ae x > RS 2 2.) a x N % Pn ER): 7 sar Si rn ee ESE a je Re CO AY OE OS RTE NOT OER EET EE ATT SER EE STN RE A NER eS ee A en eh te OER OSE EE OE SON OR RL OE NE ES RE > OUTLINES OF HEBREW GRAMMAR. OUTLINES OF HEBREW GRAMMAR By GUSTAVUS BICKELL, DDr PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT INNSBRUCK. REVISED BY THE AUTHOR, AND ANNOTATED BY THE TRANSLATOR SAMUEL IVES CURTISS, Jr., DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, LEIPZIG, WITH A LITHOGRAPHIC TABLE OF SEMITIC CHARACTERS BY Dr. J. EUTING. LEIPZIG: EA BR OCRHA TD &. 1877. 7 b rf 4 5 a ; iat Hs ar ee, BDA > a ea ie te ai Ei Pi 1 Feb ( £ # 7 : 1 14 up es: # ‘it aoa ; ye ae ; pi “Wh AD VAAN POTS MET MO RR Ree are N t SUP +), ER # aes Chay ne Wes tala apie names Pe aioe ae jes ih, a ach Lay Be : a vie ree is We ta \ uz a a ae er a Fr RES ae a) + rie fe a oes s: By a zT n Ly rs TO PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D., PROFESSOR IN UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK, THIS TRANSLATION IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE, HIS little work does not appear as a rival of the excellent grammars of Green and Davidson. It is rather designed for students in comparative philology, and for those who have already made some progress in Hebrew. Although so modest in size that it may be mis- taken for an elementary treatise, it should perhaps rather be considered as the most scientific discussion of the Hebrew language which has yet been produced. While it was suggested by Justus Olshausen’s “ Lehr- buch”, it is not an epitome of that work, but a really independent production. Starting with the hypothesis that the Hebrew is not the most ancient member of the Semitic family of languages, the author has derived all the Hebrew forms by means of comparative analysis, from a more ancient Semitic language, which is best represented by the Arabic. Although a competent critic may differ from the author in some of his conclusions, he will still recog- nize the hand of a master, and will acknowledge that VIII TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. the student may obtain a clearer conception of the Hebrew forms, by the diligent study of this book. The English edition is perhaps superior to the German in the following particulars. 1) The author has thoroughly revised and improved the original text. 2) The paragraphs on the prose and metrical accents have been added by Prof. Franz DELITZSscH at the request of Prof. BIckeLL. 3) A large table of Semitic characters, of which the Egyptian letters were furnished by Prof. Egers, has been prepared by Dr. Eurine of Strassburg, an eminent authority in this department. The notes which are marked with a star, the table of contents, and the indexes, which were lacking in the German edition, have been added by the translator. In closing, the translator tenders his best thanks to Prof. BickELL for his lively interest in the work, and to Prof. Druitzsch for many valuable suggestions. Lerpzic, January 1877. CONTENTS. ROBE EM EOTRCEN 9 en nin igh eel buraas neh nn aL 8 VII HISTORY OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND WRITING. 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. SECTION 1. Division of the Semitic family of languages. ..... 1 Suse Their Specitic; Character sa 1 4 ler = Tenth eo dee Ai Bag ommonsorigin vol: languages) aa pen feo. sig theo, 1a 2 4. The Arabic more antique in form than the Hebrew. . 3 DE IBIOCLICRL CUMTETONCBA’. leatiey sera ak hiss Var 4 6. Lexical and grammatical archaisms of the Pentateuch . 5 7. Golden age of Hebrew literature. . .. 2.2.22... 6 8. Substitution of the Chaldee for the Hebrew. ..... < PERE grammariansı:! wy jeg svn ister einen ee 7 2. HISTORY OF WRITING. 10. Origin of the Semitic characters. ...... Hrs, RA titeewornrot the Aramsic letters: . . U. 2.2.0. 10 pameetuaruqaare Characterg 2... ur 2... «be a 8 10 13. Bickell’s transcription of the consonants ....... 11 14. The syllabic character of the Hebrew ........ 12 15. Development of the punctuation. ...-...... 13 Bu Fiberian and Assyrian' syétete . 83. tt u Gea 14 17. Bickell’s transcription of the vowels. ........, 15 18—20. Doctrine of the accents by Prof. Delitzsch... . 15 21. Pausal heightening (lengthening). .......... 23 x CONTENTS. IT: PHONOLOGY. te 1. CONSONANTS. SECTION PAGE 22. Classification of Hebrew consonants. ........ 25 23. Origin of sibilants. Harder and smother sounds of Ayin and “Chet wi. Wo Ss. ie 6 on 1 het Ca re ee ee aaa ie 26 24. Rules for the aspiration of the b, g, d, k, p,t. ... 27 25—27. Transposition and doubling of consonants... . . 27 28—29. Dagesh forte implieitum and compensative length- RER se WED si ee ME oman 29 30. . 0 43 HOt Anciiary vowels. eit, 2 Sa Er 2 os 44 53. Favorite vowels with the gutturals .... !.... 45 94-59... Half vowels voll. 2 2 jee 46 ET. THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS, 60. . Origin ‘of stems, nouns and.verbs .. ..... - se 49 61. Suppression of a short vowel in primitive Semitic . . 50 62. Transposition of gatla, qitla, qutla to gtala, gtila, gtula 50 - 63. Qatala the oldest form of the stem of triliteral roots 50 CONTENTS. XI SECTION PAGE 64. Qatila and gatula (Heb. gätel and gätöl) formed through the weakening of a totorw......... el GEBR putea DE A 8, 51 66. Formation of the active kal participle. ......., 51 67. The infinitive absolute, and passive participle kal . . 52 68. The imperative, construct infinitive and future kal, . 53 69. Qtala, qtila, and especially gatla, qitla, quila as fun- damental forms of the.nonn........... 53 70—71. The plurals of gatla, qitla, qutla from qatala, Gala, Qubalaeeı ne 20 2 oe a FT Fe 55 72. Monosyllables wich have lost the third consonant . . 56 aa, Redunlionted Tores! KUNDE A eS oe . 56 Ba eb ondamental form of the piel. an rn oy 57 75—77. The prefixes of the noun and verb ha, hin (na) I he ee RE EURE DEN 58 78. The prefix ma belongs one to the nominal formation 59 TO DREH RENTE PT Y, SEIU EUREN A A 60 80. The indefinite ending ma, more frequently na... . 60 81. Patronymies and abstracts... . . POL AMINE.» 61 EVE DOCRTINE OF THE FORMATION OF WORDS. 1. PRONOMINAL INFLECTION. 82. Personal pronouns. ,..... OU, Piao elk tee 62 See PA IEDODRLFAUI VER... BAUME AMY, SYR IR SNS Bee 63 84. Relative, interrogative and indefinite. ....... 64 2. DECLENSION. 85. Declension by means of three affixes. ....... 64 86. The definite mas. accus. sing. represents the stem. . 65 87—88. The nominative ending u and the gen.7.... 66 39—90. “Formation of the'plural . ) . sa m. 67 91. The indefinite form assumes the suffix ma. ..... 68 mae ermine. formation DRK. - RP IT: 68 93—94. Feminine plural and dual ; ........., 70 95—97. Distinction between the status absolutus and PORSEEEMC UALS aba... ( 2 ee gM ef la (sti een abi 71 98. Volatilization in an open pretonic syllable. ..... 73 XII CONTENTS. SECTION PAGE 99. Exchange of stems (Metaplasm)..... . CHE TE 100... Euphonie doubling: SV H SR NIE Smart. tere a 74 101. Elision of final ay before the endings of the feminine, the ‘plural-and ithe ‚sutizes 7. vr.) \.). 5: Eee 75 102. The endings zyya and uyya in ln. ne = 75 103—104. The suffixes alone, and in combination with NOUNS Hse) AY a SSeS ae ak, tee 16 105—106. Changes before suffixes. .......... 77, 107.7 ‘Unusual forms:of declension; a IE er oe ceed 108— 109.) Numerals: 92) Js... Une, eel ee 81 3. CONJUGATION. 110. Formation of the different numbers and persons of the! perfect.ıkalcı Per Maret Er ee aa 82 ALT pi Vad iconseculimumiyes). Wins Seal cin 6b pees eee 83 112—113. Fundamental form of the constr. infin., imper. pnd fated fet, Ede ete To metas orn ane 84 114... Formation “of the futures inde kee eee 85 115.. ‘The cohortativye=...).). ats se le. he arth 116. The infinitive absolute and active participle .... 88 117% UNaphial:s io Pr eee) 0 ban el ela me 88 118— 119: "Piel "and PR IR AP I ae eae Apa sree 120121.) Hiphil ‘and diophal * VS. ke ee 30 Ago So Oo uadriliterses ne hs. ee at ae a ee 32 123—124. Verbs primae gutturalis, primae Aleph. ... 92 125. Verbs mediaeigutturalis,.... 22.14, Ber 93 125—127. Verbs tertiae gutturalis and tertiae Aleph . . 94 128;") Verbs primaenuin fh. loa eee eee [eae 129... Verbs mediae' geminataes | ose si a, ae eee 95 130—131. The niphal and hiphil of the verbs mediae ge- INT UG Die Shs kk PRR Eh ER = Sri 22a I: 132, Ihe poel, poaljand hithpoel . ;. .. :. „Ense 97 133— 134. Verbs primae vav and yod ...... othe ie 135—136. Verbs mediae vav and yod ......... 99 136—138.. Verbs tertiae vav (yod)....... erhal GREE 129. — 1430 Suffixes’ Aa i ee 102 142—145. Inflection of particles . N. 2... 0.00% 103 CONTENTS. XIII ‚Vz SYNTAX. SECTION PAGE 146 the Status constructus . .f %.-..:. 2.08. 108 147. Position and comparison of the adjective. ..... 108 BEN FHESRECHSau Ver a era 108 TEE BAU N RE ee ge 5% 109 EIERN UTGaralB er Se en at Et ee we 109 NK. ENEHET EB EN chee Re Ams) ge tan aos ie 109 152. Contiunation of a chain of thought. ........ 110 153. The jusive and the cohortative .......... 110 ol Thayınfimtavorabsoluto lhc. Sue. ern es us see 111 Tae ESET PROVO, SEntenc@ma rad ofl «9.1 ee un foi Sa 111 RS RE LOTGINOD Eh Ue ee, eee eR Re: ea a 112 hepa: OF tne yepmiar Verh. 2% ert os . 115— 120 INDEXES: REMERON Sen ay ei ic Kae - 7 A ein ey ey meen A ees 121 Pe Uva OCs eee achat a, 6 EI ae es 123 SIEH GbreweWOlGs “i Avia: Se ekL EIER EN 128 ip ee oh Righty ae Era a has ER RL RE Wer N yeu a ee ; 4 "ys aa Ye ures od as (o> sa To ’ “ 4 Y ie : * Te HISTORY OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND WRITING, 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. §. 1. The Semitic family of languages, which is thus named because all the descendants of Shem orig- inally belonged to it, may be divided into three main branches: 1) Arabic together with Himyaric and Ethio- pic; 2) Aramaic, which is indigenous to Syria, Mesopo- tamia and Babylon, including Syriac, Mandaic, Chaldee and Samaritan; 3) Hebrew with Phoenician or Canaan- itic. The position of the unquestionably Semitic As- syrian of the cuneiform inscriptions and of the so-called half Semitic in Africa has not yet been definitely de- termined. All the Semitic languages are now dead except the Arabic, the Amharic and the Tigré, which are cognate with the old Ethiopic, Geez, and the remnants of the modern Syriac dialects in Kurdistan and the Anti-Lebanon. $. 2. The specific character of the present form of the Semitic family of languages consists in the dis- syllabic nature of the roots, their apparently merely ideal and vowelless existence, and in the expression of BIcKELL’s Outlines. 1 2} 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. different shades of thought through internal inflection, that is through a change of the radical vowels, or the doubling of the radical consonants. This internal in- flection however is merely apparent. Since it is a sec- ondary, mechanical phenomenon which has arisen through vocal laws. Hence in itself it has nothing to do with the modification of the idea.! The dissyllabie roots arose from the original monosyllable in a pre- historic age, before there was any sharp discrimination between the noun and the verb, through reduplication, addition of suffixes, insertion of vowels and in other ways. This is indicated by the pronominal roots; the conjugation pilpel, e. g. dpop hilkel, which was orig- inally kalkala from the root 515; and through the kindred signification of many roots which have two consonants in common. §. 3. It follows from the preceding paragraph, that in the manner of formation?, there was originally 1 The seeming arguments for an internal inflection are very much weakened when we compare the Hebrew with the Arabic forms, e. g. bup gatdl, Sup qittel, upm higtil, Arabic gatala, gattala, ’agtala. Another class is shown even by parallel He- brew forms to be a later formation, e. g. the participle buip qotél, from qatil in the intransitive verbs and the mediae 7, has the same form as the third sing. masc, of the perfect, compare N72 malé’, from mali’, Dp gam from gavam. The doubling of the consonant is either merely euphonic or has arisen from the orig- inal reduplication of the root. Several vowel changes indeed (e. g. in the passive) have not yet been explained, but judging from the analogy of the apparently internally inflected German, in which all the variations of the root can be mechanically ex- plained, this is due to our unfamiliarity with the old Semitic forms. 2 Essentially the same principles underly the formation of all the different languages. Isolation, agglutination and inflection THE ARABIC MORE ANCIENT THAN THE HEBREW. 3 no difference between the Semitic and the other families of languages, and that nothing prevents the assumption of a common origin. Moreover a, nearer relationship of the Semitic with the Indo-Germanic and Egyptian is unmistakable, although the laws for the substitutions of sounds do not yet seem to be established with absolute certainty.! $. 4. Although the Hebrew has a more ancient literature than any of the Semitic family, yet other members of that family have preserved a more antique form. A large proportion of the dentals, which have all been retained in Aramaic, has been in Arabic par- tially, and in Hebrew as well as in Ethiopic and Assyr- ian entirely, changed to sibilants so that the Aramaic d (3), t (n), t (©) frequently correspond to the Arabic do not exclude each other but are rather to be considered as successive stages in the development of language. Originally there were only monosyllabic roots (isolation), which at first were human echoes of an audible action, and with which were connected other sensuous significations by enallage sensuum and supersensuous ones by analogy. Some roots gradually became affixes (agglu- tination) through connection with others under a common accent. Then through the purely mechanical interaction of the roots and affixes upon each other, and other vocal laws, which were gen- erally connected with the accentuation, an apparent change of the root itself arose (internal inflection). Inflection is simply the joining together of roots, hence the symbolism of sound only obtains in the formation of roots, but never in the inflection. The same principles explain other supposed Semitic peculiarities, e. g. the occurence of pronominal suffixes (which are also found in the Indo-Germanic Persian), and prefixes (just as ego sum and sum ego are one and the same). 1 *For the reciprocal relation of the Indo-Germanic and Semitic family see Friedrich Delitzsch’s “Studien über Indogermanisch- Semitische Wurzelverwandtschaft”, Leipzig 1873. 1* 4 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. dz (8), ts (&), tg (4), Hebrew z (1), & (8), € (&) The short vowels in Hebrew are commonly heightened in the accented syllable, and in the first open syllable preceding the accent, while on the contrary they vanish from the second open syllable preceding the accent leaving only a shéva behind them. The vowel consonant » is very frequently transformed to y without the influence of an 7 The short vowels are often rejected at the end of a word, hence the insertion of an auxiliary vowel is often occasioned. The earlier wealth of forms has, in consequence of the falling away of the final vowels, and the disappearance of many varieties of inflection, only partially maintained its place. In all these respects, especially in its vo- calization, the Arabic is the more ancient language, since it is determined by only a few vocal laws, espec- ially those which concern the vowel consonants, almost all of which existed already in the primitive Semitic. §. 5. With reference to dialectical differences only this is certain that the Ephraimites pronounced § (3%) like s (0) Jud. xii, 6. Bottcher’s! discovery of three provincial dialects Ephraimitic, Judaic and Simeonitic in the text of the Old Testament is not satisfactorily established. — On the other hand the poetry is distin-. guished from the prose of the Scriptures as follows; 1) through the rhythmical parallelism of the two members of each verse, 2) partially through the union of verses into strophes, 3) linguistically through the use of pecul- lar designations, especially epitheta ornantia e. g. yoda bönE sah(a)¢, sons of pride, is equivalent to beasts of prey, Job. xxviii, 8; xli, 26, 4) through fuller 1 #“Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der hebräischen Sprache”, Leipzig 1866, I, §. 23—37. ARCHAISMS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 5 unapocopated or uncontracted forms. Compare -bx ’el, by ‘al, poetic by ele’, rb» “alé’, from ‘the earlier lan, ‘alay, further the suffixes of the 3. plural masc. in in, mo, instead of p-, -m, etc. §. 6. The language of the oldest Mosaic period i. e. in the Pentateuch, when compared with that of a later age, exhibits lexical as well as grammatical archaisms. The use of the masculine form sin hv instead of the feminine x hi is especially noticeable. The former is employed in ‘the Pentateuch one hundred and ninety five times, while the latter occurs only eleven times. In the same way the masculine form “2 na‘(a)r is used instead of the feminine S522 na‘(a)ra with only one exception, Deut. xxii, 19. The pronouns Aiba hallazä instead of the later form 757 hallaz, and the apocopated form bx A@él for Say ha’ellä occur only in the Pentateuch. There are masculine infinitives from tertiae vav and yodh roots, as mw» ‘asd’, Gen. 1, 20, sk 770’, Gen. xlviii, 11, instead of nivy ‘asd’S, nis reo; regular strong forms 7n3 ngSon for nn ti = titt, nétint, Numb. xx, 21; Gen. xxxvii, 9, fuller endings e. g. ün for «© in the plural of the perfect, Deut. viii, 3, 16, and in the imperfect where it occurs one hundred and five times1; harder sounds e. g. pnx gahag which occurs twelve teh: in the Pentateuch and only once elsewhere instead of the later softer form pn sahig; defective modes of writing, e. g. D for im, 1* Compare Ewald, “Lehrbuch der hebräischen Sprache” (Göt- tingen 1870), $. 502b. Although this form of the imperfect is not confined to the Pentateuch, yet it is especially frequent there. See Keil, “Lehrbuch der historisch-kritischen Einleitung in die kanonischen und apokryphischen Schriften des Alten Testaments” Frankfurt a. M. 1873, p. 44. 6 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. n for öth, in the imperfect 4 for na1, provided this is not to be explained as a remnant of an old kind of Aramaic formation; unusual formations of stems, e. g. pip yégi'm, Gen. vii, 4, 23; and forms which sub- sequently are only used in poetry e. g. the case-endings ö, as ring haye>ö- “ar (eg Gen. i, 24, and ? pi 1323 gintßist yom Gen. xxxi, 39, compare §. 87—88; the suffix of the third masc. sing. 371 e-hd, amymab lémine- A hi Gen. i, 12, which is another form for 6 ete. §. 7. The golden age of Hebrew literature was during the period of David and Solomon after the middle of the eleventh, and of Isaiah during the eighth cent- ury. The decline of the Hebrew language begins after the age of Jeremiah and is characterized as follows. 1) The orthographical system is changed. The seriptio plena is more frequently employed with merely heightened vowels, and a phonetic rather than an etymologic manner of writing is used. 2) Later unorganic forms appear e. g. the suffixes of the 2. fem. plur. 33 -khiina Kz. xiii, 20; xxiii, 48 ff; of the 3. fem. plur. m25 hina Ez. ill, compare s 42 and mm, a-héna 1 K. vii, 37. 3) There is a strong infusion of Aramaisms, which were hitherto confined almost exclusively to the poetical style, e. g. compare a) Chaldee forms of the infinitive as »572 madda for n»7 da‘(a)S, 2 Chron. i, 10, mopa baggäsa for wpa bagges Esther v, 8; max hag- gala for x haggvl Esth. iv, 14; 2) pronouns and suf- fixes of the second fem. sing. of which the final sound is de. g. "MN ’aty for ma ’at Jerem. xi, 15, .>- x? for 1 *Compare Gesenius, “Hebräische Grammatik” (herausgegeben von C. Rödiger, Leipzig 1872), §. 104, 3, where it is remarked, that in the Pentateuch simply 4 na often stands for 3 nd espec- ially after vav consecutivum e. g. Ex. i, 18, 19; vx, 20. HEBREW GRAMMARIANS, 7 == ey; ¢) suffixes of the third mase. sing. to the plural ‘yi Ö-hä instead of vn a@ Ps. cxvi, 12; d) Ethpael for the Hithpael 2 Chron. xx, 35; e) plurals in in instead of im; f) many abstract substantive formations etc. §. 8. The extinction of the Hebrew and the sub- stitution of the Chaldee in its place is due to the Babylonian captivity. This is confirmed by the use of the Chaldee in Daniel}, and the original author who according to Esra v, 4 lived at the end of the sixth century, by the Aramaic composition of the Persian edicts to the Jews, and by Nehem. viii, 8; compare Megilla? 3° and Nedarim ® 37°. The fact that the writers after the captivity use better Hebrew than those who wrote shortly before it, or during the exile proves that they were writing in a dead language and sought to adapt themselves to classical models. — The new Ilebrew of the Mishna, the Midrashim, and the rab- binical literature is merely a later artificial development. §. 9. The grammatical treatment of the Hebrew dates from the tenth century. It began with the rab- binical and Karaitic Jews in the Orient and in Spain, with Saadya (+ 942), Abul-Walid (+ about 1030), Aben Ezra (+ 1167); more particularly however in the rest of Europe after the beginning of the twelfth century, with Joseph, Moses and David Kimchi, who flourished about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and Elias Levita (+ 1549). The study of Hebrew was introduced among the Christians after the thirteenth century, Raimundus 1 *Chapters ii, 4—vii of Daniel and iv, 8—vi, 18 of Ezra are written in Chaldee. 2 *The treatise in the Talmud which bears this name treats of the Purim festival and the reading of the book of Esther. 3 *Nedarim considers the different kind of vows and their obligatory force. 8 1. HISTORY OF THE LANGUAGE. Martini (+ after 1286), Nicolaus Lyranus (+ 1340), Perez di Valencia (+ 1491). The first grammars were by Anton de Lebrija (| 1544) and by John Reuchlin (; 1522). The science of the Hebrew language in the sixteenth century was entirely dependent upon rab- binical instruction. In the seventeenth century although it was pursued with erudition it was unfruitful. Every interest was made subservient to the punctation, the primitive existence and absolute correctness of which was demanded in the interest of the sufficiency and perspicuity of the Bible (John Buxtorf, senior). It was customary to explain the linguistic phenomena through as unhistorical a system as that of the tres morae ! (Alting + 1697, Danz + 1727). About the beginning of the eighteenth century Alb. Schultens (+ 1750) through the comparative study of the Arabic paved the way for a better method. Towards the end of the same century such grammarians as Vater (+ 1826) and Jahn (+ 1816) sought to emancipate themselves from the rabbinical tra- dition and to pursue the grammar with more simplicity and taste. Against this tendency to arbitrariness and a contempt for detailed examinations, Gesenius ( 1842) established the empirical facts of the language, and involuntarily became an apologist for the Jewish tra- dition. Ewald (f 1875) indicated the higher ends of a scientific treatment of the language, but Justus Ols- haus n first succeeded by the consistent use of the historico-critical and comparative method in tracing back the linguistic phenomena to their origin. Bottcher’s ( 1863) great work? is valuable as a collection of materials but in other respects it is a step backwards. 1 #See Gesenius, “Geschichte der hebräischen Sprache”, 123. 2 *“Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der hebräischen Sprache, nach dem Tode des Verfassers herausgegeben und mit ausführlichen Re- gistern versehen von J. Mühlau”, 2 Bde., Leipzig 1866 —68. 2. HISTORY OF WRITING. $. 10. The Semitic characters were not invented! by the Phoenicians, but arose from the Hieratic forms of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, from which all the written phonetic systems have arisen through the medium of the Semitic letters with the exception of the Japanese syllabic signs, and the cuneiform characters” (Le- normant 3, Lauth®). Others admit only an indirect derivation. They hold that the Shemites transferred the acrophonic® principle of the hieroglyphics to their own language, but a comparison of the letters 1 The art of writing was never invented at all, but has constantly arisen from the drawings of objects, which have gradually become the designation of the sound with which the language indicated the object, and finally that of the initial element of this sound. The picture of a mouth at first represented hieroglyphically the notion mouth, then the sound 70, which in Egyptian is equivalent to mouth, and finally the letter r. The Mexican and essentially also the Chinese system of writing are based entirely upon the ideographic principle. The cuneiform art of writing, which was transferred by a Turanian people to the Assyrians and the Per- sians, and the Egyptian hieroglyphics associate the ideographic with the phonetic principle, yet in such a way that the latter always predominates. 2 *See Mr. Joachim Menant, “Le Syllabaire Assyrien. Exposé des éléments du systeme phonétique de l’écriture anarienne” (Pre- miére partie, Paris 1860. Seconde partie, 1873). 3 See his “Introduction 4 un mémoire sur la propagation de Valphabet phénicien” Paris 1866. 4 See the “Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften” (1867), S. 84—124. 5 *That is the designation of the letter through the picture of an object beginning with the same sound as the letter was to represent, compare the origin of 5 in the table. 10 2. HISTORY OF WRITING, in the table indicates that they have been directly borrowed. . $. 11. Originally all the members of the Semitic family used the old so-called Phoenician system of writing 1, which was employed before the sixth century in Nineveh and Babylon together with the cuneiform characters. Since that time the Aramaic letters have been formed in a peculiar manner, especially through the opening of the heads of 3, 5, >, 4, e. g. upon the talent of Abydos”, which represents the figure of a lion. This appears more plainly upon the coins and seals of the Persian satraps of anterior Asia, and still more evidently in the Aramaic inscriptions and papyrus from Egypt. At a later period the shaft, in several letters, is bent towards the left in order to render a con- nection possible with what follows. Thus during the last centuries before Christ several peculiar kinds of writing were gradually developed, of which the Palmy- renian as the nearest source of the Hebrew square characters possesses the greatest interest for us. §. 