bSV 73b Uh I Parsons memorial Library The Record Below MUST NOT be Altered THE J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from Getty Research Institute https://archive.org/details/engravedgemssignOOosbo_O ENGRAVED GEMS SIGNETS, TALISMANS AND ORNAMENTAL INTAGLIOS, ANCIENT AND MODERN BY DUFFIELD OSBORNE Author of The Spell of Ashtaroth, The Rohe of Nessus, The Lion’s Brood, etc. Editor of Livy’s Roman History, Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome WITH THIRTY-TWO FULL-PAGE PLATES NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1912 Copyright, 1912, BY HENHY HOLT AND COMPANY Published August, 1912 TO MY FRIENDS HARRY L. PANGBORN AND WILLIAM GEDNEY BEATTY TO WHOSE AID AND ENCOURAGEMENT THIS BOOK OWES MUCH PREFACE During the Eighteenth Century, the so-called “Century of the Dilettanti”, and down to the fifth decade of the nineteenth, no branch of the art humanities occupied so prominent a place as did the study and appreciation of the engraved gems of clas¬ sic times. In their numbers, in the perfection of their preserva¬ tion, and in their intimate relations to the personal lives of the old Greeks and Romans, they appealed alike to the student of archaeology and to the lover of antiquity for its own sake; while the collector, following fast in the tracks of such leadership, soon made them the most fashionable of his desiderata. Every man who had any pretension to culture and taste posed as a con¬ noisseur; kings and queens felt themselves lacking in their duty to archaeology and art unless they formed and fostered national cabinets. Even in ancient Rome there were collectors. Scaurus, the stepson of Sulla, is the first of whom we find record. Later, Mithridates, the great king of Pontus, had a collection which his conqueror, Pompey, seized and consecrated in the Capitol. Julius Caesar made no fewer than six, all of which he gave to the temple of Venus Genetrix, and Marcellus, the son of Octavia, presented one to the temple of the Palatine Apollo. With the revival of taste and learning that followed the Middle Ages, the interest in engraved gems sprang up again. It found favor with the humanist popes and the princes of the house of Medici. Lorenzo the Magnificent was a most discriminating collector not only of the antique but also of the best work of his own time for which end he sought to bring the best artists to Florence. The LAVR. MED inscribed on many stones indicate that they once belonged to this famous amateur. Michael Angelo went into ecstasies over the Minerva head obtained by Cellini in 1524 from some workmen in a vineyard. Urbane Italian despots and rude Hapsburg emperors, Charles IX, Henry IV, and Louis XIV of vi PREFACE France gave their enthusiastic patronage; Catherine II founded the famous Russian collection; Frederick the Great supported and enriched the cabinet begun by the “Great Elector”; Joseph¬ ine was an eager if not very intelligent seeker; but perhaps the best evidence of the universality of the craze is that even poor, bucolic George III felt called upon to join the ranks of an army of whose aims he knew little, and with whose enthusiasm he could have but the most perfunctory sympathy. The words of Goethe when he writes of Hemsterhuis and his collection of gems, owned later by the Princess Galitzin, are full of weight: “With a peculiarly acute delicacy of feeling this estimable man was led unweariedly to strive after the intellectual and moral as well as the sensuous and sesthetical. If we are to be imbued with the former we ought constantly to be surrounded by the latter. To a private person, whose movements are confined within a narrow sphere and who even when travelling finds it difficult to dispense with an habitual enjoyment of art, a collec¬ tion of engraved gems is a great boon. He is everywhere ac¬ companied by what gives him the greatest enjoyment and is a valuable means of instruction without being cumbersome, and he can continually enjoy a very precious possession.” Speaking further of the Galitzin cabinet, Goethe says: “It could not be denied that imitations of larger and more valuable ancient works of art which would otherwise have been lost to us forever were preserved, like jewels, in this narrow compass. . . The brawniest Hercules, crowned with ivy, could not deny his colos¬ sal origin. . . I could not conceal the fact that I had here entered quite a new field which interested me exceedingly and only re¬ gretted the shortness of my sojourn which would deprive me of the opportunity of examining this new class of objects more closely.” At last came the collapse. It followed the sale of the Pon- iatowski collection in London, in 1839, and the resultant ex¬ posure. What had happened was what always happens when a