1923 go further than this. On this point the Rev. Alfred W. Wasson, Treasurer of the Korea Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, writes ex- plicitly in the Korea Mission Field, July, 1923, in an article on the “Significance of the New Edu- cational Ruling of the Governor-General.” The new ruling [he says] provides a way for church schools to obtain a different kind of recogni- tion which will leave them with unrestricted liberty of religious instruction and at the same time permits them to enjoy some of the privileges of schools having full government recognition. In order not to be mis- leading, it is necessary to add that, as a matter of fact, mission schools which have obtained full govern- 208 THE NEW KOREA ment recognition do give regular and systematic religious instruction. This is not done clandestinely nor in violation of the law. It is done with the full knowledge and consent of the authorities, and it is not contrary to the law, provided it is given outside of the prescribed curriculum. Under the former régime only special and tem- porary permission was granted to conforming schools to use the school buildings as the places for holding chapel services and giving this extra-curriculum religious instruction. Under Baron Saito this per- mission has been made general and permanent. Educational Finance— The personnel and office expenses for educa- tional administration are incorporated in the ex- penditure of the central and local offices of the Government-General, and are met by the State Treasury. Apart from the items referred to above, the educational expenditure is met by the Government-General, and by three classes of Public Corporations, viz., provincial bodies, Dis- trict Educational bodies, and School APPENDICES . Treaty of Annexation, Signed on August 22, 1910, and Promulgated on August 29th. . The Imperial Rescript on Annexation, Promulgated on August 29, 1910. The Korean Emperor’s Rescript on Cession of Sov- ereignty, Promulgated on August 29, 1910. - The Imperial Rescript Concerning the Reorganiza- tion of the Government-General of Chosen, Pro- mulgated on August 19, 1919. . The Governor-General’s Instructions to High Offi- cials Concerning Administrative Reforms. Issued on September 3, 1919. FE, The Governor-General’s Proclamation to the People of Chosen, Issued on September 10, 1919. . The Governor-General’s Address to Provincial Gov- ernors. Delivered on October 3, 1919. H. The Administrative Superintendent’s Instructions to Provincial Governors. Delivered on October 3, 1919. | Rules for Teachers. Notification No. 11, issued January 4, 1916, 309 APPENDIX A Treaty of Annexation, Signed on August 22, 1910 and Promulgated on the 29 of August His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the Emperor of Korea, having in view the special and close relations between Their respective countries, de- siring to promote the common weal of the two nations and to assure permanent peace in the Extreme East, and being convinced that these objects can be best at- tained by the annexation of Korea to the Empire of Japan, have resolved to conclude a Treaty of such an- nexation, and have for that purpose appointed as Their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say :— His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Viscount Masa- kata Terauchi, His Resident-General ; And His Majesty the Emperor of Korea, Yi Wan Yong, His Minister President of State; Who, upon mutual conference and deliberation, have agreed to the following Articles. Article I. His Majesty the Emperor of Korea makes complete and permanent cession to His Majesty the Emperor of Japan of all rights of sovereignty over the whole of Korea. Article II. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan ac- 310 APPENDIX A 311 cepts the cession mentioned in the preceding Article, and consents to the complete annexation of Korea to the Empire of Japan. Article III. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will accord to Their Majesties the Emperor and ex-Emperor and His Imperial Highness the Crown Prince of Korea and Their Consorts and Heirs such titles, dignity, and honor as are appropriate to Their respective ranks, and sufficient annual grants will be made for the main- tenance of such titles, dignity, and honor. Article IV. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will also accord appropriate honor and treatment to the members of the Imperial House of Korea and their heirs other than those mentioned in the preceding Article, and the funds necessary for the maintenance of such honor and treatment will be granted. Article V. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will confer peerages and monetary grants upon those Koreans who, on account of meritorious services, are regarded as deserving such special recognition. Article VI. In consequence of the aforesaid annex- ation, the Government of Japan assumes the entire gov- ernment and administration of Korea and undertakes to afford full protection for the persons and property of Koreans obeying the laws there in force, and: to pro- mote the welfare of all such Koreans. Article VII. The Government of Japan will, so far as circumstances permit, employ in the public service of Japan in Korea those Koreans who accept the new régime loyally and in good faith and who are duly qualified for such service. Article VIII. This Treaty, having been approved by His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His 312 APPENDICES Majesty the Emperor of Korea, shall take effect from the date of its promulgation. In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this Treaty, and have affixed thereto their seals, [Signatures omitted. ] APPENDIX B Imperial Rescript on Annexation We, attaching the highest importance to the main- tenance of permanent peace in the Orient and the con- solidation of lasting security to Our Empire and finding in Korea constant and fruitful sources of complication, caused Our Government to conclude in 1905 an Agree- ment with the Korean Government by which Korea was placed under the protection of Japan in the hope that all disturbing elements might thereby be removed and peace assured for ever. For the four years and over which have since elapsed, Our Government have exerted themselves with un- wearied attention to promote reforms in the administra- tion of Korea, and their efforts have, in a degree, been attended with success. But, at the same time, the exist- ing régime of government in that country has shown itself hardly effective to preserve peace and stability, and, in addition, a spirit of suspicion and misgiving dominates the whole Peninsula. In order to maintain public order and security and to advance the happiness and well-being of the people, it has become manifest that fundamental changes in the present system of govern- ment are inevitable, 313 314 APPENDICES We, in concert with His Majesty the Emperor of Korea, having in view this condition of affairs and being equally persuaded of the necessity of annexing the whole of Korea to the Empire of Japan in response to the actual requirements of the situation, have now ar- rived at an arrangement for such permanent annexa- tion. His Majesty the Emperor of Korea and the members of His Imperial House will, notwithstanding the annex- ation, be accorded due and appropriate treatment. All Koreans, being under Our direct sway, will enjoy grow- ing prosperity and welfare, and with assured repose and security will come a marked expansion in industry and trade. We confidently believe that the new order of things now inaugurated will serve as a fresh guaran- tee of enduring peace in the Orient. We order the establishment of the office of Governor- General of Korea. ‘The Governor-General will, under our direction, exercise the command of the army and navy, and a general control over all administrative functions in Korea. We call upon all of Our officials and authorities