12. Among the Jews there are two different kinds of writing. The older which is still found upon cut? stones and the coins of the Machabees (even upon those of Bar-Cochba * A. D. 132) is an antique Phoe- 1 *By far the oldest example of this kind of writing would be the inscription of the Moabite king, Mesa, which dates from the beginning of the ninth century before Christ. Doubts have however been recently raised in regard to its genuineness. 2 *See de Vogué, “Mélanges d’archéologie Orientale”, Paris 1868, p. 179. 3 The Israelitic seals, found at Nineveh, must be older than the captivity, comp. Levy, “Siegel und Gemmen”, Breslau 1869. * *See Madden’s “History of Jewish coinage”, London 1862, p. 203 ff. THE SQUARE CHARACTERS. 11 nician and essentially identical with the Samaritan. The present so-called square characters occur after 176 B. C. upon several inscriptions of the second and first centuries, which have been discovered by De Vogué.} They have evidently arisen from the Palmyrenian, and are the result not of a gradual change in the char- acters (Kopp, Hupfeld ®), but of an interchange of the old (Phoenician) with the new Aramaic (especially Palmyrenian), which at the latest has taken place since the second century before Christ. For some time both systems were in use side by side until at last the older was entirely forgotten. There is now no need of refuting the opinion that the quadrata has been the sacred char- acter of the Hebrews from the beginning. At the same time its derivation from the Babylonian (Talmud # Origen 5, Jerome ®, Bleek”) is rendered impossible by reason of its near relationship to the Palmyrenian char- acters. The ligatures which were customary in the older quadrate writing have been relinquished, on the other hand the upper blocks upon the letters \jJOJ SW y (stu3»xw) have been introduced. §. 13. We transcribe the Hebrew consonants as 1 See the “Revue archéologique” (1864), IX, 200. 2 *See Kopp’s (+ 1834) “Bilder und Schriften der Vorzeit”, II, 51 ff. and 87 ff. 8’ *Herman Hupfeld (+ 1866) in the “Studien und Kritiken” (1830), S. 256 ff. and in his “Ausführliche hebräische Grammatik” Marburg 1841, I, 39. * *Bab. Sanhedrin 21®. Jer. Megilla I, Halacha 9. 5 *Origenis Hexapla, I, 86 ed. Montf, 6 *In the beginning of his Prologus Galeatus. 7 *See his Einleitung. 12 2. HISTORY OF WRITING. follows rn; dB nd es mh; 009.973 ah 9 05) nm 2m 88 >52 EH POs 17; 08,8; nt, >. A dia critical point discriminates » s from © $. While the aspirated pronunciation of the n55552 is indicated only exceptionally by Raphe (5) the unaspirated pronun- ciation is shown by an internal point in the letters (Dages lene). A final = is only a sign for a final vowel, and is therefore to be omitted in the transcription unless its character as a consonant is fixed by an internal point (Mappik). The reduplication is also in- dicated by an internal point (Dages forte). The letters > 729» x have a special form at the end of a word 7249 yp (partially in the old square Palmyrenian and Hauranian writing). The letters ond 5 8 can be widened at the end of a line so as to avoid the division of words. — The letters also serve as numerals, e.g. 8—0 = 1—9, 5—k = 10—90, p—n = 100— 400, 7045 py = 500—900, x again = 1000 etc., the combinations >, are avoided out of reverence for the name =" and a, u are used instead. §. 14. The Semitic writing still retains its original syllabic character in this respect that it is vowelless. This principle which was strictly maintained in the Phoenician was at an early period so far modified in Hebrew that 1 become the substitute for & (and 6 which was originally av or 4), and > far ¢ (and é¢, & which have arisen from ay). This is called seriptio plena. The vowel # was only indicated at the end of a word by =, which could also indicate the other long and 1 *The aspirated pronunciation of then 95742 is represented by the Greek letters ß, y, 8, y, 9, 3. 2 *At the end of a syllable Y68 should be pronounced like final j in German, “rn haj, “43 g6j are not diphthongs. & PUNCTUATION. 13 heightened? vowels (e. g. #--, 4, 7—) except 7 and ü. Thus the short vowels were entirely unindicated, the long vowels were in many cases undetermined, and even the value of the vowels themselves was doubtful, since the vowel letters were at the same time con- sonants. Therefore after the dying out of the language an urgent necessity impelled to a system of punctuation which was gradually developed. §. 15. The development of the punctuation has probably passed through the following stages. 1) Orig- inally a diacritic sign designated the more unusual, less simple form (Samaritan diacritic line). 2) Another sign came into use which expressed the opposite of the former. Thus in Syriac the point beneath the letter indicated the simple monosyllabic form of the verb, e. g. p&al, and that of monosyllabic nouns like din, sépar; on the other hand that above the letter, the less simple, unexpected, generally dissyllabie form either with or without the reduplication of the second radical, e. g. päel, pa“el, and nouns with the reduplication of the second radical, as dayyan. In this way the older sign by an easy transition came to indicate a vowel (especially a), the reduplication, or the non-aspiration, while the later sign indicated successively a Séva and then the vowel © as the opposite of a or the aspirated pronunciation; but w was most frequently indicated by the vowel consonant. The simpler basis, which preceded the Palestinean and Babylonian system of punctuation must have been of the same sort, comp. §. 16. Both possess only two signs in common Däyes and Rage (or Häteo, which also serves as Séva). The former corresponds to the Syriac point above the letter (Kushäi) and Arabic a, the latter to the one beneath 1 *Comp. §§. 39, 42. 14 2, HISTORY OF WRITING. it (Rukkach) and the Arabic 7. 3) The two (or with w three) fundamental vowels were divided through repeated distinctions into their different shades of sound. This is still evident in Syriac, where at a later period the two simple points were increased through the intro- duction of double points to eight; it is not so evident however in Hebrew by reason of our unfamiliarity with the history of the punctuation. §. 16. Since neither Jerome nor the Talmud evince any knowledge of the punctuation, the assumption of its originality is an error, which requires no refutation. Still the development of the vowel signs must have begun soon after the close of the Talmud.1 Our present and only current punctuation conforms to the Tiberian or Palestinean system. Besides this there was a Bab- ylonian, or Assyrian system, which was discovered in 1839, in the Crimea, in a manuscript which dates from the year 916.2 It has only six vowels, Dayes and Rage (Hateg). In an unaccented closed syllable the Rage is placed underneath, in an unaccented acute syllable ® over the vowel, on account of which the MéSey becomes super- fluous (§. 18). Instead of PaSah with Hatép written underneath Cére is employed according to the Arabic pronunciation. All the signs stand over the consonants.4 1 * According to Emanuel Deutsch the so-called Jerusalem Gemara was redacted at Tiberias about 390 A. p. and the Bab- ylonian at Sora 365—427 a. D. The codex of the latter however was not closed until the end of the fifth century A. D. See his Literary Remains, London 1874, p. 40. 2 *Dr. Hermann Strack of Berlin edited a facsimile of this entire manuscript, Petropoli 1875. ® An acute syllable is one which ends in a doubled consonant. 4S. Pinsker, “Einleitung in das babylonisch-hebräische Punktationssystem”, Wien 1863. See also the back of the last , leaf of Strack’s “Hosea et Joel”, ACCENTUATION. 15 §. 17. Our vowel system may be transcribed as follows: = d, a; — a; = a °> a; +e, G; Ets 1 OF — of = 05 1 eu. The vowels which are undesignated are short. Those above which a short dash is written are heightened and those written with a circumflex are originally long. Séva — is used either to indicate a vowelless letter( Siva quiescens) or a half vowel % (Séva mobile); the latter appears in compounds as Hatéo padah — a, Häteo söyöl — @, Häteo gameg — 6. All the vowels are placed under- neath except Stireq, which stands in its consonant, and IIölem which stands above and behind the consonant to which it belongs. The concurrence of Holem with the point of w is indicated by only one point. A Padah which stands under a final consonant (PaSah furtivum) is pronounced before it. We indicate it, as in general all assistant vowels, which first entered the Hebrew in order to facilitate the pronunciation, by brackets. §. 18. The accentuation! stands in the closest connection with the vocalization. Even the Talmud demands a discriminating? reading, and a melodious delivery. The accentuation serves this double purpose, and appears in the post-talmudic age at the same time with the vocalization. The accents are 1) musical notes, which indicate how each word is to be sung. They dispose the verse as a rhythmical whole, according to aesthetic laws, especially of equilibrium. They are 2) signs of interpunctuation, which separate or unite the 1 * The §. 18—20 have been furnished by Prof. Franz Delitzsch, at the request of Prof. Bickell. 2 Megilla 3°. ® Megilla 32%. 16 2, HISTORY OF WRITING. words according to their sense. They arrange the verse as a thought in. the form of a clause according to logical and grammatical laws. Their predominant function is musical. Yet no reliable tradition has been retained regarding their musical value. The can- tillation of the Thora and the Haftaroth, i. e. the prophetical pericopes varies, in the German and Spanish rites. Concerning the punctuation of Job, Proverbs and Psalms we have no complete account. The old grammarians furnish only fragmentary notices respecting the way in which some of the accents should be sung. Besides the interest of the grammarian is fixed upon the accents as marking the tone-syllable of single words, and the relation of the words to each other in the articulation of the sentence. In the former respect the accentuation is of great importance for the elementary and formal part of the grammar, im the latter for its syntactical part, since the accents indicate e. g. the genitive relation of the words and the elliptical relative sentences. It is however of far greater im- portance for the exegesis e. g. Lev. ix, 19, where the halving of the verse determines what portion of the bullock is to be brought and what portion of the ram; and Judges v, 18, where the name Naphtali, with questionable propriety, is connected with the first member of the verse. But the most important function of the accents for the grammar is as indicators of the tone-syllable of words. They shew us that the primary accent of the word commonly rests upon the final syl- lable, but not monotonously, for omitting the fact that in words of more than one syllable a secondary accent or deep tone, which is indicated by MeSey, is wont to precede the primary accent or high tone, there are many cases in which the primary accent rests upon the penultima, since the following are unaccented: 1) final RETROGRESSION OF THE ACCENT. V7 syllables whose vowel is only an auxiliary e. g. "59 sto(e)r, liber, >33 yiylo)l emigrabit; 2) the old accusative ending @ of the noun e. g. 55 ldyla noctu, and the cohortative @ in future and imperative, but only, when a long vowel precedes, e. g. ma bina, H31S03 nas- liyä; 3) all the personal suffixes, except -kém, -ken, -hém, -hén, -t', -6' (because it is contracted out of a- hit) and -ka; this last suffix however remains un- accented after a long vowel, in pausa and in the energetic future; 4) the final syllables of several verbal forms, viz. the 1. sing., 1. plur. and 2. sing. masc. of the perfect, the 2. and 3. fem. plur. of the imperat. and future; 5) the final syllables of certain other forms (viz. 3. fem. sing. and 3. plur. in the per- fect, 2. fem. sing. and 2. masc. plur. in the imperative, 2. fem. sing. and 2. and 3. masc. plur. in the future) of the verbs mediae geminatae and of the verbs mediae v, y, as well as in the hi‘gil in the regular verb; 6) the final syllable of the historical mode, modus consecutivus, in which the tone frequently falls back upon the penul- tima. Moreover the accentuation shows that this ret- rogression occurs not unfrequently in other cases ac- cording to strictly rhythmical laws, e. g. when a word with the primary accent upon its first syllable imme- diately follows a word with the accent upon the last as ib mipy “asa 1d’ Gen. ix, 24, »5 pnt vihgyt sem li’ Ex. xix, 5, but not when the first word ends in a closed pyliable with 6, & or 7. This legal retrogression of the tone contributes very much to heighten the euphony of the language through the diversification of the rhythm. Our grammarians hold that in Hebrew the antepenult never receives the primary accent. There are however circumstances which occasion the retrogression of the primary accent as far as the ante- penult, e. g. Dora 2773 né&(erémi miym Ex, xv, 8. 2 BicKeiu’s Outlines, 18 2, HISTORY OF WRITING. $. 19. The accents, as signs of interpunctuation are divided into Separatives (distinctivi) or rulers, and Unitives (conjunctivi) or servants. That the accentuation preeminently serves a musical purpose appears from the following reasons, 1) that the logical discrimination needed proportionally far fewer separatives; 2) that many unitives have been found which do not indicate various degrees of connection, but only represent dif- ferent kinds of modulation; 3) that there is a so-called prosaic accentuation, which is distinguished from the metrical not logically, but only musically, since it is based upon a more manifold, richer, more artistic and pathetic cantillation; 4) that even short verses are ac- centuated after the analogy of the longer, which can only have arisen from an effort to secure a symmetrical recitation. There are however verses which form such a continuity that the halving of the verse through a great separative, or even at all, cannot be effected, e. g. Gen... xxi, 9., Numb. ix, 1... Deut. iv, 48; v5. 23. 1 Chron. xxviii, 1. But as a rule the verse whether long or short is divided into two members. Both ac- centual systems rest upon the same dichotomic prin- ciple. The great accents are heaped upon the end of the verse, since its close according to the rhythmical rule should be spoken slowly and sung with suitable cadence. Words which belong closely together are commonly united with Maqqép and then receive only one accent. The metrical accentuation however fre- quently prefers to give the first word a unitive, as e. g. ’ant in the three poetical books is never connected with Maqgép. That the Maqqgép serves to prevent the suc- cession of several unitives is not true; several unitives can immediately follow one another, but never more than six Jer. xxxv, 15. 2. Kings xviii, 14. They are all of the same logical value. The connective power, THE PROSE ACCENTS. 19 however, of the unitive which precedes is stronger than that of the one which follows, as also the disjunctive power of the separative which precedes is stronger than that of the one which follows. The ascendency of the musical function is further indicated by the fact that one word can be provided with two unitives. There are on the other hand only five examples, in which one word is pointed with two separative accents, Gen. v, 29. Lev. x, 4. 2. Kings xvii, 13. Ez. xlviii, 10. Zeph. ii, 15. §. 20. Prose accents. A) Separatives: 1) x Sil- lig, which with Sép päsüg (:) always indicates the end of a period; 2) x ’Adnahté (Adnah); 3) & Ségolta, which is always above the last letter and hence does not indicate the tone-syllable; 4) 8 Zagep gatan with N Zagep gadöl; 5) X Réepia; 6) x Tiphä; 7) x Tößir; 8) = Yesi~ and its equivalent & Pastä, the former with words which are not preceded by any unitive and whose tone is on the first letter, the latter where both conditions fail; 9) x Pazér (qatan) and its equi- valent X Pazér gadöl or Qarné para, which occurs only sixteen times, Num. xxxv, 5. Jos. xix, 51. 2. Sam. v, 2 etc.; 10) 8 Türes, Gäre$ or ’Azlä with & Görasayim, double Chak: 11) 1x Léyarmeh, the figure of a Münah with a separating stroke after it; 12) x Télisd yééla, always above the first letter of the word and in- clining to the right; 13) X Zargä always above and a little to the left of the last letter; 14) 1k Salsäles, which only occurs seven times, Gen. xix, 16; xxiv, 12 etc. B) Unitiwes: 1) x Münah, sometimes e. g. Gen. xvii, 25; xliü, 21 with föllowing Paseg as a unitive, which may be end by this, that Léyarméh scarcely ever appears except on the second word before Rößia‘; 9 * 90 2, HISTORY OF WRITING. 2) x Möröyä; 3) x Méréya köpülä, double Mereyä, which occurs only fourteen times; 4) x» Méhuppay, (Mahpay), always with the tone-syllable after the vowel, while YöSiß stands outside of the word before the vowel of the first letter; 5) x Darga; 6) & Qadma, always over the first letter of the tone- syllable, while Pasta stands at the end of the word; 7) & Telisä götannä, always at the end of a word a) inclining towards the left, while the separative Telisa y236la stands at the beginning of a word and inclines to the right; 8) x Galgal only sixteen times with following Pazér gééla; 9) x Me’ayla, which has the same form as the separative Tiohä, but which is easily distinguishable, since it never occurs alone, but under the same word with Sillüg, Lev. xxi, 4 or ’ASnah, Numb. xxvii, 26, takes the place of the counter-tone. It is customary with the prepositives and postpositives to indicate the tone-syllable by the rep- etition of the figure of the accent e. g. Para sm'ati ya Gen. xvii, 20. The three greatest separatives are Szlligq, which closes the verse, ’ASnah which halves it, and Sé- yoltä (or its vicar Salsaled), which, when the first hem- istich is large, halves it again, e. g. Gen. i, 7. Each of these great separatives can only be used once in a verse. Of course every verse must have a Sillig. But verses occur, as Gen. xxi, 9, which cannot have ’ASnah, and consequently cannot have any Séyolté. There are circumstances which render ’AS»ah possible under the first word of a verse e. g. Gen. xv, 8; xxxv, 5, but not Söyoltä, in this case Salsäles takes its place e. g. Gen. xxiv, 12. Next in rank to the greatest sepa- ratives follow the great separatives Zageo and Répia‘; the smaller separatives Pasta (YeSiß), Tipha, Teßir and Zarga; the smallest separatives Täres, Léyarmeh, Fazer and Telisa yésola. Zagep separates more than Rößia‘; Tiphä more than Teßir, Täres and Léyarmeh more than THE METRICAL ACCENTS, 21 Pazoör; Pazér more than Télisa, which is the least of all the separatives. With the exception of the three greatest separatives all the others can be repeated in the verse, yet Tight, Répia’, Täres and Télis’a cannot be repeated immediately after each other. A single verse of the Bible, Is. xxxix, 2, contains all the sep- aratives. We pass over the assignment of the unitives to the separatives, since all the separatives, assuch, have the same worth. YéS%g, Zagep yadöl, and Salsale> appear always without any preceding ser- vants. The other separatives can be accompanied by servants or not; only Pazér yadsdl is never found without a servant. §. 20a. In the metrical system of accentuation the following occupy the first rank as the greatest separatives x Sillüg, xx ‘Olé véydred (Méréya-mahpay), and x Adnahta, which again halves the second hemistich following “Olé vé- yored. The second class is represented by & Répia‘ gadöl. The third class comprises & Cinnér or Zargä (postpositivus); NN Rößia“ muyras; & Röpia” qatan which may be recognized by the fact that ‘Olé vöyöred always immediately follows; and ı x Salsäles gööla, with a separating stroke behind it. The least separatives of the fourth class are x Déhi (Tiph& initiale), which is always before the vowel at the beginning of a word; s Pazer and ts Méhuppay Léyarmeh together with IX ’Azlä (Qadmä) Löy armeh. Déhi and Päzer separate more than Léyarmeh; Pésir separates more than Léyarmeh and less than Déhi. But in the beginning of a period which does not allow of any ‘Old vöyörsd nor ’ASnah, Pazer, Ps. exlvi, 1 and Löyarmeh, Ps. cvi, 1 some- times have the value of this greatest separative. The unitives in this accentual system of the three so-called metrical books are x Méréya, x Münah, & ‘Iliy (upper 992 2, HISTORY OF WRITING. Minah), x Galgal or Yärah, x Tarha, ichich can be distinguished from Döhr by its position under the tone- syllable, x Möhuppay, & ’Azlä, and & Salsaled götanna. The figure of Cinnér or Zarga in words like map qéma, Ps. iti, 8, is Cinnöris, which is always written over an open syllable, preceding one which is provided with Méréya or Méhuppay; its value is simply musical: the ultima in the above np is the tone-syllable, as is always the case with following 177 (= 35x) or ods Num. x, 35. Ps. Ixxiv, 22. The descent of the tone is iondel to secure the clear pronunciation of the colliding syllables. In both accentual systems, the laws of transformation! furnish an important chapter for 1 The laws, for the transformation of separatives into unitives in the metrical system of accents are given by S. Baer in Delitzsch’s “Commentar über den Psalter”, B. ii, 1860, S. 503 sq. In the accentual system of the twenty one prose books the following rules are to be observed. A) Pasta without any preceding servant only stands before Zaqép, when the word which should receive Zagép has two syllables before the tone, e. g. SON boy Ex. xxvii, 16. A long vowel, viz. Holem, Qamé¢ or Céré, is, equivalent to two syllables. If the word which receives Zaqép does not have two syllables be- fore the tone, the servant Münah must be placed before it instead of Pata, e. g. wow DIN» Ex. xxvii, 14. B) Za- qep and Tipha can only stand before Sillüq, when the word with Silliq or even that with Tipha has two syllables before the tone, e. g. Mara 220 BSR mund Num. xiii, 4 (with the servant Münah before Zaqég). If the word with Sillig does not have two syllables before the tone, the servant Möreya must be placed instead of Tigha; hence Zaqép cannot remain before the Méréya, since Zaqép must not stand immediately before Silliq, and so Tigha takes the place of Zaqép, e. g. 712772 VHT ompR syd Numb. xiii, 8. C) The same rule is in force before ASnahta, e. 8. DOMN WR Fn wad> pay Gen. ix, 12, where likewise Tioha before ASnahta becomes a servant. The ord mm has Tigha, not Zaqép, since Zagép cannot PAUSAL HEIGHTENING. 93 the grammarian and exegete. There are circumstances under which a unitive takes the place of a separative for an absolutely rhythmical reason, just as, for rhyth- mical reasons, in the realm of Sillüq great separatives take the place of unitives in order to secure an em- phatic final cadence. The rhythmical demands of the cadence also furnish reasons for changes to which the tone-syllable of the word is subject at the end or middle of the verse or even with greater distinctives within the verse. $. 21, The pausa enters at the end of a sentence, especially with Szliq and ’ASnah and in the three met- rical books with Sillüg, ‘Olé véydréd or ’ASnah i. e. the last word undergoes certain changes in order that each sentence when recited may have a fitting cadence. A half vowel in the penultima is heightened to its original vowel and receives the tone. Accordingly un qatéla is changed to : sun gatala, 7722 kapgsa to 7733 kageda, Abapı yigtelü to adbpr yigtöld, my leh’ to snd läki, 3 “dni! to 23 ‘ant, am höli to ~bH höli (original forms gatalat, kabidat, 4 yagtulüna, lachy, ‘any, huly). Otherwise the tone is seldom drawn back, except in say ’anöyi, mmS “atta, 7m? “atta). On the contrary in the apocopated future the tone returns to the final syl- lable, because this contains the stem of the word; hence a enters instead of e. Thus op’) vay-yagom becomes npr) vay-yagom in pausa, 53”) vay-yiggämel becomes 53371 vay-yiggamdl, 5531 vay-yeley, Far] vay- stand immediately before ASnahta or Sillüq, and the word 12) has Tebir, not Pasta, because Pasta before Tigha is not allowable. In all these cases the accentuation is determined by musical laws, and the exegete must beware of confounding the musical with the logical accentuation. 94 2. HISTORY OF WRITING. yelay, Yan tälen, 75m taldn (original forms va yaqum, va yangamil, va yalik, talin). In monosyllabic nominal stems original a is often heightened to @ instead of ä, e. g. 123 gaß(e)r, 21% zar(a)‘, which out of pausa are 233 gäß(e)r, or zär(a)‘, original forms gabr, zar‘. Short accented a is heightened in the pausa, e. g. dip gatal to bhp gatal, bra mäyfı)m to pra may(i)m. — TR PHONOLOGY. 1. CONSONANTS. $. 22. The Hebrew consonants are divided ac- cording to their organic formation into gutturals (, h, h, ‘), palatals (y, 9, k, g), labials (v, b, p), dentals (d, t, £) and sthilants (z, 8, 8, 8, ¢). The letter 2 is a dental and m a labial nasal, Z is a dental, r vacillates between gutturals and dentals. The Hebrew consonants may be distinguished 1) according to their duration into continuatives (h, h, y, v, 2, 8, 8, §, n, m, r, 1), and explosives (the remaining letters), and 2) according to their degree of hardness, as softest (’, y, v), soft (h, g, 6, d, 2), hard (h, k, p, t, 8, s, 8), and hardest (, 9, t, ¢)-1 The letters v, y form a special class as 1 In Ethiopic there is a labial (Patt, see Dillmann, “Gram- matik der äthiopischen Sprache”, Leipzig 1857, S. 45, §. 5) of the hardest degree. The propriety of reckoning ‘Ayin among the hardest explosives is justified by its manifold correspondence in Aramaic to the Hebrew ¢, since in these cases the original & first became g (compare Chaldaic NPN ’argd) and then‘; and it is not invalidated by the fact that ‘Ayin afterwards became almost mute, since q has suffered the same fate in a part of the Arabic speaking countries, See Hassan, “Grammatik der vulgar -arabi- schen Sprache”, Wien 1869, 8. 5. 96 1. CONSONANTS, vowel consonants, which easily pass over into their corresponding vowels. The following table illustrates the organic distinction of the letters and their relative degrees of hardness. Palatals | »j48| > > Labials 1 Pe 3 2 Dentals | eh n u J a Gutturals | oy n „ Z Sibilants 7 > bw pa §. 