sane taste has degenerated into a mere collecting mania. Eager¬ ness and lack of knowledge on the part of wealthy collectors, the enormous prices paid, had called into activity a horde of PKEFACE vii more or less competent forgers, who battened on the ignorance and liberality of their dupes. Clever Italian gem-cutters began as emulators—often almost worthy ones—of the ancient artists, and ended as fraudulent imitators: but it needed the audacious absurdities of a Prince Poniatowski to open the eyes of the multitude. These had long accepted blindly any and everything in reason and out, but when three thousand gems were thrown suddenly on the market, all showing similar motive and workmanship, all foreign in form to those used by the ancients, and done in a spirit the farthest from classic art, yet each bearing the signature of some supposed ancient artist, then even the blindest saw. Every would-be connoisseur felt the ground sinking beneath his feet; even many discriminating students knew not what to believe; faith in the genuineness of all gems and all collections was shattered as by a blow, and the cameo or intaglio that in 1830 would have brought £1,000, in 1850 could hardly be given away. This is, I think, the most spectacular instance of the changes of fashion in connoisseur- ship, just because, having a much sounder foundation than most collecting fashions, the taste for engraved gems lived longer and went farther, gave freest scope for abuses, and, naturally enough, provoked the most extreme of reactions. During the years that have passed between then and now, knowledge that there are such things as antique intaglios and knowledge of what they are, well-nigh died in the public mind. Only the student, the archaeologist, and the lover whose faith nothing could shake, remained, and to these fell, and still falls, the harvest to be reaped in a field where the grain is rich and the reapers are few. The forgers soon dropped their now un¬ profitable craft and died; no new ones took their places; the very art of gem-cutting was left to a workman here and there whose ability was practically limited to producing a mediocre head or crude figure, a monogram or a coat of arms. Our own St. Gaudens, when a very young man, engraved a few gems, but it cannot be said that he ever attained any eminence in the art. Meanwhile the ploughed ground, the excavations, and the tombs continued to yield their hidden store, and the knowledge ) viii PREFACE of the student advanced, until he could smile at the efforts that had deceived men of the preceding generation. He gathered and still gathers, for a mere song, objects than which none is more interesting and fascinating. In these days we seek for Chinese porcelains, for Japanese prints, for Tanagra figurines, for Sheffield plate, pewter, copper, textiles, sword-guards and old furniture—an endless list, and the forger forges merrily on, his skill and his plenteousness governed, as ever, by the number of possible dupes and the prices to be had for his wares. It will be a sad day for the admirer of ancient gems, when, in the rolling world of fashion, the collect¬ ing tide sets again in their direction, as it inevitably will. Time must elapse, however, before an indiscriminate de¬ mand can rear a new generation of forgers clever enough to meet the knowledge and experience we now have. The hare has slept long and the tortoise has won a lead that his swift-footed rival cannot soon overcome. Meanwhile, happy is he whose interest and tastes, formed on sane lines and with a just ap¬ preciation of relative values, are not subject to the mandates of fashion. To him, be he rich or poor, is the possibility of the most satisfactory and best attainment of his heart’s desire. It is for such that this book is written. The works of Dr. Charles W. King are out of print and rarely attainable. Then, too, while there is much of value in their pages, there are also many errors that the thirty years that have passed since he wrote have corrected; a mass of new knowledge that has been gained. The few other books in English on the subject are more or less open to the same criticism, are limited in scope, or are worthless; while the monumental work of Dr. Adolf Furtwangler, published at two hundred and sixty marks, has never been translated from the German, and, in its devotion to what may be called the more “important” art side of the subject, it ignores almost entirely the great mass of cruder specimens among which the individual gem-lover must look for most of his finds and for his illumination, and which I believe to be not less interesting, from many stand¬ points, than the best productions of this classic art. PREFACE ix In the matter of ancient proper names one is always