to fulfil their respective duties in appre- ciation of Our will, and to conduct the various branches of administration in consonance with the requirements of the occasion, to the end that Our subjects may long enjoy the blessings of peace and tranquillity. [His Imprertat Masesty’s Sicn-Manuar] [ Privy SEAL. | The 29th day of the 8th month of the 43rd year of Metji (1910). APPENDIX C The Late Korean Emperor’s Rescript on Cession of Sovereignty (Promulgated on August 29, 1910) Notwithstanding Our unworthiness We succeeded to a great and arduous task, and from Our accession to the Throne down to the present time We have used Our utmost efforts to follow the modern principles of ad- ministration. In view, however, of the long-standing weakness and deep rooted evils, We are convinced that it would be beyond Our power to effect reforms within a measurable length of time. Day and night We have been deeply concerned about it, and have been at a loss to find the means how to rectify the lamentable state of things. Should it be left as it goes on, allowing the situation to assume more serious phase, We fear that We will finally find it impossible to adjust it in any way. Under these circumstances We feel constrained to be- lieve it wise to entrust Our great task to abler hands than Ours, so that efficient measures may be carried out and satisfactory results obtained therefrom. Having taken the matter into Our serious consideration and firmly believing that this is an opportune time for im- mediate decision, We have ceded all the rights of sov- 315 316 APPENDICES ereignty over Korea to His Majesty the Emperor of Japan in whom we have placed implicit confidence and with whom we have shared joy and sorrow from long time since, in order to consolidate the peace of the Extreme East and ensure the welfare of our people. You, all the people, are expected not to give your- selves up to commotion, appreciating the present na- tional situation as well as the trend of the times, but ‘to enjoy the happiness and blessings by pursuing your occupations in peace and obeying the enlightened new administration of the Empire of Japan. We have de- cided to take this step by no means disregarding your intérest but in our eagerness to relieve you of this de- plorable situation. We command you, therefore, to take due cognizance of our wishes, APPENDIX D Imperial Rescript Concerning the Reorganization of the Government-General of Chosen (Promulgated on August 19, 1919) We have ever made it Our aim to promote the se- curity and welfare of Our territory of Korea, and to extend to the native population of that territory as Our beloved subjects a fair and impartial treatment in all respects, to the end that they may without distinc- tion of persons lead their lives in peace and content- ment. We are persuaded that the state of development at which the general situation has now arrived calls for certain reforms in the administrative organization of the Government-General of Korea, and We issue Our Imperial command that such reforms be put into oper- ation. ‘The measures thus taken are solely designed to facilitate the working of administration and to secure good and enlightened government in pursuance of Our settled policy, and in fulfilment of the altered require- ments of the country. Specially in view of the termina- tion of the war in Europe and of the rapid changes in the conditions of the world do We consider it highly desirable that every effort should be made for the ad- 317 318 APPENDICES vancement of the national resources and the well-being of the people. We call upon all public functionaries concerned to exercise their best endeavors in obedience to Our wishes in order that a benign rule may be assured to Korea, and that the people, diligent and happy in attending to their respective vocations, may enjoy the blessing of peace and contribute to the growing pros- perity of the country. APPENDIX 1D) Governor-General’s Instruction to High Officials Con- cerning Administrative Reforms (Issued on Sept. 3, 1919) The main policy of the administration of Chosen is clearly embodied in the Imperial rescript issued on the occasion of the annexation of Chosen in 1910. The progress made by Chosen since she was brought under Japanese rule, in education, industry, communications, sanitation, and other directions, has been remarkable, thanks to the efforts of those who have been responsible for the administration of the country. It cannot be denied, however, that during the ten years that have elapsed since the annexation of Chosen the general af- fairs in the Peninsula have undergone such change that the Government has thought it advisable to frame and promulgate a new organization of the Government- General of Chosen. The purport of the revised official organization is to enlarge the application of the principle of universal brotherhood, which is the keynote of the Imperial re- script recently issued. The official organization has been altered in such a way that either a civil or military man may be appointed at the head of the administra- 319 320 APPENDICES tion in Chosen. The gendarmerie system has been abol- ished and replaced by the ordinary police system. Further, an improvement has been introduced in the matter of the eligibility for appointment of Koreans as officials. The whole aim and object of the revised or- ganization is, in short, to give more happiness and satisfaction than is the case at present by bringing their treatment socially and politically on the same footing as the Japanese. I am not well conversant with all the “fiber of affairs in Chosen and will have to depend on your guidance and suggestions in carrying out the object of the Imperial rescript. At the same time, I would like to call your attention to the following points in regard to the ad- ministration of Chosen. | All officials of the Government-General should do their best to discharge their duties in a conscientious and impartial manner, so that the public may be in- duced to rely on them. AL! official routine should be simplified and made easier, avoiding red-tape as far as possible. The rights of the people should be respected, and the freedom of press and speech should not be inter- fered with unless it is distinctly calculated to be inimi- cal to the preservation of peace. Special attention should be paid to the improvement in education, indus- try, communcations, police, sanitation, and social works, as well as in general administrative and judicial mat- ters, so that the welfare of the Koreans may be ad- vanced with the ultimate object of the establishment of local autonomous government. What is required of the officials who are charged with the administration of Chosen is that they should ac- quaint themselves with the general trend of ideas among APPENDIX E 321 the Koreans and adopt a method of administration which will be in keeping with the requirements of the times. In other words, efforts should be made so that the political foundations may be placed on a firm, se- cure basis. ‘The Koreans and Japanese must be treated alike as members of the same family. If the officials in Chosen try to live up to the ideals set forth in the Imperial rescript, there is no doubt that the Koreans will be induced to recognize the benefit of Japanese rule. APPENDIX F Governor-General’s Proclamation to the People of Chosen (Issued on September 10, 1919) On my assumption of duty as Governor-General, the organization of the Government-General was revised. Accordingly, I desire to address a few words to the people at large. That the administrative policy of Chosen should be based on the great principle of placing the Japanese and Korean peoples on an equal footing and should aim at promoting their interests and happiness, as well as at securing the permanent peace of the Far East, was determined upon at the very beginning. Those suc- cessively charged with the administration of this Penin- sula