23. Parts of the Hebrew sibilants have arisen from original dentals, namely a part of z from d e. g. snr <(@)’28, compare Aramaic nam dépd, Arabic „od dzvbun; of § from t, e. g. i sér, Aram. nin törä, 54.7 athe Arab. rm tsaurun; of ¢ from f, e. g. "2% g(@)ßi, Aram. xı2u faBya, Arab. en tgabyun. The analogy of § and the transposition of tg to gt, compare §. 25, render it probable that z and ¢ were spoken without any dental admixture. The difficult letter s may be regarded as already in the primitive Semitic a medial sound between s and §, which maintained itself in Hebrew, while in Aramaic it went back to s, and in Arabic was still further developed to § (4), compare on the other hand Olshausen §. 6. e. Neither s nor $ is original, since the former has arisen from s, and the latter from s or ¢. Both “ and A had a smoother and a harder sound. This is proved through the LXX, TRANSPOSITION. 97 the old Egyptian transcription!, and lexical reasons (i. e. the different significations of some identical roots, in which a h or ‘ayin occurs); e. g. mtx “Azza, LXX. Taga; pony Amäleg, ’Apodéx; om Ham, Xap; man Havva, Eva. §. 24. The letters 5, g, d, k, p, t when immediately preceded by a vowel or half vowel Séva mobile or Hateo, even in a foregoing word, become aspirated. E. g. “pw saodr, 7372 béraya, va» köpl. The aspiration ceases: 1) when the preceding word is punctuated with a larger or smaller separative accent, e. g. with Rédia‘ Gen. iii, 5 pina 1D ki béyom; 2) when the consonant is doubled e. g. 2D kapper; 3) after an inserted auxiliary PaSah which as will be mentioned in $. 55, rem. was first used at a very late period, e. g. nnm5ö salah(@t, am yih(a)d. The aspiration never occurs after a consonant, but after Aleo at the end of a syllable, which is no longer a consonant, and ‘as a matter of course after final He when it is merely a vowel sign (§. 13). — The great age of this lingual phenomenon is attested through the Aramaic and the Egyptian transcription, but (excepting Phe) it has not yet penetrated the Arabic. §. 25. The transposition of consonants enters the hiSpa‘el even in the primitive Semitic, since A73-s, hid-s, his-5 become his-t, his-t, his-t, e. g. band histabbel for hid-sabbel, likewise Henlaz histaer, am histammer. If the sibilant is a ¢, the ¢ must be brought to the same degree of hardness, consequently to ¢ (See the fourth grade in the preceding table), e. g. pruxs higtaddég. 1 When ‘ in hieroglyphic texts corresponds to ¢ it is tran- scribed by characters which are equivalent to a, a@, but when it corresponds to ¢ by characters for g, k, e.g. in Gaza. A similar distinction is observed in such inscriptions between Semitic words, whose 7 is equivalent to an Arabic or „. Teer 98 1. CONSONANTS. In the only example for > assimilation takes place instead of transposition, e. g. maim hizzakka for hiz- dakka. $. 26. Doubling of a consonant arises otherwise than through the fortuitous conjunction of two identical consonants, as in ı5n) naSan-nü: 1) in certain forms of the noun and verb (pi‘el) which have resulted from original reduplication of the roots; 2) in consequence of the vocal law in primitive Semitic that, as a rule, the short vowel between two identical consonants is cast out, or, when this is impossible, transposed that the identical consonants may come together. Comp. nd saß according to §. 27 for sabb, originally sababa, 120 sabbü from sababü, 1259 yasobbü from yasubbis transposed for yasbubü. 3) Doubling arises through the assimilation of two consonants, especially of n to a following consonant (559 yippol for yinpol, mmr na- Satta for naddnta, orn missam for mingam, before gutturals the assimilation is often omitted, compare on yinhäl), of 7 in mp? yiggdh, of y (w), in several verbs, as pi yigcdg, from yi-ygoq, original form ya- vgug (unless perhaps there is here a transition to the verbal class primae nun), and of the ¢ in the hid- pa’el before dentals (9277 hiddabber, "zur hittaher). 4) Sometimes the doubling is only euphonic, either in order to bind two words more closely together. (73 ma mazzä), or in order to protect a short vowel through the closing of the syllable against changes e. g. oıbna gemalli'm, Stat. estr. "bax gemallé’. §. 27. The doubling always ceases at the end of a word, because no syllable can end with two con- sonants, comp. §. 30; besides this the accented final syllable must be heightened, according to §. 42, 1; only DOUBLING. 29 a can remain short. Compare ib» kullö' with >> hol for kull, and according to §. 19, -b> kol-, rom heseß original form Aisıbb, with niaon hasıbbö'Ia, 27 yegar- vd with 277 vaylgdv, JBN 'appö' with yx ag, nm ttt? with nm ¢éD for ttt. The doubling can also disappear before a half vowel, especially in the prefixes yé and mé before the piel, yet never in letters which can be aspirated, e. g. "2771 vayldabber, Aayar ham?dabber, say vaychi’, but Ham) vattödabber. §. 28. The gutturals ’ A" h, as well as r are not wont to be doubled in Hebrew, nevertheless the preceding vowel is either treated as though the doubling had taken place, and the syllable is closed through so- called Däyes forte implieitum (this is almost always the case with A and in the pi‘el with % and ‘, seldom with’ and never with r, compare tht hahööfe)s, 22 bier, no tihar, sana hah”, ya) nie), or the preceding syllable is regarded as open and its vowel is heightened according to §. 42. This occurs only seldom with A, commonly with ‘, 4, almost always with ” and always with r, e. g. poem ha'dy’(@n, 77 hahar, pass ha’ar(e)g, S12 berey.} §. 29. When A, which is to be doubled has Qa- meg, or Hatem gameg, the vowel before it is wont to be heightened to ä& for the sake of dissimilarity. It is heightened before % and ° only when the Qamé¢ is A. . 7A unaccented. Compare yiinn hähazö'n, tn kähä's, wns ’äha(y)v, pans hahddsasi'm , penn hahari'm, but 77 \ i ; : - hahar, yx häavö'n, but nx ha‘am. This heightening 1 *There are only a few cases in which 4 is pointed with Dages, compare Delitzsch on Proy. iii, 8; xiv, 10. 30 1, CONSONANTS. occurs before ’ before 7. only in inn Ad andyt’, but never 0 Ty >] §. 30. No syllable, in Hebrew, can begin with two consonants (except non stäyım). To prevent this a half vowel is inserted between them (e. g. bop g(Hetol, original form gtul = qutl, Arabic ’ugtul). The Arabic ‘ expedient of prefixing an ’Alep prostheticum to the word is less in favor. Compare »inry ’ezrö(a)‘ with »inr 2é- rö(a)‘, original form zird. — Nor are two consonants allowed at the end of a syllable, except several com- binations with 6, d, t, t, k or q at the end of a word, as pian vayydsq, 777) va yyird, 7227 vayyeßk. Otherwise it is always customary in such a case to insert an auxiliary vowel, comp. $. 52. $. 31. The vowel consonants v, y are subject through permutation, vocalization and elision to many vocal laws which, with the exception of the first four cases in this paragraph, existed even in primitive Semitic. The letter » frequently passes.over into y through permutation, 1) especially at the beginning of a word e. g. 51 yalad, originally valada, sun ydsep, orig. väsıb, only a few words, as 1 vdv and 77 va- lad retain v; 2) mostly also after the prefix of the hispa‘el, e. g. ann hisyalled, yet forms like 27175 Möwadda occur ; 18). often in reduplicated second radical consonants, e. g. D’p gayyem; 4) almost always, where v appears as a eat radical consonant, as in 5a ga- lüy; 5) between 7 and a consonant, comp. y “ir = “yr = ‘wr, DI yirds = yiyra$ = ywras; 6) between a consonant and 7, comp. np) yagim = yaqyim = yag- vim. — The transformation of y into v, especially between u and a consonant, is more seldom, comp. ab sis = suvs = suys. ELISION. 31 §. 32. Elision of the vowel consonants occurs in the following cases. 1) The transposed form gtil from gitl lost its first radical consonant through aphaeresis, when it was a v. This is the fundamental form of the infinitive, imperative and future qal of a number of primae v verbs. Comp. 35 de(a) = [uJdü, ad sep = [v]sib, an yo = yi-Fb = ya-[v]sib}; likewise the feminine infinitive of the form gtal from qatl, as naw säßle)> = vsab-t. 2) After a consonant va, ya elide their v, y and receive, instead of these, com- pensative lengthening of the a to 4 Hebrew 6 according to §. 40. Comp. Dip? nagöm, Dip magö'm, Kia) yapd”, Dias yepos, Tiny nagd'n from naqvam, maqvam, yabva’, yibvas, nabyan. 3) Likewise v, y between two vowels are almost always elided?, of course without com- pensation, and then both vowels are contracted. By this means ava, aya become 4 or 6 (np gdm, 9 sar, nis dör, Dip) yiggd'm, yin» yıkkö'n from gavam, savar, davar, yingavam, yinkavan), avi becomes é (na méD = mavit), avu becomes 6 (win bös = bavus). A pre- ceding short vowel is absorbed by a following long one, thus pap güm has arisen from gaviim. — This elision of y, v between two vowels occurred even when the second was one of those final vowels, which according to §. 37, fall away in Hebrew. In this case however 1 The aphaeresis of the v is of course older than the in- troduction of the future prefixes. ' 2 The elision does not take place, when two vowel con- sonants follow each other as radical letters, e. g. 779 rava = rava[ya] and in few other cases, as M17 ravdh, DIN "aya. 3 The elision of v, y between the two vowels was cus- tomary even in the old Semitic, while the casting off of the orig- inal final vowel which immediately follows rests upon the later specific Hebrew law of final sound. Comp. Arab. rama = ra- 32 1. CONSONANTS. no vowel contraction could enter because in Hebrew after the elision of y, » the final vowel which imme- diately follows is also rejected. Hence there arose only a heightening of the preceding vowel according to §. 42, 2. It is perhaps merely accidental that orig- inal a/va], a/ya] is always heightened to @ and original a/vu], a/yu] to ä, e. g. „53 gala (but not galä, since with the suffix it has the form 53 galéya), original form gala/va], m>37 yiylä, original form ‘ya- glafeu], > gölä, original form gäla/vum]. When ä precedes v, y, it remains or becomes 6 according to §. 40, e. g. enfin. absol. 753 galö = galävum. But if the vowel which followed was long or was not the last sound in the word, it was naturally not affected by the laws of jinal sound, but remained and after the ejection of v or y the short vowel was either contracted or absorbed by the long one. Comp. injin. constr. nibs gelös = gelät, gelafe]-at, 3. fem. Perf. nisy “asad (commonly with a double feminine ending mn» “äse- Ta) = ‘asa-t, according to $. 38 for “asät, from “asav-at, nda galt’ = galavi, 3577 yiylü = yaglavüna, vo» “dst! == | “dsavi. | §. 33. On the contrary elision does not take place, but the vocalizing of y, v to 7, u: 1) between a and a consonant; 2) between a homogeneous vowel and a consonant; 3) between a consonant and a homogeneous vowel (7 is homogeneous with y, « with v). Then zy and yt become 7, uv and vu become &, ay becomes £, av becomes 6. Compare sum yitaß = yytap, pan he- Bin = habyin, »p2 nägiy from nagiy, aon hüsaß from ma/yJa, with hebr. rama = rama[ya]; Arab. ya‘la = ya‘lu[v]u, apocopated ya‘lu, with hebr. ya‘(@ld = ya‘lafvuJ, apocopated yar(a)l = yalfa). THE VOWEL CONSONANTS. 33 huvsab, apr yaqt’m from yaqvum, ur ‘as’ from ‘asi, ma 4é> from bayt, sum Aéti'® from haytib, nin möS from mavt, 2352 nösaß from navsab. The number of the homogeneous vowels is increased by the fact that according to §. 31 vi becomes yi, iv becomes wy, yu however becomes yi, and then all three are changed to 7 Comp. BIN yirds = yiyras, yiwras, apm heqi’m = hiqyim = higeim, yar yapi'n = yabyin, yabyun. On the contrary dy, 53 gali'y, remains unchanged. — The vocalization of the vowel consonants naturally takes place provided they already formed the final sound of the word in primitive Semitic, e. g. 7015 süse = süsay. Therefore the imperative of the stems tert. v, y has a diphthongal ending, comp. 53 gel& from gélay. For the nouns whose stat. absol. ends in ä, and the stat. cstr. in € comp. §. 95. — The ay which has arisen from © is sometimes attenuated to ? (nba gali’3a@), and the 6 which’ has arisen from av becomes in rare cases @, bon yüyal = yöyal, yavkal.! It is necessary to ac- cept the diphthongal change, contested by Olshausen of ay to & (©) for such forms as M3723 g(elania, Tan tiyläna, 7790 süsähä, of which the original forms were glayna, taglayna, süsayhä, since otherwise vowel con- sonants in the original final sound of the syllable are never elided. — In the Hebrew composition 7-yé is contracted to 7, compare 77 vihi’ = vi yeht, T712 bihidsa = bi yehüda. §. 34. The vowel consonants y, v retain their ‘consonantal character, 1) when as first radical con- 1*The author considers the form 55311 as the future qal. It is commonly regarded as a hog‘al which, in a metaplastic way, lends to the verb 55), to be capable, its imperfect, he shall be made capable. ‘ BIcKELL’s Outlines. 3 34 1. CONSONANTS. sonants they begin the syllable! e. g. a) - yasaB ; 2) when an unhomogeneous vowel except a precedes, e. g. 1x) salev, by galdy, is göy, 17 zw; these com- binations are not diphthongs and hence the hard sound of bgdk pt follows them; 3) when they are doubled bp giyyam, mn hayya, ia gaved', Oar yivvares; if the doubling falls out, zy becomes ¢ a» “iBri’, plux. pa» “Briyytm also pmax “rim, but ay, av remain, except in the stat. cstr., n hay, stat. estr. m hé, 13 gav stat. cstr. probably is g6, sy ‘alay, original form “alayya. 4) Besides ay, av are also retained in isolated cases, as nbd saldvti, adv ‘avla, m2 mayminim, reg- ularly however in the stat. Bok of monosyllabic nominal forms, where av, ay through insertion of an auxiliary vowel become av(e), ay(i), while in the stat. cstr. con- traction always takes place e. g. ny72 mav(e)3, ma bay), estr. nin méS, ma béD. Yet compare §. 32, Remark 1. All the rules concerning the vowel consonants may be condensed into the following sentence: ®, y between vowels, as well as between a consonant and an a, are elided, in the latter case with the compensative lengthening of a to 6; otherwise, when it is possible, they are vocal- ized, whereby v through a preceding or following % is changed into Y« §. 35. Besides » (comp. §. 32, 1) the following letters, can suffer aphaeresis in the form gtal, gtil = gatl, gitl: 1) n oa gas for [né]gas, n&y gäs(e)> for négas-t, sn ten for nétin, nm tes for nétin-t; 2) lin mp gah = léqah, nap gqah(a)> = lögah-t, h in => ley = [häjlik, 1 In the initial sound of a word only the copula 7 vé before half vocalized syllables, with séva or hatep, and the labials b, p, m is resolved into % There are no other cases in Hebrew, where the initial sound of a syllable is a vowel without ’älep. CONSONANTAL AND QUIESCENT ’ALEO. 35 n>5 läy(e)> = [häjlak-t. Initial ’& is cut off from sn inahnit leaving ın3 nahmü. The h of the prefixes is usually thrown out between a half vowel and a vowel, whereby the former vanishes, e. g. 35% lammiil(e)y, from lö-ham-mäl(e)y, S»opı yagttl from yé-ha-gtil. The second vowel vanishes in bs dam from p73 bahém. Contraction enters in the suffix 910 sésd’ from süsa-hü. §. 36. The ’Alep almost always retains its conson- antal power in the initial sound of the syllable, except in the future of some verbs primae’Aleg, in which con- traction takes place between the vowel of the prefix and the auxiliary vowel (38 yöyel from ya-’ayel, “7285 yomar from ya-’amar. In other isolated cases ’aleg is elided between two vowels, comp. “iaxd lémé’r from le- ’emor, DNNI maDdayim from méeasdyim, pröny rasi’m from re asim, 25x> ladönäy from la-’adéndy, the same some- times occurs after a consonant, as in 72x57 mélaya from mal’ aya. Sometimes also it falls away in writing, e. g. sas ’ömdr from ’a-’amar, yo risön from reisd'n. On the contrary in the final sound of the syllable ‘ale always loses its consonantal sound, and, for this reason, the preceding vowel must be heightened according to §. 42, 2, e. g. nxn maga from maga’, TıXzan timedna from tamca’na. 2. VOWELS. §. 37. In the primitive Semitic there were only the vowels a, ©, « of which the long forms 4, 7, & arose partly through the contraction of a +a, i+ 4%, 36 2, VOWELS. wu + u after the elision of an intermediate y or »v (§. 32), partly through compensative lengthening (§. 32, 2) in the same way also “io gitör from gittör and the poél, which has arisen from the pi“el, partly through the lengthening of the tone-syllable in nominal! forms, . to which the participles and infinitives belong. These lengthened forms always belong to the primitive Semitic period, while the heightened forms first owe their origin to the peculiar development of the He- brew. All final consonants except in the imperative, the apocopated future, and the 3. fem. sing. of the perfect, were followed by a vowel or, in the status abs. of the masc. sing. and fem. sing. and plural, by a vowel with a nasal. According to the Hebrew laws of final sound all these short final vowels fall away, to- gether with the nasal of the status absolutus, while the long vowels remain. Comp. ax ’aß = Arabic ’abun or ’abin according to §. 38 for ’abin, but in the status constructus "a8 ’aßt = Arabic ’abi. A preceding v, y, according to §. 32, 3, Rem., was elided? even in old Semitic where it originally stood between vowels. This law of the final sound affords the reason why the present Hebrew final syllable is not treated as closed, and hence is not regarded as unchangeable. The few cases, 1K. g. in the participle buip götel = gätil, of which the earlier form according to §. 2, Rem., was gatal, like the perfect. That the nominal forms are frequently discriminated in prim- itive Semitic from the verbal forms through the lengthening, and in Hebrew through the heightening of the vowel of their tone-syllable, is occasioned by the stronger emphasis, which rests in all languages upon the nominal forms. * The n of the affix 6’n also disappears in Hebrew proper names, comp. S72N ’üßaddö for 'äßaddön, mb" 216’ for 3ilön, but it returns when a second affix is added, comp. nd Neh, xi, 5. See §. 80. DIVISIONS OF HEBREW VOWELS. 37 in which an original short final vowel remains are to be specified in the doctrine of forms. These final vowels are protected through the joining on of suffixes, and have retained their existence under the inexact name of connecting vowel. Comp. »2>0p getälant, Arabic and original gatala-ni, 03727 “aßdö-yem, Arabic and original ‘abdu-kum. $. 38. Among the few vocal laws of the primitive Semitic the following should be especially emphasized, that a long vowel which was in an originally closed syl- lable must be shortened. The short vowel which has thus arisen can remain in Hebrew according to §. 42 only in unaccented syllables, while in accented syllables 7, u must be reheightened to 2, 0 and only a can remain short. Comp. nap? yaqi’m = original ya-gü-mu, on the other hand pps vay-ya-gom, original va-ya-qum, on account of the accent reheightened to pp. ya-gom = original ya-qum, after the same analogy 7127 yapin = ya-bi-nu, 7277 vay-yd-Ben = va-ya-bin, 72) yaßen = ya- bin, DR gdm = gä-ma = ga-va-ma, mp qamta for gäm-ta from ga-vam-ta, nv» “asad = ‘asat for ‘asdt from ‘asavat. §. 39. The Hebrew vowels are divided into 1) orig- inally long, to which besides &, 7, ö belong 6, which has arisen partly from ä, partly from a+v, a+ u; é from a + y, a+ 7 and ä likewise from a + y, comp. §. 33. They are externally recognizable since, with the exception of @ they are almost always indicated through seriptio plena, with 7 or »% 2) Short vowels: a, 7, u together with e from 7, and o from uw. 3) Height- ened: @ and ä from a, © from 7, 6 from u. 4) Vola- tilized: & from all the short vowels, a@ from a, € ° from i, 6 from wu. The two last classes, which do 38 2, VOWELS. not yet exist in the Arabic, have always arisen from the second. §. 40. The original long vowels are unchangeable in Hebrew, except the case in §. 38. However 4 is very often obscured to 6, comp. “is dér = där = da- var, Dip) nagdm = nagdm = naqvam ($. 32, 2), pin mäsög = matäg, daip götel = gätl. The pure sound remains less often, as in pp gdm from gavama, 293 kéSapB = kitäb, no sar = savar. This 6 is sometimes deepened to % through the removal of the accent, comp. spina mésiqa, napa négiméSsa. On the other hand through a misunderstanding of the language, in the case mentioned in §. 38, it is confounded with the 6, which has arisen from «, and it is shortened to x, or relatively reheightened to 6. Comp. ymin néhustan from nahöstan = nahäs-t-an, heightened according to §. 42 to mins néhos(e) = nahus-t = nahös-t = nahäs-t, like- wise did 3alö’s = galas, from which the fem. nö 32lo- I — Salus- t, “ny OS = "Ut = ut = "6¢t = "Gt = dyat = ’avay-at. On the contrary 7 and & remain almost en- tirely unchanged, except through $. 38. Comp. px gaddi'q, sp gatwl. $. 41. The short vowels remain unchanged: 1) in sharpened syllables, when the sharpening is not merely euphonic (§. 26, 5), comp. om as ’ad-di-re-hem, on the contrary yim hiz-za-yön, stat. constr. yin he-zö- yon. 2) Generally in all originally closed syllables (therefore with the exception of the final syllables ac- cording to §. 37), e. g. biymörabn mal-bi-se-hém. Of course the immutability ceases, when the syllable in Hebrew is no longer closed through the elision of an ’Aleo (§. 36) or the insertion of an auxiliary vowel e. g. nya ma-v(e)S from mav-tun. 3) The syllabae dagessan- QUANTITY. 39 dae the sharpening of which cannot take place on account of a guttural final sound, participate in the immutability of the first class, e. g. omy22 be-ray- tém for bir-rak-tum, omz 3 bö-ray-tem for "bur-rak- -tum, 39921 (327227) ye-Ba-rl-yü for yu-bar-ri-kü-na. Comp. 88. 28. 29. $. 42. In all other cases the short vowels are subject to the following changes. Through heightening ! a is changed to @ or ä, i to 2, uw to 1) in an accented closed syllable, and indeed always with © and u (comp. sap kaßed = kabida, yop gaton = gatuna, pr zagqen = zaginum, d8pr yigtol = yagtulu), with a for the most part only in the pause and in the stat. abs., while this vowel otherwise usually remains short. Comp. nas dapar = da- barun, but the stat. cstr. 127 deßar = dabaru, further Sup gatal = qatala, 129 sabbü. Other short vowels in accented closed syllables are only the © in pb» “tm and on ’im, as well as the e, which has arisen from 7 = u, in pronouns and suffixes of the 2. and 3. persons plural.” 2) Further the open tone syllable is heightened (Ex- ceptions in §. 45), e. g. 930 süsa from süsat, PINs ha~a-r(e)¢, VıR ’ä-r(e)g from ’argun, 29 se-o(e)r from sip-run, Ep qo-8(e)§ from qud-sun, sda yiy-lé from 1 The heightening is merely a mechanical strengthening of the vowel through an a, which is placed before it and which finds its complete analogy in the Indo-Germanic Guna and the pronunciation of vowels in new high German and modern English. * Olshausen accepts for such orms, as DAN ’attem, DAM DAD süschem etc. the heightened sound ä (from a) and appeals to the anomalous instances of vocalization in Ezechiel ($. 7); nevertheless his position is contradicted by the contraction of bä-hem to D2 bam, the torms hém, hen, the Samaritan pronunciation and the analogy of all the other Semitic languages. 40 2. VOWELS. yaglafvu]. 3) The open syllable before the tone is also mostly heightened (exceptions in §. 43), e. g. bun ma-sal from ma-sa-lun, 225 lé-Bap from li-ba-bun, sup ga-tal from ga-ta-la, 4) but the second syllable before the tone is very rarely heightened e. g. in ">58 *a-no-yv', AUP ga-tö-lü, and before the perfect with vav consecutivum: mI vé~-a-mar-ta. Finally 5) height- ‘ ening enters in the syllable after the tone, compare mop ga-tdl-ta, §. 43. On the contrary the short vowels are vol- atilized to half vowels (é, a, @, 0): 1) in the second syllable before the tone, as well as before those which are At a greater remove from it (e. g. bon gé-ta-ld’ from gatalahi, 27 de-Ba-ri from dabari, p34 de-Ba- rim, Dryaun ge-tü- li m, Dyson gé-tu-lé-hém); 2) j in some cases also in the fore-tone syllable, namely a) through- out in the status constructus, e. g. "25 de-Bür, 127 ye-mé’, nxy ‘a-gas, nid 8-md'S, because the first member of the status constructus only possesses a secondary accent, b) in some nominal forms especially with © or w (in general 7 is often, w almost always volatilized in an open fore-tone kahl) e. g. brbuip gö-tö-Km from ERNST nen ge from hieyun, on hö- li’ from hulyun, sg ’ü-rt! from ’aryun; c) in the verbal forms M20. ga-tö-la, ap qa-tg-li’, »bupr yig-tö-IW, d) before the suffixes ka, Adm, ken, comp. 7930 ee 63930 süU-se-yEem. $. 44. Since two half vowels are not allowed to follow each other in Hebrew, the syllable before the volatilized vowel can Aare its short vowel e. g. 5553 bi-ng-g0l, "737 di-Be-ré, parqas di-Bé-ré-hém, mia72 bi- ré-y0 2. It is helena only in the forms Mao qa- POSITION OF SHORT VOWELS. 4t té-la, Sup, qa-té-li’ and mostly before the suffix &-ya, e. g. 7727 dö-Ba-rö-ya, yet also yaw Si-mö-ya. §. 45. Moreover short vowels occur in open syl- lables only 1) in the suffix d-ni, e. g. mbup gé-ta- la-ni; 2) before the old accusative ending a, e. g. 772% mid-bd-ra, in which cases accented a remains in an open syllable; 3) with monosyllabic nominal stems of mediae gutturalis or y0d, which on account of $. 52 have taken an auxiliary vowel, because this auxiliary sound is not yet regarded as a full vowel which can form a syllable. Comp. dn: nah(a)l, ma bay), such feminines also as ny sémd‘(a)S from sdma‘t follow the same analogy. Unheightened forms as 737 yiß(e)n, 277 yir(e)ß stand in the apocopated future together with heightened forms, as 53) yäay(ol, 292 yér@B from yabn[a), yagl/a], yarbfa]. On the contrary the short vowel always remains 4) when the following half vow- elled auxiliary sound has only been inserted to facil- itate the pronunciation of a guttural, according to §. 55, even if this, according to §. 56, becomes a full vowel, because these auxiliary sounds originated too late, to affect the laws of the vowel sound. Comp. 377 ya‘(a)- mod from ya'mudu, pımy, yeh(2)-2dq from yahzaqu, 7531 ya(a)-lé from ya’lafyu], inv na’(a)-rö from na'ra-hü, ze po(o)-li from puwli, further 37222 ya’(a)-me-dü (ya'mudüna), apır73 yeh(e)-zö-gü (yahzaqüna), 5277 vay- yd(a)l from vayal/a], b2792 na‘(a)-ré-yém, babyE po'(0)-lé-yém.