beset by the dilemma whether to follow the ancient nomen¬ clature and spelling at the cost of seeming pedantic or whether to adopt frankly the Latinized modern. In a work like this the former seems imperative, but I have taken the liberty of a measure of eclecticism in a few such cases as centaur for kentauros, cyclops for kuklopes and caduceus for kerukeion. I have also taken the liberty of dropping the final n in names like Plouton, Apollon and Platon. The long marks over the e and o denote, as usual, the Greek eta and omega. When, however, I come to consider Roman gems, I have accepted the Latinized Greek names. Both forms will thus generally be found, each in the connection in which it may be most useful to the student of inscriptions. In the cases of some of the most familiar geographical names, like Bceotia, for instance, where the Greek spelling would affect the pronunciation, I have let the ce stand for the Greek oi—also Cyprus for Kupros etc. In closing my preface I must acknowledge my indebted¬ ness, first, to the works of Messrs. Arthur J. Evans and D. G. Hogarth, whose discoveries in Crete have opened a new field and carried the knowledge of European gem-engraving back many centuries. Whoever would write today must rely on their investigations in the province of Cretan glyptics. On Dr. Furtwangler I shall draw largely in the matter of stones, shapes and subjects characteristic of, more especially, the earlier periods. His equipment and his opportunities for examination of a great number of examples make the results of his observations in these lines invaluable to one who would present a full view of the subject, and the obligation cannot be too frankly or too broadly admitted. When it comes to the deductions and theoretical conclusions so dear to the German scientist, I must take the liberty of a frequent softening of his generalizations and of occasional divergence. Dr. King’s Gnostics and Their Remains furnishes me with many of the inscriptions on Gnostic gems which I shall find necessary to quote, and his Antique Gems and Rings, Handbook of Engraved Gems and Early Christian 'Numismatics, however full of X PREFACE errors, have all been valuable sources of information. On the subject of Mediaeval gems I have taken advantage of the in¬ vestigations of M. Lecoy de la Marche and M. Germain Demay and, to a less degree, of the work on seals of Mr. W. de G. Birch. I wish further to make acknowledgment to Mr. Harry L. Pangborn for many suggestions, especially in the field of Mediaeval glyptics, as well as for invaluable aid in other directions; also to Mr. Lacey D. Caskey of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts for his painstaking courtesy in connection with the gems in that institution which I have used for illustration. To the Boston Museum, also, and to the Ashmolean Museum of Oxford I am indebted for casts of gems in those collections presented to me for photographing, and to the following private collectors for the loan of gems to make casts for the same purpose, viz., Mr. W. Gedney Beatty, Prof. George N. Olcott, Prof. Herschel Parker, Mr. Harry L. Pangborn, Mrs. Henry Draper, Mr. Thomas E. H. Curtis and Mr, Nestor Sanborn. « CONTENTS PAGE Preface ..v Introduction.1 Interest in Antiquity, 3; Forgeries, 8; Materials of Ancient Gems, 11; Size of Ancient Gems, 11; Shapes of Ancient Gems, 12; Surface Appearance of Ancient Gems, 12; Workmanship of Ancient Gems, 14; Designs on Ancient Gems, 15; Signatures on Ancient Gems, 18; Inscriptions on Ancient Gems, 19. PART I HISTORY OF GEM ENGRAVING—CHARACTERISTICS AND DEVELOPMENTS OF EACH PERIOD CHAPTER I Early Work.—Minoan and Mycenaean Gems.—The Greek Middle Ages. —Melian or Island Stones. — From 3000 (?) to 600 b.c. ... 23 Minoan Gems, 23; Mycenaean Gems, 29; Greek Middle Ages, 32; Melian Stones, 34. CHAPTER II Archaic Greek Gems.36 Greek Scarabs for the Etruscan Market, 44; Phoenician and Cartha¬ ginian Scarabs, 45. CHAPTER III The Gems of the Best Period (480-400 b. c. ) and of the Period of the Finished Styles (400-300 b.c.). 48 Greek-Persian Gems, 48; Greek Gems, 50. CHAPTER IV Etruscan Scarabs.63 CHAPTER V Gems of the Hellenistic Period ......... 77 xi CONTENTS xii CHAPTER VI PAGE Middle Italian Gems op the Roman Republic.84 Under Etruscan Influence, 85; Under Hellenistic Influence, 96; Period of Combining Influences, 101. CHAPTER VII Gileco-Roman Gems op the Early Empire.106 CHAPTER VIII Gems op the Later Empire.—Christian Gems.—Mithraic and Gnostic Talismans.125 Christian Subjects, 127; Mithraic Gems, 131; Gnostic Gems, 134. CHAPTER IX Byzantine, Sassanian and Moslem Gems.148 Byzantine Gems, 148; Sassanian Gems, 148; Later Mohammedan Gems, 153; Rabbinical Gems, 154. CHAPTER X Gems in Mediaeval Europe.