duly appreciated its meaning and strove to improve and develop its people and resources. The people, too, diligently engaged in their business. It is now recog- nized at home and abroad that the present development of Chosen came as the result of their joint efforts. It goes without saying, however, that all administrative institutions must be planned and executed in conformity with the standard of popular living and the progress of the times, so that appropriate measures may be carried 322 APPENDIX F 323 out and popular desires prevented from taking a wrong course. The times have progressed so much and civili- zation too that it is difficult to draw a comparison be- tween this and former days. Since the great European War was brought to an end, moreover, the condition of the world and human psychology have undergone a marked change. In deference to this hard fact, His Majesty’s Government, through a revision in the Or- ganic Regulations, enlarged the sphere of appointment for the Governor-General, reformed the police system, and made such provision for simplification and prompt transaction of state business and the diffusion of en- lightened administration as to bring them in perfect accord with the forward movement of this age. On assuming my present duty by Imperial order I deter- mined in my own mind to pursue faithfully the State policy and vindicate the spirit of annexation. I am determined to superintend officials under my control and encourage them to put forth greater efforts to act in a fairer and juster way, and promote the facilities of the people and the unhindered attainment of the people’s desires by dispensing with all formality. Full consideration will be given to the appointment and treatment of Koreans so as to secure the right men for the right places, and what in Korean institutions and old customs is worthy of adoption will be adopted as a means of government. I also hope to introduce re- form in the different branches of administrative activ- ity, and to enforce local self-government at the proper opportunity, and thereby ensure stability for the people and enhance their general well-being. It is most de- sirable that the government and governed throw open their hearts and minds to each other and combine their 324 APPENDICES efforts to advance civilization in Chosen, solidify its foundation of enlightened government, and thus answer His Majesty’s benevolent solicitude. If anybody is found guilty of unwarrantably refractory language or action, of misleading the popular mind, and of impeding the maintenance of public peace, he will be met with relentless justice. May it be that the people at large will place reliance on all this. September 10, 1919. Baron Maxoro Saito, Governor-General of Chosen. APPENDIX G Governor-General’s Address to Provincial Governors (Delivered on October 3, 1919) Gentlemen :—I am very glad to have opportunity at this meeting of Provincial Governors to speak to you of my policy and to listen to your opinions concerning the administration of Chosen. When I assumed my duty last month, I made up my mind to establish in this country a civilized administra- tion by conforming my policy to the idea of His Majesty that both Koreans and Japanese should be treated as equals. As you are already well aware, I issued some time ago an instruction to all the officials serving in the Government-General and its affiliated offices. Since that time the Government-General itself has been, and is, endeavoring to carry out various im- portant measures. Gentlemen, I do not doubt that you also have carried out or are intending to carry out these reforms, and are leading your subordinates in the same spirit as myself. I earnestly desire you to realize the administrative reforms by entering into the spirit of my instruction more thoroughly than ever. As to concrete plans and measures to be followed for effecting the reforms, the Administrative Superintend- 325 326 APPENDICES ent will separately give you instructions. By observing these instructions you are expected to introduce a new spirit and new life into the government of this country and attain good results. The most important task to be accomplished today is the adjustment and completion of the police organs and the maintenance of public peace and order. How- ever, at this transition time, when the replacement of gendarmes with ordinary police is being effected, it is very difficult to expand the police force. Besides, ar- rangements for various police organs have not as yet been completed. I can well sympathize with you in your anxiety and trouble, standing, as you do, in this diffi- cult situation, but I ask you to ensure the peace of the localities under your jurisdiction and make the people under your administration repose full confidence in thé authorities, by maintaining satisfactory and smooth relations with all the public offices interested in this task, and by checkmating the activities of agitators through taking the best possible measures. This year’s drought in places north of the central part of this Peninsula was so severe as to be unprece- dented in recent years. In consequence, in these places only very poor crops have been obtained and many people are suffering from scarcity of food. To study measures for relieving them, a committee has been spe- cially organized and general plans for doing so have been decided on. Gentlemen, you are asked to follow these plans in the main and leave no room for criticism in assuring the sufferers in affected localities of safe living by taking such measures as are appropriate to local conditions. The world’s thoughts and ideas are in an unsettled APPENDIX G 327 state due to the great European War. In these days it is of the utmost importance to restrain our people from resorting to thoughtless and harmful acts, to in- duce them calmly to pursue their respective occupa- tions, and to allow them freedom to make orderly progress, for all this is the way by which the State can attain a healthy development. Especially is it im- portant in Chosen, where disturbances have broken out one after another since March last, where wild rumors still continue to be in the air, and where the popular mind is still disturbed, to free the people from anxiety and lead them in a right direction. I hope and desire that, together with your subor- dinates, you will put forth greater efforts than hitherto to open up a new and happy era in the administration of this Peninsula by adapting your course to the prog- ress of the times. APPENDIX H Administrative Superintendent’s Instructions to Pro- vincial Governors (Delivered on October 3, 1919) Gentlemen :—With regard to the reform of the ad- ministration of Chosen, the Governor-General, on the assumption of his duty, showed in his instruction to the officials of the Government-General and its affiliated offices the fundamental points in his policy. So I trust that you are already endeavoring steadily to put them into practice. I now desire to call your attention to the essential measures, which the Government-General has already carried out since its reorganization or is about to carry out. In order to realize the Imperial idea of placing Jap- anese and Koreans on the footing of equality and reap the fruit of fair and enlightened administration by the co-operation of the Government and people, the Gov- ernment-General has considered it urgently necessary to abolish the discrimination hitherto existing between Japanese and Korean officials in their treatment, and to open the way for the appointment to official posts of men of talent and ability by giving them very good treatment. ‘The Government-General has accordingly decided to make the salaries of Korean officials equal to those of Japanese officials. Regulations concerning 328 APPENDIX H 329 this measure will shortly be published. Also, the power of Korean judges and public procurators has been ex- tended to the same degree as