} ip 1 *It is certainly questionable whether such forms as "DIB, D235 should not be pronounced pä’öli, pa‘dléyem, since Metheg seems incompatible with Qameg¢ hatte, and the Babylonians write these forms without the small line which is the sign of the short vowel. See Delitzsch in his preface to “Libri lobi”, ed. Baer, Lipsiae 1875, p. vi. 42 2, VOWELS. §. 46. Independently of the exceptions given in §. 44 and 45 short vowels can only stand in unaccented closed syllables. Only @ can remain short in all closed syllables (§. 42). If the short vowel retains its char- acter, wu (except in a sharpened syllable) is almost always modified to 0, % frequently to e. Comp. pp”) vay-ya-gom (va-ya-qum), vay-ya-Ben (Pa-ja- -bin), “OP god-st' (qudsi), »zarı hea-gi (hip-¢i), Sr “ua-20 199 sio-rö'. The vowel a very frequently becomes i especially in a sharpened syllable and in the case of $. 44: dup gittel, Arabic gattala, na bit-ti from na bad, 727 di- pé-ré from dabaray. §. 47. The following vowel scheme is derived from the foregoing rules: 1) a remains unchanged in an orig- inally closed syllable, 2) becomes 7 a) before the sharp- ening (§. 46), b) in open syllables before half vowels (§. 44 and 46) and in all other cases !; 3) it is volatilized in the second open syllable before the tone, and in the pretonic syllable of the status constructus; 4) it is heightened a) to @ in the closed tone-syllable of the status absolutus and in the open pretonic syllable, b) to d in the monosyllabic nominal forms of the tertiae v, y and in the future and participle of the stems of the same class of verbs. — The vowel @ more seldom retains its sound, since it generally becomes 0, which according to A §. 40 can pass over into % and u (0). 1 The above-mentioned © shares the same fate as the orig- inal ¢, e. g. Bar) yehbds = yihba’ = yahbas, DI7Y ye-dk-yém, wWiar ye-B6'S = yi-bd6s according to §. 42, 3, = ya-bas = yabvas according to $. 32, 2. The remarkable transition of ©, which has arisen from a, to 7 in the hi‘gil has perhaps originated according to an erroneous analogy from the conjugation of the verbs mediae v, y where this © is phonetically legitimate. = NO REAL DIPHTHONGS IN HEBREW. 43 $. 48. The vowel i, a) almost always remains un- changed in a closed, unaccented syllable ($. 46); b) if no sharpening follows, it often becomes e. c) It undergoes volatilization in an open unaccented syllable, not unfrequently also before the tone (§. 43). d) It is heightened to @ in the tone-syllable and often in the open pretonic syllable ($. 42). — i always remains unchanged, in such forms except as bp) néqiyytm = nagiyim, where it becomes wy. $. 49. The vowel w, a) scarcely ever remains un- changed except in a sharpened syllable (§. 41), b) almost always becomes o in a toneless closed syllable (§. 45 fin.); ¢) becomes volatilized in an open unaccented syl- lable (§. 43), and d) is heightened to 6 in an accented (§. 42). Sometimes it passes over into 4 (e, €), thus in the imperative abup qitelö = Arabic qutlü (the half vowel has penetrated the Hebrew, word through the false analogy of the singular form), -nx ’eS, bmx ’attem, comp. §. 42, Remark 2. — ü always remains unchanged. §. 50. There are no real diphthongs in Hebrew. Original ay, av reject their consonants before a follow- ing vowel (§. 32), but if no vowel follows they are each contracted to & and 6 through vocalization (ma béS = bayt, 930 sisé’ = süsay, Dom heiß = haytiß, mba gullé'ya = gullayta, "nina mös = mavt, 3359 nölad = navlad, Sin hélid’ = havlid). The mixed vowel € is in several forms thinned to 2 (m3 gali’Sa from ga- layta) and appears sometimes to change its place with a (73253 geläna, man tiyläna = taglayna, comp. 8. 33). The combination a + i always becomes &, a + u 6 (77 més = mavita, Win bds = bavusa, 5 16 = lahü). — The combinations ay, av seldom remain (e. g. mau os = 44 2. VOWELS. salavti, "1 sadddy, which is heightened in the pause “i sadday, likewise 32 ‘anav). It remains for the most part before original doubling (§. 34, 3) and in the status absolutus of monosyllabic nouns, where ay, av through the adoption of an auxiliary vowel be- come dy(t), av(e). Compare nr2 däy()S = bayt, na man(e)> = mart. §. 51. The above may be represented in the fol- lowing table of vowels: | STs dee we a N / C2 I ay, é, (4, i) A (av), av, 6 Bales: A The Latin uncial letters are chosen for the original Semitic in order to include y, v. The brackets in- dicate less common transitions of sound. > — os Qs oa = U a) © i \ ° = < oO oN §. 52. Since a biconsonantal ending is only al- lowed in the few vowel combinations mentioned in §. 30; it is frequently necessary in Hebrew that after the GUTTURALS. 45 falling away of the old final vowels (§. 37) an auxiliary vowel should enter between the two new final conson- ants, and indeed most commonly an e with the height- ening of the preceding vowel according to §. 42, 2, whereby a (except in the stems mediae v and in the pause) does not become heightened to @, but to ä. Er ny mav(e)> from mavtun, Vaal ar(e)e from "argun, “BD seg(e)r from siprun, ip gos(e)s from qua- sun, nauip götälle)> from gätal-tun, 3x1 vay- yäy(e)l from vayagl[a], = 277) vay-yer(e)ß from vayırbla), by the side of the unheightened form 2977 vay-yir(e)ß, comp. §. 45. In the stems mediae y, 7 is adopted as an auxiliary vowel without heightening, e. g. my zayi)S from zaytun. In the stems mediae and tertiae gutturalis a becomes the auxiliary, before which in the mediae gutturalis (as well as in general when the last con- sonant but one is a guttural) a is not heightened, comp. al zär(a)‘ = zar'un, dn ndh(a)l = nahlun, nz3 nec(a)h = nichun, >3b po(all = pwlun, nna börah(a)S = bärahtun. If the last of the consonants in the final sound is an y or a v it is vocalized and the pre- ceding vowel, when standing before final y, is volat- ilized, but before v it is heightened, when the word is a noun, comp. "2 pért from paryun, m yghi' from yihy/a], anim toht from tuhvun, anmörı wayyistaht from vayyistahv[a]. §. 53. The gutturals readily adopt an a instead of the other short vowels in every case (especially before them, where this vowel was originally in use at least as a collateral form). E. g. hr yahmod, moor ı Sa mbo sullah (nevertheless sw mösalle(a)h), pr yızaq, bind la-htöm. Yet not only the vowel a occurs, but also the vowel e, which has arisen through phonetic 46 2. VOWELS. retrogression from 2, especially for the sake of ren- dering the first vowel unlike the one immediately fol- lowing, provided it is or originally was a, e. g. Bam yehbas from yihbas, yahbas, mina yeh(é)zd from yiheay, yahzay. Pasah furtive is inserted between a long, or even in some cases a heightened vowel, and final A * & e.g. mn rüla)h, 2777 yadüla)‘, TR ’elö(la)h. — The half guttural r does not have so strong a preference for a, yet e. g. 8721 vayyar’ occurs together with a" yir’ä and even the fut. apocop. hig’il 7921 vayyasar together with véyaser, shortened from 0, yast'r. — The stems tertiae v, y and a part of the stems primae n, primae v, y and tertiae ’alep manifest a decided preference for the forms with a. §. 54. A half vowel under the gutturals (except r) always becomes séva compositum so that if the original vowel was a, it is changed to a, if 2, to &, if u, to 6. Comp. x ’ar! from ary, mibx 7éld'(@h from ’la’h, on höl from huly, sume Jahatd from sa- hatüna. If the half vowel was first inserted in Hebrew as an auxiliary sound to facilitate the pronunciation (as is the case in the transposed radical forms gtal, qtil, qtul = gatl, qitl, qutl), a is chosen; € is only placed after ’alep and in the root havay, hayay. Comp. “hy ‘(a)möd = ‘mud, dbx "(é)yol = ’kul, Ara h(e)yé = hyay. §. 55. The Hebrew is fond of inserting a half vowel, which conforms to its predecessor, between a guttural (except r) and a consonant in order to render the guttural more perspicuous e. g. pım, yeh(@)edq = ythzag, adm yah(a)soß = yahsub, wars he(O)mis = himid, sav ya(a)mi's = ya'mid, pons hoh(o)ram = huhram, i722 n'a(a)ro’ = na‘raht, 32 po (olt = pu'li. YOWEL CHANGES. 47 This half vowel can be left out especially after h, e. g. pim yehedq, arm yahsop.? §. 56. This half vowel which originated in Hebrew must according to §. 44, when followed by another half vowel, become a full short vowel. E. g. by» na-“(a)ré-yem, 7532 po-'(o)-lé-ya, spiny yeh(e)zöqü', 32872 yahla)pöyi', 37227 yo'(o)pese’ together with spin yeh- zöqü, inom yahseBu, comp. §. 5d. §. 57. The vowels €, e, which have arisen accor- ding to §§. 54—56, are often simplified to a, a, when the tone is moved forward, since a as a simple sound is shorter than the mixed sound e from a + i. Comp. “bx 7élé’ from day, with po bx ’äleyem, may he'(é)- mädti, with n2277 veha‘ (a)mas- ti’, MON? ye ‘(é)sér, with mon) yala)sirü hit. §. 58. In composition the prepositions retain ac- cording to §. 44 their short vowel and are not volatil- ized, when a half vowel follows. Comp. 52 bi-gert, a5 li-oért, u»nm ha-méat. The short vowel before a compound sevä is assimilated to it (the reverse occurs in the inflection according to §. 55), comp. xd la’- ari, bass le’(&)yol, yd lo-höl. §. 59. The elision of a vowel, except at the end of a word, occurs only rarely in Hebrew. The 1 The auxiliary vowel «a which is inserted between ‘, A and d, t when at the end of a word, is of still later origin and cannot effect any aspiration (§. 24), comp. MNdwW Sälah(a)t, 3m yih(a)d. — A series of new syllables arises in Hebrew as follows, 1) the transposed forms gtal, qtil, qtul receive a half vowel in order to render the pronunciation possible, compare §. 54, 2) the forms gatl, qitl, qutl form their plural from qatal, qital, qutal. 48 2. VOWELS. elision of the vowels in the cases mentioned in §. 26,2 and §. 61 was characteristic even of the primi- tive Semitic. Yet such forms as n»42 bir-kaS from ba- rakat occur. Such gerundial infinitives as 5235 li-npol, do not belong here, since the infinitive first became dissyllabic in Hebrew through the insertion of a half vowel, and those forms have preserved the original vocalization. LH ae: “me THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. §. 60. It does not lie within the province of He- brew grammar to trace the secondary formation of roots, which entered in a pre-Semitic age, to their monosyllabic originals (§. 2). Except the pronouns nothing now remains of these original radices but frag- ments, which have been expanded to the present roots, and which almost always consist of three consonants. ! On the other hand it is incumbent on us to prove two things: 1) how, in the formation of stems, themes have arisen from these secondary roots which mostly combine the nominal and verbal significations in them- 1 The present Semitic roots have probably arisen from the original: 1) through reduplication, 2) through combination with different prefixes and affixes, which also partly occur in the for- mation of stems and words, comp. ann sibi voluit, desideravit, compounded of the reflexive prefix ta and the original root ab (in a8 voluit), 5129 potuit from wa and kal, kul (in $555, 515), 3) through a pervasive analogy, which by the insertion of an auxiliary sound rendered the remainder of the monosyllabic’ roots similar to the others. — The comparatively infrequent Quadri- litera have likewise arisen from the triliteral roots partly through reduplication or affixion, partly through the mere decomposition of a double consonant as in DOND decerpsit from Dd>. BicKeELu’s Outlines. 4 50 III. THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. selves, partly through seeming internal inflection, and partly through prefixes; 2) how these stems through the prefixes and affixes in the formation of words re- ceived a definite character as nouns and verbs. Final- ly another stratum, as it were, in this agglutinative process is formed by suffixion in the narrower sense i. e. through the annexation of the personal pronoun in an 32 atin (accusative) or subjective (genitive) signification. §. 61. In the primitive Semitic, although not in the Hebrew, comp. §. 59, it was allowed, for the sake of euphony, to suppress the short vowel of a syllable on placing a prefix before it or an affix after it, unless two consonants would thus occur at the end of a syllable (§. 30). We find, for example, in the for- mation of roots gatla together with gatala, in the for- mation of stems ma-gtala for ma-gatala and in, the formation of words such feminines as gatal-ta together with gatala-ta, but always only gatla-ta, never gatl-ta. $. 62. The form gatla, which has arisen according to §. 61, together with its modifications gitla and qutla, can by virtue of the vague character of Semitic vowels, be transposed to gtala, qtila, gtula. This transposition is occasioned either as in the imperative according to §. 30 through the falling away of the final vowel, or as in the future, according to §. 61, through a prefix, Thus arise the imperative gtul for qutl, the future ya-gtula and ya- gtul for ya-qutla and ya-qutl. §. 63. The oldest form in which the stem of tri- literal roots appears is gatala. It underlies the perfect — and the original active participle gal of verbs, and is the primitive form of nouns especially of attributive ad- jectives and abstracts. According to the Hebrew laws THE ACTIVE QAL PARTICIPLE. öl of sound this form must either become gatdl or gatäl (§. 37. 42); the former takes place in the perfect, the latter in the status absolutus of nouns. Comp. non ha- ydm sapuit, par hayam sapiens, but in the status con- structus nom häyam according to §. 43. If the second or third consonant was a v or y, it was almost always elided according to $. 32, comp. op gdm surrexit and surgens = ga[vJama, 52 ‘ald folium = “ala[va]. §. 64. The parallel forms gatila and gatula, Heb. gatel and gatol according to $. 42, which are usually found in the perfect, and in the active participle of’ intransitive verbs, arise through the weakening of the second a to 7 or wu. Compare 3p güreß appropinquabat and appropinguans = qariba, yup gaton parvus erat and parvus = qatuna. In roots mediae v, y the v or y are elided according to §. 32; e. g. ma méD moriebatur and mortuus = malvjita, win bös pudefiebat and pude- factus = ba[v]usa. §. 65. If the a of the first syllable was weakened to © the parallel form gitala arose, which in Hebrew in the stat. absol. become getal according to §. 42. Comp. 235 leßaß cor = libaba. — The form qutala rarely occurs except as the plural of qutla (§. 70). §. 66. The active participle gal, which has still retained the short vowel of the first syllable in the stems of the mediae v, y and in the intransitive verbs (§. 63, 64), lengthens it in all other stems to 4}, through 1 In general the lengthening of the vowel of the tone-syllable in primitive Semitic is just as readily employed to distinguish _ the nominal from the verbal forms, as the heightening of the vowel in Hebrew (§. 63). 4* 52 III. THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. which the forms gätala and gätila, Heb. götal and götel according to §. 42. 40, arise. The latter is the common form since a through the preponderance of the prece- ding long vowel is weakened to 7. The former is usual in the stems of the tertiae v y, and in the fem- inines formed according to §. 61. Comp. nbix "ölam saeculum = "älama, rin hözä videns = häza/ya], nyt 3öma‘ (a) audiens = sdma‘-ta, „2i7 dößer loquens = däbira. §. 67. The form gatäla, Heb. gatö’l, which is also used as the infinitive absolute gal, arises from gatala through the lengthening of the second vowel. Compare sina kapo'd gloria = kabäda, Fm halö'y ambulare = haläka. The usual vocal laws are applied in the stems of the mediae or tertiae v, y, comp. nin möS mort = malvjata (§. 32), nina rvo"s videre = rw a[y]a-tay 53 galö' revelare = galä/vJa. — In like manner gatila and gatüla, Heb. gatil, gatül are lengthened forms of the intransitive gatila, gatula, from which through the re- lationship of the passive and intransitive significations, the latter serves as the passive participle qal, while the former with a like signification has more of a sub- stantive character. Comp. 770" ’asu'r captivatus = ’a- süra, “ox “ast'r captivus = ’asira, nv sim positus = sa/yJüma ($. 32), 2 nagi’ innocens = nagiya, but mi» “asüy factus = "asüva (§. 31). — The following forms arise through the modification of the first short vowels to « or u: 1) gitäla or qutala; Heb. according to §. 43°, getäl mostly getöl; 2) gitila, Heb. getil and 3) qu- tüla, Heb, getül. Comp. ana kéaap liber = kitäba, aids -alé(a)h Deus = iléha, 7723 gipir dominus = gibira, a> löBüS vestis = lubdsa. But after ’Aleg the half vowel is readily again transformed into the full vowel @, since Se a en Yaz au THE FORM QATLA. 53 otherwise the syllable would be hardly audible, comp. sity °020'r cingulum = "izära. §. 68. The form gatla, which has arisen according to $. 61, including its modifications gitla and qutla, | are used in the formation of the imperative, construct infinitive and future qal, as follows: 1) qutla is the fundamental form of the usual transitives, 2) gitla of a class of the stems primae v, 3) and gatla not only of the intransitives, and the stems mediae and tertiae gutturalis (see §. 53), but also of the stems tertiae v, y, tertiae “Aleo and the most of the primae v, y, since the changes, which these forms experienced in consequence of vocal laws, prevented them from being influenced after the analogy of the other forms and enabled them to retain the original vowel. — The imperative and the apocopated future ended even in primitive Se- mitic with the last consonant, while the final vowel was rejected. — The transposition gtala, qtila, gtula mentioned in §. 62 always occurs in the verb except a special formation in the mediae geminatae, and before endings, joined to the imperative and infinitive, of which the initial sound is a vowel. According to this transposition gatla, gitla, qutla become gtala, qtila, gtula, relatively gtal, qtil, gtul, which in Hebrew are changed through the insertion of an auxiliary vowel according to $. 30 to qétdl, getel, getöl provided no prefix precedes, Comp. 220 $(&)yaß yacere = skaba and jace = skab, "a5 8(@)mor observare = smura and ob- serva = smur, “ind. yismor observabit = ya-smura, but yd som(e)rit’ observate = Sumr-ü (see §. 49), 257 ya- söß circumdabit = ya-subba together with 257 yissöß = ya-sbuba. §. 69. In the noun the transcription to gtala takes 54 Ill. THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. place less frequently, yet e. g. it appears in 725 gipar vir = gbara, which is a collateral form of “23 gaB(e)r = gabra. The form qtila occurs especially in derivatives from stems mediae ’Aleg and in feminines primae v comp. nya bP’er puteus = Vira, 27 dea scientia = [vjdi‘a-ta. But usually the original position gatla, qitla , qutla remains in the noun. These forms of course in Hebrew, after the falling away of the final vowel, when no affıxes follow must take an auxiliary vowel mostly e, but before and after gutturals a, after YOs ¢ In this manner the forms gät(e)l (in pausa usually ac- cording to $. 21 gat(e)l), get(e)l and göt(e)l arise, compare 5273 mäl(e)y rex = malka, ma yär(a)h mensis = yarha, 723 seo(e)r liber = sipra, nx neg(a)h aevum = nicha, Dip qod(e)s sanctuarium = qudsa, >¥2 po'(ajl opus = pula. The a is heightened to @ before v, and remains short before gutturals, as well as before y. Compare nn mav(e)S mors = mavta, ma bay do- mus = bayta, dm nah(a)l rivus = nahla, see $. 45. — The double consonant which has arisen from the stems mediae geminatae and mediae n must (§. 30) lose its doubling at the end of a word, e. g. ph hog statutum = hugga, 58 ’ap furor = appa, ’anpa, b> yam mare = yamma. A v or y as second consonant is always softened into a vowel after 7, w, also after a with the exception, in most cases, of the status absolutus. The resulting long vowel is of course unchangeable. Comp. 77 din jJudieium = diyna, yan hüg platea = huvea, st. constr. ma bes domus = bayta, st. constr. nin möS mors = mavta. As third radical consonants v, y (§. 52) are also softened into their corresponding vowels. The original vowel before y, except in pausa, is volatilized, before v it is heightened. Compare 73 gi hoedus = gadya, in pausa 73 gusts sum hagi dimidium = higya, in pausa er hegi; Son holt morbus — hulya, in pausa THE PLURALS USED FOR QATLA, QITLA, QUTLA. 55 "sh höli; anm toh solitudo = tuhva. The duals and feminines throughout, and with rare exceptions the forms before suffixes proceed from the original stem, not from that which was changed according to merely Hebrew vocal laws. Compare 4512 malkö rea ejus = malka-hü, i720 siprö liber gus = sipra-hü, jöTp qod-8d' sanctua- rium ejus = qudsa-hü, 25n malka regina = malka-ta maw spya = sabya-ta from "2 sept captivitas = sabya. FE erthelens the feminine is also formed in Maw 8ößl-I and 25 Sößiyya = $eßi-a from the changed form. $. 70. In Hebrew the stems gatla, gitla, qutla have no plural, but always derive it from the forms gatala, gitala, qutala. Compare 23712 mélayt’m reges = malak-i-ma, st. constr. 25 maléyé = malaka-y, fem. mind miélayo'D reginae, st. constr. mink maléyo I = ma- lak-äta, 01720 sögarl'm libri = sipar-i-m, st. constr. 799 siggré = sipara-y, DYÖTR, qodsasi'm sanctuaria = quda- 3-i-m (6 sometimes also stands after non-gutturals), st. constr. “DIR godlse = qudasa-y, 0173 gedayi'm hoedi = ga-day-i-m, n> holayim morbi = hulay-i-m. Of course those forms are excepted, which even in primitive Semitic had received a long vowel, diphthong or double consonant, and so had become unchangeable. E. g. nizin higd'S plateae = Bere pw siri’m cantica = siyr-i-m, Dom “éli'm arietes = ’ayl-i-m from the sing. Ss Cay, ppm huggi'm leges = hugg-i-m. Forms of this kind have a dissyllabic stem only seldom in the plural, comp. oo sévari’m tauri = savar-i-m from nid sér = Savra, Dd hayali’m exercitus = hayal-i-m from > hay(@l = hayla. §. 71. Conversely the form gatila often derives its st. constr. from gatla, or its transposed form gtala (§. 62), compare n> katep umerus = katipa, st. constr. 56 III, THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. nnd käüs(e)g == katpa, IRT zagen senex = zagina, st. constr. jBT z(Ü)gan = zqana. §. 72. Several nouns which are frequently used (as HB pd os, st. constr. »» pi, 37 day piscis, ny dam sanguis, 42 ben filius, na bad = ban-t filia, yx ‘eg lignum, »7 re(ay’ amicus, 7 yad manus, od sem nomen) always appear with only two stem-consonants, others (as ax 'aß pater, st. constr. "2% “api, nx 'ah frater, st. constr. ‘my ’aht) indicate only in some forms traces of a third consonant. It seems however that one must consider these nouns as belonging to a class which already at a very early period lost its third consonant, but not as the remnants of original monosyllabic and bi-con- sonantal roots. Such remnants occur, except in the pronoun, only in the pilpél, where the monosyllabic primary root became a quadriliteral through doubling and as such could also maintain its existence in the later triliteral period of the language (§. 73). §. 73. The forms, which have arisen from the reduplication of the root and which are cognate with the pi“el, are common to the noun as well as the verb. Actual repetition of the entire root in its original mono- syllabic form appears in the pilpel, which in some of the stems med. v and med. gemin. takes the place of the piel. Comp. 5252 kalkel nutrire, 5252 kil-kel nu- trivit = kal-kila, kil-kila, in the passive 5253 kul-kal nutriebatur (present secondary root i>), baba gal-gal rota (present root 555). Through an abreviation of the root the reduplicated form gatal-tala arose, comp. amino scharhar palpitavit = sahar-hara. In the stems med. v, y the still more abbreviated form gatlala stands for the piel, e. g. nnin mdse interficere and interfecit THE PI EL. 57 = mavt-ita, pass. pin römam ewaltabatur = ravm-ama, Nd Ja’(ä)nan quietus = sa’n-ana. $. 74. The fundamental form of the pi“öl and its cognate nouns gattala (Hebr. gattal) has probably arisen from gatlala. It occurs unchanged in the infin. constr., imperat. and fut. pi“el of the stems tert. gutt. and tert. v, y, e. g. mdd salldh mitte = Sallah and mittere = Sal- laha, which is weakened to gattila (Hebr. gattel) in the same verbal forms in other roots, comp. a5 dab- ber loquere = dabbir and loqui = dabbira. In the perfect of the pi“el the form is gittala or qittila (Hebr. qittal, gittel), the latter of which in nouns indicates abnormal characteristics. Comp. nbw sillah emisit, Aa7 dibber lo- quebatur = dibbira, “ay “iwver coecus = “iwvira. The passive has quttala, comp. n> sullah mittebatur. — The form gätila, pass. gdtala (Hebr. götel, götal) which takes the place of the pi“el in the stems med. gemin. appears to have arisen through compensative lengthening from gattala, e. g. 3250 sößeß circumdedit and circumdare = säbiba, anid sößaß circumdabatur and circumdari = sä- baba. — The nominal forms are distinguished here as elsewhere through the lengthening of the second vowel, which in the stat. cstr. is still sometimes short. Thus arises the form gattäla, which serves in the pi“el as an infin. absol., and which in nouns expresses habitual characteristics, Hebr. gattä'l, in the infin. gattö’l. Comp. 2:3 gannäß fur, sina barö’y benedicere = barraka. Qit- täla (Hebr. gittöl, comp. iay gibbd'r heros = gibbära) appears as a collateral form, from which through com- pensative lengthening instead of the doubling the form | gitäla (Hebr. qité'l) arose, comp. rin p gitör fumus = gitära = gittära. The form quttäla is used for the infin. absol. of the passive (Hebr. quttél, comp. 253 gunnö'ß furto abstrahi = gunnäba). — If the second 58 Ill THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. vowel was already weakened to 7 or w the forms gattila and gattüla also gittüla arose through lengthening. Comp. prix gaddi'g justus, yn hanni'n misericors, papa seqqt'¢ abonunatio. §. 75. The prefixes of the stem-formation ha, hin (na) and jit are common to the noun and verb. The prefix Aa has probably arisen from sa (which still appears in the Hebr. p30 sanveri’m coecitas = sa- nvir-i-m, nado Salhäß(e)S flamma = sa-lhab-ta) and has a causative signification. If it is prefixed to the verbal stem the customary hig‘il forms Aha-gtala or ha- gtila arise (§. 61), with the weakening of the vowel of the prefix hi-gtala or hr-gtila, also ha-gtila and hi-gtila according to $. 