—Their Use and Manufacture . . . 155 CHAPTER XI Gems of the Renaissance.170 Gem Engravers of the Fifteenth Century, 174 ; Gem Engravers of the Sixteenth Century, 174 ; Gem Engravers of the Seventeenth Cen¬ tury, 178. CHAPTER XII Gems of Modern Times ..181 Gem Engravers of the Eighteenth Century, 183 ; Gem Engravers of the Nineteenth Century, 189 ; Gem Engraving To-day, 193. PART IT THE DEITIES AND OTHER PERSONAGES COMMON OR LIABLE TO BE FOUND ON ENGRAVED GEMS, WITH THEIR APPEARANCE, ATTRIBUTES, ETC. CHAPTER I The Greater Gods and Their Associates ....... 199 CONTENTS xiii CHAPTER II PAGE Lesser and Later Deities with Their Attributes.230 CHAPTER III Heroes and Their Attributes.253 PART III TECHNIQUE—MATERIALS—HISTORICAL AND MYTHOLOGICAL SIGNETS CHAPTER I Tools and Technical Methods op Gem Engraving .... 271 CHAPTER II Stones Used for Ancient Intaglios.277 CHAPTER III Historical and Mythological Signets.286 Description and Explanation of Plates.297 Alphabetical List of Attributes, Aspects, and Sacred or Sacrificial Animals, Trees, and Flowers.,393 Index.399 Plates At end of book ENGRAVED GEMS INTRODUCTION From the earliest times two ideas have advanced side by side in the desire of mankind for precious and semi-precious stones. Most of these are beautiful in themselves. Hence they have been sought as ornaments. Many of them, from their rarity, their unusual colors, and their hardness, have been looked upon as amulets that can avert evil or talismans that can bring good fortune. Later, when advancing knowledge of the arts enabled the workman to fashion the shapes and en¬ grave the surface of the stones, both ideas received a new impetus. It was obvious that the ornamental element could be enhanced by the skill of the artist and, also, that the subject engraved, were it the figure or attribute of some god, a written charm or a magic symbol, might induce or enhance the luck- bringing quality, above all things to be desired. Later, yet a third element was added. With the first existence of the institution of personal property and the beginnings of business, social and political relations, arose the need to each man of a device which, by its impression on clay or some other soft and hardening substance, would identify his possessions, his agreements and his com¬ munications. Here again the engraved surfaces of precious or semi-precious stones offered the best means to the end. Their hardness made them durable and difficult to imitate, their small size made them easy to carry, and the possible com¬ bination of ornament, amulet and signet was, naturally, con¬ venient and attractive. Probably the earliest development of the signet idea was among the Sumerians of Chaldsea or the Egyptians and is dated rather speculatively about 5000 B. C. The form adopted was the cylinder, first of soft and, later, of hard stone, pierced 2 INTRODUCTION. through its length so that it could be suspended by a cord from wrist or neck. It would seem that the shape may have had its origin in an earlier use of bits of reed the peculiar lines of whose surfaces could be rolled on moist clay for purposes of identification and, like the serrated margins of indenture deeds, would be next to impossible to counterfeit. Dr. Stewart Culin first drew attention to the arrow shaft, with its owner’s mark, as a most plausible source of the idea, a suggestion which other writers have adopted, generally without credit to its originator. The use of the cylinder spread over western Asia and Egypt, where Menes, the first king of the upper and lower countries, had such a signet. At a later time the Asiatic favored a conical seal, also pierced and suspended, but the study of these forms, together with the mythology and writ¬ ings pictured on them, is a separate branch of the subject calling for the Oriental specialist, and the work of Dr. William Hayes Ward fills the field most satisfactorily. In Egypt a national form developed. The shape of the Egyptian beetle or scarab began to prevail from the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty and was soon universally adopted from religious motives. It was the emblem of the Sun, the presiding god; it was the emblem of eternity and of strength, but Egyptian work in intaglio was pretty much confined to hieroglyphics, symbols and decorative designs and, hence, never rose to high artistic excellence. Here again is a field for the specialist in the language and archaeology, and the scarab form comes into our province only in so far as its use spread into the Phoenician colonies, Greece, and Etruria, where the intaglio took upon itself the character and quality of Hellenic art. As a rule we have to do with stones cut to be set in rings of gold, silver, bronze, iron and, rarely, even lead. A