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JACQUES ‘BAINVILLE
CHEVALIER OF THE LEGION OF HONOR; CHEVALIER OF
THE ORDER OF LEOPOLD OF BELGIUM; COMMANDER OF
THE ORDER OF THE CROWN OF ITALY; COMMANDER
OF THE ORDER OF THE CROWN OF ROUMANIA;
DIRECTOR OF LA REVUE UNIVERSELLE
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TRANSLATED BY
ALICE GAUSS, A.M.
AND
CHRISTIAN GAUSS, A.M., LITT.D.
PROFESSOR OF MODERN LANGUAGES, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
NEW YORK eb LONDON eh MCMXXVI
TRIO
OUP Sone LG Po 197256 per ae
Ds APPLETON AND) COMPANY:
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
D EEE DDR OS RST SER DEN SE RY DE OE
INTRODUCTION
M. Jacques Bainville begins his History of France with the
confession that while at school and college, he had no love for
history. It bored him. When he later became interested in this
subject, he sought for the reasons of his previous antipathy
and he found that what had repelled him was the mere stringing
out of facts, one after the other. He felt that it had not been
sufficiently borne in upon him, “why men fought, killed each
other or became reconciled. History was a collection of footless
dramas, a mélée, a chaos, in which the intelligence could discern
nothing.” He came to the conclusion that there must be another
way to write and teach history. To make it really interesting
there must be some guiding thread; one must assume that the
men of the past were like the men of the present and that their
actions were governed by motives not unlike our own. If the
merely chronological account is insipid or incoherent, all this
disappears when the student begins to seek out the reasons for
what has been done in the past.
It was to gratify this curiosity that he undertook to write the
history of his country. First of all he wished to satisfy himself
and to set forth, as clearly as possible, causes and effects. It is
in this spirit then that his history was written.
M. Bainville’s work is original in the sense that it is an inde-
dependent critique of the facts of history and that it makes
them intelligible. Its success in France, where within a year
it has passed through one hundred and twenty-five editions, is
little less than astounding. He has evidently interpreted the
history of France in a way to arouse the interest and to meet
with the approval of a large number of intelligent Frenchmen.
M. Bainville has already established his reputation as an able
critic and man of letters; to the interest of his method he has
added the further attraction of an accomplished style.
When M. Bainville insists that he has maintained no thesis
the statement should he taken as true in the sense that his inter-
Vv
Ge INTRODUCTION
pretation of the facts of French history was undertaken in
evident good faith and sincerity. It should not be assumed that
in its results it is unpartisan. What he has really done is to
disengage, to show in operation the forces which in his opinion
have made for the greatness of France. The reader is left in
no doubt as to what these forces were. M. Bainville is a con-
servative, a traditionalist and, as he sees it, the two forces which
have made for the greatness of France are the Monarchy and
the Church.
CHRISTIAN Gauss.
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE
Where in his exposition the author has assumed on the part of
his French public a knowledge of facts not possessed by the
ordinary American reader, occasional brief explanations have
been added to the text, and occasional discussions of points in
controversy have been abbreviated to keep the work within
the same compass. In no respect, however, has the spirit of
M. Bainville’s text been altered. The interpretation of French
history, therefore, as given in the body of this work is M. Bain-
ville’s and in no sense that of his translator.
In so brief a work, for the author has succeeded in telling his
story in a single volume, there is necessarily much foreshorten-
ing. In attempting to disengage the rôle of traditional forces,
M. Bainville occasionally neglects to mention facts which other
French historians have regarded as important and which are at
variance with his conelusions. In order to make it possible for
the American reader to reach his own conclusions, the most im-
portant of these facts are indicated in footnotes by the translator.
He has not, however, even where he disagrees, attempted to
enter into controversy with the author, believing that his volume
is not only an interesting history of the France of the past, but
a highly significant presentation of the political philosophy
which may not inconceivably become a force in the France of
the future. Whether or not the forces which M. Bainville sees
as the dominant and valuable element in French life are cor-
rectly diagnosed it is not our purpose to discuss. M. Bainville
belongs to the school of Charles Maurras and the views here
advanced have been held to a greater or less degree by French-
men as representative and as distinguished as M. Paul Bourget
and the late Maurice Barres.
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CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE .
CHAPTER
VII.
VIII.
During 500 YEARS GAUL SHARES THE LIFE OP
RoME .
. THe MEROVINGIAN ATTEMPT
. GREATNESS AND DECLINE OF THE CAROLINGIANS
THe REVOLUTION oF 987 AND THE COMING OF THE
CAPETIANS
FROM THE DEATH oF HuGcH CAPET TO THE Hun-
DRED YEARS’ WAR
. THe HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR AND THE PARIS REvo-
LUTIONS
Lovis XI— FRANCE Resumes HER PROGRESS
(1461-1515) .
Francis I AND HENRY II THE STRUGGLE oF
FRANCE AGAINST THE GERMANIC EMPIRE
(1515-1559),
. Crviz AND RELIGIOUS WARS BRING FRANCE TO THE
VERGE OF RUIN
Henry IV RESTORES THE MONARCHY AND REVIVES
THE STATE
. Louris XIII AND RICHELIEU— THE STRUGGLE WITH
THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA .
. THE LESSON oF THE FRONDE
. Louis XIV FOR
. Te Recency AND Louis XV
. Louis XVI AND THE BEGINNING OF THE REvo-
LUTION
1x
108
124
145
157
170
181
210
244
x
CHAPTER
POV:
Vahl
XVIII.
XIX.
VAE
PONG ke
XXII.
INDEX .
CONTENTS
THE REVOLUTION
THE CONSULATE AND THE EMPIRE
THE RESTORATION
THE MoNARCHY OF JULY
THE SECOND REPUBLIC AND THE SECOND EMPIRE .
THe THirp REPUBLIC
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND Days
PAGE
273
319
353
376
393
419
453
475
ILLUSTRATIONS
Lovis THE FOURTEENTH
CHARLEMAGNE
PHILIP THE SECOND .
Louis THE ELEVENTH
FRANCIS THE FIRST .
HENRY THE FOURTH
CARDINAL RICHELIEU
NAPOLEON THE FIRST ., . .
Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
22
46
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110
148
102
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HISTORY OF FRANCE
CHAPTER I
DURING 500 YEARS GAUL SHARES THE LIFE OF ROME
Men have probably lived upon the earth for hundreds of
centuries. But beyond twenty-five hundred years ago, the ori-
gins of France are lost in conjecture and obscurity. A long
shadowy period precedes her history. On the soil of France
migrations and conquests had followed each other up to the
time when the Gaels or Gauls became her masters, either driving
out the occupants they found there, or merging with them.
These earlier inhabitants were Ligurians and Iberians, dark
and of medium stature, and they still constitute the basis of the
French population. The tradition of the Druids would have
it, that part of the Gauls was indigenous while the rest came
from the north and beyond the Rhine; for the Rhine has always
seemed to be the frontier of Gaul. Thus the fusion of races
began in prehistoric time. The French people are a com-
posite; they are more than a race, they are a nation.
Unique in Europe, the conformation of France was such that
it lent itself to all shifting currents, both of blood and of ideas.
France is an isthmus, a highway of communication between
the north and south. Before the Roman conquest there were
remarkable differences between the Greek colony of Marseilles
and the Celts between the Seine and the Loire and the Belgae
between the Meuse and the Seine. Other elements in large num-
ber have, in the course of the centuries, been added to these.
The fusion took place little by little, leaving only a fortunate
diversity. It is to this that France owes her moral and intel-
lectual riches, her equilibrium and her genius.
It is commonly said that in this fertile country, upon this
fortunately shaped land, there was destined to be a great people.
1
2 HISTORY OF FRANCE
This is merely taking the effect for the cause. We are accus-
tomed to see on this part of the map a state whose unity and
solidarity are almost unparalleled. This state did not grow
up by itself, nor did it come into being without a struggle. It
is the work of the hand of man. It has several times collapsed
but it has been rebuilt. The combination, France, seems natural
to us. There have been and there might have been many other
combinations, -
Harmonious to the eye, the shape of this country is seriously
defective in other respects. On the north and east, France has
weak land frontiers which expose her to the invasions of a dan-
gerous enemy. Furthermore, Flanders, Germany, Italy, Spain
have ever made her uneasy, distracted her attention, tended to
pull her apart. If she possesses the unique advantage of access
to all the European seas, on the other hand, her maritime fron-
tiers are too extensive, are difficult to defend and demand either
a considerable effort or involve difficult decisions of policy.