47 remark, for the passive hu-qtala and hu-gtila. Examples: mata harbé’ multiplica = ha- rbay, „277 hirba multiplicavit = hi-rba/ya], 2% "has- med devasta = ha-smid, 375 hismi'd devastavit = hi- smida, dd25 huysdl lapsus est = hu-ksala, dso héyal templum = ha-ykala.! The form ha-gtäla (§.7) is rare, as in m>xn hargäla salvatio = ha-ngäla-ta. Sometimes the prefix ha is changed to ’a, comp. ms atx ’azkara commemoratio = ’a-zkdra-ta. Other forms with prefixed ’a or ’i are probably only of euphonic origin (§. 30) or have arisen from the transposition of the vowel, comp. ya7R ’arba’ quatuor = rba‘a, vax ’egba’ digitus = i-cha'a, gab‘a, ying ’ezrö(a) = ra’ = ziri‘a. §. 76. The prefix na, which is employed for the nig'al, appears when the following consonant retains _its vowel in the form hin, whose n is always assimil- 1 The Assyriologists consider this not as an original Sem- itic, but as an Accadian word which signifies great house. It has however certainly been hebraized. THE PREFIX MA. 59 ated; thus arise the stems na-gtala, ni-qtala, together with hin-qatala, hin-gatila, in the infin. absol. also hin- gatäla. Comp. y722 na‘(a)rag timendus = na‘raga, 722 nißräy, benedictus est = nibraka, nom himmasah ungi = hin-masaha, om hinnahem misereri = hin-nahima, Yn37 hinnadd'n ep = hin-natäna. §. 77. The prefix hit (Hebr. Ac>), which has a reflexive signification, and is perhaps etymologically related to the particle mx, scarcely ever occurs in Hebrew except before the pi‘él and its cognate verbal forms. Comp. mazyanz hismahme(a)h cunctatus est = hit-mah-mih, 92205 hisnakker se dissimulare = hit-nakkira. The prefix ta before nominal forms appears to have had another origin ($. 79). $. 78. The prefix ma only belongs to the nominal formation. It has an indefinite signification and is identical with the affix of the vocable formation which has the same sound. Before the simple stem it com- monly indicates the action, the place or the instrument. Thus arise the forms ma-gtala, ma-gtila, ma-gtula; mi-gtala, mi-gtila, ma-gtäla, mi-gtäla, ma-gtüla. Comp. sama mahmad desiderium = ma-hmada, ar midbar de- sertum = mi-dbara, mai mizbe(a)h ara = mi-zbiha, didi miylöl perfectio = mi-kläla, Drab malbüs vestis = malbisa. — The same prefix ma before the stem which has been doubled or increased through ha, hit (pial, pa“éel, pilpel, hig‘il, hidpa“él and their passives) serves to indicate the participle, but is then weakened to mu, which in Hebrew is volatilized to mé. After it the % of ha or hit is elided. Comp. 2772 méabber loquens = mu-dabbira, 7722 méporay benedictus = mu- burraka, nninn mémose> interficiens = mu-mavt-ita, pina mah(a)ri’m anathematizans = mé-ha-hri'm, pass. 60 III. THE DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF STEMS. pam moh(ö)ram = mö-ho-hram = mu-hu-hrama, nn miD-yalled registro inscriptus = mö-hiD-yalled = mu-hit- vallida, payanı midmahme(a)h cunctans = mé-his-mah- meh, = mu-hit-mah-miha. §. 79. Probably ya and ta should be regarded as petrified prefixes of the vocable formation, which‘ usually only occur before the future to indicate the third person masc. and fem., but which have in some cases maintained their existence as nominal prefixes from a period when as yet there was no sharp dis- tinction between the noun and verb.' The last vowel is not unfrequently lengthened, as in Arabic, for the sake of distinguishing these forms from those of the future, comp. 721 yichar oleum = ya-chara, 2ap>> yal- git pera, zn tidhar abies = ta-dhara, baasn tayma'l retributio, from the hig'il Tin 1084 laudatio = tö-ha- vdaya-t. §. 80. All the apparent affixes of the stems are merely petrified forms of the vocable formation. The indefinite ma, which usually becomes na, and before which the final vowel of the stem either falls away, remains, or is lengthened should be reckoned first of all under this class. Comp. nbo sullam scala = sulla-m, bine pidyd'm solutio collateral of yim poyön = Pidye- ma, yap gorban sacrificium = qurba-na, yinnr yidrd'n usus = yatrü-na, 7223 köna(a)n = kna‘-n. In correspon- dence with its origin this affix stands after the feminine ending (e. g. yn livyasan = livya-ta-na) and falls away at the end of proper names, since these as such !*For a thorough discussion of this subject see “Diet- rich’s Abhandlungen zur hebräischen Grammatik”, Leipzig 1846, Ss. 121—173. FORMATION OF PATRONYMICS. 61 have a definite signification, comp. sd} silé’, nd siloni’. §. 81. The ending ayya, tyya which has arisen from the genitive of the plural (§. 90) serves in the formation of patronymics, gentiles, and other adjectives denoting a property. By appending the feminine affix t the ending iyya receives an abstract signification. The related ending aya, ay perhaps belong to the genitive sing. (§. 88). Comp. "1% sadday omnipotens = sadda-y-[ya], 723 “iBri', properly o tov ‘EBgatwy, plur. pwqsy "ßriyyim = “ebri-y-y-t'-m, nde’) rel I princi- pium = ris-i-t; mer isd = *issa-[ya], properly 7d tod rupög. — Many abstracts are also formed by means of the ending weva, which has arisen from the nominative plur. and to which the feminine affix is united. Comp. nisd1 maleyü-I regnum = mala-ku-v-v-t, plur. niszdz maléyuyyo'> = malaku-v-v-dt; the derivation of this form from the dissyllabic stem indicates that it is properly a plural, comp. §. 70. 1 The combination of the affix » with the nunnation and of he affix © with the gen. plur. has already been made by Tegnér, “De nunnatione arabica”, Lund 1865. IV. DOCTRINE OF THE FORMATION OF WORDS. 1. PRONOMINAL INFLECTION. $. 82. The personal pronoun is in Hebrew: 1. sing. "Din ’anöyi (in pausa ’andyl) or IX "dnt (in p. "28 "ant), 1. plur. as ’analınd (m p. 238 ’änahnd), rarely 373 nähnd, once 138% ’ünd', 2. sing. mas. SAN or ma ’atta (p. ms ’ätta), 2. sing. fem. mx ’att (p. ny att), rarely ‘an “atti, 2. plur. mas. pry ’attem, 2. plur. fem. ms ’atten and ms ’attena (or their variations jax, 378 and sinmx), 3. sing. mas. sas Aw’, 3. sing. fem. sm Ai, 3. plur. mas. ps or m hem, hemmä, 3. plur. fem. sim henna. Several deviating forms have been retained as suffixes and verbal endings, especially y = ya in the 1. sing. and v = va in the 3. sing. mas., hä for the 3. sing. fem., & instead of ¢ through all the forms of the second person, conversely ¢ for & in the 1. sing., finally t#@ for the 2. plur., and mö for the # 3. plur. mas. In the Pentateuch nim takes the place of x with only eleven exceptions. ! 1 These very difficult forms are perhaps to be understood as follows: hw (comp. Arab. Auva and the va in suffixes and the FORMATION OF THE DEMONSTRATIVE. 63 §. 83. The demonstrative is formed from the stem za (orig. da) and has in the masculine 7 20 =2a, which in the feminine through the addition of the feminine ending ta becomes nx} 2603 (rarely m4, 17 26). The form 3; 2%, which has been increased through the nominative ending, is used as common to both genders. Compounded, rare collateral forms are S155 hallazä (masc.), ath hallezü (once, with a u) and 197 hal- laz (comm.).! The plural is always shy ’éllé, in the Pentateuch also with the article bsn ie el. The article elements of the vocable formation) is compounded of two stems ha and va. Only in this way does it seem possible to explain the Ethiopic form (Dillmann §. 65) and the suffix h& for the 3. sing. fem. The original common form was divided at a later period according to the gender, since the collateral form ya was used for the feminine so that a new pronoun was formed out of ha-ya, hi-ya, hi’. The plural added the indefinite pronominal root ma to the singular, the double repetition of which indicated the plural, compare especially the Phoenician suffix of the 3. plur. p>. (See Schröder, “Die phönizische Sprache”, Halle 1869, §. 57.) hü-m-ma or hi-m-ma must then ($. 38) become himma (Hebr. ac- cording to §. 42 hömmä). The discrimination of the gender through m or n is merely the employment of a collateral form for the sake of expressing a logical distinction. The true root of the 2. person is certainly ta, to which an is prefixed. The fem. was formed still later by the annexation of A? after this had become a mark of the feminine gender. The plural was probably designated through the annexation of the affixes va (ya) = u (i) and ma, and here also at a later period by means of m or n an artificial distinction in gender was established. — In the 1. person an seems likewise to be a prefix. The plural is formed in a similar manner, as in the 2. and 3. person. In the suffixes and personal endings the ¢ of the second and the & of the first person are often interchanged. 1 #Compare Fleischer’s explanation of these pronominal - forms in the “Sitzungsberichte der sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften”, 1874, S. 143. 64 1. PRONOMINAL INFLECTION. ha (orig. hal) is evidently cognate with ella; its Z is always assimilated to the following consonant, hence its vowel before gutturals is subject to the vocal laws contained in §. 28, 29. After the prepositions de, l£, ké, h of the article is elided, see $. 35. §. 84. The relative is generally us ’äser, some- times ge or sa with the doubling of the following con- sonant. — The interrogative and indefinite! is for things 72 ma, for persons v2 mi (originally a gen- itive). The first form appears in pausa as ma, and likewise before gutturals, but before ha, ha, “a it becomes md (§. 29). Sometimes it loses its accent and is written ma with a real or virtual (§. 28) doubling of the following consonant; when united with pre- positions both ma and md occur, but lämd is found only thrice 1 Sam. i, 8. 2. DECLENSION. §. 85. Declension is accomplished in Hebrew through the annexation of three affixes, namely of the feminine affix ta, the nominative affix va, which was wanting in the accusative and became ya in the gen- itive, and of the indefinite ma, which corresponds to our indefinite article. The plural is indicated through the doubling of one of these affixes”, yet doubled ma I * According to Fleischer in the passage mentioned above the indefinite signification is earlier than the interrogative, S. 149. * Just the same kind of formation is found in the Indo- Germanic. Comp. in Sanskrit the nom. sing. dévas = daiva-sa, deus hic, nom. plur. deväs, for which the Vedic still has dévdsas = daiva-sa-sa, deus hic hic. THE PURE STEM OF THE NOUN. 65 never occurs in Hebrew, except in the pronominal in- flection. These suffixes, as well as the final sound of the stem which precedes them, can lose the vowel. When this happens v and y are changed into their corres- ponding vowels uw, i. In the explanation of the Hebrew forms it should always be remembered, that short final vowels fall away (§. 37), but are protected through the annexation of suffixes; further that the case-endings as such, with the exception of the local accusative, are no longer to be discriminated; and finally that the de- finite form, without ma, now only stands in the stat. constr. and before suffixes. §. 86. The definite masc. accus. sing. therefore represents in the noun, just as the perfect represents in the verb, the pure stem without any ending, e.g. süsa equum, The indefinite form joins on its own affix which even at an early period had become vowelless: süsa-m equum aliquem. Both forms must become in Hebrew dio sis ($. 37). Nevertheless many remnants of the old ending have here been retained. Before most of the personal suffixes the final a of the stem remains, comp. jo1> süsö’ equus ejus = süsa-hü. The ending a, which of course is heightened, is retained to quite an extent to indicate the direction whither; sometimes also the place where. It is unaccented and effects no vowel changes. Comp. pw I27 midbara Dammé- s(e)q in desertum Damasci, 737 yamma in mare = yam- ma, yah na bE'Ia Jéseq in domum Josephi. Our punc- ‘tuation strangely enough almost always retains the en- tirely unnecessary auxiliary vowels, which have also entered according to §. 52 before the accusative en- dings, changing them into half vowels. Thus arise im- possible forms with the tone upon the antepenult, as Gen. xix, 10 in pausa n127 habbayi3a@ domum, which BICKELL’s Outlines. 5: 66 2. DECLENSION. ought more correctly to be written aman habbayta = halbayta.1 After a false analogy this ending is also joined to a plural, e. g. in my hasdima ad Chal- daeos. The indefinite accusative ending a-m appears partly unchanged (Hebr. am) partly lengthened to d-m (Hebr. 6’-m), e. g. in pat yömam interdiu, bar hinnam gratis = yavma-m, hinna-m, dd>d Ssö'm nudius-tertius = silgad-m. Comp. §. 80. §. 87. The nominative ending w usually crowds out the preceding final a of the stem, and must then itself fall away in Hebrew. Thus süs/a/-u equus as well as the indefinite form süs/a/-u-m equus aliquis must become 1d süs. In some examples of the stat. cstr. the a has perhaps been retained and has been blended with uw to a diphthong, which must then remain in Hebrew; yet the 6 in these examples is possibly an error in the punctuation for « Comp. jinx ma‘yénd’ fons = ma-‘yana-u. These forms probably belong ex- clusively to the language of the Pentateuch, comp. in hayeSö Gen. i, 24, j22 bénd Num. xxiv, 3, 15. The first example is repeated several times in later books as a citation. Ps. cxiv, 8 is to be explained in the same way. — Before the pronominal suffixes no nominal ending can be proved with certainty. §. 88. The genitive ending 7, which has arisen from the nominative ending, likewise occasions the fal- ling away of final a. Hence it must disappear in Hebrew not only in the definite form säüs/a/-i, equi, but also in the indefinite sös/a/-i-m equi alicujus, so that only dx 1 *The author here considers the consonant with Séva mobile as a real syllable, but this view is not sustained by the Jewish grammarians. FORMATION OF THE PLURAL. 67 süs remains. Still the ending has been retained in many cases before suffixes, comp. 13930 sise-ni equus noster == süs-i-nü. Moreover it is several times length- ened to ? in stat. cstr., comp. yXx aT “Ozgpi" hag- cön, desertor gregis = ‘dzib-i,} §. 89. The plural, since it is indicated through the doubling of an affix, could not be formed from the accusative, which consisted merely of the stem. The nominative plural was originally säsa-va-va, and still exists in the abstract form, mentioned in §. 81, almost unchanged, since there only, as is commonly the case, the vowel standing between the two identical consonants is elided. After the affixes had lost their vowel, u-w became ü before which the final sound of the stem disappeared (except once Ps. exvi, 12 mibmasm taymild hi beneficia ejus = ta-gmüla-ü-hü). This ending however now exists only in the verb, since the noun uses only the genitive ending. — The indefinite nomin. plur. sü-s/a]-u-u-ma, the last vowel of which must remain in primitive Se- mitic (§. 37), has only been retained at times in the verb, and with the transformation of the m into n, comp. YIIRDIN tödakköü-nant conculcabitis me = tu-dak- kv -u-u-ma-ni, pop yadeiin noverunt = vada'-u-u-ma. §. 90. The plural of the Hebrew noun is now ex- clusively formed through the doubling of the genitive ending. The original form of this plural was süsa-ya- ya, which still appears almost completely in the ad- jective formation mentioned in $. 81. As a rule however both genitive affıxes lose their vowel and then blend with © or y, which form a diphthong with the pre- 1 * With reference to this Hireq compaginis comp. Delitzsch’s introduction to Ps. exili. 5* 68 2. DECLENSION. ceding vowel (Hebr. ay, €, d). The regular form is £, while ay and a only occur before some suffixes. Thus we obtain the forms "910 süse equi = süsa-y, 12090 equa nostri süsenu — susa-y-nib, TOAD sisahd equi ejus = sü- say-hä, 020 stisdy equi mei = süsa-y[ya]. — In the def- inite form there is no external distinction between the dual and plural. §. 91. The indefinite form assumes the suffix ma, which in primitive Semitic must retain its final vowel (§. 37) to hinder the shortening of the long vowel, and the identity thus arising between the sin- gular and plural. The older formation which corres- ponds to the definite form has maintained itself by the insertion of an auxiliary vowel (§. 52) with the signification of the dual, comp. prod siisd-y(ijm equi duo = süsa-y-ma, moreover in two plurals pw2 may(i)m aquae and pw samay(m coeli = sam[ay]a-y-ma. But in the usual indefinite plural form final a of the stem is crowded out by the following 7; thus arises Do10 süst'm equi aliqui = süsfa]-i-i-ma. Sometimes n occurs instead of m, as in the verb, e. g. 772 midd-in vestes. §. 92. The feminine affix is ta, or abbreviated ¢ (as in the verb), which was followed in the nom. and gen. by the affixes w, 7 and in the indefinite form by m. But according to the Hebrew law of final sound everything after ¢ must fall away, with a few ex- ceptions, e. g. acc. an jy ‘ezrada auailium = “izra-ta, yan liv-yasan = liv-ya-ta-m, nomin. in haygd vita = hayya-ta-u, gen. “nan rabbast domina = rab- ba-t-t (except, of course, before suffixes, as jnd10 sü- save equa ejus = sisa-ta-hh, md sisadenk equa nostra = süsa-t-i-nü), so that every distinction between the different casus and status disappeared. A double Se ee FEMININE FORMATION. 69 feminine form however arose in Hebrew according as the final vowel of the stem preceding the affix ta was elided (§. 61) or not. In the latter case the form nord süsaS equa = süsa-ta arose, which remains in the st. constr. and before suffixes. But in the stat. absol. since the ¢ is not protected by a close connection with some- thing following it is lost, and then the preceding a is heightened (§. 42), comp. #930 sdsa equa aliqua = sü- sa/ta-m]. If the final vowel of the stem fell away before ta, after ¢ had become the last letter of the word according to the Hebrew laws of final sound, it was necessary that the auxiliary vowel e should be in- serted and the preceding syllable heightened. But if the last consonant of the stem was a guttural, a was accepted as an auxiliary vowel and the preceding a remained unheightened (see the segolate forms §. 52). This manner of formation is especially frequent with participles and infinitives; it is impossible with stems which have no vowel before the final consonant. Comp. nti mödd‘(a)S cognatio = ma-vda'-ta, nouip götälle)S interficiens = gätal-ta; man hames(e)3 quinque = ha- mis-ta, na353 gul-göl(e)> cranium = gul-gul-ta. A long vowel in the last syllable of the stem must naturally be shortened (§. 38), but an ¢ or w thus shortened was again heightened in Hebrew. Comp. nm sah(a)> fovea = sah-ta = séh-ta = Savah-ta, from Dx “ts, stat. cstr. fem. mdxy se) = “W-ta = “t-ta = *ing-ta, from win? nahüs dual. fem. ont Aiiuttou GG Lym = nahus- ta-y-ma, but singular minz aes nghos(e)> = nahus-ta. Of course no auxiliary vowel is allowable, if the pre- ceding consonant was either assimilated to the t, or was an ’alep, or if on account of Hebrew vocal laws it had already been vocalized in the masculine. Comp. mx "ömäs veritas = ’amat-ta = ’aman-ta, before suffixes ins ’ämittö = 'aman-ta-hü; nxwn hattad peccatum = 70 2. DECLENSION. hattd’-ta; mad s8eBi-D captivitas, from masc. "ab Bi = $aby. — The shorter feminine formation remains just the same in the stat. cstr. and ads., but is some- times appropriated by the stat. cstr., when the stat. abs. follows the longer form, comp. m>2& “dyéla (7328) and n>=& dy al(e)>. It still usually retains in the pre- ceding syllable the original a, although it has become i in the masculine, e. g. buip "görsl = gätila fem. ndvip gotél(e)> = gätal-ta. §. 95. The plural of the feminine was probably formed through a repetition of the feminine affix, whereby the first ¢ was elided even at an early period. The status and casus endings, which afterwards fol- lowed, fell away together according to the Hebrew law of final sound, so that only one form remained in use for the stat. abs. and cstr., namely nioid siis-0'S = süsät = sisd-[t]a-ta or stsa-[t]/a-ta-m. A special ending for the indefinite form has only been retained in the verb (in the Aramaic it has also been retained in the noun, e. g. yon, the stat. absol. plur. from xn animal) since here also the second ¢ was elided and only the indefinite m, which was changed to 2 remained. — Before suffixes the plural endings of the masculine are superadded after the feminine plural ending (comp. 7930 and yn i070) according to a false analogy, peculiar to the Hebrew. §. 94. In order to designate the feminine dual, a collateral form was chosen, which indicated the plural through the repetition of the affix of the case, and 1 In Aramaic an elision of the fem. ¢ between vowels in the plural of the stat. absol. can be proved. Comp. Chald. n25n malkat reginae = malka/tJata, but aan malkan reginae aliquae = malkätan = malka-ta-ta-ma. ee ee Eee ee ei ee THE STATUS ABSOLUTUS AND CONSTRUOTUS. Th not the affix of the gender which was placed only once. Thus arise the forms nano! süseIe equae duae = sü- sa-ta-i-i, before suffixes In970 süsaIenü equae nostrae = süsa-ta-i-i-nü, in the indefinite form with the annex- ation of the status-affixes DInD1D säsasayl)m equae duae aliquae = süsa-ta-y-ma. §. 95. The above survey shows, that while the Hebrew has retained the distinction between the genders throughout from the old Semitic declension, it has ceased almost completely to distinguish the cases, and has maintained the distinction between the stat. absol. and cstr. only in the plural of the masculine and in the dual, while in the singular of the feminine it has produced a new form. Yet a few words still occur, which in the masc. sing. have retained the primitive dis- tinction between the stat. absol. and estr., since their definite form in primitive Semitic, ended through con- traction, in a long vowel, which was shortened before the characteristic m of the indefinite form according to §. 38; hence while the final syllable of the st. absol. was subject to the Hebrew laws of final sound, that of the stat. cstr. was excepted. Comp. "ax ’aßi pater, originally ’abi, but stat. absol. ax aß = ab = ’abim = ’abi-m (abi-ma). In like manner na frater ’ähi, stat. absol. nx "ah; nm socer hami, stat. absol. nn ham; "2 pi os, stat. absol. 73 pa, originally pa-m. — Another distinction is this, that the nominal stems which end in ay have ä in the stat. absol., and é in the stat. cstr. e. g. rin hözä propheta, originally häza/ya-m], stat. constr. sayin höze, the original form of which is prob- ably a genitive häza/y/i, where the short final vowel, on account of the close connection of the governing 1 *This form however does not occur. 72 2. DECLENSION. with the following word in the stat. cstr. has been retained, and blended with the preceding vowel. In Ethiopic also the short vowel of the stat. cstr. com- — monly remains.! §. 96. All other distinctions between the stat. abs. and stat. cstr. depend only upon the later Hebrew vocal laws. While the first open syllable before the tone in the stat. absol. is heightened according to a universal rule (§. 42, 43), and only the second syllable before the tone is volatilized, the first open syllable before the tone in the stat. cstr. must be volatilized, since it has merely a secondary accent, but the second retains its short vowel in order that two half vowels may not immediately follow one another. (Exceptions are very rare, e. g. ay sémehé’ laetantes = samıhay together with the regular form sry siméyé’, rity ’220’r cnqulum="izara.) In other cases the a of an accented closed syllable in the stat. cstr. is never heightened, although this height- ening generally occurs in the stat. abs.?, e. g. by “am populus, stat. cstr. ny ‘am. All the vowel changes of the Hebrew declension can be explained by means of these two rules. Comp. non hayam sapiens, primitive form hakama-m, stat. estr. pan hayam, fem. s22n hayama, stat. estr. man ha-ygman, plur. p20 hiyamé'n , stat. cstr. aan hayémé » plur. fem. nina hayamd'S, stat. cstr. 1 *See Dillmann, “Grammatik”, §. 144a. 2 The volatilization of the pretonic syllable even in the st. abs. is pecnliar to the fem. form, which rejects final a of the stem before t, e. g. n2272 m&läy, (e)S (collateral form of n2>n). 8 *The noun D) yam, which commonly retains its @ in the stat. cstr. with, as well as without, following magqqep, is an ex- ception, See Luzzatto, “Grammatica della Lingua Ebraica”, Pa- dova 1853, 8. 870. | VOLATILIZATION IN AN OPEN PRETONIC SYLLABLE. 73 ninsn haygméS, dual msn hayamdy(i)m, stat. cstr. non hayémé*, dual fem. oyınaan hayfmasayfi)m, stat. cstr. ‘naan hdyamgsé’.1 One can easily decline every other theme after the model, provided he observes the following particulars. §. 97. According to §. 46, when «a would neces- sarily remain short in an open syllable on account of a following half vowel, it is frequently modified to 7, e. g. "727 di-Bé-ré —= da-ba-ray; likewise in a closed, un- accented syllable, comp. inay zißhö’ sacrifiecium eus = zabha-hü. In both cases w almost always becomes o, comp. Wp go-88-sé sanctuaria = qu-da-sa-y, VOIP qod-s6 sanctuarium ejus = qudsa-hü. On the contrary i (even the © which has arisen from a) is more rarely modified to e; most commonly only with a preceding guttural, possibly also with a following labial. Comp. 532 ‘e- ye-lé vituli = “igala-y, 3532 “eylö' vitulus gus = “igla-hit, san hepelée abdives = hibalay, collateral with "aan ha- Bele vincula. §. 98. In an open pretonic syllable w is always heightened, 7 is very frequently not heightened, but volat- ilized, especially before and after long vowels, which through their ascendency readily suppress an originally short vowel. For this reason and on account of their half verbal character this volatilization occurs mostly in participles and infinitives as well as in the form qittila. Comp. n3® perad = purät, an> köIäß = hitäba, brauip göteli'm interficientes = gätilim, pyzin méadi'm congre- gationes = ma-v'id-im. 1 *Nevertheless both forms of the stat. cstr. dual are hypo- thetical. 74 2. DECLENSION. §. 99. An exchange of stems (metaplasm) occurs especially in the following cases. 1) The monosyllabic nominal forms gatl/a], qitlfa], qutl/a], always form their plural (not their dual) from the dissyllabic stems gatal[a], qitalfa], qutalfa]. Comp. 752 mäl(le)y rex = malka, 135 malkd’ rea ejus = mal-ka-hi, but plur. bisbn möläyim = malak-im, st. estr. a5n maléye = ma- lakay. 2) The transposition of gatla, gitla, qutla to gtala, qtila, gtula sometimes takes place in the noun, regularly in the infinitive when no complete vowel follows, comp. 220 s(@)yaB yacere = shaba = sakba, ixd s(@mor custodire = smura, sumra, F724 s(@)moréya = smura-ka, but id som(£)rö' = Sumra-hü (with an in- serted inorganic half vowel, see §. 