that of their Japanese colleagues, while the posts of principals of common schools hitherto exclusively given to Japanese will here- after be given to Koreans too. For officials in general, in view of the present state of society, the Government is prepared to give them better treatment as far as its finances will allow. The Government is also pre- pared to abolish complicated restrictions concerning appointments, and regulations concerning promotions, so that the right men may be found in the right posts and all officials may serve the State with increased effi- ciency and in a spirit of fresh vigor. One way of promoting the welfare of the governed is to eradicate the evil of formality and simplify the trans- action of official business. In this respect it is regret- table that there was something needing improvement in the administration of Chosen. In addition, due to the progress of the times and the economic development of the Peninsula, the business of government offices has been rapidly augmenting, strengthening the desire for its prompt handling and settlement. In view of this, the Government has recognized the necessity of speedily introducing improvement in the transaction of official business. To do so, the Government has set aside the principle hitherto pursued of centralizing power in the Government-General in favor of that of distributing it among local offices. In conformity with this idea the Government-General will shortly adjust itself and ex- tend as far as possible the power entrusted to local officials. For instance, the transaction of affairs re- lating to the appointment of retirement of lower class 330 APPENDICES officials in local offices and the distribution of bonuses among them, as well as of affairs relating to traveling by subordinates on official business, has already been entrusted to Provincial Governors. Rules relating to the enforcement of the Myen (village) system have been revised and nearly all business concerning it has also been transferred to their hands. Further, Pro- vincial Governors have been given the power of appoint- ing Councillors. Besides, it is the intention of the Government-General to empower Prefects and District Magistrates to deal with matters relating to the exemp- tion or reduction of ground-rent for State lands after they have obtained the approval of the Provincial Gov- ernor of their localities. The authorities also intend to give District Magistrates certain power to deal with offences relating to the payment of indirect taxes with- out taking the trouble of obtaining the approval of their superiors to do so. All these measures already taken or about to be taken are aimed at the elimination of red-tapeism, the adjustment of complicated laws and regulations, and the simplification of business transac- tion, so as to lessen as far as possible the inconvenience felt by the people at large. You are asked, therefore, gentlemen, to appreciate this idea, and, in dealing with affairs coming under your domain, give to them due deliberation and transact them in a spirit of responsi- bility. It is essential for a government to establish a thor- ough understanding between the government and the people governed, and to carry out such administration as is suitable to local conditions. Gentlemen, you should endeavor, by directing your subordinates in a proper way, to make the people under you thoroughly under- APPENDIX H 331 stand the ideas of the Government and appreciate the motives of the law and administrative measures adopted. At the same time you should not neglect to know what the people desire or complain of and inform the Gov- ernment of what they think. This is a matter, the im- portance of which is self-evident. Nevertheless, it is an evil common to all ages that this is not well done in practice. Now let us consider how it was in Chosen. As a matter of fact, there was something lacking in this respect. People did not fully understand and appreci- ate the aims and motives of the laws and regulations enacted, or the spirit of the proclamations and instruc- tions issued. For this reason, in not a few instances the enforcement of administrative measures was much hampered and excited the ill-feeling of the people in general, Gentlemen, it was in order to avoid the repe- tition of such blunders that the Government-General convened to a meeting here some days ago leading Koreans in the provinces recommended by yourselves, and explained to them the motives and aims of the ad- ministrative reforms undertaken. The distribution throughout the country of the Governor-General’s proclamation and instruction, the dispatch of a num- ber of high officials to the provinces on a mission of inspection of popular conditions, and the invitation of opinion by the Government from the Central Council, which hitherto existed as a nominal advisory body only —all these were done by the Government with the pur- pose of realizing the idea mentioned. Gentlemen, I ask you to convey this idea to your subordinates, to guide and help the people under your administration, and to make them thoroughly understand the policy of the Government. I also ask you to learn clearly and fully 832 APPENDICES their mental condition and endeavor to take fitting measures to give them satisfaction. In order to advance the capabilities of the people in the provinces, improve their habits, and enable them to take part in the Government, the Government recog- nizes the necessity of carrying out a system of local self-government. The Director of the Internal Affairs Bureau is investigating and studying the subject, so that some time in the future the Government will an- nounce a concrete plan thereanent. You are requested to submit to me your views, if you have any, without the least reservation. The police system has been reformed with the reor- ganization of the Government-General, the police and gendarmes being now separated, each having its own proper duties. The police power is now in your hands. Accordingly you must remember that you have now greater responsibility than hitherto in maintaining peace and order in the localities under your jurisdic- tion. I desire that, by encouraging your subordinates, you will achieve great improvement in the administra- tion of police affairs. The police being in direct con- tact with the people, and having as their duty their protection and control, their acts and behavior not only concern the interests of the people to a large extent, but often become the cause of criticism against the Government-General régime. I desire you, gentlemen, to be careful in the direction of the police officers under you, so that they may commit no blunders but uphold their prestige. The popular mind is still disturbed in Chosen and it is not impossible that the situation may take on a seri- ous aspect. Taking advantage of this state of things, APPENDIX H 833 wicked men are secretly at work endeavoring to incite the masses and disturb the order of society by spread- ing wild and seditious rumors. In consequence, law- abiding people are menaced in regard to life and prop- erty, suffering therefrom much loss. Gentlemen, you should exercise strict control over those wicked men, and endeavor to free peaceful people from the fear of groundless rumors, give them assurance of the security of life and property, and set the popular mind at ease. With regard to the control of disturbances and sim- ilar occurrences, you should try to use the police organs to the best advantage, and, by paying the most circum- spect attention, should try to prevent such from taking place. You should, however, be fully prepared promptly to suppress any untoward occurrence that may take place. | It is necessary to extend medical and sanitary organs and to complete their equipments in order to prevent the outbreak of epidemics and to give people suffering from diseases prompt and efficient medical attention. It is a measure calculated