For the ocean calls for one fleet and the Mediterranean for an-
other. If France is not directed by men of very great common
sense, she risks neglecting the sea for the land or inversely; or
she may even allow herself to be carried too far in either direc-
tion, a situation in which she will repeatedly find herself. If
she takes no pains to be strong at sea, she is at the mercy of a
maritime power which then places obstacles in the way of her
other designs. Jf she wishes to be strong at sea, the same mari-
time power takes umbrage at her progress and a new kind of
conflict results. Nearly a thousand years of an era not yet con-
cluded will be divided between sea and land, between England
and Germany. Thusthe history of France is that of the elabora-
tion and conservation of a country through accidents, difficul-
ties and storms, both from within and without; a score of times
they have all but overthrown her house, and after them she has
been forced to rebuild it. France is the product of will and
intelligence.
To what does she owe her civilization? To what does she
owe the fact that she is what she is? To the Roman conquest.
This conquest would have failed; it would have taken place
GAUL SHARES THE LIFE OF ROME 3
much later, under different conditions, possibly less favorable,
if the Gauls had not been divided among themselves and lost in
their own anarchy. Cæsar’s campaigns were greatly facilitated
by tribal jealousies and rivalries. These Gallic tribes were
numerous; the administration of Augustus later recognized not
less than sixty nations or cities. At no time, not even under
the noble Vercingetorix did Gaul succeed in presenting a truly
united front. There were merely coalitions. Rome always
found some among the tribes who were ready to espouse her
cause either directly or by connivance; as, for example, the
Remi (of Rheims) and the Aeduans of the Saône. Civil war,
the great Gallic vice, delivered the country to the Romans. / A
formless, unstable government, a primitive political organiza-
tion hesitating between democracy and oligarchy, was, what
frustrated the efforts of Gaul to defend her independence.»
The French are still proud of the national uprising of which
Vercingetorix was the soul. The Gauls were military by tem-
perament and their expeditions and migrations have, in ancient
times, carried them across Europe and into Asia Minor. Rome
trembled when they entered that city as conquerors. “7 à =
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WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 457
Even the least confident of the French were surprised by the
rapidity of the invasion. When they finally understood the
military force of Germany they thought there would be several
battles of doubtful outcome near the frontiers and far from
Paris. After the necessary time for putting enormous armies
in march, operations properly so-called began on August seven-
teenth. By the twenty-second, the French and English who had
gone to the help of Belgium were forced to fall back on Charleroi
and Mons. The Germans were entering French territory en
masse, in the space of a few days were occupying the north of
France, and were opening the way to Paris while the Allies
were beating a retreat. France, whose nerves the government
was handling gently, only learned of the situation by one of
those laconic communications with which it had to be content
in view of the general interest of the country. “From the
Somme to the Vosges,” said the dispatch. It revealed what had
been kept hidden—invasion, the terrible thing that the people
had seen three times in the last century. And the Somme was
soon to become the Marne. Some German advance guards had
appeared within a few kilometers of Paris. The government,
in order to avoid being shut up and besieged as in 1870, had
left for Bordeaux. It was at this moment that the unhoped-
for event occurred which saved everything.
The battle of the Marne has been much discussed. History
will say that Joffre won it because he alone would have been
responsible if he had lost it. General Galliéni was without
doubt the first to see the nature of the maneuver that should be
tried against Von Kluck’s army which had advanced too
quickly. Joffre, with an astounding coolness which had not
left him since Charleroi, had the merit to understand the situa-
tion and instead of continuing the retreat, to send the com-
mand to all the French forces to advance. It was one of the
finest military recoveries that history has ever seen, and Ger-
many was disconcerted by it. The gigantic battle of the Marne
which extended from the immediate vicinity of Paris as far as
the Moselle, lasted from the sixth until the thirteenth of Sep-
tember and ended in the defeat and general retreat of the
458 HISTORY OF FRANCE
enemy. Paris was saved. The invasion had been stopped.
The Germans had proposed to put France hors de combat in six
weeks and then to turn immediately against Russia. This plan
had failed. In Germany a few clairvoyant men began to under-
stand that the war was lost.
It was still far from being won by the French. After the
battle of the Marne, France believed that her victory was com-
plete, and that her territory would be delivered as after Valmy.
Her armies, fatigued by their retreat and then by their prodi-
gious efforts, and deprived of the munitions which they should
have had, could not prevent the Germans from establishing
themselves on a new line, reaching from the Oise to the Ar-
gonne. By the seventeenth of September the front was stabi-
lized and trenches were dug facing each other. Then began a
continuous and terribly murderous sort of siege warfare. The
Germans tried vainly to resume the offensive and again to sur-
round the Anglo-French armies, passing this time through mari-
time Flanders, through the regions of the canals and dunes
where so many of the old wars of the Low Countries had taken
place. Here, unheard-of feats of arms took place, like that at
Dixmude. Inundation helped to bar the route to the Germans.
In the beginning of November, after the battle of the Yser, they
were forced to realize that they could not pass, but the Allies
had only just prevented it.
There was fighting and would be fighting for a long time to
come from the borders of the North Sea to the Caucasus, from
the Baltic to the banks of the Suez canal, Turkey having joined
the camp of the enemy. The war was developing and feeding
on itself. It was prolonged by the very equilibrium of the
belligerents; Germany finding in her preparation in time of
peace and in her patient organization sufficient resources to
balance the Allies’ superiority in numbers. The war was also
prolonged because Germany could not ask for peace without
admitting her check while the Allies had been fortifying them-
selves against their own weaknesses. On the fourth of Sep-
tember at the very moment that the battle of the Marne was
taking place, they had signed the Pact of London by which they
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WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 459
agreed not to conclude a separate peace. Still more than this
_ contract, the situation itself guaranteed that no matter what
happened, England at least would not give up the struggle.
Save for a small corner of her territory, Belgium was occupied
by the Germans; Antwerp and Ostend were in their hands.
Never would England, who had intervened as soon as Belgian
neutrality had been violated, concede to Germany what for cen-
turies she had not conceded to France. Belgium thus became
what she had so often been in history: the point around which
the policy of Europe was organized and upon which peace and
war depended. As for France, with her richest territory also
invaded and occupied, while hostilities were being carried on
within her borders it would not have been possible, even had she
wished to do so, to withdraw from the engagement of Septem-
ber fourth. The armies of England had entered her country
to fight at her side, and their effectives, so feeble at first,
were increasing. England who had protested against conscrip-
tion was to end by resorting to it. Her efforts corresponded to
her tenacity and the destiny of France was one with hers. It
is none the less true that the struggle was taking place on
French soil, and that France was suffering its ravages, that the
Germans were pillaging and destroying the occupied regions
and maltreating the inhabitants. It was a frightful calamity,
without example since the time of the barbaric invasions, and
the effects of which will long be felt. In the meantime it was
also the French soldiers who had to make the heaviest sacri-
fices and who were found wherever there was danger.
The war governed and directed everything. Germany her-
self, after having provoked it, was a slave to it. ‘Until vic-
tory, until the end” became the watchword on both sides of the
trenches. In France, a few months earlier, those like Dérou-
léde who still talked of the lost provinces, passed for dangerous
fanatics. ‘The retaking of Alsace-Lorraine was, however, the
“war aim” which without discussion France immediately as-
signed herself, so naturally that it seemed she had never ceased
to think of it.
The goal was far ahead and France would have many dangers
460 HISTORY OF FRANCE
to encounter before she attained it. And first of all it was neces-
sary to drive out the enemy and put an end to the hateful
trenches, the exhausting subterranean warfare in which men
perished daily in minor actions. The year 1915 passed in
fruitless efforts to pierce the German front. In March a first
offensive failed in Champagne and a second in September suc-
ceeded no better. Another, after a fortunate beginning which
made the Allies overconfident, failed in Artois in May and
June. At this juncture, Italy renouncing her neutrality, en-
tered the Entente; France had still another ally but the war
was spreading in Europe like a conflagration. In October the
Bulgarians joined with Germany. Turkey had already cut the
French communications with Russia. In the Dardanelles at
Gallipoli, by land and by sea, the English and French were
trying vainly to open up a way through. Thanks to Bulgaria,
Germany and Austria were able to crush Serbia and form a
continuous line as far as Asia Minor. France and England dis-
cussed for a long time the question as to whether it was best to
abandon the Orient to Germany, altogether, before they decided
to undertake the expedition of Salonika, proposed by France
and opposed by England. It was not only a new military ef-
fort which would be imposed upon them. They had to consider
a revision of the map of Europe and promise Greece, whom the
Allies needed and who was uncertain, an extension of territory.