49), moreover in stems med. ’alep with 7, e. g. "Na O(¢)’er fons = b’ira = brra, plur. stat. estr. either ninxa b(¢)’erod = b’ür-ät or according to the original position ninya be’ éréd = bi’ar-ät. 3) The form gatila sometimes assumes in stat. estr. the form gatla, or transposed gtala. Comp. n> kasep umerus = katipa, stat. estr. yn> kad(e)o = katpa, RI zägen senex = zagina, stat. estr. JET 2eqan = zgana, zagna. 4) The form gattäla dispenses with its leng- thening, which probably first entered subsequently, in the stat. cstr. the masc. sing. and fem. plur., usually too before suffixes of the feminine plural, comp. O72 pards eques = parräsa, stat. cstr. B72 pards = parrasa. $. 100. The last consonant of the stem sometimes undergoes euphonic doubling, most frequently in the form gatula, to render the preceding vowel unchange- able (§. 41). Comp. vun zöman-nim tempora = zmanim, orb73 gemalliim cameli = Tees -im, rein mismanni m fortes = = ma-sman-im, phy “amog profundus = ‘amuqa, fem. pay “ämugge. = "amuga-t, stat. cstr. npn> “amuggas. — A similar euphonic doubling of the ae THE ENDINGS Irr4 AND vrra. 75 second radical consonant occurs less frequently; it is almost exclusively confined to the stat. abs. Comp. 79x "issär prohibitio = "isära, yin Mizzayd'n visio = hizayän, stat. estr. yin hezöyö'n. §. 101. Final ay (Hebr. ä, stat. cstr. €) of the stem almost always falls away before the endings of the feminine the plural and the suffixes. Comp. rin hézd propheta = häza/ya-m], stat. cst. „rin hézé’ = hä- zafy]/i, comp. §. 95, fem. "rin höza, stat. estr. nin hézuS = häzaya-t, plur. vsrin hézi’m = häzay-im, stat. estr. "tin hézé’ = hazay-ay, plur. fem. nirin höz6’S = häzay-ät, zyin hözöya propheta tuus = hdz[ay]a-ka, »7%n hézeht propheta ejus = häz/ay]-i-hü. Still single forms also occur before suffixes , in which the ay has been retained, e. g. 77277 migqnay a En tua = magqnay-ka, Dan maréhém aspectus eorum = ma-r’ay-hum.! In the feminine of the infinitive the vowel which precedes the elided y blends with the following, comp. nix vi- dere r(é) os = raya-t, nena hah(ä)yö> servare = ha-hyaya-t. $. 102. The endings iyya and uyya (from uvva), although originally themselves plural forms, receive the endings of the gender and number in the usual manner; only the plural has contracted im from -iyy- im and in the sing. iyy always becomes i and uw becomes @; the connection of the ending of the fem. sing. with the former is frequently and with the latter is always immediate. Comp. “22 “ri hebraeus = “tbriyy, fem. may “Bri or 77932 “iBriyya = “ibriyya-t, plur. on» ay, contracted ny ax “iBri’m = “ibriyy-im, fem. 1 *It should however be remarked the y6OS of such forms may in many cases (e. g. Dan. i, 5) indicate the plural. 76 2. DECLENSION. meyay “aBriyyo'S = “ibriyy-dt, mo5n regnum maléy t-% from 35532 maléy = malakuvv[a], plur. nir>5n malé- yuyyo'd, ‘comp. §. 81. §. 103. The suffixes appended to the noun which indicate the genitive of the personal pronoun are only shortened forms of these same pronouns. In their for- mation they differ very slightly from those appended to the verb. They are: 1. sing. © or y; 2. sing. masc. ka; 2. sing. fem. k; 3. sing. masc, -hü, -v; 3. sing. fem. hä, h; 1. plur. -nG; 2. plur. masc. kém; 2. plur. fem. ken; 3. plur. masc. hém, m, poet. mö; 3. plur. fem. hen, n. The old final vowel has been retained before them ($. 37), hence the monosyllabic stems appear in their original form. This final vowel is either a (Hebr. ä, ä, &) or i (Hebr. ©) and has the tone, except when it is volatilized, or absorbed by the vowel of the suffix. If the final vowel had already become long in primitive Semitic by fusion with the preceding vowel, the suffixes are naturally joined directly to this long vowel; but a vocalization of the final consonant, which first entered according to Hebrew vocal laws, is ignored by the far older forms of the suffixes. Comp. the suffix-form 122 pi'-ni from the petrified genitive form "> os pi; but an qe piryent = pary-i-nü, not pérind from 72 pért fructus = pary. Nevertheless bo2 pé- ri-yém also occurs before kém, hém. In the plural and dual of both genders the suffixes are always joined to the masculine plural ending ay (Hebr. ay, a, €) so that the feminine has a double plural ending before the suffixes. §. 104. The nouns with suffixes appear in the following form: 1. sing. 019 séis-t equus meus, »» pi os meum = pi-y[a], in the fem. *nd2D stisa@3t’ = stisa-t-i, in CHANGES BEFORE THE SUFFIXES. 17 the plur. and dual masc. 930 süsay = susa-y-y[a], comp. §. 34, 3, in the fem. plur nioro sdsöTay = süs-ät-ay- y[a], in the fem. dual n90 süsasay = süsa-ta-y-y[a]; 1. plur. a»92 pind, 1990 süsenb = süs-i-nü, in the fem. MINI süsdSend = süsa-t-i-nü, in the dual and plural 1930 süse'nü — süsa-y-nü, in the fem. plur. axniox süsöose nk = süsät-ay-nü, in the fem. dual »xnox süsd- Dent = süsa-ta-y-nü; 2. masc. sing. 772 pi-xa, 7930 süsöya (in pausa 790 sisdya@) = süsa-ka, in the plural TOAD siisay a = süsa-y-ka, 2. fem. sing. 7732 pix, 7910 süsey = süs-i-k, in the plur. 7790 sdsdy(Oy = süsa-y-k; 2. masc. plur. n>.» pi-yém, 0300 sustyém = süsa-kum, with a full final vowel only nox» "immä-yem vobiscum, in the plural p> 910 süseyem = süsa-y-kum; 2. fem. plur. 22 piyen, 72070 süsl-yen, in the plur. 737930 süseyen; 3. masc. sing. a2 plhü or m» piv = pi-v[a], idrd süsö’ = süsa-hü (poetically with the genitive ending 17030 sü- sehi = süs-i-hü) in the poetical form of the plural 177970 sushi = süsa-y-hü, commonly 7030, also written 1930, to be pronounced according to the punctation sd- sav, certainly from süsay-hü; 3. fem. sing. 2 pi'-hd, IOAN sisahd = süsa-hä, commonly apocopated 7930 sü- sa-h, in the plur. son siisa-hd = süsa-y-hä; 3. masc. plur. ome pi-hém, nord süsam = sü-sa-m = süsa-hem = süsa-hum, poetically also 412925 süsa-mö, in the plur. Do1D süschem = süsa-y-hum, poetically ino30 süse'mö = süse-hemö; 3. plur. fem. y=» pi-hén, 3930 sü-san = süsa-hun, in the plur. 77970 süse-hen = süsa-y-hun. $. 105. The vowels before the suffixes are changed entirely according to universal vocal laws. The pre- tonic syllable should be heightened. The syllables at a greater distance from the tone should be volatilized, and open syllables which stand before a half vowel 78 2. DECLENSION. should retain their short vowel. Only the suffix ka forms an exception to the latter rule, before which a is heightened in the antepenult, comp. 7727 deßa- röya = dabara-ka together with 3927 ROTER TER — da- barakum, but u Tari 76 byiBbya = meh iyibaka from SR oje hostis = "dyiba, Ta Simöya = sima-ka from DU Sem nomen = sima, 721 yoger?ya plasmator tuus = yägira-ka, zazin ’öhaßeya amator tuus = "ähiba-ka (by reason of the guttural), yup gétoléya = gtula-ka from Sop getol = gtula = qutla. — Volatilization of the pre- tonic syllable often occurs with ¢, especially in parti- ciples, comp. v2 nomen meum sémi = simi from od sem = Sim, ~>05p götel! = gatil-t from susp götel = ga- tila, Pin mo ast congregatio mea = ma-vid-i from spin méés. On the contrary ? is very rarely height- hened in the antepenult of the form gatila e. g. winrn hägerösay atria mea together with »ninxn hagirésdy = hagirdt-ay[ya] . §. 106. The stems which end in ay lose this ter- mination not only before all endings, but also before suffixes. Comp. tin hözä propheta = häza/ya-m], stat. cstr. atin hézé = häza/yfi, with suffixes in hözt! = häzlay]-i, arin hézgya = häzfayla-ka, rin hözey = hä- z[ay]-i-k, antin hözechü = häzfay]-i-hü, rin hézah = hdz[ayJa-h, arin hézent = haz[ay]-i-nd, porin hözeydm = häz/ayJa-kum, arin hözam = häzfa A -hum. Yet the unabbreviated forms sometimes also occur, which then naturally exhibit the same vocal phenomena as the plurals with suffixes, most frequently before kém, hem, e. g. Darin hdzé-yém = hazay-kum, min hözshem = häzay-hum. The feminine has sin höza = häz[ay]a-t, stat. cstr. nrin hözas, with suffixes sntin hözase, AnrIn hézaséya = hdzfay]a-t-i, hdz[ay]a-ta-ka etc., plural prin hézi'm = häz/ay]-im, stat. cstr. in höze = häz- 7a UNUSUAL FORMS OF DECLENSION. 79 [ayJa-y, with suffixes win hö-zdy = haz[ay]a-y-[ya], rin hözäya = häzfay]a-y-ka etc., fem. plur. nirin hö- 26'S = häz/ay]-ät, with suffixes nirin hözöIay = ha- z[ayJ-äta-y-/ya), mirin hözöIäyä = hä-z/ay]-äta- y-ka etc. $. 107. We present here together for the sake of clearness several unusual forms of declension which have already been partially touched upon. The mono- syllabic stem UN 768 caput = ra’sa has in the plural pinay rasi’m = ra’asim, while the similarly formed stems Nx gön pecus = ga’na and “N& cisterna bör = bara are unchangeable. In like manner “sy urbs “ir = “iyra has in the plural py» ‘dri’m = ‘dyarim, stat. estr. "99 ‘dré, dom ha yl virtus = hayla in the plural p50 hin y ‘ali’m and “i sör taurus = gavra in the plural p47 svari’m, while otherwise such forms are unchangeable and do not form their plural from a disyllabic stem. The plurals p> heli’m, stat. estr. “b> kele from »>> héli vas = kalya, and DYa7 yami'm, stat. estr. 27 yemé from pir yom dies = yavma are evidently based upon a theme which deviates from the singular. The plural pa botti’m from na bays domus = bayta is obscure and perhaps only rests upon an arbitrary punctuation. The word wx i vir = ins, "ans has regularly in the plural osx ’anasi’m, stat. cstr. “Oy ’anésé = ’anasa-y. Its feminine sun isa = inda-ta, stat. cstr. NON "es(e)T = 'W-t = “ist = "ins-ta, with suf- fixes imöx “istd’ = “U-ta-hi, yndy ’estöya = “ista-ka, is only discriminated in the plural from the masculine through the apocope of ’a pw? nasi’m. The shortened form 72 ben filius, stat. cstr. 2 ben or ~42 bin, with suffixes j22 bgnd', 732 bingya exhibits an a in the plural p22 bani’m, stat. cstr. 122 bene, likewise in the feminine n2 bad = bant, with suffixes ma ditt’, plur. niza ba- 80 2. DECLENSION. no's, stat. estr. nia2 bend’. The words ax ’äß pater, my “ah frater, am hdm socer, 72 pä os have in the de- finite form, hence in the stat. estr. and before suffixes according to 88. 37. 95 a final 7, therefore in the stat. estr. "aN “api, "ny “ahi, am hami, »= pi. The following forms appear as plurals: niay ’aß6S patres and bins ’aht'm fratres, the latter with implied, but probably only euphonic doubling, which also remains before the suffixes (comp. 8 ’ahäya, wn ’ähä/yJv (according to §. 29), but in the stat. estr. "nx “ahé it disappears. The words nian hamö’S socrus and ninx ’ahé'> soror = ’ahaya-t, plur. nine “dhayoD occur as feminines. An h appears as a third radical in the plur. nix ’ämä- hé'S, stat. cstr. nimms ’amthö> from ax ’äma ancilla. §. 108. The Hebrew numerals are: 1 ns 'ähäs = ’ahhad according to $. 29 = ’ahada with implied euphonic dayes, stat. cstr. rs ’ahad, fem. nox ’ahd>d = ahad-t; 2 nr Senayli)m, fem. pind stay@m.1 The numbers 3—10 have the peculiarity, that their mas- culine is connected with the feminine of that which is numbered and vice versa.” In the stat. estr. of the fem. they generally have the form which elides the final radical vowel before t of the ending. Hence iby sald's, stat. cstr. WoO 310s, fem. mudd selésa, stat. estr. modo Sllös(e)I = jalus-t (§. 40); 4 vans ’arba‘, fem. ! *The form bimd has arisen from pony = p°n2w. The da- yes lene after the volatilization of the initial vowel has merely remained as an etymological sign. 2 *Fleischer considers the numerals in this case as sub- stantives which maintained themselves as such by their dissimilarity to the person or thing numbered; see his treatise “Ueber einige Arten der Nominalapposition im Arabischen” in “Berichte der Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften”, 1862. NUMERALS. 81 mann “arba‘a, stat. cstr. nzaow ’arbd‘(a)3; 5 wan ha- es, fem. munn hdmissa, stat. estr. nönm hämes(e)S; 6 wo 80%, fem. mud Hsia, stat. cstr. mind Jeile)I = sist; 7 vad saR(a)', stat. cstr. ya KOR«', fem. 920 “Pa, stat. cstr. myad Hay; 8 mynd mond, fem. s3i2d !ömönä, stat. estr. ma HfmöndS; g'yün tes(a)‘, stat. estr. yom t(¢)sa‘, fem. Ryda tsa, stat. cstr. nm tis‘aS; 10 "b> “äs(e)r, fem. Hing “dsära, stat. cstr. mop» “d- sär(e)>. The numbers 11—19 are formed by prefixing the units to “iy “äsar, fem. sry ‘esré’; 11 is in- dicated, besides Sy sme ’ahad Gear, fem. A by nox "ahay ‘esré’, by OY möy ‘asté’ “äsar, fem. Syby my “aste ‘esré’.1 For 12 the forms nny mod sené'm “asar, fem. m7iyy bn stém “esre are used, as well as iby 120 séné “äsär, fem. ming md été “esrd. The number 13 Brncedos the masculines in the form miby mul seldsa mar, it precedes feminines in the form > wo ‘Hb ‘esré. The other numerals up to nineteen follow the same analogy. The tens are indicated by the plural of the units, except 20, for which the plural of 10 is employed. In this case the monosyllabic stems form a regular, not a dissyllabic plural. Hence 20 pyby “esrim,s 80 nw>y 3llösim, 40 Diways ‘arba‘t'm 50 pn hämissim, 60 pwd Km, TO pad sip", 80 nid semdni'm, 90 xin tistm, 100 872 mé’a, stat. estr. mn MEAD, 200 bionn mäddyli)m = me’ä)ay(i)m, 300 nina nvdw sölös(e)) me’ds, before the feminine nina whoo sds me’d'> etc., 1000 yaR ’äl(e)o, 2000 Dr2>R ’alpay(i m’, 3000 pox mwvdo 3llosle)I 'ülägi'm ete.; 3 1*This enigmatic word "2 which as well as ’ähäs sig- nifies unus is the same as the Assyrian numeral istin unus, and is of Accadic origin; comp. Friedrich Delitzsch in “Smith’s Chal- däische Genesis”, Leipzig 1876, 5. 277—280. BicKELu’s Outlines. 6 82 3. CONJUGATION. 10000 =224 repaBa, later xian ribbö’, nian ribbo 9; 20000 pinia4 ribböIay(ı)m. $. 109. The ordinals (except yivoxı risö'n primus = revisdn) are formed through the annexation of the affix ¢ as follows: "3% sen? secundus, whdd sélist tertius, 937 réptt quartus, “dm hdmissi or son hamist’ quin- tus, wird Sigs! seatus, ww sR septimus, ad semini octavus, "IDM tést't’ nonus, “wy “dsiri’ decimus. The feminine forms usually end in -t‘3, more rarely in -iyya, and indicate a part, e. g. man hdmissid quinta pars, which can also be expressed through wih hom(e)s. — The dual of the feminine gives the numeral the sig- nification of times, or fold, e. g. Dinvad MPa Say(am septres. 3. CONJUGATION. §. 110. The perfect of the simple form (qal), as has been already remarked, has arisen from the theme gatala, of which the intransitive forms are gatila and gutula. The feminine and the plural of the third person are formed by means of the same affixes as in the noun, while the formation of the second and first person is accomplished through the annexation of the corresponding personal pronouns, with the elision of the preceding final vowel of the stem. Thus we have 3. sing. masc. up gdtdl interfecit = gatala, compare before suffixes „bup qétald-ni = gatala-ni. The 3. sing. fem. is sup gatéla according to §. 43 = gatala-t. This form even in primitive Semitic had lost the vowel of the feminine affix, and ended in the consonant ¢; compare with suffixes ambup geta- lattü = gatalat-hü. The 3. plur. has no distinction of VAV CONSECUTIVUM. 83 gender sup gätelü = gatal-ü = gatal[a]-u-u, very rarely with the status-affix », which has arisen out of m, as pup gatéli'n = qatal/a]-u-u-ma. In the second person masc. sing. we find nbup gatdl-ta = ga-tal-ta, fem. ndup gatdlt = gatal-t (rarely *nbup gatdltt = qa- tal-t!, which however always appears before suffixes, e. g. yınbup götalti-ni = gatalti-ni). The masc. plur. is brsun gétaltém = gatal-tum and fem. jnbun götalten = gataltun. All these endings are certainly nothing else than the corresponding personal pronoun. Before suf- fixes the plural ending of the second person has main- tained itself in the more ancient form -té (without the status-affix, but with the long vowel which has resulted from the doubling of the casus-affix), comp. ~1mbup gitalti'-nt = gatal-t-u-u-ni. The first person has nbup qataltt = gatal-t (which has probably arisen from ga- tal-ki), plur. »5up gatdlnt = gatal-nü. — The perfect of the intransitive, as +23 aged = kabida gravis erat almost always has in the originally closed syllables a instead of 7, and hence differs from bu» gatal only in the pause of the 3. fem. and 3. plur., where according to §. 21 the penult is heightened. Comp. 3723 ka- Besa’, but in pausa 3722 kaßedü, in the transitive »sop gatalü. — The other intransitive form however with u, as yap gäton parvus erat = qatana, always retains this vowel, e. g. 1. sing. »n2p gätönti, 2. plur. mase. pnp gétontém, 3. plur. rp gätend, in pausa bp gatoni, $. 111. In order to connect the perfect with a preceding future or imperative, and to give it an 1 *Whenever this form occurs in the text, it is rejected by _ the Qéri, e. g. 7225 (Q. nd>) Jer. xxxi, 21; nn) Ez. xvi, 18; n75, verse 20. 6* 84 3. CONJUGATION, analogous signification, 7 v& is prefixed and the accent is transferred to the final syllable. This change of accent however effects no other vocal alteration than that which is indispensably necessary ($. 46), namely that the now toneless syllable should retain the orig- inally short instead of the heightened vowel, e. g. mı&p gatonta parvus eras, mıupı végdtonta.1 The removal of the accent does not take place in pausa, according to §. 21, nor, according to §. 18, when the following word with which it is closely connected begins with an accented syllable. §. 112. The fundamental form of the constr. infin- itive, the imperative and future in the regular transitive verb is qutla (transposed gtula), but in the intransitives it is gatla (transposed gtala). The form gitla is only confined to some irregular stems. Thus arises the infini- tive bhp g(é)tol = gtulfa] = qutla. The auxiliary sound has established itself here so firmly, that it even re- mains in cases where it could be dispensed with e. g. in S522 bi-népol in cadendo. It was only impossible 2 for it to enter after a prefixed li, or before gutturals la3, which already at an early period formed with the in- finitive a kind of gerundium. Comp. 5235 li-npöl cadendo, pind la-htom obsignando. Even when the vowel stands after the first consonant, as is the case before affixes with an initial vowel, a half vowel is inserted after the second consonant, because it had become customary 1 *An example which really occurs is M957) Ex. xviii, 23. 2 *See however Jer. i, 10; xlvii, 4, and Delitzsch on Ps. xl, 15. 3 *Nevertheless in this case, an inserted half vowel, ä, aller „Seo é, almost always ene the guttural, comp. 3372 of a half vowel after the N a a bifterent reason from the assumption of an auxiliary vowel in the infinitive, compare §. 55. FORMATION OF THE FUTURE. 85 to regard the form as dissyllabic; comp. fem. 3° gor(Ü)Ba appropinquare = qurbata, with suffixes ibyp got(e)lö = qutla-hü. The form with a instead of ‘w is very rare even in the intransitive verb. But when it occurs a, according to vocal laws, can become © or e. E. g. 225 s(öyxaß jacere = skaba, sakba, in the femin. mane ’ah(ä)ßa amare = ’ahba-ta, NV sin(Z)’a odisse, mar hem(?)lä parcere. $. 113. The imperative, which even in primitive Semitic had lost its final vowel, is likewise bhp g(e)tol = gtul = qutl, although the Hebrew forms with suffixes presuppose a final vowel 7 = u, as in the future. The intransitives regularly have a as a stem-vowel, e. g. 723 k(e)Bad. = kbad, kabd. The feminine is formed by adding the ending @ (§. 114), the masc. plur. and fem. plural by adding respectively m. # (§. 110) and f. n@ (§. 114). The original position of the vowel in gutl remains before the endings of which the initial sound is a full vowel, but a superfluous half vowel is inserted after the second consonant and the w is generally attenuated to @. It is rarely retained as o in such forms 15572 mol(@)y% reg- nate = mulk-ü. Thus arise the 2. fem. up git(@l’ = qutl-i, 2. plur. masc. ap qi(d)lü = quil-t, 2. plur. fem. sup g(@)tolna = gtul-na, from the intransitive 2723 kl E)Bädna = kbad-na. $. 114. The future is formed by subjoining the af- fixes of the casus, status and genus to the monosyllabic stem, and by prefixing the personal pronouns, among which is the fem. ta. The theme appears either without an ending, i. e. as an accusative, in the form gtula, or with the nominative ending as gtul-w, or with the indefinite affix as gtula-m, gtula-n, or finally with the elision of the final vowel as gtul. The fundamental 86 3. CONJUGATION. form of the jussive and of the future with vav con- secutivum is gtul, that of the cohortative, sometimes also before suffixes, is gtulan. The forms gtula and gtul-u, since they lose their final vowel according to Hebrew vocal laws, can no longer be discriminated from each other. Hence only this is certain, that before almost all suffixes the form giulu appears, although with the modification of its w to 7 The 3. sing. masc. yigtöl = ya-gtul-u has certainly arisen by prefixing the pronominal root of the third person ya = va, likewise the 3. sing. fem. bupn tigtol = tagtul-u by prefixing the feminine ta, which in this case may not be suffixed, as there would then be no discrimination between the future and perfect. The 3. plur. masc. sbup? yigteld = ya-gtul-u-u indicates the plural, as in the noun and the perfect, through the twofold repetition of the nominative affixes, to which also the indefinite affix n = m is sometimes subjoined, comp. 7577 yidréyt'n calcabunt = ya-druk-u-u-na. The 3. plur. fem. mibipm tigtölna = ta-gtul-na is very much mutilated, since it was originally ta-gtul-d-na = ta- gtula-/[t]a-[tJa-ma. This form may perhaps still be pre- supposed from y5upn which frequently occurs in the Pen- tateuch.! Since the gender is here already indicated in the ending the feminine prefix ta is to be regarded only as a pleonasm, hence the form 7}Jup1 yigtölna = ya-qtul- na also occurs a few times (but always in Aramaic and Arabic). — The second person prefixes the pronominal root ta in every case to the stem, to which it subjoins in the masc. and fem. plur. the same endings, as in the third 1 The Aramaic furnishes the proof of this. One only needs to compare the Chaldaic yup. yigt@lan with the stat. abs. fem. plur. 43522 malkän, whose ending has the same sound, and remember what is said in §. 93 Rem. in regard to the origin of the latter form. THE COHORTATIVE. 87 person; on the other hand it subjoins to the fem. sing. i as affix of the gender (perhaps = Ai); thus arise 2. masc. sing. dapn tigtol = ta-gtul-u, 2. fem. sing. ‘opr tigtel = ta-qtul-i, rarely with the addition of the indefinite affix PagRA tigtelin = ta-qtul-i-ma, 2. plur. masc. sbupn tigtélé’ = ta-gtul-u-u, rarely p>upn tigtéli’n = ta-gtul-u-u-ma, 2. plur. fem. sx>4pM tig- tolnaé = ta-qtul-na. — The first person of the sing. and plur. are respectively indicated by prefixing the ab- breviated pronominal stems ’a and na to the root, e. g. 1. sing. Sop ’egtöl = ’igtöl = ’a-gtul-u, 1. plur. ddp2 nigtol = na-gtul-u. — The intransitives have the vowel a in the future, comp. 723) yiybad = ya-kbad-u, yap? yigtan = ya-gtan-u. i $. 115. The cohortative scarcely ever occurs ex- cept in the first person}, hence mbupx 'egtela = ’a-gtu- la-m agedum interficiam! sup nigtila = na-gtula-m interficiamus! It is also found in the imperative, e. g. sind som(e)ra custodi = sumra-m, 7225 siy@)Ba cuba = Sikba-m, sakba-m. — The jussive, is found al- most exclusively in the second and third person, and is based upon the form yagtul without a final vowel. Hence in the qal of the regular verb, after the falling away of all the final vowels in Hebrew, it can no longer be externally distinguished from the ordinary form. This is also the fundamental form of the futu- rum consecutivum or the historical mode, which is joined by va and the doubling of the following consonant to the preceding narrative. The accent should then be drawn back upon the penult. This however does not take place when the penult is a closed syllable, 1 *The cohortative of the 3. person only occurs in Ps. xx, 4, Job. xi, 17, Jes. v, 19. 88 8. CONJUGATION. hence in the qal of the entire regular verb, e. g. dpa vayyigtöl et interfecit = va-ya-gtul, »upsy vd'egtol et interfect = va a-qtul. §. 116. The infinitive absol. and the active par- ticiple have arisen from the dissyllabic form. The infin. absol. is diup gate’l = gatäla, and the active participle qal buip götel = gätila, which in the feminine has either suip götela or mbuip götela = gatila-ta, but mostly nauin götälle)> = gätal-ta, in the plural pbnip gö- téli’m = gätil-im. The active participle of the intran- sitives has just the same form as their perfect. Comp. „or yasen dormiens = yasina, “32 yayor timens = ya- gura. — The only remnant of the passive in the gal is the participle bon gatul occisus = gatüla. §. 117. Through the prefixing of na to the stem gtala, or hin, when the first radical consonant retains its vowel, the nip‘al conjugation arises, which has a reflexive, reciprocal and passive signification. The perfect is bup) nigtal = na-gtala, and is conjugated just as in the qal. The participle bup3 nigtäl, fem. sup) nigtala = na-gtala-ta, generally n>up3 nigta- l(e)> = na-gtal-ta, is specially indicated only by the heightening of the radical vowel through which the nominal forms are usually discriminated from the purely verbal. The fundamental form of the infinitive, imperative and future of the nig‘al must prefix hin, since it retains both radical vowels. Thus arise the imperative bupm higgatel = hin-gati, plur. >>upm Mq- gatelü = hin-qatil-t, the infinitive cstr. (which often serves for the absol.) Sup higgatel = hin-gatila, the infin. abs. biop higgatöl = hin-ga-täla, with which nevertheless the form dinp: migtö'l = nagtäla occurs, which has arisen as above by prefixing na. Before THE FORMATION OF THE PIEL, 89 the prefixes of the future according to §. 35 the as- pirate is elided. Thus we have the future byp> yiggatel = yé-hin-qatel = yu-hin-qatilu, the inflection of which is entirely analogous to that of» the future qal (also 1. sing. sup ’eggätel). The 2. and 3. fem. plur. has m2oupn tiggatdlna = tu-hin-qatal-na, very rarely m3bupn tiggatelna = tu-hin-gatil-na. In pausa the future is generally Sup. yiggatal. When the accent is drawn back through the prefixing of vav consecutivum, it is bop vayyiggatel. — A passive has not been retained | in the nig‘al.? §. 118. The pi“&l which has been formed by doub- ling the second radical consonant, and which has an intensive, causative or denominative signification, has in the perfect bap gqittel = gittila, although almost as frequently dup qittdl = qittala. The first formation always appears where the second syllable is open (e. g. un gitteli, in pausa »bup gittelü = gittilü), the second where it is closed (e. g. mop qittdl-ta). The three verbs "25 dibbär locutus est, APD kippär expravit, 023 kibbäs lavit heighten a to Segol.2 — The imperative has bap qattel = gattil, fem. sup qattéli’, plur. sup gattelü', fem. m2>%p gattelna. The infin. cstr. (which also stands for the absol.) is likewise Sup gattel = qattila, the infin. absol. Sinp gattöl = gattäla, the future sup» yeqattel = yu- gattilu, 2. and 3. plur. fem. msbupm tégattelna, the par- 1 *The corresponding seventh form of the Arabic verb ’n- gatala has its own pass. ’unqutila. 