word may be added as to cameos, a later development. In most works on the subject of engraved gems, these are treated at considerable length; but such miniature relief sculpture had no further purpose than ornamentation, except so far as this included portraiture, and they lack almost entire- INTEREST IN ANTIQUITY 3 ly the peculiar interest that the intaglio presents. Incident¬ ally, the number of ancient cameos is comparatively small. Most of the specimens we see are Renaissance or modern, since the forgers, looking for ready remuneration and to the more showy manifestations of their craft, found in the cameo a much more profitable field for their efforts and one that required less study, knowledge and caution than did the intaglio with its intimate associations with the life and thought of antiquity, with the very soul of the classic world. The limits, then, of this work, for I conceive the value of such a treatise is largely a matter of limitations, should be set by the phrase “Classic and Modern Intaglios.” In these we shall find all the art, all the mystical elements, and all the peculiar personal associations which the use of signets involved. INTEREST IN ANTIQUITY The interest in what we call “antiquities” may be broad¬ ly classified under three heads. First, that of the student: the scientific archaeologist, who looks upon such objects as a means of knowledge. To him the study of Greek, Roman and Etruscan intaglios affords many sources of information. In the subjects pictured, from, let us say speculatively, 3000 B. C., may be traced accurately the trend of thought of each period and nation. We know the things that interested the Greek of the Mycenaean Age and the Roman of the Lower Empire. Perhaps it was art pure and simple, perhaps religion, as voiced in sacerdotal subjects and the figures of gods and their attributes, grading down to the grosser superstitions evidenced by many talismans and amulets. Poetic taste was gratified by scenes from the Homeric and other legends. The idea of personal subservience and flattery shows itself in the many instances where the subject wore his monarch’s portrait, the client his patron’s, while simpler and more material preferences produced numer¬ ous genre pictures of everyday life. The adherent of the green or the blue wore his favorite horse or quadriga, the hunter 4 INTRODUCTION or the tradesman, some representation of his play or work, and so through every human motive and taste that fashion or personality has born and nourished. It is in this connection that we find much of the interest and value of the great mass of the poorer—even of the con¬ temptible—work from an art standpoint: the gems that we commonly run across and which Professor Furtwangler and other writers largely ignore. Again, in the work itself it is easy to follow the ebb and flow of civilization as evidenced by the merit of the art and the skill of the craftsman, and here, too, it seems to me a great mistake to scorn the commonplace. Each gem has its lesson to teach, whether it be from the hand of Dexamenos or from that of some wretched bungler in the Diocletian Forum. In connection with the art side of the subject there is also to be considered the fact that famous statues and paintings were often reproduced on these gems. The statue is mutilated or destroyed, the painting has perished, but we have learned and may yet learn much of the masterpieces of antiquity from the sard or the plasma whose hardness and minute dimensions have saved it for a later age. In portraiture alone there is an exhaustless fund of interest and of archaeological information. The faces of rulers and great men look from gems only less often than from coins, while the obvious advantage of bearing one’s own likeness for a signet has left us a multitude of portraits of humbler characters with always the hope that an identification here and there may reveal the lineaments of some man in whom history has created a deathless interest. Finally the knowledge of costumes, of the forms of weap¬ ons and articles for every conceivable use, is obviously advanc¬ ed by this study, and in the deciphering of the inscriptions borne by many gems lies an unlimited field for conjecture and research. The signatures alone have revealed the names of many artists that would otherwise have been lost. Turning now from the standpoint of the student to that of the collector, little needs to be said. His interest is obvious, INTEREST IN ANTIQUITY 5 and to scorn or ignore him is unfair. He has accomplished his good and his evil: good in the stimulation to research that, without his eagerness and his resources, might have been long delayed or never attempted: evil, in that the same eagerness and the limitation of his