Her king, Constantine, the brother-in-law of William II, was
leaning toward Germany. Thus the extension of the war into
the eastern part of Europe complicated things still more. And,
what was more serious, it was in this year, 1915, while Germany
was repelling the assaults in Artois and in Champagne, that
she, overturning her original plan, dealt a violent blow at
Russia and took possession of Poland. In its turn the Russian
front became immobilized and was far removed. The alliance
with this vast empire of 120 million subjects, which had given
so much hope, rendered a great service at the beginning of the
eampaign. Without the Russian army in 1914, the German
invasion might have submerged France. But in 1915 Russia
could no longer menace Germany. There was reason to fear,
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 461
when one considered her history, that she would make a separate
peace. In order to hold her, France and England went so far
as to offer her Constantinople which they had never dreamed of
doing before. Nothing shows more clearly than this overturn-
ing of the great political traditions, the peril to which the
Allies felt themselves exposed.
This peril was great in 1916. Reassured on the side of
Russia, the Germans turned with fresh troops upon France.
They in their turn wished to pierce the front and they had
chosen Verdun in order to attract the great part of the French
army, defeat it, and force the French to sue for peace. The tak-
ing of Verdun would have had an immense effect in Europe.
The name of this old city immediately became a symbol. The
fate of the war was attached to it and that is why in France
both the military leaders and the government decided to resist
at any cost. The battles which were fought there and which
lasted nearly six months were the most formidable in history.
Through the continual deluge of artillery fire, by the fury of
the assaults, this corner of France, from February until Aug-
ust, 1916, was an inferno. Hundreds of thousands of men
fought there, and there again the French sacrificed themselves
en masse.
This check to the Germans, which cost them dearly, com-
pelled them to change their methods. Their “peace offensives”
began. In possession of strong positions everywhere, they
hoped to put an end to the Allies through fatigue and so to
withdraw from the war with the advantage on their side. The
intervention of Roumania at the end of August, 1916, was a
new diversion which in addition to the resistance at Verdun and
to a vigorous “reply to Verdun” launched by the Allies on the
Somme, revived the hope of the Entente. However, Roumania
was crushed in a few weeks while a new difficulty was arising
in Greece which the French had to patrol and disarm after the
treasonable massacre of some French soldiers in the Zappeion at
Athens. Within less than a century after the Greek war of
independence when France passionately supported the Greek
fight for liberty, this ambush was her reward.
462 HISTORY OF FRANCE
Thus the war went on, renewing itself unceasingly, destroy-
ing human lives and swallowing up the accumulated wealth of
several generations. As an effect of these monstrous happen-
ings, many things began to give way in Europe. Lassitude, de-
moralization, and revolt, the phenomena upon which Germany
was counting, and which she was trying to produce, began to
manifest themselves among the Allies before they did in Ger-
many. In Russia, the weak point of the Entente, the event
watched for by Germany took place; the revolution by over-
turning Nicholas IT deprived France of an ally who, in spite
of the uncertainties of his character, had remained faithful to
her. And when the control of the Czar disappeared, Russia
sank into chaos. The revolution, still nationalistic at first, by
March, 1917, was spreading indiscipline and was rapidly
breaking up the Russian army. It thus ceased to count for the
Entente even before the Bolsheviks, having seized the power,
signed peace with Germany. In spite of all that was done in the
countries of the Allies to represent the events in Russia under
favorable colors, they had their echo even in France. Mutinies
broke out in the army. At the same time, there awakened in
internal politics a spirit which since 1914 seemed to have dis-
appeared. The days of the “sacred union” and of zeal against
the invasion were receding. Personal rivalries had appeared
again in parliament. Unstable ministries succeeded each other.
Under weak, irresolute men the government vacillated. A
“defeatist” propaganda was doing its work and the minister
of the interior, Malvy, was publicly accused of favoring it.
The prime minister, Painlevé, wished to prosecute the accuser,
Léon Daudet, on the pretext of a plot against the government.
In reality the two tendencies which had been clashing for forty
years appeared again. If France was to conduct the war to a vic-
torious conclusion, something more than a firm government to
react against this giving-way was needed. It was necessary
that this government should be exercised by those who had no
leaning towards Germany. ‘The situation itself called to the
government, with Clemenceau, the Jacobin tradition of public
safety, the radical tradition which had determined the war to
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 463
the last ditch in 1871 and then the opposition to the “policy
of forgetting.” In November, 1917, Clemenceau became prime
minister with this program within and without: “My policy is
war (“Je fais la guerre”). He immediately prosecuted the dis-
graceful cases of treason and dealt a blow at their head by
accusing Joseph Caillaux of having relations with the enemy
and of plotting against the safety of the state. As for Malvy,
Clemenceau, in the presence of the Senate, accused him of com-
promising the interests of which he had been put in charge, and
the former minister of the interior asked himself to be brought
before the High Court which condemned him to banishment.
Clemenceau and the men of his generation had been nourished
in the history of the French Revolution. In his present action
there was a much softened memory of the Terror.
It was time that some impulse be given to France. The
brilliant effort of 1914 could not alone sustain her, and even
if Germany likewise was weary, she was entirely in the hands
of the new military leaders whom the war had brought for-
ward. No longer having to occupy themselves with the Rus-
sian front, Hindenburg and Ludendorff were preparing a last
violent offensive in France before the new and unhoped-for aid
which was coming to the Entente could be made effective. In
her furious attempts to break through the blockade in which
she was held by the English fleet, Germany, by her unrestricted
submarine warfare, had provoked the United States and had
made even far-away America herself feel the danger of a Ger-
man victory. The Americans threw their weight into the
balance at the moment of Russia’s defection and their number
came just in time to replace, in the minds of the French, the lost
weight. By intervening almost at the last hour, with entirely
fresh forces, the United States was to contribute to the fall of
Germany. ‘They were to demoralize her above all by taking
away her hope of conquering. But, although President Wilson
declared war on April 2, 1917, the United States would not
be in position to take part in the struggle before many long
months, An intact America was to arrive at the end of the war
in an exhausted Europe and President Wilson was to be master
464 HISTORY OF FRANCE
of the peace, as France had been under Richelieu, by not inter-
vening until the last period of the Thirty Years War. Only
President Wilson did not understand European questions. Al-
though belligerents, the United States made a point of calling
themselves the associates, and not the allies of the Entente,
and their government held itself ready to play the rôle of ar-
bitrator or meditator which it had already several times at-
tempted to assume. On the eve of victory one could begin to
see the difficulties of peace arising.
But before she was conquered Germany was to prove that she
could still be formidable. In 1918, as in 1914, she played and
lost. As in 1914 also, she came near succeeding. If, until
that time, she had held her own against so many adversaries, it
was above all to her political and military organization that she
owed it. After that it was to the faults of the Allies who had
not understood how to unite their efforts. They had many
leaders; time and again they had allowed themselves to be at-
tacked one by one, while the entire enemy coalition was con-
ducted by the German general staff. In France there was an
isolated British front; on March 21, 1918, Ludendorff attacked
it and drove it back. An entire English army was retreating
and the Germans might well think that they were opening a
new road to Paris. Bombarded in the daytime by mysterious
long-distance cannon, and at night by airplane, the French
government held itself ready as in 1914, to leave the capital.
In the midst of this peril, it was again the French soldiers
who were sacrificed and who stopped the rush. The common
danger which had become as grave as on the first days of in-
vasion, at least brought about what nothing else had hitherto
accomplished: a French general, Foch, finally received entire
control of the Allied armies. From that time on, the war had
direction and method. A battle of more than seven months was
beginning which was to be the last and which the general in
chief was determined not to lose. Stopped everywhere after
some passing successes due to surprise attacks, before Amiens
and Compiègne, in Flanders and on the Chemin-des-Dames, the
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WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 465
Germans had returned as far as the Marne and in July were
there defeated a second time. This was the moment that Foch
had foreseen and for which he had been preparing in order
that this second victory of the Marne should not stop short as
the first had done. He passed to the offensive and without giv-
ing the enemy time to breathe, pursued and harassed him, oblig-
ing him at each step to yield a little of the territory which had
been conquered and occupied for four years.