2 *The author considers the Segöl in this case as a mixed sound, but one can regard it with greater propriety, as an abbre- viation of Zere (e from £), so that such forms as 55D kipper, are on the same level with Jax ’ibbad, 571 giddal, poi sillam. 90 3. CONJUGATION. ticiple >upn mögattel = mu-gattila, fem. commonly nsupn mö-gattälle)> = mu-qattal-ta. | §. 119. The pu“al, as passive of the pi“el has in the perfect the infin. constr.! up quttdl = quttala, in the infin. absol. biup quttöl = quttäla, in the future sup? yequttal = yu-quttalu, in the participle bupn me- quttal = muquttala. — The reflexive conjugation his- pa“el arises through the prefixing of hit to the stem of the pi“el, perf. imperative and infinitive sap hid- gattel = hit-qattila (also, as in the pi“el, bupnn hidgat- tal), future dpm yidqattel = yb-hiögattel = yu-hit-gat- tilu, participle Supni mixgattel = mg-hisgattel = mu- hit-qattila. If the first radical consonant is a sibilant, transposition takes place (§. 25), if it is a dental, assimilation (§. 26, 3).2 — Of a passive of this re- flexive (hoSpa’al) there are only isolated remnants, e. g. naum huttamma contaminari = hut-tamma’a. — The different forms which are analogous to the pi‘él, as the pd‘él, pd‘al, hidpo‘el, pa‘lel, pa‘lal, hidpa‘lel, pilpel etc., will be mentioned under the irregular verbs. §. 120. The causative conjugation hig“il is formed by means of the prefix ha (in the perfect hi) and in many cases by the insertion of 7 as stem-vowel (§. 47, rem.), which is always accented. Thus arise the perfect »op hig-til = ha-gtila, ha-qtala, fem. s>-upn ugtila = ha- qtt'-la-t, but since according to §. 38 originally closed ble could have no long vowel, the 2. sing. remains ! *This form is purely imaginary since the only infin, pu“al of a strong verb is 253 Gen. xl, 15. ® *Both transposition and assimilation occur in 73777 hizzakka = 773777 hizdakka = m>InM hideakka se mundavit. CONJUGATION OF THE QUADRILITERALS. 91 mbupn higtalta = ha-gtal-ta, imperative bupz hagtel = ha-qtil, fem. "sup hagtili, plur. Hop hagtilh, fem. plur. Shop hagtelna, infin. estr.. Supt hagti’l, infin. absol. supa hagtel, fut. Sup yagtil = ye-hagtil = yu- ha-gtilu, jussive Be to §. 38 Sup2 ita = a tagti u, 2. and '3: site ER Ssbupn an = a qtil-na, participle »upn magtil = mé-hagtil = mu-ha- gtila!, fem. generally n>upn maqtél(e)> = mu-ha- qtal - ta. §. 121. The hog‘al passive of the hig‘il is in the perfect, imperative and infin. cstr. bSupm hegtdl or supa hugtal = hu-gtala, in the infin. absol. Jap hog- tel = hu-gtila?, fut. bap7 yogtal, also bup yugtal = ae ye-hugtal = yu-hu- gtalu, participle, with the usual nominal heightening, commonly burn mugtal, also dupa mogtal = mu-hu-gtala. §. 122. The quadriliterals are wont to be conjugated after the analogy of the piel, e. g. 0993 kirsem depa- vit = kirsima, future 59727 yeyarsem = yu-karsimu, pass. part. 53722 méyurbal praecinctus = mu-kurbala. The form bynes hismi'l sinistrorsum vertit = hi-smé il follows the analogy of the hiph‘il. The few cases in which a ta is prefixed to the verbal stem, as nys4n tirgaltt ambulare fect = ta-rgal-ti are perhaps also to be regarded as denominative quadriliterals. 3 1*The Arabic participle of the hig‘il (fourth form) likewise has short 7 as well as the future mugtil, yugtilu. 2 *An example of the constr. infin. Hoph of a strong verb is not to be found, and the only instance of an infin. absol. is san Ez. xvi, 4. 3 *The causative form Daan seems to be a collateral of the Sagél e. g. 3! ID inflammavit. 92 3. CONJUGATION. §. 123. The so-called irregularities in conjugation are merely occasioned by the vocal laws of the prim- itive Semitic and Hebrew. The verbs primae gutturalis must according to §. 54 receive a compound half vowel instead of the simple one in the imperative and in- finitive of the gal. This is.,commonly @, although after Alep (as in the roots m esse, "m vivere) it is 2, comp. sian ‘(a)mds sta = ‘mud, pdx ’(E)50p collige = ’sup. The volatilized half vowel, which has arisen from original a in the 2. plur. perf. of course always becomes @, e. g. on “dmartém dixistis = ’amar-tum. In the future gal the original a of the prefix remains ac- cording to §. 53, unless a follows in the next syllable. In such a case, and before Aleo, 7 entered for the sake of dissimilarity in the vowels, but on account of the gut- tural returned again to e. The 7 remains unchanged only in mm yihyd erit = yr-hyafyu] and mm yihyä vivet. Comp. "or yahsör deficiet = ya-hsuru, dam) yeh-kam sapiet = yi-hkamu, ya-hkamu. In both cases a half vowel which always follows the analogy of the pre- ceding vowel (§. 55), is very often inserted after the guttural to facilitate the pronunciation. Comp. har ya- ‘mos = ya'mu-du, pım, yeh(Qzdq = yehzaqu, yi- hzaqu, min, yeh(ö)zä videbit = yıhza/yu]. The half vowel, which has thus arisen, when followed by another half vowel in the next syllable, must become a full short vowel (§. 56), hence 17277 ya’(a)medü = ya- ‘mud-t%, pin) yeh(e)zögW = yi-hzag-u. In the nig‘al and hig‘il the prefixes have a and e respectively, where in the regular verb they have a or i; here also the insertion of an auxiliary sound is allowable after the guttural. Comp. 7272 nehpdy subversus est = ni-hpaka, 293, ne(E)mds = ni-'mada, 3. plur. (§. 56) 147233 ne- ‘(Cemedsi’, ony hehst'r = hi-hzira, wars he'(@-mv's = VERBS MEDIAE GUTTURALIS. 93 hi-‘mida, “on yahst'r = yu-ha-hsiru, 77322 ya-"(a)mi'd = yu-ha-“midu, hog’al saya ho'(o)mds = hu-‘mada. Where the first radical consonant should be doubled in the nig‘al the law mentioned in §. 28 of course takes effect, e. g. "nn y@amer = yi’-’amira = yu- hin-'amira. — The half vowel @ and the preceding e, when the tone is thrown forward, are easily sim- plified to a, relatively a, according to §. 57, e. g. nor), ye-’(@sor ligabit = yi-'sura, 3. plur. 087 ye’(e)- sörü', with suff. amanosn ya’la)serühi, nine he(¢)- mädta = hi-"mad-ta, with vav consecutiwum mar) vé- ha‘(a)masdta. §. 124. Five verbs primae Aleg elide their first consonant in the future qal and in this way receive 6= 4d. As the second yowel they have & (= 7), with the exception of ax and "on as stems Zertiae y and hax as tertiae gutturalis, before unitive accents a, when the accent is drawn back a or e. They are ax perire, san velle, bon edere, “mn dicere, "EN coquere. Comp. bon yoyel = ya’-(a)yel = ya-'kilu, but d28 vayyö'yal, sas yomdr, 28" vayyd'mer.1 In the 1. sing. the Aleo of the first radical consonant is not expressed, even in writing, comp. "nX ’ömar. The form haxdb lémd'r dicendo = le-(é)mor is worthy of notice. Some verbs form their future in two ways, e. g. The, ye’(E)höz ap- prehendet and ins" yohez. §. 125. The verbs mediae gutturalis receive a com- pound half vowel a after the gutturals instead of a simple one, e. g. sun sahatd’ = $ahatü. In the im- 1 *In the short verses, which in the book of Job introduce his speeches and those of his three friends, the form is vayyd’mar with a notwithstanding the drawing back of the tone. 94 3. CONJUGATION. perative and future gal they retain according to. §. 53 the stem vowel a, comp. imper. und s(@hdt, fem. unw sah(a)tt’, futur. oner yishdt. On the contrary the in- finitive almost always has the vowel x, comp. ony s@)hot. In the piel, pu“al and hidpa“él the vowel before r is always, before ’ commonly, before ‘ h h sarcely ever heightened to compensate for the omission of the doubling. Comp. 472 berey benediait = birrika, nn me’en denegavit = mi”ina, yr nveg blasphemavit = niiga, pro sihäg lusit = sihhaga, yet 772 hiha and 773 ktha increpuit = kihhaya. §. 126. The verbs tertiae gutturalis receive an auxiliary vowel a (§. 53) between an originally long vowel and the gutturals ‘4 h mibw salö’(a)h = Saläha, mob Sal (a)h = Salüha, mdgn hisli’(a)h. The same occurs after the merely heightened 6 of the infin. cstr. gal, e. g. ndv s(@lo(a)h = Sluha. On the other hand the original a has commonly been retained before the gutturals, instead of the other short vowels. This is always the case in the imperative and future qal. In the nig‘al, piél and hig‘il it occurs so interchangeably with © (originally 7) that @ commonly stands in the pausa. Comp. nbd s@lah, now yi-släh, mb Salle(a)h together with nbw allah. The all alone always has in the stat. abs. &, comp. noi söle(a)h, stat. cstr. mond sölah!, maUn mälallä(a)h, stat. cstr. n2&n mesallah. The 2. fem. perf. inserts an auxiliary vowel a be- tween the final consonants (§. 55, rem.) comp. mndw Salah(a)t. $. 127. If the third radical consonant is an Aleo, it loses its consonantal character at the end of a syl- ! *The following forms really occur 325 Ps. xciy, 9; 939 Ps. li, 15; yow Lev. xi, 7. VERBS MEDIAE GEMINATAE. 95 lable ($. 36), which becomes open and must con- sequently be heightened. The heightened vowel which has thus arisen is unchangeable, e. g. 3. sing. perf. Nx maga = maga [a], fem. HNx2 mag?a = maga’a-t, 2. sing. nsxn maga-Sa = maga’-ta, in intransitives Nv yare = yarv’a, infin. xkn m(%)gö. The futur. and imper. always have the vowel a, e. g. Nk m(d)ga, futur. 2727 yt- mga, with vav consecutivum NEN] vay- yimya, 2. and 3. plur. fem. s3Nx¥n7 ti-medi- na. The piel always has 7 (Hebr. 2) as it ‘second vowel (prob- ably for the sake of dissimilation) e. g. Niu timme = timmi’a, nx2y timme-Ia = timmita. $. 128. The verbs primae nun assimilate their n to a following consonant except when this is a gut- tural. Comp. 52» yippot = yi-npol, op yiggdé = Yi- ngas, War niggds = ni-ngas, 57 liggisé = hi-ngis, way huggas = hu-ngas. The infin. cstr. and the imperative qal commonly reject the », it then has the vowel a. The infin. commonly appears with the feminine ending t. Comp. imp. 3 gas’ = ngas, infin. mvs gäsle)d == ngas-ta, n23 ga(a)d = nga'ta. The 2 of the root np is treated in the same way, fut. np» yiggah = yi-Igah, imper. np gah = Igah, infin. nnp gah(a)> = Igah-t. The root 7n> has in the 2. perf. nnı (once 2 Sam. xxii, 41 nan) naddt-ta = natan-ta, fut. ym yitten = yi-ntin, imp. yh ten = ntin, infin. nm EI = ttt = tin-t = ntin-t. $. 129. The irregularities of the verbs mediae ge- minatae are occasioned by the tendency of the lan- guage to unite two identical consonants in a double consonant. While therefore forms with one vowel place it so that the identical consonants may not be separated by it (hence sabb, sibb, subb, not sbab, sbib, 96 3. CONJUGATION. sbub), the forms with two vowels lose the second, in order that the identical consonants may fall together (hence sabb instead of sabab). Thus arise 3. sing. perf. no saß = sabba, sababa, fem. mao sabba = sababa-t, plur. 12> sabbü (or with the accent on the ultima sab- bi’) = sabab-ü. An 6 (always accented except in the 2. plur.) is inserted before endings beginning with a con- sonant, which has probably arisen through the length- ening of the a after its transposition e. g. nino sabbé’3a= sabbäta = sabbata = sabab-ta, ania sabbdsém. In the imper., infin. and future the primitive position of the vowel after the first consonant remains, hence infin. estr. nb soß = subb/a/, imper. 25 söß = subb, fem. 125 s0bbi, plur. 125 8064, plur. fem. 32 subbäna, as in the future. Nevertheless besides the form which has arisen in this way in the future 259 yaso8 = ya-subb, "son ta-sobbi = ta-subb-i, 2. and 3. plur. fem. sra0nm tysub- bina, which is probably formed after the analogy of the verbs tertiae v, y, with vav’ consecutivum 3971 vayyasoß = ya-subb, there is a second form, in which the vowel originally stood after the second consonant, comp. a5" yissoB = ya-sbubu, san tissépi’ = ta-sbub-i, 2. and 3. plur. fem. "225m tissößna = ta-sbub-na. The intran- sitives here also have a in the infinitive, imperative and future, before which for the sake of dissimilation the prefix ya becomes yi, as in the regular verb. Comp. "2 mar = marr, fut. 923 yemär = yi-marru, acccording to the second formation 53> yidddl = yi-dlalu. The infin. absol. aiao sapo’B and the two participles 2/0 sößeß and anno sabi’ are regular. §. 130. In the nig‘al the identical consonants have been united throughout; the prefix xa retains its orig- inal vowel. Hence 3. sing. perf. 302 näsaß = na-sabba, fem. 302 nasabba = na-sabba-t, 2. sing. niao2 nésab- EE ——————— ee —— UT ‘ VERBA MEDIAE GEMINATAE. 97° b6'Sa, 2. plur. oniady nösabböSem, part. 203 nasäß = na- sabba, fem. 7323 ngsabba, imp. 2277 hissaß = hin-sabb, infin. 297 hisseß = hin-sibba, fut. 327 yis-sdß = yin-sab = yu-hin-sabbu, 2. fem. sing. 122m tissabbi, 2. and 3. fem. plur. A307 tissabbäna. The perfect and participle have become so similar to the regular 3. perf. qal, that sometimes by an erroneous analogy they receive 2 or u instead of a as the second vowel, comp. perf. 5p3 nägel and sp» nägdl = na-galla, 33 nayol = na-gulla, part. 0729 na-mes = na-missa. The forms with 6 in the im- perative and future have probably arisen after the analogy of the stems mediae vav. In the infinitive they could be the characteristic formation of the infin. absol. Comp. rian hibböz = hin-bazz. §. 131. The hig‘ll of the verbs mediae geminatae ac- cording to §. 38 never has an 7, but commonly @, some- times a. Comp. perf. 97 hesed = hi-sibba, fem. 7397 hesebba = hi-sibba-t, also maom heéesdbba = hi- sabba- t, 2. sing. niaon hiisibbd Sa, infin. no hase? = ha-sibba, imper. 307 haseß = ha-sibb, fem. „207 häsebbi, futur. 29) yaseß = ya-sibbu, with vav consec. 2977 vayyasep, 2. fem. "20m täsebbi, 2. and 3. fem. plur. sxa9n ¢é- sibbäna, the participle prefixes singularly enough the vowel 7, 2972 möseß = misibba, — The passive has 07 hüsaß = hü-sabba, fem. 73037 hüsabba, with an unchan- geable « perhaps after the analogy of the primae var. §. 132. These verbs seldom form a pi“el and its related conjugations, but most commonly a pö’el, its passive pöal and reflexive hidpo‘el, of which the 6 = ä is probably to be regarded as a compensative lengthening for the doubling which has fallen out, _ thus avoiding the triple repetition of the same con- sonant. Compare anio sößeß = säbiba = sabbiba, passive BICKELL’s Outlines. 7 98 3. CONJUGATION. anio sößaß = säbaba, reflexive Sind histößeß — hit- säbiba. — Sometimes also the doubling of the entire root appears in its primitive monosyllabic form (pilpél, pulpal, hiSpalpel), e. g. dad; gilgel = gil-gila, véxd_ so'(6) sa" = su'-Sa'a, dsdsnm hidgalgel = hit-gal-gila. §. 1383. The verbs primae v are divided into three classes. a) Some have a in the future and imperative, otherwise however they are influenced only by the universal vocal laws. Hence they have the perfect Oy yaras = varasa, infin. Bm y(E)rös = vrusa, imper. on y@ras = vras, fut. oom yirds = yiyras = yi-vrasu, nig‘al Wis nérds = na-vrasa, fut. 5737 yivvares = yu- hin-varisu, hig'il ain hösiß = ha-vsiba, fut. ards yö- siß, with vav consecutivum avin vayyö'seß, jussive „Ui yöseß, hog‘al adam hüsaß = hu-viaba. In the hitpa“él » can either remain or become y. 6) Others which have the vowel in the infinitive, imperative and future, reject the v before the second consonant in these forms, e. g. of a yasaß = vasaba, imper. ao sep = /v/sd, fut. 20% jeseß = = yısib = ya-[v]sibu, with vav consecuti- vum 36 vay- yeseß, 2. fem. "am tesößi, 2. and 3. plur. fem. spam tesaßna. The infinitive usually has a feminine ending, comp. 37 de(a) scire = [v]dva, com- monly ny3 da‘(a)> = [v/da‘-ta, nad $ä-ß(e)D = /v]sab-ta. In like manner an imperative is formed from Tor ha- lay wit, 72 Tex, fut. 752 4 yeley, infin. n> lay(e)>, "hie. pois hél'y. — In tiie remaining conjugations there is no discrimination between the second and first classes. c) A few verbs assimilate their » to the succeeding consonant, and so exactly follow the analogy of the verbs primae nun, e. g. me yagddS combussit = va- gata, fut. nx yiecad = yi-veat, hie. mun uf = hi-vgita. Sometimes this formation occurs along with the other two. VERBA MEDIAE VAV. 99 §. 184. The few verbs primae yod: sun bonum esse, 551 ululare, p32 sugere, 1x9 formare, yp evigilare, “Ww rectum esse, are only distinguished from the primae v of the first formation in this that they have ¢é= a-y instead of 6 = a-v in the hig'll, e. g. sd Aélt’'l ulula- vit = ha-ylila. The future gal, as 7x» yigdr = yi-ycaru has with vav consecutivum Ay vayyi ger. §. 135. The verbs mediae v have in the perfect pp gdm = ga/vJama, fem. np gama = qa/vJama-t, plur. ap gämü = gafvJam-ü, 2. sing. np gam-ta = gäm-ta (§. 38) = ga/vJam-ta etc. The intransitive form is na més = mafvjita, fem. nn mé"Sa, 2. sing. mma matta, or Din b6s = bafvjusa, fem. mvia b6'sa, 2. sing. moda bösta. The participle has the same form as the perfect. The infin. absol. has pip gém = gam = ga- [eJäma, the infin. constr. pap güm = quvma, in like manner the imperative, in the fem. plur. 32» gomna = qum-na (§. 38). The fut. is op yagüm = yaqvumu, 2. fem. yapn tagümi, 2. and 3. plur. fem. m32pn ta- qgomna = ta-qum-na = ta-gim-na, also Sapn tegü- mäna (§. 129 note). The apocopated future form, which even in the primitive Semitic had no final vowel, was compelled to shorten its #, §. 38, hence -pp yagom, with the accent upon the following word, and npr vayya- gom = ya-qum = ya-qüm. In an accented syllable the uw which has thus arisen must of course be heightened, > hence npr yagom = ya-qum. — The intransitives have «ec in the infinitive, imperative and future, e. g. wis | b6s = bas = bvas (§. 32, 2), fut. win yeßös = yi-bdé, yi-bvasu, wiar yapo’ = ya-b@, ya-bva’u. The nio‘al has Dip) nagd’m = nagama = na-qvama, infin. and imper. —Dipn higgöm. = hin-qam = hin-qa[vjam, fut. pipr yig- Ms j qim = yingam = yu-hin-qa[v]amu, hig. apm hegim = lagyim = hi-geima, fut. opr yaqim = yu-ha-qvimu, 7* 100 3. CONJUGATION. 2. fem. pn tägt'mi, 2. and 3. plur. fem. mınpn ta- gemna = ta-gim-na = ta-gim-na, partic. pp megim, with the prefix Ai instead of ha, as in the verbs me- diae geminatae, hog. opin hügam after the analogy of the verbs primae v. In the perfect of the nig‘al and hipil an 6 occurs before the endings beginning with a consonant in the same manner as in the med. gemin., comp. nimıpı négiméd'sa for nögömö'>a, §. 40, nimpa hagimé’sa. — Instead of the pi“el, pu“al and hispa"el in which wv almost always becomes yy, the conjugations pa‘lel, pa‘lal and hiSpa‘lel most commonly occur, e. g. Daip gömem = gavmima = passive Dip gömdm = gav- mama, reflexive p2ipnn hidgömem = hit-gavmima. Some- times also the pilpel stands for the pi‘el, e. g. 5>5» kilkel = kil-kila. §. 136. The verbs mediae y only differ in the qal from the mediae v. Together with the perfect ya ban = bafyjana a form pa bin, 2. sing. nina bind’Ia occurs. In the infin. and imp. the forms pa bin = biyn occur, in the fut. 77273 yapin = ya-byinu, with vav con- secutivum 7373 vayyaßen, jussive ya yaßen = ya-bin = ya-bin = ya-byin, comp. $. 38. §. 137. In Hebrew the verbs tertiae vav have be- come tertiae yod throughout, with the single exception of the 1. person sing. perf. nıs& saldvti, requiert from the root sv. After the rejection of the vowel con- sonant and the final vowel of the gal perfect the pre- ceding a is heightened to a, comp. 53 gala = gala- [ya], fem. originally nbs galaS, which form has scarcely been retained except before suffixes, = galat = galät = gala/y/a-t, which is otherwise almost always ex- panded after the false analogy of the regular verb to mn>s galésa, plur. 353 galié’ = gala/yfü, 2. sing. m>s See VERBA TERTIAE VAY. 101 gali 3a = galeSa = galay-ta etc. In the imperative, in- finitive and future the vowel a is the only one which oc- curs after the 2. radical vowel; comp. the imper. 53 g(&)lE = glay, fem. %b3 g(@lt = Br t, plur. 3>3 9 IMs = = glay-it, mass g@lana = glay-na, future ae » yiylé = = ya-gla/yu], 2. fem. "3m tiyl! = tagla[y/t, 2. and 3. fem. plur. man tiyläna = taglay-na, in the jussive and after vav consecutivum 537 yiy(e)l = yagl/a], 227 ya’(a)s = ya-'s[a], rarely like 797 yerd = yird = ya-rd/a/, since these forms even in primitive Semitic had lost the third consonant and the final vowel, so that according to the Hebrew law of final sound the vowel before the third consonant must fall away. The construct infinitive gen- erally has a feminine ending, as nib3 g(@)l63 = glät = gla- [yJa-t. Its masculine form occurs here exceptionally with 6 = &, which is otherwise only usual in the infin. absol., comp. 787 7(¢)’6 = r’ä/ya]. The infinitive absolute is regularly 7>3 galö’ = galä/ya), the active participle 5‘3 gölä = gäla/ya], the passive "53 gälüy = galüy(a). §. 138. The same vowel changes take place in the nig‘al as in the qal, the formation with Gere mdaa niylesa = na-glay-ta, "233 niyleIi = na-glay-ti is used interchangeably with ny532 niylt"Sa, naar niyli"Di. The infinitive construct is nibsm /uggalö'> = hin-gala- [y/a-t, infin. absol. 7537 higgalé! or 5532 niyld’. The other conjugations also follow the analog gy of the qal in their formation, except that the pu“al and hog‘al always, the pi‘él, hisparal and hig‘il sometimes retain the & in the perfect before endings which begin with a consonant. The hig‘il has retained the original rad- ical vowel @ throughout in the second syllable instead of 7, hence the perfect 7537 hiyla = ha-gla/ya], imper- ative 537 hayld = ha-glaı y, apocopated >57 häyfe)l, infinitive nian haylö’S = ha-gla/yJa-t, infin. absol. edt: 102 3. CONJUGATION. hayle', future 53 yaylä = yu-ha-glafyu], jussive br yäy(e)l. In the pi“&l the infinitives are nis gallé’> = galla/yJa-t, infin. absol. 53 gallé’, rarely "53 gallö', imperative 53 gallé’ = gallay, apocopated 5 gal = galfla], future 53 yöyallä = yu-galla/yu], jussive 53° yeyal = yu-gal[la]. ; §. 139. The same suffixes are appended to the verb as to the noun, except that the suffix of the first person is not @ but ni. The old final vowels are of course retained before the suffixes. In the perfect a remains before -nz, is volatilized to & before -ya, -yém, -yén, in all other cases it is heightened to a. In the future and imperative the 7, Hebrew @, which has arisen from w, is volatilized before -ya, -yém, -yén to &, before -hä, -h, it is exceptionally d, = a. In the perfect the 3. fem. singular appears before the suffixes in its original form gatala-t, the 2. fem. sing. as ga- tal-ti, the 2. masc. fem. plural as gatal-tü. In the“ future tigtel& stands before the suffixes instead of tig-‘ tolna. In the imperative the suffixes are of course appended to the form which has the vowel after the first consonant. The same is the case in the infinitive, except sometimes before -ka, -kém and -kén. They can be appended to the infinitive in the same way as to the noun. The so-called connecting vowel receives the accent, and the vowel changes correspond exactly to the universal vocal laws; except that in the future and pi él, according to $. 43b, the pretonic syllable is volatilized, and that a before &y4@ is heightened contrary to the rule. Thus arise from gatdl the forms with suf- fixes whup gétaldnt = qatala-ni interfecit me, s>up gé- taléya interfecit te = gatala-ka, 5>0p gétalu-y, interfecit te fem. = gatala-k, anbup getala-hü, generally con- tracted up gétald’ interfecit eum = gatala-hü, mduap THE SUFFIXES. 103 qitalah interfecit eam = qatdla-h, rap qétalant inter- Jeeit nos = gatala-nü, vussun gétal?yém = gatala-kum interfecit vos, fem. ya>up gétaléyén, vsup qétalam inter- Fecit eos = gatala-[hulm, fem. y>0p götälan. The fem- inine appends the suffixes directly to the radical form. Thus arise »2n>0p gétaldd-ni, annbup qgetalas-hü or as- similated ambap getalattü, mmbup gétaldtta = gatala-t- hä, nnsup götaldS-nü. An auxiliary vowel is inserted before m, n, k, and a half vowel after a false analogy before ka, kém, ken, which however has no more power to change the relations of the vowels, hence onbup qitalas-(a)m, ynyup getalas(a)n, yndup getalad(e)y, gan qtalar(Pya, eanzan qitalas~yém, y2n>wp ge talad(é)yén. The 2. masc. sing. unites the suffixes ni, hit, h, nit, m, n with gatalta (which of course in Hebrew be- comes gétalta-). — The contracted form jnbup gétaltd’ occurs aise with IIAP eee aan the car 2. wes “eye iad the 1. SE. nn Rus ef ni, "va, X, v, hä, nü, yém, yen, m, n to gatalti (Hebrew getalti-), the 3., 2. and 1. plural append the same suf- fixes, except Aw instead of v, to the forms gatalü (Hebrew götalö'-), gataltü (Hebrew qétaltd’-) and gatalnü (Hebrew getalnü-). The following forms occur in the imperative bon got(@leni, amsup got(@)lehü, mbup g0- t(@lahd or sun got()läh, xp qot(@lénd, vsup go- t@lem, plural sap git(@/li’nt etc. In the future shop) yigtöle -ni, map yigtold- XZ, Top? yigtele-y, mbupr yigtéle-hi, map? yigtelä- -hé or mbup yigtela-h, soup? yigtöle-nü, n2>apr yigtol’-yém, pkupr yigtgle-m. As concerns the plural, the suffixes are of course ap- pended directly to yigtéli’. Instead of tigtolna the form tigtölü' always appears before suffixes. The pi“él has dup qittöld-mi, Fup qittelé-ya, ordwp qittelé-yém ete., 104 4, INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. otherwise it receives the suffixes in just the same way as the qal. §. 140. In the future the suffixes can also be appended to a future form, which instead of the nom- | inative ending 7 = uw had the indefinite accusative ending an = am, Hebrew dn. For in the verb the in-’ definite form can remain before the suffixes, since the verbal suffixes are accusative, while the nominal suf- fixes, as genitive, must always have the noun before them in the definite form of the status constructus. In this way have arisen the forms 723up> 2 yigtölän- nit, Tau? yigtöläk- -ka = ya-gtulan-ka, 332077 yigtölännt = ya-gtu- lan-hit, "2207 yigtölänna = = ya-qtulan-ha, 123279 yigte- linnt = ya-qtulan-nt,? §. 141. In the verbs mediae geminatae the doubling, which has fallen away at the end of the word, of course” appears again before the suffixes. Compare nyu yé- sodde-m = ya-suddi-m = ya-suddu-m from +) yasod = ya-suddu. The verbs tertiae v, y, as in nouns, lose their vowel endings before all suffixes, compare bs galéya = gal(ay)a-ka, rab32 yixyléhtt = ya-gl(ay)i-hü. 4, INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. §. 142. Adverbs, which were originally indicated by the accusative, are now only in a few cases recog- nizable as such, where the accusative ending, as a, 1 *Of this form there are only two examples Jer. xlix, 19. 