to give assurance to the popular mind. In this branch of the Government work, thanks to the splendid efforts put forth by our prede- cessors, some excellent arrangements have already been made in this country, there being in existence nineteen charity hospitals and more than one hundred public doctors. Nevertheless, in consideration of the progress of the times, the Government has recognized the neces- sity of introducing improvement in the work as far as its finances allow. The authorities are now deliberating plans to establish more charity hospitals, appoint more public doctors, and increase the force of sanitary ex- perts attached to provincial governments. You are 334 APPENDICES asked to enter into this idea of the Government and leave no room for criticism in promoting the hygienic welfare of the general public and spreading the benefit of medical relief. The method of punishment by flogging has long been practised in Chosen and was considered a measure suit- able to the standard of the people as a preventive of minor offences. So the Government has continued it against Koreans only. It is, however, a method of pun- ishment at variance with the modern idea aiming at the reformation of erring people. For this reason, the Government will shortly abolish it, substituting for it imprisonment with labor or fines, so as to conform to the progress of the times. The Government-General since its establishment has earnestly encouraged industry in this country with the result that a fine development has been attained. The development of industry is to be achieved on the basis of experience as well as of manners and customs. Its pace should not be forcibly accelerated by the launch- ing of novel ventures or by the introduction of sudden changes. So, in improving industrial undertakings and institutions already under way, you should be very careful in selecting what is good and rejecting what is bad, so as to assure their healthy progress. Education is the means by which the human intellect is developed and a virtuous character built up. In view of the present condition of this country, the Gov- ernment recognizes the urgent necessity of spreading education among the people by advancing the standard of educational organs and enriching their equipment. Accordingly, the Government is now deliberating plans for the extension of the school course for Korean chil- APPENDIX H 335 dren, improvement of school curriculums, increase in schools, and the establishment of new organs for higher education, as well as the improvement of those already existing. But no good result in education can be achieved through the completion of its system and ar- rangement, unless it is reformed and improved in spirit and conduct. I desire you, gentlemen, to be very care- ful in the selection and superintendence of teachers, and to endeavor to improve the method of teaching. It is scarcely necessary to say that the knowledge of the Korean language is very important to officials in discharging their duties. Accordingly, in order to encourage the study of the language by them, the Gov- ernment-General intends to find a way for granting special liberal allowances to those mastering it. Espe- cially great is the importance of the mastery of the language by police officers and officials serving in pro- vincial governments, as they daily come in contact with the Korean people. I ask you to communicate this idea of the Government to your subordinates and induce them to take up the study of Korean in earnest. With regard to the maintenance of official discipline, the preceding heads of the Government-General fre- quently issued instructions, so that I do not doubt that you are always paying due attention to the subject. I see, however, that the morality of society is very loose of late, and there is a tendency for its bad effects to appear among Government officials in general. I regret that I frequently hear of various unpleasant affairs taking place among them. I ask you to drive home in the minds of officials under you that they are expected to be examples for the people at large and to maintain the dignity and prestige due to their positions. 336 APPENDICES Since my arrival here, I have been working hard, together with gentlemen under me, with a view to ob- taining some good results from the new régime. It 1s, however, less than two months since it was inaugurated. The new policy of the Governor-General is not as yet thoroughly realized, and those measures already taken for its realization have not as yet borne fruit. All this I regret very much, but I shall continue to put forth my best efforts in the discharge of my duty with the purpose of bringing into the administration of this country a new and happy feature. Gentlemen, I be- seech you to remember the great responsibility reposed in you, to appreciate the motives and ideas of the new régime, and to discharge your duty with courage and without flinching. The administrative reform we have taken up, however, must be preceded by circumspect deliberation and study, as well as by the amendment of existing institutions. In addition, funds must be pro- vided. Unless we are given time, it is impossible for us to achieve our desired end. Together with you I wish to go on our work slowly but steadily, thinking deeply of the present and the future. Above all, I am determined not to be swayed by the superficial criti- cism of the public, and not to be too hasty in endeavor- ing to reap the fruit of our labor, so that we may not commit blunders by acting thoughtlessly. Gentlemen, many of you have lived long in Chosen and are well versed in affairs and in the conditions in your localities. I desire you to take the present opportunity to submit to me your views without the least reservation, and thereby contribute to the reform of the administration of this country. APPENDIX r Rules for Teachers: (Notification No. 11, January 4, 1916) I. The fostering of loyalty and filial piety shall be made the radical principle of education, and the cul- tivation of moral sentiments shall be given special at- tention. Loyalty and filial piety form the basis of moral principle and are the natural sentiments of sub- jects and sons. Acting on this basic principle and natural sentiment, the actions of all will be restrained within the bounds of propriety. It is only what may be expected of a loyal and dutiful man, who knows what is demanded of a subject and a son that he should be faithful to his duties, and manage his household with thrift and diligence, thus enabling him to establish him- self in society, succeed in business, and contribute to the enhancement of the prosperity of the country. It is, therefore, required of persons in education that they train the moral sentiments of their pupils on the basis of loyalty and filial piety, so that they may grow up imbued with the desire and power to meet the require- ments of their country. II. Practical use shall be made the aim in imparting knowledge and art. The object of education is to raise up practical men able to meet the requirements of the 337 338 APPENDICES State. How can it be expected that a man will estab- lish himself and succeed in business, thus advancing the national interests, and do that which the State requires of him, if he gives himself to vain argument and be- comes thereby of little use to the world, or if he is averse to industry and labor and neglects the practice thereof? It is therefore, required of persons engaged in education that they pay their primary attention to the principle of utilization of knowledge, the promotion of the national welfare, and to the imparting of useful knowledge, so that practical persons to meet the na- tional requirements will be found to be the rule, not the exception, in the Empire. III. Robust physical development shall be striven for. Robust physical development is necessary in order to carry through undertakings, while the development