On November 11, 1918, an armistice, “generous to the point
of imprudence,” was accorded to the German army, saved it
from complete disaster and permitted it to recross the Rhine
without having capitulated. Judging that Germany was con-
quered, that French soil was freed and that he did not have the
right to continue the frightful carnage any longer, Foch yielded
to the advice of the Allied governments. In the East, Bulgaria
and Turkey had first given way. Austria was going to pieces
and Germany herself was a prey to disorder. The Hapsburg
and Hohenzollern thrones as well as those of all the German
sovereigns, were falling one after the other. The power which
had made Europe tremble and against which twenty-seven na-
tions had been leagued together, had been stricken to earth. The
Germans left France and Belgium in haste as William IT had
left Germany. This was one of those falls into nothingness and
chaos, after a period of grandeur, of which the German Empire
and its dynasties have left so many examples in history.
It seemed as though the victory of the Allies could not be
more complete. It remained to take advantage of it. The re-
lief of France after the armistice of November eleventh, which
put an end to more than four years of slaughter and anguish,
was inexpressible. However, nearly 1,500,000 men had per-
ished, ten departments had been ravished, the fantastic sum of
more than two hundred billions, an amount that one would have
hardly believed could be realized, had been swallowed up. For
the moment no one took account of the upheaval which the war
had wrought and which would change the conditions of existence
in the country. The French people thought that everything
466 HISTORY OF FRANCE
was going to be happy and easy, when other painful days were
just beginning.
The establishment of peace was at first deceiving. A victory
which had cost so dearly seemed to promise the French ample
compensations. But a victory won by so many did not leave
her hands free. Experience had taught that preliminaries of
peace should be imposed upon the enemy in the days im-
mediately following the armistice. This precaution, which vic-
tors had never before failed to take, was neglected. But the
Allies had agreed upon nothing. An agreement which fixed
the part of each after the victory had been signed in 1916.
The defection of Russia, and still more, the intervention of the
United States had made this a dead letter. The French pro-
gram was reduced to an imprecise formula: “Restitutions,
reparations, guaranties.” As for President Wilson, he had an-
nounced a program in fourteen points, a little more detailed
but almost as vague, and one which would demand much work
and discussion before it could be applied to the European reali-
ties. Moreover, the common danger having disappeared, each
of the Allies returned to their personal interests, the English
preoccupied with the sea and the French with their security on
the continent. It was not only in the midst of a confusion of
ideas, but in a conflict of traditions and interests that the Con-
ference of Paris was to elaborate a series of treaties which
changed the entire aspect of Europe determining the ruin of
the Austro-Hungarian Empire and reviving states which had
disappeared, like Poland and Bohemia, rebaptized Czecho-
slovakia. Other states received such considerable additions that
they were more than doubled; such was the case with Serbia,
which had become Jugoslavia. For the most part these trans-
formations had taken place at the expense of the Empire of the
Hapsburgs, which had been destroyed and dismembered, while
Germany, preserving her unity, restored, besides the Polish
provinces, only what she had taken from Denmark, in 1864,
and from France, in 1871. Under no conditions would the Al-
lies consent to allow France other frontiers than those of 1815.
Sedan was effaced but not Waterloo. During the stormy dis-
PR ie ee eS A
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 467
cussions of the Paris Conference, it became plain that hence-
forth England, having annihilated the German naval power,
would distrust France more than Germany.
And France was going to find herself face to face with Ger-
many in regulating one of the most important and most difficult
matters that had yet arisen. The treaty said that Germany was
to repair the immense ruins that she had left in France.
Neither ready money nor indemnity fixed once for all was de-
manded of her, but some billions whose total amount was to
be fixed at some later date. The occupation of the left bank
of the Rhine was to be the pledge of the payments as well as a
protection for the countries of the West until the day when
Germany, having disarmed as the terms of the treaty compelled
her to do, and having given proof of her good intentions, should
enter the League of Nations conceived by President Wilson to
maintain peace and harmony among the nations. This was
somewhat similar to the Holy Alliance which France had en-
tered shortly after 1815 and which was conceived by the Czar
Alexander. Such were the broad lines of the peace concluded
at Versailles, June 28, 1919, on the anniversary of the crime
at Sarajevo, in that same Gallery of Mirrors where on January
18, 1871, the German Empire had been proclaimed. Two
obscure delegates of the new German Republic signed with the
representatives of the twenty-seven nations from all parts of the
world who had taken part in the struggle, many in an honorary
way. Other treaties on the same model were signed in differ-
ent places in the neighborhood of Paris, with what remained of
Austria, that is to say a small republic which was forbidden to
reunite with Germany; and with Hungary and Bulgaria, while
Turkey rejected the conditions which were imposed upon her.
After a war which had been fought by many peoples came a
peace which involved the interests of many peoples. It was a
mixture of diverse conceptions, of the principle of equilibrium
and of nationalities, a peace which postponed many questions
until later and which would still have to be interpreted and ap-
plied. In France, especially, critics were not lacking. As for
Germany, in spite of her crumbled grandeur and the disorder
468 HISTORY OF FRANCE
which had followed the fall of the Hohenzollerns, she was not
resigned to submit to the consequences of her defeat. She was
already protesting against the treaty of Versailles and France’s
great task was to be to impose its execution upon her, impeded
rather than aided by her former allies. In a transformed world,
where from being the conquered one she had become victorious,
France was to find again the permanent laws of her history; be-
tween England and Germany, she was still compelled to make
her way.
Since 1914 there had been no elections in France. Universal
suffrage had not been consulted. The Chamber was the same one
which had been appointed in protest against the three-year mili-
tary service, but which, under the stress of necessity, had
voted all the measures of the levy en masse, had first accepted
the “sacred union,” and then, after signs of weakness, followed
Clemenceau, who had bolstered it up, to the bitter end. Its
term had expired before the war was finished and had been pro-
longed because, as was said, a good half of the electors were
mobilized, but which meant in reality that the government did
not wish to resort to a plebiscite on the question of war or peace.
The electors were not even allowed to express themselves on the
treaty of Versailles. The treaty had already been ratified
when the elections of November 16, 1919, took place. For the
first time the old voting by arrondissement was abandoned and
the system of proportional representation was applied with a
few remaining limitations. At this juncture, a revolutionary
movement which, starting in Russia, was spreading over Ger-
many, alarmed the peaceable masses of the French people. The
menace of a veritable socialism which would confiscate property,
joined with the discontent against the parties who had been so
greatly deceived before the war, brought an entirely new ma-
jority into power. It was not that France had changed so
much; a change of a few hundred thousand votes was suffi-
cient to give the victory to the moderates and conservatives
who were united on the lists of the national Bloc. Clemenceau
and the Jacobin school had contributed to this success by con-
ducting the war to a victorious conclusion and in discrediting,
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WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 469
together with Malvy and Caillaux, one whole section of the
Left. Only, the new Chamber, tending toward the Right, did
not take kindly to the Jacobin spirit. It also represented the
disappointment which the peace had caused, the imperfections
of which were beginning to be felt. Clemenceau, a candidate
for president, was not elected, and Paul Deschanel who had
promised an end of anticlericalism and a resumption of diplo-
matic relations with the Holy See, succeeded Poincaré. Thus
Clemenceau and his collaborators were removed from power.
The men who had drawn up the treaty of Versailles were not
to be the men to apply it. The country had taken account of
their faults and they were to take account of those of their suc-
cessors.