1, 44. 2 * Assimilation however does not occur in the plural, unless it be in the first person which is doubtful. See Böttcher’s “Aus- führl. Lehrbuch”, B. I, 8. 35. INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. 105 am, and ö'm has been retained, as in m2 md‘la supra from 5272 ma-(a)l, orm hinnam gratis from m ken = hinn, 35 layla noctu, min ydmam interdiu, from 5% lay(i)l, pix yom. — The Hebrew has developed a later adverbial formation from the fem. of the forms in & = iyya, comp. nah ‘ahorannt'D retrorsum, especially to indicate languages, as nant yehidi"D judaice. §. 143. The particles, which are more frequently used, have been very much shortened, but can almost all still be proved to be nouns from originally triliteral roots. — The particles 737 hinne ecce, ‘© yes, before magqgep vr yes ‘it is’, PR ayn, stat. estr. py ’én ‘it is not’, ir ‘68 adhuc and X ’ayye, apocopated > ’ay, stat. cstr. 2 *é, like the verbs, take the suffixes in the accusative, whence the 2 of the indefinite form, which has arisen from m, comp. §. 140, can remain. Com- pare "235 hing-nt (§. 27) or 7225 hinnä-n- mt, 37 hinnö- Xa, 3. masc. in hinnd’, 1. plur. not hinnd-ni or nr hinnä-n-nü, so yesöya, 3. masc. ‚sing. Ind) yesend’, 338 "önd-n-ni,, TR “éndya, 8 "ind-n-nü = ’ayna-n-hi, MIN ’bnä-n-nä = "ayna- -n-hä, DIN *énam, in just the Sore’ A Ty “Bä-n-ni etc., MOIN "ayäkka = ’aya-n- ka, x ’ayyö, DIR ’ayyam. $. 144. Several prepositions always appear before suffixes in the plural form, thus "ma ’ahdr post, comp. TION ’ahäräya, mon tah(a)> infra, e.g. yann tahtay a, and 772 ben inter, of which latter however the suffixes can be appended to the singular or feminine plural, e. g. 42 béngya or ya binäya or PHN bénddaya. _ With these must not be confounded the abbreviated prepositions ~>x ’el to, 5» ‘al upon, 2 ‘ad. as far as, of which the complete forms 55 7éé, “by ‘ale, “sy ‘ddé 106 4, INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. are preferred in poetry, and.which contrary to the general rule, §. 106, always retain their original final radical ay before the suffixes and so externally have the appearance of the plural forms. Comp. "5x “élay, aby “sldya, omg “uléhém (according to 8. 57) 2 ‘addy etc. — The preposition py» “im with has besides | the regular 22 “imm-t also the form 73> “immasdi’, and pop, omy “imma-yém, “imma-hém with a height- ened instead of the usual volatilized final vowel. The prepositions nnn tahla)S and 4x2 6(¢)'ad, behind, for, between, sometimes appear with verbal satunent in the former even with an inserted n, comp. §. 143. E. g. “Ann tahteni, mannn tahtä-n-nü — = tahta-n-ha, 722 ba- ‘(a)3é-nt. — The feminine particles ns "2, berated maq- qéo "na ’eS ‘with’ and the sign of the accusative, which is the same in form, were often, even in the older liter- ature, confounded. The former however has sprung from the root "x, hence it appears with suffixes as ‘my “iti = ’in-t-t, while the latter is derived from the root “sx, whence the forms with suffixes are nin 763%, nmin "63am but with the suff. of 2. plur. pany "edéyém. $. 145. The much used prepositions 52, l¢, and the conjunction ké have undergone the greatest ab- breviation. According to §. 58 before a syllable with a half vowel the original short vowel maintains itself in the form of 2, so that bi-yé, -yé according to §. 33 become bi, li. When it stands before a compound Seva, it takes on its vocal color. When % according to §. 112 enters a closed syllable, it appears before gutturals as la, before äleo as le. Of course nothing . of this sort can happen to d£ and ké. The heightened forms ba, la, ka have sometimes been retained in the pretonic syllable especially before the demonstrative pronoun, lä has often been retained even in other cases | | 4. INFLECTION OF PARTICLES. 107 in the pretonic syllable, but never when the word as the first member of stat. cstv. has a merely secondary accent. When ba, ka, la stand before the pronoun ma, md, the m is doubled, hence bam-ma, kam-ma, lam-ma, cur? La before ’ A ‘ generally becomes !a-mä, for the sake of en- suring a distinct pronunciation, e. g. 17 725 la-ma ’ädö- nay. The forms with suffixes are 2 di, ya beya, 72 bay, i2 66, ma bah, asa band, nza bayém, naa bahem, con- tracted na bam, rarely 77372 bahömma, 472 bahén, Al 72 bahen or „332 bahenna. Lé follows the same analogy. On the contrary sé unites most of the suffixes in the form which is compounded with the indefinite pronoun Hub kamö, hence min2 kämö-ni, FID ka-mö'-ya, min» ka-mö'-hi, 7'122 ka-mö'-hä, 125123 ka-mö'-nü, p22 ne -yém fogether with the more frequent b>3 kaydm, p3in> kö-mö-hem, together with pup ka-hem, „372 ka- henna. In poetry in2 bé-md, 29 1ö-mö occur, although not before suffixes. — The conjunction vé is often heightened before the accented syllable, in pausa, and between closely connected notions!, to va, before com- pound séwa it takes on the color of the same, before half vowels as well as before labials it becomes #, it blends with following yé to vi, before the futur. conversivum it becomes va with the doubling of the following con- sonant, or v@ as a recompense for the doubling. 1 *E. g. Ps.x, 6 157 4 1gö0r vador; Gen. i, 2 amin) anh Sohü vaßö'hü; Deut. iv, 28 jası v2 ee va’é3en; Gen. viii, 3 aid) 7357 Aald’y vasö’ß. Comp. Böttcher’s Lehrbuch, Band I, §. 600 and as regards the influence of the separative or unitive accent Delitzsch’s Commentary to Ps. lv, 10. Vv. SYNTAX. §. 146. Since the ancient case-endings have fallen away, the genitive relation is only externally recog- nizable through the vocal changes, which the governing word undergoes by reason of its close connection with the following word in the stat. constr. This relation is indicated in the masc. plur. by the falling away ‘of the indefinite affix m. The word which stands in the stat. cstr. does not receive the article, because as such its form is already definite, hence the article is only placed before the governed word. Comp. 7527 727 “ap(e)d hammiil(e)y ‘the servant of the king’. Of course nouns with suffixes always have a definite signification. §. 147. The adjective is placed after the noun and the article is repeated before it, e. g. dian Tides has-s6'r hag-gadöl taurus magnus. — The comparative degree is expressed by 47 min, which follows the pos- itive and is prefixed to the word with which the com- parison is made, e. g. Way pinn masd’'q mid-dépas dulcior melle. §. 148. The accusative ending has been retained only to a very limited extent in the accusative of the direction. Otherwise this case is only indicated in * TENSES. 109 nouns, which are rendered definite by the article, per- sonal affixes or the stat. estr., by placing ns ’eS, or when accented nx ’éD before it, \e. g. Dyan ny eS has-Samdy(i)m coelos. §. 149. The relative ’äser often simply indicates the relation which is then more exactly defined by a following suffix or adverb, e. g. ia iyar Ton po “e¢ ’äser zar‘ö' Bd, arbor in qua est semen ipsius. It can also fall away, particularly in the poetical style. §. 150. As has already been remarked the mas- culine form of the numbers from 3—10 are construed with the feminine and vice ‘versa. One is treated as an ordinary adjective. The numerals from 2—10 on the contrary stand before the object numbered in the stat. estr. or absolutus. In later books, and more rarely, they are also placed after it. The tens, 20—90 always stand in the stat, abs. either before or after the thing num- bered; in the former case that which is numbered can be put in the singular. With numbers compounded of units and tens the object numbered is either placed after each numeral, according to the rules of each, or it is put after the tens in the singular, although in the later books it is also placed before the units in the plural. — There are no proper ordinal numbers for the numerals above ten. — Distributives are indicated by the doubling of the number. §. 151. With reference to the use of the tenses it should be observed, that the first tense, the perfect, expresses 1) the past and completed, even when it extends to the present, 2) the certainty of an assu- rance, and 3) that which we express through the im- perfect and pluperfect subjunctive. The second tense, 110 SYNTAX. the so-called future, indicates 1) the future, 2) the pre- sent especially as an expression of permanent conditions, 3) sometimes even the past, when it expresses like the Latin imperfect, a continuous action, 4) our present, and sometimes 5) imperfect subjunctive. Moreover it is placed ofter the particles 3 "az tunc and ou fa- , r(e)m nondum. $. 152. If a chain of thought has been begun in the future or imperative, it is continued in the per- fect with the conjunction vé and the moving forward of the accent, which then receives exactly the sig- nification of the preceding future or imperative. On the other hand if a narrative begins with the perfect, it is continued in the apocopated form of the future with va, and so that the following consonant is doubled, and the accent drawn back, if possible. §. 153. Besides this case, the apocopated form of the future, the so-called jussive, scarcely ever occurs except in the 2. and 3. person to express a wish, a command or prohibition; the jussive is always used to express a pro- hibition, but never the imperative which can neither be connected with xb or bx. — The lengthened future form, cohortative, with final @ stands in the first person to indicate a request or an exhortation. §. 154. The infinitive absolute is freely connected with the finite verb from the same stem. It generally precedes to strengthen the idea contained in the verb; while it follows in order to express the continuance of the action. Otherwise the infin. absol. sometimes stands as an accusative, or for the finite verb, but always in a verbal construction, hence never after prep- ositions or a stat. cstr. On the contrary the infinitive Ss) Fin INTERROGATIVE SENTENCES. 111 estr. can not only govern the accusative, as a verb, but also the genitive as a noun, hence it connects itself with verbal and nominal suffixes.. The subject of the action very often stands in the nominative after the infin. estr. Through the prefixing of the prepositions bg, ké and l& before the infin. cstr. various subordinate sentences are formed. §. 155. Interrogative sentences are expressed through hä, which has arisen from hal, before consonants with a half vowel ha, generally effecting the doubling of the fol- lowing consonants, before gutturals ha, before gutturals with Qameg according to §. 29 Ad. Indirect questions are expressed through ox "m, and disjunctive questions through Aa@ in the first and ’%m in the second member. 112 EXERCISE IN PROSE READING. Gen. i, 1—5. ve-"23 has-samdy(i)m "eS “elohi'm bara Bé-resi!> u AN Dawn ON Dis Nia TWN BERN EIN va-Böhl Sohl a yoo Ve- oak ar(e)¢ Wee ar( ee. | um na) inh nn an) “POND “al péné mébrahag(eys ’ elöhim ve-rü(a)h Séhim ‘al péné ‘poy aM DAR m Dinn may Be yehi or. une "or! ral m: Pens yo “mer han -ma diy (i Mm. SIND) RT on? N RN > ON ben Hh m en ki 168 > ha~dr ’Elöhi'm Vay-yar Pa oy F397 293 NTS DS NTI yom l-a- or »glöht" m Vay-yigrä ae -hös(e)y. ü- ben hae -ör oF Sind LOPS Nap saa par Til Bögle)r va-yehi va-yehi ‘ar(e)B layla qara vé-l-a-hos(e)y, pam am zy sp en ’ähad. yom sony of EXERCISE IN POETICAL READING. PS. oils goytm rayési’ Lam-ma Dis win np? 2 rig yehgtt UP umant'm spam, DEN? ’är(e)e mal( eye Yidyaccspi Pape ı 08 EXERCISE IN POETICAL READING. yahad nosedu vé-rdzéni'm TH" 70 9 AT sy re ur ‚mösihö' vé“al Yahvä “al - . e. fF mwaran mimov möserönemö ’eS Nenattegä TSH NS 223 "aBöSe'mö! mimminnt vé-nasli'ya siay MBB De - yishag b-as-samdy(ijm Yoseß Ce Sp lamö. yil’ay ’adönay Barum HIN b&appd "ele'mö | yöabber ’Az END DON TAT IN yipahaloms. ü-ba- hate 6nd’ x az ma make nasay te Va~tiné on °AI0] IN qodst!! har Gita ‘al Sy Top hog: el Asappera PN MIEON ’atta! böni "elay: "amar Yahrä MAS 33 8 NN min NS hay-yöm ’ ani pa Dim 8 BICKELL’S Outlines, 8 114 EXERCISE IN POETICAL READING. nah(alaray a goyt'm vé-etténa mimmannt S(öal pm Du man an DW -ar(e)o. ol! S)sé va- “ihucea iyi SPINTOEN INN barzäl bé-seB( at Terö em 772 va oan tinappögem. yöger hiny lh son USP 7933 haski lü mélayi’m Vé-‘atta awn Dan mm ar(e)g! söQete hiveasöri en al TR be-yir’a Yahvä "e> Tp(é)di’ NTS ATS WAY bi- “rg “ada! ve-gi li ma hi Sär(e)y vF-D6BEdW ye(Ündp pen bar ‚Nassögii TIT Ta ne amp ’appö'. ki-meat yipar ki JEN OYN> WII Bd. host’ hol ? agre ach an UN 115 THE REGULAR VERB, QAL. ın990 you soo(q nu-uojnb uar-uojob waj-uojob (n-uojvb -d) n-udjnb (m-uojnb-ja) m-uojob 3-wojoD (21-uojnb-ja 'suo0 +a“) ny-uojnb (puojob -d) nuajnb uojnb (nu-rwin(B)§ A) nu-wp)(2)s BWE)NE a-w(d)ns (und) -d) ww )s (nu-unjos *d) nu-umD TEA 7 — > WwpI-um798 (paps d) p-wgyng (9-wngng A) 14-umgns G-wayns d) 2-wppng (Br-unpog -d) 29-wpjDg (ways "d) mwöpms warns Tia (»j0i)b esued ut ‘oy Bnb) 7 @Diob “seid "od nu-0i(a)b “yd °Z a Ddiob) n-1 Hib ud °Z A-1(a)i0b) AO 77 (nu-pojob -d) nu-miob | up-mwiob 'I'% wpr-Jojob wg (rpinb -d) y-pgiwb d'g Ca-minb -d) a-ppinb "1 ı-winb-d‘@-1piob) 3-piob 72 (By-minb -d) v9-ypinb wu °z (erpinb -d) npajinb "J'E (wiv esued ur) zpivb ug ‘Jog dadA UVINOTT THLE 10i()b "u ‘zZ “todury * re] at S 8 & = > fo} - S| = 5 fs} =} Fea} < = 116 oo LU IE au. mDs uns wu oD (war dr) words unjb-w nu-upjb-r n-ugih-r nu-unjb-r4 uajb-h upjb-a, a-udib- unjbh-y unjb-y unjb ah MOTE DU-WUDIS-2 (p-wuns-4 "d) n-wag-% (nu-wy)s-4 *d) Du-wp)s-Yy (P-ups-ık -d) R-wörs-ıh wum?8-9, (G-wunjg-13 *d) 2-wöjs-22 let u, Gunsk A) wpg-ah 1riob ‘ssed wg 22196 “yor "ld 7,9inb 'sqe “UyUy 705) “489 "uyuf (moib-ru -d) wggäb-wu qd °T (npojb-0, d) v78ih-0, "35 "I 19ib-w 1 wu-pibn FB (pjoib-19 -d) pydib- u 'z (pu-joib-ık) vu-jojb-y 76 (n-pojb-ah A) n-äb-ık u “Td “gE 10ib-2, a7 dä) en 5G Grab-n ib ug ib 5 °g bh ug Sered “nT gun Tk THE REGULAR VERB PI“ EL, PUAL, HIOPA EL. (njajinb-gay nu-Joiipb-guy n-10jmb-gay »-1ilmb-guy 12jinb-guy ru-miinb-guy up-wilnb-Zuy up-miinb-Zu p-12Hob-Sıy n-pinb-zay +-piinb-Zay n7-mijnb-gay d) möiimb-gıy (iib-£u,) jajinb-gay ‘ja, ed yyy nu-mjinb up2-mjinb womiinb (mmiinb -d) ‚nypiinb (97-miinb 1p iinb-su 2,04inb miinb Miinb-Zu nu-jpjinb-53 m-Biinb-24 nu-jpjinb-34 n-iinb-zı-h | (n-ppiib-gh -d) p-3dinb-gh 2 an nb-£9-, 4-1PHob-Sı-3 1oäiob-g1-3 1eilob-S1-7 joiinb-Sı-k miinb-n, n-Biinb-3 miinb-33 miinb-34 miinb-äh 19äjob-guu “Oye (aiivb) jojivb "sqe "uyuy (piinb) jaiiob “80 “uyUy npiiinb-gu yd "I (njatinb-n, "d) wiinb-n, "38 I Sered “yng -johi-oh d) n- (-12Hinb-4"d) 1-3 340b-$4 ei so are 1eiinb-Iu nu-ajjoh-94 = (yaiinb-3) wu‘ nu-jajjob-39 aS 1Biinb-Ak "w dog 194i0b-n, Se 1aijob-55 ur‘ 19iimb-4 jaiiwb-3h Soe > ad 119 THE REGULAR VERB, HI® IL, HOMAL, NIO‘AL. nu-jajob-bay ‚»-1Binb-buy „-1job-bay taiob-bay nu-mib-ru up7-pojb-ru wpg-mib-ıu e-1dib-wu -pib-ıu ı-pib-wu nI-pib-wu nRib-ru mpib-ıu "TE,DIN 7 3ib-oy op vib-ny ‘seind “1oduy mib-oy nu-mjb-0y uaj-jojb-oy wpr-wib-oy ‚m-12ib-0%y 2-ppib-oy -mib-oy »3-mib-0y (erpib-oy “d) 2j3ib-oy (mib-ny) ypjb-oy ‘[e boy nu-jaib-vy 7 74°2 n-) yjb-vy ww Id *Z boy FB jajb-ny 38 °% “tod uly nu-ppib-y "1 un-pib-y 2°C waj-jojb-vy "u *Z n-1ib-1y Ag w-ppib-y "1 a-ppib-1y “FS 04-ppib-vy ung np aib-y JE 7ub-1y “Wg og “~~ . Pte SE v0 EEE UN: ss 1 24b-n-w “OIG 295b-»y "sqw "Uyu] 1245-0, "89 “WUT n-14b-o=k jajb-v-h “dooode “yng ib-vu (ib-»-u) pib-n-w (Gaimb-buy *7,göb-nu) 1,gieb-bıy 194b-oy 2 2einb-bry mib-oy G 3 = pinbbah]hoa] S Sinaia eae a = reinb-br-u mijb-o-u A nu-ppinb-hr-3 nu-ppjb-0-9 a n-peivb-Bi-p m-1Bib-0-} < »u-minb-br-} vu-)pib-0-3 E ‚e-Binb-bi-h ‚mdib-o-K zs 1240b-bo- mib-o-, E vdiob-bi-} 1-133b-0-2 jajnb-bı-} pib-0-4 jainb-bo-3 qpib-o-2 = (minbbak -d) 12inb-bi-k (pib-n-K) ypib-o-h op vib-o, "Sered "ud NN nib-»-u »u-jajb-n-7 Er n-7 uib-0-2 “UL nu-jajb-n-} IE mn wie n-7 jb-n-h we [de 1 Yib-v-, IT mb 57 1 2ib-»-2 Tee mb FS nib-n-R [Ag nA INDEXES. 1. NAMES, Pages Pages Alben: Bera 2.2... Pe TIER PETER TIERE 10. 11 Tr IT We WE Lie Dietrichei nn Sat eo ee) 23 41. bn>72* 41. na 46. 72. 107. ima 107. ‘a 46. byna 107. “ind 74. 123 67. “33 21. 69. saa 21. 223 69. "73 69. 73* 69. psa 70. ng 34. j3* 34. ia* 34. ‘3 34. 5353 132. mas 32. 137. 753 32.167. 137. 253 32. 137. 24 33. 137. HEBREW WORDS. niba 32. 137. 353 33. 34. 187. ba 33. 50. 137. mb 33. 137. 723 32. ns 137. 7523 26. 100. "ana 26. 2:33 74. aba 74. by 17223 6. mys 128. 3 35. 128. mds 35. 128. “37 42. nat 42. 27 74. "az 74. “27 43. pat 43. "737 44. 46. 97. pana 44. 63727 105. a3 72. "a5 66. “it 32. 40. y 69. ny 72. ys 32. „27 69. ny 7. SR) 6. 83. TENT 6. INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. 131 Sin 29 mia 6. 83 PINT 28. bt 83 ia 130. bs 82 Pay 33. mart 82 mana 86. urn 58 oy 128 mwas 76 may 138. mm 82 nibs 138 m 7 Dat 128. onan 76. 2777 26. nom 27. 131. N mins 28. 95 131. B| ont 28. 29. s37* 130. Bra 29. niadı 27. 131. nit 6. 82. damon 25. si 50. Saing 132. Poin 133. 1977 29. non 131. 127 28. ain 133. DY7 29. nwa 33. 133. any 123. Din 28. mya 123. pwn 29. nmaym 57. im 29. we 55. 123. nin 101. max 75. om 123. PIOx 25. bom 55. Dp 2.1 | „mtr 26. man 75. NY 82. may 75. mn 54. Sunny 122. som 33. 50. em 25. doug 75. mw 126. bby 134. mör 75. Dips paw155. mon 75. boom 75. "amün 25. mim 67. sabanı 132. wba 6. 83. sam 31. 9%# 132 Tan Sastre “Dinh aan > opin a2 TAT h Sou NN") 3222 In: 2a) Er> Ei EFF bl 37 ahaa fdas po INDEXES. . 38. 70R}* 111. - HEBREW WORDS, an] nn; inar my =} it 1 7 ny DT Sir bay hal; IRT et aN $n mn min sin ah tal asin nim “an 97. 97. 23. 66. 95. 106. 95. 101. 101. 101. 101. 101. yin* 101. nin pun yon nixan yen wn neon a a 7 101. 101. 69. 70. 41. 100. 41. 100. 92. 34. 34. 1227 INDEXES. 3. 107. 107. 92. 96. 96. p722n* 96. man nenn nonn Dun Yan oar en en ; “NEN onen pn bypn Sol) N72 96. -. 69. 127. -, 43. 54;° 69. HEBREW WORDS. ae ins) THN? dons TOR “728? TON}, TEN) aAMON xia? via 2} I 12! re > > 23" 723) 4537 "39 un =. en 27 7 an obs te. mm ADI bon pr um audi 133 127. 124. 124. 36. 124. 36. 124. 123. 57. 123. 123. 57. 123. 32. 82.47 7,135. - 136, pete 137 45. 138. 138. 32. 42. 32. 116. 128. 72. 53. 47! 129. 89. 52. 123. 56. 33. 86. 34. 31..133. 134 INDEXES. 3. 53. 47! pausal 53. 55.1 53. 123. 45. 123. 56. 123. 56. 123. 123. 123. 55. 55. 56. HEBREW WORDS. nr aaa aan bb. TE WIE} pe? nn bap? pip? mp? DIR? OP? op) "on Ep Yr? 87) a8 45. 123. 55. 123. 26. 128. 27. 79. 26. 134. 38. 135. 2 Ode 128. 31. 35. 21.43. 21. 38. 134. 53. 45. a4n* 45. m. 1D" jo Sun au) um) moon ia 70) m vom INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. 135 „722 21. n2> 35. 133. 733 110. in) 145. 77233 110. am) 6. sind 67. 2722 35. "> 7. 4535 59. 112. da> 73. 95 58. öna* 29. bS 27. Dina 36. “> 27. San 78. in» 27. "372 78. py>> 107. 272 86. „> 107. Tan 78. baya 73. vn 7. D2b> 2. 73. „2 91. baba 73. | m 84. 4222 80. mi mn 26. bona 122. nya 92. man 86. syi 105. ana 40. 67. 98. ‘2472 105. mn> 71. 99. pin 98. ana 99. mya 34. 41. 50. 52. 69. nin 33. 34. 50. 67. SON? 62:4112:3 nnin 73. and 124. may 78. ab 58. ann 78. aad 42. 65. Damm 78. iad 67. 2 84. a5 112.5 bin 21. 91. ob 80. 92. pi 21. "> 21. paw 34. m 21. yinan 78. mb 58. spon 122. prnd 53. 112. wind. 78. "a5 p. 17. 142. prasad 41. 75 35. 133. =bn 99. 136 13573 an mad nid Don 72272 3212 nD D972 33912 2272 nmi 107 i972 man NE Dip "7 sun min pwr p77 nn Pan pinn mpann Tann ys ya} ee: 533 52 233 mbar INDEXES. 3. HEBREW WORDS. 113. | on 128. 69. a2 123. 81. 102. 51.50. 81. 102. ori 133. 70.99. „di 33. 70..99. ‘im? 92. 93.2 um 45. 52. 69. 96.2 1m 82. 69. 99. nun 40. 92. 93.4. 114.1 mon 40. 96.2 bimönm 92. 78. yn 126.1 131. 0722 130. 87. 252 130. 142. ni203* 130. 127. nniao3* 130. 32. 77292 123. 129. 17222 123. comp. p. 17. 42. "23762 53. 126. 7723 6. 26. 92 45. 55. 100. p23 45. 56. 50. 135. 7322 76. 78. m2 52. 69. 40. ‘pip2* 32. 40. 40. ninp2* 40. 135. 78. n2 33. 67. pp? 48. 28. bp2 130. 32. dp? 130. 76. Tas p. 17. 130. pd) 107. 138. yn? 6. 138. mn? 26. 138. INDEXES. 32. HEBREW WORDS. 137 nD* 26. 129. | ma 92. 35 129. = 31. 107. -5 129. by 5. 144. 125 42. 129. 2 34. ssio 74. 132. 2 144. naio* 74. 132. by 96. pid 86. 87. by 0: "050 92. by 142. 1090 33. 90. | Way 54. nnd 90. 104. way 144. DTg10 422. yes 14 OID 93. poy 144. pinoib* 94. P2322 23. nnnm 73. pay 100. nro 80. 22 100. ram 75. me 100, mpd p. 17. 42. 52. 69. 2 21. 720 46. 69. "29 21. "28 70. OR DED 70. 22 107. mo 40. y2 72. => 6. DS72V 37. my p. 17. "229 34. 81. 102. “Dy 32. 729 102. | 1wy 33. nP ay 102. “Dy 67. peqay 34. 81. 102. niwy 6. pay 34. 102. "or 108. 33 97. ni» 32. 39 97. ny 32. 38. Ta 34. | bdiy 66. | bin 80. "I 74. | 2 80. "219 88. m2 72. 95. 107. 72 23. | 2 72. 103. 104. BicKktuv’s Outlines. 10 138 "on Dom, snip OR area np nop bar OR sun Pur ROP, TOR, DER, on TIS? PUR 112. INDEXES. 3. 104. 104. 104. 104. 52. 45. 5d. 56. > 45. 52. 103. 99. 98. 23. AQ. 6. 42. 52. 69. 693397: 462297. 70. 37.1 40. 92. 105. 105. 52. 92. 35. 128. 35. 128. 2.) (D0 G2. 110, 21. 30-113. 2.1 46. 21. 44. 21. 42. 43. 49. 105. HEBREW WORDS. | bon n20P TOR DSP D’R „ion bP Ar AIR Fam BIN pdaop ma) 6. nin nin> 6. wh yw DON MYON} | un 43. wy a8 "30 mad may yay md “0 umd ud ‘one now ribs) abi) D> a 25 Hab wibw be mow bo nad mew And piso nw>w py nw m Dye oo fens m hie ’ tow ¥ 3 INDEXES. 70. 68. 99. 112. 75. 40. 108. 50. 137. 108. 108. 53. 74. 74. 126. 59.1 86. 40. 108. 105. 43. 44. 105. 91. 108. nonin | mind ad ad | 77778 DU you son YApw DAY ape) miamasn vy W2ANDIA Inn atin nny ala Enna iets AINE rt "25m Apsen pn m2 7251p “12a ph) aan nn man - HEBREW WORDS. 45. 66. 68. 99. 68:45" 99. 99. 108. 126.1 132. 74. 108. 30. 108. 33. 50. Sanan* 79. 89. 19. 89. 52. 69. 19. 144. 144. 144. 21.- 36. 35. 129. 130. 135. 135. 135. 122. 6. 35. 128. 128. 139 140 NOTE AND CORRECTIONS. NOTE. The author offers the following explanation of his meaning in § 42.1 In the Indo-Germanic languages the heightening, which is called Guna by the Indian grammarians, consists in prefixing an a to an accented vowel, especially in open syllables, in order that the vowel may receive a fuller sound; hence a, 7, u become by heightening @, at, au. That the same process has taken place in modern English and German appears, when we compare modern with old or middle-high German, and written with spoken English. In both cases we find a tendency to lengthen vowels in open accented syllables, and to give the letters ¢ and w the sound of ai and au (and in English of iu). : CORRECTIONS. 8, ninth line below read ‘Olshausen’. 31, sixth line below read 777 rava. 35, fourth line above read Tonn. 37, sixteenth line above read bp. 38, eighth line below read yin hö-zö-yö'n. 39, sixth line below read ‘forms’. 47, eighth line above read aan. 91, tenth line below read sndsan. 112, second line below read Driandt. Printed by F, A. Brockhaus, Leipzig. E TABLE OF SEMITIC CHARACTERS by DT Julius EUTING. Egyptian ‚Ebers. Phenician Aramaic Arabic Hieroglyph.| Hieratic Mose | 53 je —— Hebrew Er "| Berberie | ~ 8 u {2y48 Dynasty | late ai bs Cyprus a Marselll ce Athens Acca a en: zs cc % | Carp. Ber = ne Ei Co Seine = -« X [re etry fn Grav ave Bore [| Mas | ante Almyer. Bau Gown “ ; den en prior to1OB.C we eed BC | 810m wBt., lh cent AD, #8-5cent.B.C! | 2.Sec.a.Ch-135 Site oe : ia 3 = 2 ee u = 2 a bees ake = Ab | iN ) , is = + = Kr y River ent. |CilieCoins lent. H 88-5 cent. B.Ct Bie 27p.Ch eigen |e or. er AD.77 | AD.318 | un fogs | an.uss mane biersece | Thuffie| te top. N 4] al aut} r | | k 1 r ie + |W a KEK KAY RAINS VK | xe [XX ater AM sata krexeeie lie AINA RIN Ine ee 10) ik y IBNI6 Im Is men ftp I InAla lA |} =! b PAD & A I : R e tas > ANTIANIAA AA / an ere | = ou x 4 N VW AINNIAN [AIA JAN Ara A a7). |ADAT IV Jaa] fd 453 | 3 A [4 |4 [a Paslaa lo Va er ml zZ IAA) A419 44 449/44 YayldadlAd |4aa 44/4 |Q 11 444444|444 =e 7 72 l99Slyy>|n Ic 46H be Hip 4 4yH on osfni tim tf m ja am Aa aA Aa VAAN A] laaasilaa ara aaa AST TI, ya Sts I BE) In De ee eee ae ‘4 | arman 779743 Ran ann Inn Innlar Ian in jnanio |7 |2 |» |2e2e_ levee =f ly ju IY + Shes BSR m4 4 Di isi UL ie m Rate ra ws Hl 41) hah forte Iomlı la I fe fe fe |= mo Ivolo je ne tal PX PERF = lw? tr Soh | Hr lon | 4 Rum . zalı Ulf en ia Ey a Alt + ler lt Is ler ie hie Is I edler be otm Im X Bik OO BAHIA Ar AAA VAR AAIAN man xIAwe 1) VAIADI HH PHH y #pH# Ae BR aritnin itinanin menlhnin Inmmn on IP ip ing I» I wy ma 5 ¥ | > > Eine Ph 9 00 0 | 0100 PUEOLU)B so LOGO 3 a vg vor 1018 i918 v bp iv v jo ip In |p [Colley |>- | > (Ditinm|m mv | ” io] y Mn fu Huis R A ar AN Amann MG RAS AHA neo 144.114 3 T : AAA Ada ara1Iz2 LZAVEz & DAA. \ gas I»os|r [er pen |s je jo |e Je fe fer jr fe z IzasIt YP |e (%3 5 Yr NZ | m 2 ftom ZEN SR RN, I N NY IN Py ay HTN 04 179 sas 353 i lau fou 4 1394| [a Io>4]>5/9 [5 [4/7/35] [7 >I 1? 234 Labyfex| afin fh |n (kA >] 5 oilalca ws eC LM MALEREI AG RE See AC EE 4 Ptl cece CECE Thee UN ayy hl 49 M1 | aa MALI ZIV 12 1241 sel LEN BSS |) ; deln = hr in In fald| 2 “m WEIL 31 33,177 97119 yt 477 BSI YH YG un YIN xx para nis Ip a Hy) LEO en PESLETA En ed: yD 03 yon Dunn up|ro we wäre] 3 u Mir |) 6 an 2 th nf we | — 77 V17\4 $19 7] 49) ll Id Wh Ja 7379 m ] $)$ 1) Ns JM} Velag |s v1 37 u | ER AUSSER sts} PESIEEWES IE [D4 [3 >| sy.) Vf foe fe fk { Dale ae Gert ir eH A ICL IK |r af see 3 74133 |} 8 #92 fav MIR 57 23/0 I< Raa pp lp pip D p pple kpl c Im In Im In SARS aS 00 069 Yolwrsmaladulad joovloov|voovu |xo oo |O% 00 |yvu u |¥¥ VY wo DB ESSEN I Slexg Bregzs SIS IT Te oy yy s ly ly yy py iy [yo ly |» » [a7 vol =? m: oonly o |° > pn u] aL) em) a Mayn770099 | yy | JJ 999994179 177 919 1199 5 aaa en bERA eae a 2»34laamols | jlondanng [Dg oy [os age 3b; E16 teats x all Jemen eerie ee te CNR Rit mr | | Pe Hir SR ee jeter rea fs im mr ey! lys) ly plysyay Lewlsay [df ioe [ares ler | xe [aes Auhteas| 6 > nal) & bade: | Tey May VT y vr Hr or An: I 7 Dhrlss Isten lanls> annisg [3 dlaal ff PPrItV |ev2|F RPP eo |p ipripp lp por? ip jo | pr Ir =o fy ip ae, aa ggaa AAA aaa 944197 DISS ERGEIE LE EL TR" Yailayılan Salanlaslanl, Lyle [4444 [949444 19 a anne > = lasals bin IS |» [> [99 Ins lonmlon |)? |Z |Z |? als {I 42 2 wu aie HY | len ysl YY en | HY Hol, NIT Jw IW we, WY wlvuvryiy CEE Voie |e oe ww wu | Woo w a Lv x vowwv wwt iv ic AR Ir bye re 2 w lw 34 N kl el rfp LAA BDAY AAR BA Ef HF HD i WANT h AVY FAR phy Pf FH PB BIPPA a yh Pl |b ee 3314 |txx x+ x Asurthah I NAN WT hpraninnin InnIn | |> Ian SIVA svt + Ar Fr aed? | * | CRS sag el S| te w | Mn ae ans] sat jan | | Sn re ee a an. Oe Deere he ea eee eo ee ws | su. | ss. | Oy © ke — F rte ae 2 Eu ae % Fe R nn EN ZB; Tas) / k La % : x - hs : a wu iii | | Princeton Theologic | | | OD) ©) LO (o>) 4 LO = N Bo o © u © N jy oO + aes be Outlines of Hebrew gram PJ4564 .B58