of the national strength also depends much upon the exertions of the people constituting the country. How can it be expected of a person of weak physique and unfit for work, to get along in the world, carry on business, and thereby contribute to the development of the country? It is, therefore, required of persons en- gaged in education always to bear this in mind, so that their pupils may be brought up strong and healthy. The above-mentioned three items are the essential principles of education. The fate of a country depends upon the quality of the people constituting it; and the quality of the people depends upon the morality, abil- ity, and physique possessed by them. Whether the edu- cation being given is elementary or higher, common or special, persons engaging in it shall always bear these principles in mind, and give their whole energy to the realization of them, so that the object of education may APPENDIX I 339 be attained. With regard to the ways and means by which these principles are to be realized: special atten- tion shall be paid to the following nine rules: (1) Education shall be adapted to the characteris- tics of the pupils and to the circumstances in which they are placed. It is necessary for teachers to make themselves acquainted with the characteristics of their pupils and with the circumstances in which they are placed, so that they may give suitable education adapted thereto. Education desultorily given without first studying such characteristics and circumstances, will not only fall short of attaining its object, but some- times may even prove harmful. It is, therefore, re- quired of teachers that they make themselves well ac- quainted with the age, physique, disposition and habits of the pupils under them, thereby deriving suggestions as to the method of imparting education to them. Be- sides the disposition and circumstances of the pupils, teachers shall also make themselves acquainted with their individual personality, so that they may give to each the education exactly needed by them, just as a physician gives his patients those medicines required for curing their disease. Education limited to class- rooms, where it is given in common, neglecting the spe- cial direction and assistance required by pupils, whether in common or individually, leaves much to be desired. (2) Education shall aim at adapting itself to the needs of the times and to the conditions of the people. The object of education is not to be attained by being restrained within conventional forms, or given in a careless manner. ‘Teachers are, therefore, required first to lay down established plans and arrangements with regard to the training of their pupils, whether moral, 340 APPENDICES intellectual, or physical, so that nothing is left undone in devising methods of education. (3) Instruction shall be given so that the national characteristics are fostered. In imparting education, the developing of the national characteristics shall be made the object, and the cultivation of virtue be striven for, by paying special attention to instruction given. Not to mention hours for lessons, or for practical train- ing, every opportunity that may present itself shall be seized by teachers to give their pupils suitable instruc- tion, so that pupils may be brought up to behave them- selves leniently towards others, but strictly towards. themselves, to value order and to observe discipline, to be thrifty and industrious, and honest and trustworthy. In this way, these qualities may become their second nature, so that when grown up they may discharge in full their duties as people of the Empire. (4) Education given shall be uniform in system, and practice shall be repeated, so that pupils may grasp what they have learned. In order to make secure the efforts of teaching, the object of each lesson shall be made clear, a system followed, and proper order ob- served. At the same time, care must be taken to estab- lish connection and unity between the lessons, so that each shall be dependent on, and not counteract the other. In case different teachers give different branches of a lesson, attention shall be especially given to this point, and conference between them held, so that con- nection is established between them, and the pupils en- abled to receive thoroughly connected teaching. It shall not be the aim to impart a great deal of knowledge or art, as it is essential that the pupils be made fully to understand and make their own that which they are APPENDIX I 341 taught. It is, therefore, required that they be given as ample opportunity as possible for repetition of, and exercise in, what they are taught. In this way, it is hoped the knowledge imparted to them may be firmly implanted in their minds, a perfect system established, and free use of that knowledge made by the pupils with promptitude. (5) Education shall be given so as to arouse the interest of pupils in their studies and thus induce in them the habit of voluntarily pursuing them. On the occasion of giving a lesson, it is necessary to use suit- able methods, so that pupils may be interested, and brought thoroughly to understand what they are taught, and thus be led to enjoy their studies. In teaching, pupils shall not only have knowledge and art imparted to them, but they shall also be taught the method of study. Besides, in teaching the practical side of subjects, endeavor shall be made to induce pu- pils to feel an interest in it and to pursue it with pleasure, so that they may acquire the habit of in- dustry and the taste for labor. In this way, it is hoped from the oversight of teachers, they will not lapse into idleness, but keep up the habit of self-training and push onward in their calling. (6) Attention shall be paid to physical development, and along with gymnastics suitable athletic sports shall be encouraged. It is necessary for a person to have a strong physique in order to get on in the world and succeed in business. Gymnastics well adapted to the stages of physical development shall, therefore, be practised, and exercises or pastimes for the seasons and locality encouraged, so that the body of the pupils may be hardened, their mental strength invigorated and they 342 APPENDICES may be the possessors of physique able to stand the changes of the seasons, and rise superior to the hard- ships they may experience. It shall also be an object to induce pupils to volunteer for physical training, not only during their school life, but also after that is over, so that their physique may continually develop. (7) Teachers shall exhibit to their pupils love and dignity, and make themselves models for them. Dig- nity is necessary for a teacher in facing his pupils, because with it he is able to give life to his teaching and training, and thereby attain the objects of education. At the same time there must be warm love and deep affection to enable teachers to maintain friendly rela- tions with their pupils, and thus exercise sufficient in- fluence over them and bring them up satisfactorily. What they desire of their pupils, teachers shall show by their own example and by acting up to their words will make themselves fit models for imitation. (8) Teachers shall have a firm purpose, and always strive after mental cultivation. Education does not look for immediate results, as its aim is far-reaching. Teachers shall, therefore, regard education as an hon- orable profession, and become firmly attached to it, so that they may strive always for its final aim and be ready to die, if needed, martyrs for that profession. Teachers shall also endeavor to comprehend the seri- ousness of their duties, so that they may experience a sense of failure if they find the culture possessed by them falling short of their high calling, and they will be urged thereby to faithful prosecution of their studies and to the proper application of experience, and to strive for the expansion of their acquirements, and so