To reap the greatest advantages possible from a treaty
“weightier in promises than in realities’ was, during the first
six months of 1920, the policy of Alexander Millerand, the
former socialist who had so frightened the bourgeoisie when he
had entered the ministry of Waldeck-Rousseau, and who now
had become the leader of the conservative national Bloc. But
to get any benefit from the treaty, to realize it, it was necessary
to interpret it also and it immediately appeared that England
did not interpret it as the French did. Thereupon the Entente
was dissolved. The United States, whose government had im-
pressed on the peace the mark of its theoretic views, had dis-
avowed President Wilson, had refused to ratify the act of Ver-
sailles and had concluded a separate peace with Germany. In
England the idea was growing that it would be well to treat
Germany as France after 1815 had been treated by the British
government. In place of finding the English at her side to
compel Germany to hold to her engagements, France had now
to resist her in order not to lose the fruit of her victory or had
to yield for fear of breaking with her. In the search for a
solution which should satisfy every one, repeated conferences
revealed the discord among the victorious peoples; this encour-
aged the Germans and injured France’s credit. This was the
state of affairs when in August, 1920, Poland was invaded by
the Russians. Thus Europe, in the new organization which
470 HISTORY OF FRANCE
had grown out of the treaties, was not guaranteed against the
risk of war and it was from Communist Russia that this
risk was now coming. A still more serious thing was that
neither among the new allied powers nor among the new states
which owed their life to them was there any country except
France who showed itself disposed to save the Polish Republic
from a new partition. Millerand, having taken the initiative
to send aid to Poland under General Weygand, the red army
was repelled after having reached the very suburbs of Warsaw.
This event showed the fragility of the new Europe which was in
no way pacified in the East where Turkey still continued to
refuse to accept the conditions of the victors. After the sudden
peril which had appeared in Poland, the success of the decision
taken by Millerand made him popular and almost immediately
he succeeded President Deschanel, who was obliged through ill-
ness to resign his position. He died soon after.
Alexander Millerand in entering upon his duties as president
of the Republic had announced his intention of playing an ac-
tive rôle, of assuring thereby the continuity of French policy
and of not remaining, as had his predecessors since Marshal
MacMahon, in the attitude of a witness or an arbitrator. For
the first time in many years the idea of revising the constitution
of 1875 was revived. The new president used the prerogative
which he had asked for, when in 1922 he parted with Aristide
Briand, whom he had chosen the year before as his prime minis-
ter. Briand, also trying to carry out the treaty of Versailles
and to carry it out in accord with the Allies, had made greater
and greater concessions to the English point of view. At the
conference at Cannes Lloyd George had been on the point of
obtaining what he was looking for, a sort of agreement between
the victors and the conquered Germans, with the participation
of Germany herself. The protest of the Chambers and of pub-
lic opinion determined Millerand to recall Briand from Cannes
and the prime minister resigned without having been over-
turned by a parliamentary vote.
Opposed to the policy of concessions which he had been at-
tacking in the press, Raymond Poincaré was naturally desig-
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 471
nated to take over the government. For him, the treaty of
Versailles, which he could have wished to be better, was in-
violable. Such as it was, however, it had to be applied without
suffering new amputations and without reducing France’s
eredit which had not been helped by the postponements, at-
tenuations and delays which had successively been accorded
Germany. France then returned to the integral execution of
the treaty, through force of necessity, all other means having
failed. In the meantime the Germans, alleging disorder in
their finances, suspended their payments one by one. After so
many experiments which had failed, there remained only one
system to try, that of pledges. There had already been talk of
the Ruhr Basin, one of the richest mining and industrial regions
of Germany. The repeated and willful failure of Germany to
meet her engagements having been proved by a Reparations
Commission, the French government in concert with Belgium
decided in accordance with the provisions of the treaty
to occupy the Ruhr. On January 11, 1923, without striking
a blow, the French troops entered Essen. Thus the treaty of
peace, in its own right had ended nothing. It still demanded
new efforts on the part of France and her account with Ger-
many was far from being settled. The work continued with the
days and the days of the nations are long.
We are now coming to the point where this history is to end.
In proportion as we approach the time in which we are living,
the broad lines escape us. They will reveal themselves only in
their results, which are still lacking. It is probable that the
occupation of the Ruhr will be the culminating point from
whence future events will flow. What has France been seeking
since peace was concluded? Security, guaranties against a
possible German revenge. She has also sought the reparations
which were promised to her, which she has not had and without
which the establishing of her prosperity is uncertain. In this
task she has met with the resistance of Germany and she has
been hindered by England. The two foreign forces against
which France, through the course of centuries, has had so
often to defend her independence, or between whom she has had
472 HISTORY OF FRANCE
to fend her way, are in a certain measure, again united against
her. France declared that she would not leave the Ruhr or the
left bank of the Rhine as long as Germany had not fulfilled her
engagements. It remains to be seen whether external pressure
or a change of position within, will not make her renounce this
resolution. At present we cannot say. All is hidden in the
future.
All that one can discern in the light of the most recent events,
is that the peace, in not holding to its promises, has left France
in the strange position of a victorious but wounded country.
France has at her command, for a time which is impossible to
calculate, the greatest military force in Europe. But she has
no navy and she possesses a vast colonial domain—increased
still more by the addition of Syria—which she would be inca-
pable of defending. Her entire history teaches that this is a
dangerous position.
Deprived of her reparations on which she had counted, which
have not been paid and which may never be paid, France is, in
spite of her victory, a people which has been invaded and devas-
tated. The wrong, which Germany intentionally did her, re-
mains, and she is in this respect as though she had been con-
quered. By her own endeavors, by her own saving, France has
already restored a large part of her ruins. But the work is not
finished. It has already required considerable capital which,
added to the enormous expenses of the war, form a colossal debt
whose exact evaluation is difficult because of her return to the
system of paper money. Financial difficulties, when they are
serious, become political difficulties; we saw this at the end of
the Revolution. The question of taxes, when their imposition
is very heavy, 1s formidable because it provokes protests and
favors demagogy. This is a situation which has presented it-
self more than once in French history. A weak government is
tempted by the too facile expedient of assignats, which bring
ruin. On the other hand, to count upon reasonable and volun-
tary sacrifice on the part of a whole nation, is running a big
risk. After the experience of past centuries, one may well ask
himself if the question of money will not be for some time to
WAR AND PEACE—WORKS AND DAYS 473
come at the base of all politics and if, both within and without,
French policy will not depend upon it and finally if the govern-
ment will not tend to reénforce itself and break away from the
rules of the parliamentary democracy in order to withdraw the
measures of public safety from general discussion. At the
moment that this history ends, the Republic has already arrived
at a régime of arbitrary decrees, and it is not sure that this will
be sufficient. Let but a majority reject or overturn this régime,
a remodeling of the Napoleonic Empire, and it will be neces-
sary to abandon the regular finances and to run the risk of great
disorder or else, in the name of public safety, deny the rights of
the majority.
We can see almost everywhere in Europe, in the countries
devasted by the war, that the governments have lost their foot-
hold. The old world is in a state which much resembles chaos.
There is an extreme confusion of ideas. Full powers, dictator-
ships, these are words which no longer terrify and which seem
natural, in spite of the fact that everywhere we see posted the
names of a Republic or Democracy. Out of the vast destruction
which the war and its following revolutions have caused, no
one can say what is being brought forth and what is provisional
and what is lasting. Only when we compare France with the
other countries, and when we consider the heights and depths
of her history, we see she is not the worst sufferer. Exposed
to tribulations, often menaced in her very existence—she had
been so most terribly, in 1914—-she has never been subject to
those weakenings or long eclipses from which so many other
nations have suffered. Her social structure remains solid and
well balanced. The middle classes, her great strength, always
renew themselves in a short time. After all her convulsions,
often more violent than elsewhere, she quickly returns to order
and authority for which she has a natural taste and instinct.
. . . If one had not this confidence, it would not be worth
while to have children.
i]
‘
INDEX
Abd-el-Kader, 388
Abelard, 42
Aboukir, defeat by Nelson at, 317
Acte additionel, 361
Adalbéron, 32
Adrets, 129
Ætius, 6
Affre, 399
Agadir, Moroccan situation, and,
450
Agincourt, battle of, 85
Aides, indirect taxes, 322.
See also Taxes
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of 1818
at, 368
residence of Charlemagne, 25
treaty of, 190, 227
Alaric, 7
Albigenses, crusade against, 42, 47
Alexander of Russia, 344, 347
Algeria, conquest of, 388
Alliance, Holy, 368
Alliances of 1914, 447
Alsace, 193
lost in 1870, 420, 425
World War object, recovery of,
459
Amboise, conspiracy of, 125
Amiens, peace of, 327
repulse of Germans at, 464
Anastasius, 11
Anglo-Hanoverians, 225, 236
Anne of Austria, 157
Anne of Beaujeu, 101
Anne of Brittany, 102
Appanages, system of, 53
Arabs, capture of Bordeaux by, 18
Arians, 7
Armada, Spanish, 141
Armagnac, 83
Armistice of 1918, 465
Arques, battle of, 146
Arras, congress of, 90
treaty of, 99
Arréts de justice, 193
Arteveld, 67
Artois, counterattacks at, 460
Assembly of 1871, 423
Assignats, or mortgage bonds, 276,
292
Attila, 6
Augsburg, league of, 185, 194
Austerlitz, victory at, 338
Austrasia, rivalry between Neus-
tria and, 13
Austria, wars with, 110
Austrian Alliance, 236
Austrian war of 1792, 293, 317
Avignon, residence of Popes, 60
Bagaudæ, early communists, 8
Balance of power, 114
Balkan War, first, 451
Barrès, 450
Barricades, day of the, 141
Barrier, treaty of the, 204
Barry, 230, 242
Barthélemy, 315
Bastille, fall of the, 267
Bautzen, battle of, 349
Bazaine, 421
Belle-Isle. See Fouquet
Berry, 84, 366
Bismarck, 407, 413, 416, 420
Blanche of Castile, 49
Blanche Sforza, 103
Blanqui, 421
Blois, 68
Bliicher, 362
Bonaparte, 312, 314, 317, 319, 321.
See also First consul and Na-
poleon I
Boniface VIII, 58
Book of the Trades, 52
Bordeaux, agreement of, 423
provisional capital at, 457
Bouillon, 154
Boulanger, 440
Boulangism, 439, 442
Bourbon, 11], 124
Bouvines, battle of, 46
Brandenburg, 191
Bréa, 399
Bremen, annexation of, 347
Breteuil, 267
476
Brétigny, treaty of, 74
Briand, 449, 470
Brienne, 249, 257, 261
Brissot, 290
Broglie, 430, 435
Broussel, 172
Brumaire 18th, 312, 318
Brunhild, 14
Brunswick, 296
Burgundians, 7
Burgundy, Flanders and, 79
Byng, 214, 234
Cabochin Ordinance, 84
Cadoudal, 328, 332
Caesar, 3
Cahiers, lists of grievances, 101
264
Caillaux, 450, 452, 463, 469
Calais, capture of, 68
Calmette, 452
Calonne, 249, 255
Calvin, 121
Cambacérés, 323, 329
Cambrai, treaty of, 115
Campo Formio, peace of, 317
Canada, loss of, 235, 238
Cannes, conference at, 470
Capetian dynasty, 13, 30, 34, 41
Carbonari, and secret societies, 367
Carloman, 18
Carnot, 441, 443
Carolingian dynasty, 14, 16, 18, 20,
25
Catean-Cambrésis, treaty of, 121
Catherine de’ Medici, 124, 130
Catholic Alliance, of Philip II of
Spain, 131
Catholic Committee of Safety, 147
Catholic League, 116
Cauchon, 90
Cavaignac, 399, 403
Cazalés, 279
Celts, 1
Cerialis, 5
Cerignola, defeat at, 106
Chambord, 401, 428, 431
treaty of, 119
Chambre introuvable, 365, 369, 373
Champagne, counterattacks at, 460
Charlemagne, 21, 25
INDEX
Charleroi, advance of Germans on,
457
Charles Martel, 17
Charles IV, 63
of Spain, 343
Charles V, 71, 75, 78
of Spain, 108, 110, 114, 120
Charles VI, 80, 81
Charles VII, 87, 92
Charles VIII, 101-104
Charles IX, 126
Charles X, 143, 369, 374
Charles of Bourges. See Charles
VII
Charles of Lorraine, 32
Charles the Bad, 69, 72
Charles the Bald, 25
Charles the Bold, 30, 95, 98
Charles the Fair. See Charles IV
Charles the Fat, 30
Charles the Simple, 31
Charles the Terrible,
the Bold
Charles the Well-served. See
Charles VII
Charles the Wise. See Charles V
Charlotte Corday, 305
Charolais. See Charles the Bold
Chateaubriand, 50, 365
Châtillon, 137
Chauvelin, 222
Chemin-des-Dames, repulse of Ger-
mans at, 464
Childeric, 8
Chilperich, 14
Choiseul, 237, 239
Church, origin of bond between
state and, 21
revolution of 1789 and the, 278
schism in, 81
Cid, the, 165
Cinq-Mars, 163
Clemenceau, 439, 443, 463, 468
Clement V, 60
Clement VIII, 154
Clément, Henry III assassinated
by, 143
Clotaire IT, 15
Clovis, 7, 11, 13
Colbert, 185, 220
Coligny, 120, 124, 132
Colonies, English, growth of, 204
revolt of North American, 248
See Charles
INDEX
French, growth of, 217
loss of, 238
Combes, 446
Comines, 98
Communism, 8, 39, 396, 421, 425,
470
Compiégne, repulse of Germans at,
464
Concini, 157
Concordat, the first, 108, 112
Condé, 124, 126, 127, 131, 333
Conflans, treaty of, 96
Conrad of the Hohenstaufens,
execution of, 54
Constituent Assembly of 1848, 397
Constitution of the Year VIII,
remodeling of, 323
Copenhagen, bombardment of, 342
Corbie, year of, 165
Corps, legislatif, 403
Corsica, Second Seven Years’ War
and, 234
Cotillon II. See Pompadour
Coucy, 40
Council of the Ancients, 319
Council of the Five Hundred, 319
Courtrai, defeat at, 57, 60
Coutras, victory at, 140
Crécy, battle of, 68
Crépy-en-Laonnois, treaty of, 117
Crimean War, 407
Cromwell, 177
Crusades, birth of, 35
end of, 50, 53
first, 39
political influence of, 38
Currency, debasing of, 58, 122, 277
Czechoslovakia, birth of, 466
Dagobert, 15
Damiens, 235
Dandelot, 120, 124
Danton, 279, 297, 309
Dardanelles, repulse at, 460
Daudet, 462
Day of the Barricades, 141
Day of the Dupes, 163
Day of the Spurs, 57
Day of the white plume, 146
Delcassé, 446, 448
Delescluze, 426
Deportations, 316
ATT
Déroulède, 444
Deschanel, 469
Desmoulins, 271, 279
Directory, the, 312, 318
Dixmude, rout of Germans at, 458
Do-nothing kings, 17, 31
Dresden, victory at, 349
Dreux, Guise prevails over Condé
and Coligny at, 130
Dreyfus Affair, 443
Druids, 1
Dubois, 213
Duguesclin, 75
Dumouriez, 293
Duquesne, 192
Ebroin, 15
Edict of Nantes, 152
Egyptian expedition, 317
Elba, arrival of Napoleon I at, 352
return of Napoleon I from, 359
Eleanor of Guyenne, 42
Emigrés, 185, 273, 354
Empire, 335. See also First Empire
Ems Dispatch, 416
Encyclopedists, 239
English War of 1792, 303
Essling, battle of, 345
Estrées, 150
Eudes, 30
Eugénie de Montijo, 406
Eylau, battle of, 341
Fallières, 451
Fashoda affair, 446
Faure, 443
Favre, Jules, 418-420
Fénelon, 207, 212
Fête of the Federation, 280
Fête of the Supreme Being, 310
Feudalism, 23, 28, 29, 41, 151, 268
Feuillants, successors to Jacobins,
284, 287
Field of the Cloth of Gold, 110
Figaro, assassination of editor of,
452
Finances, 55, 58, 122, 215, 248
First Consul, 321, 325, 328, 330.