to attain the desired improvement and progress in APPENDIX I 343 themselves and the faithful execution of the duties ex- pected of them. (9) Teachers shall be ready to keep on friendly terms with one another, and, further, to extend their friendship to elders of the local community, so that they may exert a good influence over them. Education is closely related to social matters, so that it is difficult to attain its objects by school education alone. It, therefore, follows that teachers must keep on friendly terms with one another, and advise each other with will, so that all may be kept from swerving from the path of duty, a good esprit de corps established among the schools, and pupils surrounded with the best pos- sible influence. They shall also keep on good terms with elders of the local community, and acting, in con- cert with them, endeavor to accomplish the object of education. At the same time, they shall keep in view the fact that they are leaders of the community, and so endeavor to influence and reform it. In short, teachers shall thoroughly master the funda~ mental principles of the education of the Empire, and. endeavor to bring that education into realization, put- ting forth their strength in all sincerity, and by gain- ing the fruitful result of education contribute to the desired development of the Empire. All conduct in life is to be based on sincerity and endeavor. It is only by acting with sincerity and endeavor that pupils can be trained to be loyal, and the Imperial behest be obeyed. With regard to education in Chosen, I, the Governor-General, depend greatly upon those in re- sponsible positions, and so lay down herewith the daily rules for teachers, so that what is desired of them shall be quite clearly set out before them. pe ae er yay) i : Pave Us SA URAL GR) shee” 4 re INDEX AGRICULTURE: agricultural associations, 253; agricul- tural labor, 256; agricul- tural loans, 250; area under cultivation, 241; crops, classified, 241, value of, 244, yield of, 242, 248; financing the farmers, 249; husbandry, improvement of, 252; irri- gation, 253; land tenure, 246; model farm, 252; of- ficial encouragement of, 251; sericulture, 244. ANNEXATION BY JAPAN: I, 2, 55, seq., 65, seq., treaty of, 8310, Imperial Rescript on, 818, Korean Em- peror’s Rescript on, 315. ADMINISTRATION, Loca: see Government Organization, Local Administration. Arryosul, T. 71. BankKINnG: Bank of Chosen, 300; Chosen Industrial Bank, 3802; historical, 294; mutual credit asso- ciations, 304; ordinary banks, 302; Oriental De- velopment Company, 303; People’s Banking Associa- tions, 298, 802; statistics, 299, 801, 302, 305. Buskirk, Dr. J. D. Van: on the climate of Korea, 20. CuIno-JAPANESE War: 86, seq. CHINESE SUZERAINTY: seq. CHosEN (commonly called Korea) see under Korea. Civiz ADMINIsTRATORS: their qualities compared with those of military officers, 67, 68. CLIMATE: 20. ComMERcE: bullion, 285; currency, 278 seq.; ex- ports, classified, 287, value of, 284; foreign, distribution of, 286, value of, 284; government ex- penditure to foster, 292; imports, classified, 289, value of, 284. 36, 345 346 CoMMUNICATIONS: maritime, 34; postal, telegraph, tele- phone, wireless, 34, seq., railways, 27, seqg.; roads, 31; streets, 32. Courts oF Law: 152. Crime: age-distribution of criminals, 164; female criminals, 164, 165; first offenders, 165; juvenile criminals, 164; number of criminals, 164; recidivism, 165. Deet, Nationa: 184-187. DeEPENDENCIES: their gov- ernment compared — with that of independent states, 8-17. District EpucaTIoNaL Bopres: 133, 1384, 201, 202. DoNnaTION, THE IMPERIAL: 66, 128-125, 201. Economic D&EVELOPMENT: historical, 287-242; see further under Agriculture, Forestry, Fishery, Min- ing, Commerce, Manu- factures, Banking. EpvucaTion: agricultural, 194; commercial, 194; de- velopment of system, 191, seq.; District Educational Bodies for Koreans, 133, 134, 201, 202; expendi- ture on, 80, 81, 210; fi- nancing of, 208, seq.; INDEX girls’, 194; Imperial Re- script on, 188; industrial, 202; kindergartens, 203; objects of, 188, seg.; pres- ent state of system, 197, seqg.; racial co-education, 198; School Associations for Japanese, 181-133, 202; schools, classification of, 199-202; curriculum, 204; fees, 210; manage- ment of, 201, number of, 202, private, supervision of, 195, religion in, 206- 208, students in, number of, 203; statistics of, 200- 208; teachers, number of, 202, rules for, 237, seq.; salaries of, 205, techno- logical, 194; text-books, 195; university, 80, 203. Exports: see under Com- merce. FINANCE, GOVERNMENT: budget, 173; expenditures of Government - General, 174, objects of, 181-1838; government undertakings, 178-181; historical sum- mary, 169-173; monopo- lies, 178; national debt, 184-187; reforms, 171- 173; revenue of, 174, sources of, 175-181. FIsHERY. Finance, Loca: see under Government Organization, Local Administration. INDEX FisHery: aquatic products, experiments in, 269; en- couragement and regula- tion of, 267; fishing indus- try, development and progress of, 270. Frioaeine: abolition of, 80; 143. Forestry: 74, 75, 179; af- forestation, 264-266; Ar- bor Day, 265; condition of the forests, 262; his- torical, 260-262; seedling plantations, 265. GENDARMERIE: abolition of, 80. GovERNMENT: self-govern- ment and colonial govern- ment compared, 10-17: dangers arising from bad government, 62; parlia- mentary government fall- ing into disrepute, 16. GovERNMENT FINANCE: see Finance. GOVERNMENT - GENERAL: character of during early years, 56, 68; established, 55; expenditure on vari- ous objects, 80; organic regulations, 77, 85, 86, 99; organization of, 83- 107; policy of, 78-82, 93, 96; problems confronting it, 66, 89; reforms, 77, administrative | superin- tendent’s instructions to Provincial Governors on, 847 328-336, Governor-Gener- al’s Proclamation on, 822, his address to Provincial Governors on, 825; reor- ganization of, Governor- General’s Instructions on, 319, Imperial Rescript on, 317. See also under Govy- ernment Organization, the Government-General. GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION — Locat AnpmMiINisTRa- TION: administrative de- centralization, 108, 112; administrative divisions, 111; advisory councils, 114-119; District Educa- tional Bodies, 133; dis- tricts, 111; education, 118, 115; finance, revenue and expenditure, 121-125; inspection of, 120; intro- ductory account of, 109, seq.; municipalities, 111, 115, 116, 126-128; police, 111; provinces, 111; pro- vincial governors, 111; sanitation, 112; School Associations, 181-133; vil- Jages, 111, 128-1381; Water Utilization Asso- ciations, 135. GovERNMENT ORGANIZATION — Tue GoveRNMENT- GENERAL: affiliated offices of, 77, 86, 87, 101, 102; Central Council, 87, 88; central offices of, 100; civil service, appoint- 348 ments and salaries, 104, 105, improvement in posi- tion of Korean officials, 107, pensions, 105-107; organic regulations of, 77, 85, 86, 99; personnel of, 87, 103; policy of, 78-82, 93-96; present organiza- tion of, 96, seq.; provin- cial government, 88, 89; reorganization of, 98, 99, Imperial Rescript on, 317. Hayasi, Viscount: 54. Hosuino, T.: 251. IMPERIAL Donation: 66, 122-125, 201. IMPERIALISM: contrasted with nationalism, 2-7. INDEPENDENT StaTEs: their government compared with that of dependencies, 8-17. IRRIGATION: 185, 186, 253. Iro, Marquis: 54, assassina- tion of, 57. JAPAN: relations with Ko- rea, 36, seq. JAPANESE Poticy 1n Korea: 43, seq., 56, seq., 68, seq. JAPANESE Rute IN Korea: absence of anti-Korean feeling, 27; character of, yh Jupiciary: 150, seq. INDEX Keiyo (commonly called Seoul): 19, 32. Korea: abdication of the Emperor, 54; agriculture, 237 - 259; agricultural loans, 74; annexation by Japan, 1, 55, passim; area under cultivation, 73; banking, 294; charitable and social works, 81; Chinese suzerainty, 36, seq.; civil suits, number of, instituted in courts of first instance, 146; cli- mate, 20; commerce, 