See also Bonaparte and Na-
poleon I
First Crusade, 39
478
First Republic, 300
First Restoration, 49
Flanders, Burgundy and, 79
Fleury, 219, 225, 255
Foch, 464
Fontainebleau, abdication of Na-
poleon I at, 352
Pope a prisoner at, 346
Fontenoy, victory at, 227
Forbach, defeat at, 417
Formigny, victory of, 91
Forty-Five, the, 139
Fouquet, 179, 221
Fourteen Points, Wilson’s, 466
Franchises, provincial and munic
ipal, 28
Francis I, 108-117
Francis II, 124-126
Frankfort, treaty of, 428
Franks, 6
Fredegund, 14
Frederick II of Prussia, 223
Free Cities, origin of, 40
Freiburg, treaty of, 108
Friedland, victory at, 341
French Academy, Richelieu founds,
165
Froeschwiller, defeat at, 417
Fronde, 48, 170, 174, 176
Fructidor 18th, 312
Gabelle, salt tax, 121
Gaels, or Gauls, 1
Gallican Church, declaration of
rights of, 183
Galliéni, 457
Gallipoli, repulse at, 460
Gambetta, 414, 420, 428, 434, 438
Gerard, 348
Germanic liberties, policy of, 168
Ghent, Louis XVIII retires to, 360
Gibraltar, seized by the English,
201, 251
Girondists, 287, 292, 307
Gondi, 135, 174
Goths, 6
Gregory III, 18
Grévy, 424, 437
Guise, François, 119, 124, 128
Henri, 130, 138, 142
Guizot, 388
Gustav us-Adolphus, 163
INDEX
Hague Tribunal, 454
Hamburg, annexation of, 347
Hanoverians, Anglo-, 225, 236
Hapsburg, house of, 109
Hastings, battle of, 38
Henriette d’Entraigues, 150
Henriette of France, 161
Henry I, 37
Henry II, 117-121
Henry III, 137-144
of England, 51
Henry IV, 132, 143, 145, 151, 156
Henry V of England and France,
85
Henry VIII of England, 110
Henry le Béarnais. See Henry III
Héristal, 16
Hindenburg, 463
Hôchstädt, defeat at, £01
Hohenzollerns, 205, 222, 287, 465
Holland, invasion of, 191
Holy Alliance, 368
Holy League, manifesto of, 138
Hugh Capet, 31, 36
Hugh the Great, 31
Hugo, 402, 404
Huguenots. See Protestants
Hundred Years’ War, 29, 43, 65, ;
67, 92, 100 À
Huns, 6 ?
Iberians, 1 6
Indemnity, of 1815, 363
of 1871, 425
India, loss of, 235, 238
recovery of certain colonies in,
251 ;
Indies, Company of the, 215
Innocent IIT, 46
Innocent XI, 194
Iron Crown of Lombardy, the, 22
Italy, wars with, 103, 106
Ivry, day of the “white plume” at,
146
Jacquerie, 73, 268
Jansenism, 170, 230, 235
Jarnac, death of Condé at, 131
Jean-Bart, 197
Jeanne d’Albret, 124, 132
Jeanne la Folle, 103
INDEX 479
Jean sans Peur, 82
Jean sans Terre (Lackland), 44
Jena, victory at, 340
Jesuits, sacrifice of, 239
Jeu de Paume, oath of, 266
Joan of Arc, 87-90
Joffre, 457
John the Good, 69, 74
Joseph Bonaparte, 339, 343
Josephine Bonaparte, divorced by
Napoleon I, 346
Joseph of Austria, 202, 250
Joyeuse, 140
Judgments of God, 52
Judiciary Code of Louis IX, 52
Julian, 5
Julius II, 106
July Monarchy, 376
Junot, 342
Kant, 267
Kiel Canal, 445
La Balue, 97
La Boétie, Contre un, 122
Lackland, John, 44
Lafayette, 250, 257, 271, 279, 284,
306, 367
Lafitte, 379
Lagos, defeat of fleet at, 237
La Hogue, naval disaster of, 196
Lally-Tollendal, 236, 242
Landen, Pippin of, 15
Language, birth of French tongue,
12
La Renaudie, 125
La Rochelle, siege of, 162
La Valliére, 150, 208
Lavardin, 194
La Vendée, 307
Law, 214
League of Augsburg, 185
League of Nations, 467
League of Neutrals, 327
League of Patriots, 441
League of Public Welfare, 95
Lebrun, 323
Lecomte, 426
Legislative Assembly, 291
Leipzig, defeat at, 349
Lens, victory at, 167, 172
Leopold of Austria, 189, 198, 287
Leopold I of Belgium, 381
Lessart, 293
Lettres de cachet, 259
L’Hospital, 124
Ligurians, 1
Limon, 297
Lionne, 189
Lits de justice, 258
Lloyd-George, 470
Lombardy, iron crown of, 22
London, Pact of, 458
Lorraine, 26, 192, 243, 425, 459
Lothaire, 25, 31
Lotharingia, or Lorraine, 26, 117,
192, 243
Louis VI, 41
Louis VII, 42
Louis VIII, 46
Louis IX, 48, 52
Louis X, 61
Louis XI, 93, 100, 102
Louis XII, 102, 104, 107
Louis XIII, 157-166
Louis XIV, 177, 181-209
Louis XV, 210-241
Louis XVI, 239, 244, 274, 281, 283,
295, 302
Louis XVII, 298
Louis XVIII, 283, 328, 352, 360,
363, 367
Louis Bonaparte, 345
Louis Hutin. See Louis X
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, 384,
387, 398, 400, 402, 406, 412,
418
Louis-Philippe, 375, 378, 385, 389,
392 -
Louis the Debonair, 25
Louis the Fat. See Louis VI
Louis the Father of the People. See
Louis XII
Louis the German, 25
Louis the Great Monarch. See
Louis XIV
Louis the Roi--soleil. See Louis
XIV
Louise of Savoy, 112
Louisiana, 331
Loustalot, 271
Louvois, 195
Lucon, Richelieu of. See Richelieu
Ludendorff, 463
480 INDEX
Lunéville, treaty of, 325
Luther, 109
Liitzen, battle of, 349
Luynes, 159
Machault, 229, 235
Machiavelli, 106
MacMahon, 430, 435, 437
Madrid, treaty of, 113
Magna Charta, 48
Maillotins, sedition of the, 80
Maintenon, 150, 184, 208
Malet, 348
Malplaquet, day of, 202
Malvy, 462, 469
Marat, 271, 279, 299, 305
Marcel, 64, 70, 72, 73
Marengo, victory at, 325
Margaret of Navarre, 116
Margaret of Valois, 133
Marguerite of Austria, 102
Marguerite of Provence, 49
Marignano, defeat of Swiss at, 108
Marigny, 62
Marle, 40
Marie Antoinette, 239, 307
Marie de Medicis, 157
Marie Leczinska, 218
Marie Louise Bonaparte, 346
Maria Theresa, 220
Marius, 4
Marne, first battle of, 457
second battle of, 465
Marot, 116
Mary of Burgundy, 99
Mary Stuart, 118
Masaniello, 170
Maupeou, 240
Maurepas, 247
Maury, 279
Maximilian, of Mexico, 411
son of Frederick, of Austria, 99,
109
Mayenne, 146
Mazarin, 159, 174
Mehemet Ali, 386
Merovingian dynasty, 7, 11
Mesmer, 249
Metternich, 395, 409
Mexico, Maximilian of, 411
Mignons, favorites, 139
Millerand, 444, 469, 470
Mirabeau, 257, 266, 270, 280, 282
Miromesnil, 247
Mississippi Company, 215
Molay, 60
Molé, 174
Moliére, 182
Mons, advance of Germans on, 457
Monsieur. See Louis XVIII
Montcalm, 235
Montespan, 150, 208
Montesquieu, 206, 216
Montfort, 47, 68
Montlhéry, 37, 96
Montluc, 129 :
Montmorency 120, 128, 137 ‘
Moroccan situation, 447, 449 k
Moscow, retreat of Napoleon I
from, 348
Mounier, 266, 273
Murat, 343
ae sd
Nantes, edict of, 152, 182
Napoleon I, 335, 337, 339, 341, 343
346, 348, 350, 352, 359, 361, 363,
367. See also Bonaparte and
First Consul
Napoleon III. See Louis-Napoleon
Bonaparte.
Napoleonic Succession, 350
Nassau, 57
National Assembly of 1789, 266
National Convention, 296 t
Nationalization of property, 276
National sentiment, birth of, 46,
59
Navarino, battle of, 371
Navy, beginning of, 56
creation of, 77
decadence of, 186, 196
destruction at Aboukir, 317
restoration under Napoleon I,
335
Necker, 248, 263, 267, 276
Nemours, 99
Neustria, rivalry between Austrasia
-and, 13
Ney, 348, 360, 364
Nicholas I of Russia, 371
Nicholas II of Russia, 462
Niel, 414
Nimwegen, peace of, 192
Noailles, 215, 268
INDEX
Noblesse de robe, 158
Nogaret, 59
Noir, 415
Norman Conquest, political feat-
ures of, 38
Normandy, ceases to be English, 45
ceded to Rollo, 37
Normans, or Northmen, 27
Novara, battle of, 107
Novi, defeat at, 317
Orange, 132, 187, 191, 195, 200
Orléans, 82
Otho of Germany, 45
Pacte de famine, 242
Pact of London, 458
Painlevé, 462
Palatinate, devastation of, 195
Paris, 1870 investment of, 420, 425
Parliaments, 240, 245, 258
Parma, 147, 233
Passau, convention of, 119
Paul I of Russia, 324, 327
Paulette, quarrel of the, 158
Pavia, defeat at, 112
Peter the Great of Russia, 216
Peter the Hermit, 38
Philip I, 37, 39
Philip III, 53
Philip IV, 55-61
Philip V, 62
Philip VI, 63-68
Philip Augustus, 44
Philippe Egalité, 302, 307
Philip the Bold, 54. See also Philip
AIS
Philip the Fair. See Philip IV
Philip the Tall. See Philip V
Picquigny, treaty of, 100
Piedmont, annexation of, 330
Pierre Bonaparte, 415
Pilnitz, Declaration of, 288
Pippin, 15, 18, 29
Pitt, 238
Pius VII, 328, 335
Plantagenet dynasty, 37, 43
Plombiéres, interview at, 408
Poincaré, 450, 451, 453
Poissy, religious reconciliation at-
tempted at, 128
481
Poitiers, battle of, 71
Poland, Germans in possession of,
460
independence of, 220, 253, 470
partition of, 243, 286, 302
Polignac, 373
Pompadour, 230, 233, 242
Poniatowski, 345
Pontchartrain, 199
Portier. See Marigny
Portugal, Napoleon I and, 342
Pragmatic Sanction, 220
Praguerie, revolts, 94
Pressburg, peace of, 339 ;
Primogeniture, succession by, im-
portance of principle of, 33
Pritchard Affair, Tahiti and, 388
Privileges, evil influence of, 261
Probus, 5
Protestants, concessions to, 131
conspiracy of Amboise, 125
emigration of, 185
final defeat of, 163 ;
massacre of Saint Bartholomew’s
Eve, 130, 133, 135
Opposition to, 113, 116
reformation and, 122
relation of Albigenses to, 47
Provincial Letters, Pascal’s, 170
Pyrenees, treaty of the, 178, 193
Ragnachaire, 12
Rastadt, congress of, 317
Ratisbon, truce of, 194
Ravaillac, 150, 156
Ravenna, victory at, 106
Reformation, 122
Reign of Terror, 308
Religion, 9
Renaissance, the, 108
René, King of Aix, 99
Restoration, 353
Revolution, communal, 39
in Russia, 462
of 987, 27
of Etienne Marcel, 64, 70
Of Paris, 72
of 1789, beginning of, 270
causes of, 253, 256
emigration during, 273
end of, 318
Fête of the Federation, 280
482 | INDEX
influence of American revolt
upon, 249 Ù
the Church and, 278
of 1830, 369, 372
of 1848, 393, 405
Richard the Lion-hearted, 44
Richelieu, 158, 161
Ripaurians, 6
Robertinian dynasty, 30, 34
Robert the Pious, 37
Robert the Strong, 30
Robespierre, 291, 296, 301, 309, 311
Rochambeau, 250
Rocroy, victory at, 167
Roger-Ducos, 319
Rois fainéants, 17
Roland, 22
Rollo, 37
Roman Conquest, 2
Rome, France independent of, 47
influence on Gaul, 1-10
Napoleon’s son crowned king of,
346
Philip IV and, 58
sack of, 115
Rousseau, 242
Rouvier, 447
Rue Transnonain, massacre of the,
382
Ruhr Basin, occupation of, 471
Russian Alliance of 1891, 443
Russian Mobilization of 1914, 454
Russo-Japanese War, 447
Ryswick, peace of, 197
Sadova, Austria defeated by Prus-
sia at, 411
Saint-André, 128
Saint Bartholomew Massacre, 130,
133, 135
Saint Eloi, 15
Saint-Germain, 247
Saint Helena, deportation of Na-
poleon I to, 363
Saint Hilary, 7
Saint Irenæus, 7
Saint Léger, 15
Saint Louis. See Louis IX
Saint-Pol, 99
Saint Remigius, 8
Saint Thomas Aquinas, 50
Salic law, 62
Salonika, expedition of, 460
Sans-culottes, 292
Santerre, 279
Saracens, invasion by, 27
Sarajevo, crime of, 452
Satire Ménippée, 149
Savona, Pope deported to, 346
Savonarola, 103
Schleswig-Holstein, affair of, 410
Scrutin d'arrondissement, 440, 442
468
Scrutin de liste, 440
Sebastopol, defeat of Russia at, 407
Second Empire, 403, 412
Second Republic, 393
Sedan, capture of Napoleon IIT at,
418
Sedition of the Maillotins, 80
Ségur, 245
Seigneuries, ecclesiastical, origin
of, 28
Sembat, 451
Septembrists, 301
Serbia, ultimatum of Austria to,
452
Seven Years’ War, 223-227, 232-238
Shepherds, anarchy of, 50, 63
Sicilian Vespers, 55
Sicily, conquest of, 53
Sieyés, 319
Sigibert, 12, 14
Sigismund, 92
Sixteen, the, 147
Sluys, battle of, 67
Society, 46
reformation by Louis IX, 52
Soliman, 114
Somme, repulse of Germans at, 461
Song of Roland, 22, 24
Spanish Armada, 141
Spanish succession, 189, 197, 199
Staél, 361
States General, 58, 70, 101, 158,
240, 260, 266
Strasbourg, annexation of, 193, 197
Suffrage, universal, 402
Suger, 41
Sully, 154
Swiss, treaty of Freiburg with, 108
Syagrius, 9
Syria, mandate over, 472
pee RRR I er
INDEX 483
Taille, or fiscal inventory, 264
Taillebourg, battle of, 50
Talleyrand, 257, 332
Taxes, aides and, 78, 80, 322
cahiers, 264
dime royale, 206
during revolution of 1789, 276,
289
gabelle, 121
taille, 264
war of tariffs, 186
Télémaque, and the neo-feudal
movement, 206, 212, 244
Templars, order of the, destruction
of, 60
Tertry, battle of, 16
Teschen, convention of, 250
Thermidor 9th, 275, 298, 310
Theudebald, 14
Theuderich, 14
Thiers, 422, 428, 430, 437
Third Republic, 419
Thirty Years’ War, 167
Thouret, 284
Tilsit, interview at, 341
Tolbiac, Clovis at, 9
Tonkin Expedition, 439
Tourville, 197
Trafalgar, defeat by Nelson at, 338
Transtamare, 75
Tremoille, 105
Troyes, 84
treaty of, 86
Tunis Expedition, 438
Turenne, 184, 192
Turgot, 245, 247
Turkey, relations between France
and, 114
Ulm, victory at, 337
Undiscoverable Chamber, 365, 369,
373
Unigenitus, Jansenism and the
bull of, 230, 235
United States, participation in
World War, 463
War of 1812 with England, 348
Universal Suffrage, 402
University of Paris, 81
Urban II, 38
Utrecht, treaty of, 203
Valmy, battle of, 300
Valteline, liberation of the, 161
Vandals, 6
Vassy, massacre of, 128
Vauban, 188, 190, 197, 206
Vercingetorix, 3
Verdun, battle of, 461
treaty of, 25
Vergennes, 247
Vergniaud, 295
Versailles, 1783 treaty of, 251, 327
treaty of 1919 at, 467
Vervins, treaty of, 152
Vienna, treaty of, 221
Vienne, 77
Villafranca, armistice of, 408
Villéle, 369
Villeneuve, 337
Visigoths, 6
Viviani, 452
Vizille, proclamation of, 260
Von Kluck, 457
Wagram, victory of, 345
Waldeck-Rousseau, 445
Wallenstein, 164
Wallon Amendment, 432
Walpole, 222
Waterloo, defeat at, 362
Wattignies, victory of, 308
Wellington, 362
Westphalia, peace of, 167, 172, 177,
193, 225, 289, 331
Weygand, 470
White Mountain, battle of, 160
White Terror, 364
William of Germany, 422
William the Conqueror, 38
William III of England. See
Orange
Wilson, 463, 466, 469
Wittekind, 22
Wolsey, 110
World War, armistice of 1918, 465
factors underlying, 433, 453, 459
mobilization of French, 455
mobilization of Russians, 454
United States participation in,
463
Wyclif, 77
Yser, repulse of Germans at, 458
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