283; crime, state of, 148, 149, 164, 165; criminal cases, sentences imposed in, 148; currency, 278; debt, national, 184; education, 80, 81, 131-184, 188-208; finance, government, 169- 187; financing of farmers, 249; fishery, 75, 266; flogging, abolition of, 80; foreign settlements, aboli- tion of, 113; forestry, 74, UO; 2017925 Sopendarmerie abolished, 80; geography of, 18; government of, 77; government finance, 169-187; Government- General, established, 55, organization of, 88-107; Government, local, organ- ization of, 108-186; im- provement in general con- ditions, 72; independence movement, 56, seq., 68; INDEX 349 Lanp TENvRE: 246. Law: sources of, 143. Laws AND Courts: appeals industry, government en- couragement of, 80, 81, 251, 292; irrigation, 253; Japanese policy toward, 43, seq.; Japanese protec- torate established, 49, seq.; law, courts of, 152, sources of, 143; laws and courts, 1387-153; manufac- tures, 290; maritime transportation, 34; mate- rial progress, 73; medical and sanitary services, 80, 81; mining, 75, 273; mis- sionaries, their educa- tional work, 200, 206; opium, control of, 224; police system, 154-162; population, 23-27, 67 ; pos- tal service, 34; prisons, 162-168; public works, 80, 81; railways, 27; re- lations with China, 86, seq., with Japan, 36-65, 83, with Russia, 2, 47, 48; Residency - General, 51, 64, 83; roads, 31; schools, 192, seq.; social and charitable works, 81; streets, 32; taxation, 169, 175, 179; telegraph ser- vice, 86; telephone ser- vice, 86; vital statistics, 231; university, 80, 203. Koreans: census of, 23; character of, 26, 67; dis- tribution by occupation, 25; living outside Japa- nese Empire, 26, 67. MANUFACTURES: MEDICAL, in civil suits, 146, in crim- inal cases, 150; civil pro- cedure, 145; civil suits, number and nature of, 146; criminal cases, num- ber and nature of sen- tences, 148, percentage of convictions, 149; criminal procedure, 147; judiciary, 150; reforms in, 1388; sources of law, 143; under native rule, 137, Locaut ADMINISTRATION: e€x- penditures on, by Govern- ment-General, 80; organ- ization of, 108-1386; see further under Govern- ment Organization, Local Government. develop- ment of, 290; government expenditures to foster, 292; industrial products, classes of, 298, value of, 298, 294. SANITARY, AND SociaL Services: bacteri- ological service, 224; Cen- tral Health Society, 223; death, causes of, 218; epi- demics, 217; expansion of medical service, 222; ex- penditure on, 80, 81, 103; health practitioners, 230; historical, 212; hospitals, 350 227; hygienic inspection, 223; lepers, 226, 235; opium control, 224; sani- tary equipment, 219; so- cial service, 281; vital statistics, 231. Mipzuno, Dr. R.: 70. Miuitary ADMINISTRATORS: their qualities compared with those of civil admin- istrators, 67. Minine: historical, 278; present state of industry, 275; value of metal and mineral output, 277. Monicipatities: 111, 116, 126. 115, NATIONALISM: compared with Imperialism, 2-7, Nationat Dest: 184-187. Orium ContTrROL: 224, ORIENTAL DEVELOPMENT ComMPANy: 296, 303. Pource ADMINISTRATION: cost of, 161; personnel of police force, 159; Train- ing Institute for, 156; under Japanese rule, 158; under native rule, 154. Poxitics: increasing inefhi- ciency of, as basis of gov- ernment, 14-16. PopuLATION: census, 23; character of, 26, 27, 67; distribution by occupation, 25; Koreans living outside INDEX Japanese Empire, 26; proportion dependent on agriculture, 73. PostTaL SERVICE: 84. Prison ADMINISTRATION: fe- male criminals, 164; first offenders, 165; flogging abolished, 164; juvenile crime, 164; prisoners, la- bor of, 167, morbidity and mortality of, 167, number of, 164, pardons of, 166; recidivism, 165; training of prison officials, 163; under Japanese rule, 162; under native rule, 162. ProvincrAL Bopres: 81; schools maintained by, 202. ProvINcEs: names of and other details about, 111. ProvinciaL GOVERNMENT: 88, 111. QuEEN oF Korea: murder of, 41. ResipENcY - GENERAL: 51, 64, 83. RusstaN INTRIGUE: 48. Russo-JAPANESE War: 47, 48, 64. 2, AT, Saito, Viscount, Gover- NOR-GENERAL: 8, passim; appointment of, 69, 77; conciliatory attitude of, 61, 69; policy of, 72, 198; INDEX 351 Proclamations of, 78, 79, 822; reforms effected by, 79, 80. SANITARY SERVICE: see un- der Medical, Sanitary, and Social Services. Scuoout Associations: 131, 202. Scuoots: see under Educa- tion. Srexr-Rute: contrasted with dependent rule, 10-17. SERICULTURE: 244, Severance Mepicat Cot- LEGE: 228. SociaL SERVICE: 231-236. StTaTisTIcAL TABLES: agri- cultural products, esti- mated value of, 244; Bank of Chosen, business of, 801; banking, growth of, 76, 288, statistics of, 299; civil cases in courts of first instance, 146; commerce, foreign, 284, growth of, 76, 283, pro- portion of done with vari- ous countries, 286; crimi- nal cases, sentences im- posed in, 148; crops, area planted to various, 241, value of, 244, yield of principal, 243; education, public expenditure on, 210; epidemic diseases, 218; expenditure and revenue of Government- General, 174; expenditure by Government - General, budget estimate of, classi- fied according to its ob- jects, 80, 183, to foster commerce and manufac- tures, 292; expenditure by provincial and other public bodies classified ac- cording to its objects, 81; expenditure, public, on various objects, 97; ex- ports, value of by classes, 287; finance, budgets of local, 122; Government- General, personnel of, 87, 103; imports, value of by classes, 289; manufac- tures, growth of, 76, 283; metal and mineral output, value of, 277; Mutual Credit Associations, con- dition and business of, 805; police force, cost of, 161, personnel of, 159; prisoners, classified ac- cording to recidivism, 166, number of, 164; provin- cial councils, composition of, 119; revenue and ex- penditure of Government- General, 174; school as- sociations, number of and finance of, 183; schools, elementary, number of and finance of, 1384, num- ber of, 202, number of teachers in, 202; sericul- tural products, value of, 245; vital statistics, 231; voters, number of, 118. 352 Stevens, Mr. D. W.: assas- sination of, 56. TEACHERS: number of in schools, 202, rules for, 337. TELEGRAPH SERVICE: 35. TELEPHONE SERVICE: 86. TERAUCHI, ViscouNT: 55. VILLAGES: 128. Wasson, Rev. AuFrep W.: INDEX on religion in Korean schools, 207. Water UTILIZATION CIATIONS: 135. Wetcu, Bisuop: his opinion of Governor - General Saito, 69. Asso- Yen: par value of, 73. Yr Dynasty: misrule of, 27, passim. Yr Wan Yone: 56; at- tempted assassination of, 57. GEOGRAPHICAL PLACE NAMES Japanese Korean Provinces Chiisei-do Chyung-chyong-dé Heian-dé Pyéng-an Keiki-do Kyong-geur Keish6-d6 Kyong-sang Kégen-do Kang-uon Kokai-dé Hoang-hat Kankyé-di Ham-gyong Zenra do Chyol-la Provincial Capitals Gishi Wi-yyu xs Heijo Pyéng-yang Kaishi Hai-jyu Kanko Ham-heung Keizo Kyong-song (Seoul) Kwoshi Kwang-jyu Koshi Kong-jyu Ranan La-nam Seisht Chyong-jyu Shinshit Chin-jyu Shunsen Chyung-chyon Taikyt Tai-ki Zenshii Chyon-jyu Principal Seaports Chinnampo Chinnampo Fusan Pusan Gensan Won-san Jinsen In-chyong (Chemulpo) Joshin Song-jin Kunsan Kunsan Japanese Korean Basan Masan _ | Moppo Mokpo 0 | Seishin Chyong-jin « | Shin-gisht Shin-wijyu iy Toet Tongyeng ce “: Principal Mountains « | Chohaku-san Chyang-paik-san Shohaku-san Syo-paik-san Tathaku-san Tai-paik-san Principal Rivers Daidé-ko Tai-dong-gang Kan-ko Han-gang Kin-ko Keum-gang Oryoku-ko § Am-nok-kang ( Yalu) Rakutoé-ko Nak-tong-gang Toman-ko Tuiman-gang (Tumen) Principal Islands Kyosat Ko-jyet Saishit Chyer-jyu (Quelpart) Utsuryd Ul-leung Principal Bays Chinkat Chin-hat Koryo Kwang-nyang Yeiko Yong-heung 354 Gas ++++ Boundary of Quntry ---- Boundary of Province B Povinca/ Cites @ Principal Towns or Seaports atte Ray /roads First class Roads 24 ft wide) —- Second class Roads (8 ft wide) MAP OF KOREA (CHOSEN) Date Due oes! a, te Le Sa FP Fit i } OC eee S.C SP aaee ~ - eh oe — - mati . 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