requirements have resulted in much superficial and often destructive work whereby op¬ portunities for illumination have been obscured or lost. The Hermes of Praxiteles was identified positively only from the fact of its discovery just where Pausanias wrote that it stood. Had it been found by some ignorant excavator and smuggled out of the country for private gain, we would have had a beautiful example of ancient art, but probably the world would never have known it for the very work of the great master. But there is another reason why mere collecting, even on its crudest lines, must not be unqualifiedly condemned. It is the most obvious source and beginning of interest, often of real knowledge. That alone marks it for a commendable taste whose abuses only should be attacked and circumscribed. You can hardly become the owner of a single gem without a grow¬ ing desire to know something of the story it has to tell, and no one is apt to become a collector in such a field without having somewhere in his nature, to be revealed and cultivated, a taste for the secrets of antiquity and a curiosity about its message for to-day. This brings me to a consideration of the third type of antiquarian, combining in varying proportions the attributes of both student and collector. For want of a better term let us call him the Romantic Archaeologist. It is to such that the classic intaglio appeals most strongly, if only because of each gem’s close personal associations with some individual who lived from, say, two to five thousand years ago: a man of one of those races that have shaped our own life and thought, our politics and our ethics, all that make us what we are. I take it there can be little beyond a purely scientific interest in what we may call the independent and dead civiliza¬ tions: that of the Incas, and, in some degree, those of many Oriental peoples, but Greece and Rome, of however long ago, 6 INTRODUCTION can never be disassociated from ourselves, must live always in the mind of every one to whom history and biography mean anything. Here it is that the spirit of romance appeals most powerfully and in direct proportion to the measure in which we can make it particular and real. In this connection each gem, so far as it can speak and be understood, has its story to tell, and the imagination of the true lover of romance thrills at the touch of the bit of sard or chalcedony that has been part of scenes that history has made immortal: a thing that some man who lived then has had fashioned according to his indi¬ vidual needs or taste or whim; and when one can come even closer than this and spell out ancient truths, however trivial, the thrill grades upward into a sensation akin to awe. I wonder what a man’s feeling would be could he become the owner of the signet of Julius Caesar—that famous stone engraved with a Venus Victrix, his patron goddess? Very probably it is still in existence somewhere, perhaps unrecog¬ nized in some collection, for we know nothing of it beyond the device and the certainty that it was a work of the best art. Perhaps tomorrow the plough may turn it up. We have the signet of the Emperor Constantius II, cut in a beautiful sapphire and showing him spearing a wild boar. A recumbent female figure typifies the city of Caesarea, near which the exploit was accomplished, and all is made clear by the inscrip¬ tion the stone bears. A small sard intaglio of a Victory, en¬ graved in the style of consular art, said to have been found in the sarcophagus of Lucius Scipio Barbatus, Consul 298 B. C., was, if the record be straight, undoubtedly his signet; while King, in pp. 146-147 of his Handbook of Engraved Gems, indulges in one of those speculations always most fascinating and which looks toward the identification of a sard, engraved with a portrait (?) head and half the circumference of a shield (PI. XVIII, 25), with the signet of the great Marcellus, used after his death by Hannibal upon forged letters which he sent to various towns. In Chapter III of Part III of this work, I give a list of the devices worn by those historical characters of whose signets INTEREST IN ANTIQUITY 7 we have any record, but even the far slighter and much less consequential stories of two gems in my possession may be of interest here, as indicating the possibilities. The first is a mottled jasper, red and yellow, somewhat chipped: a stone favored by the Greek gem-cutters of the fifth century B. C. The character of the work, though rudely and cheaply done, does not prohibit dating it from that period, and the fact that the gem is a ring-stone, without border, indicates the end of the century. It shows a male figure wear¬ ing a long gown and pouring some liquid on the ground from a conical vessel (PI. VIII, 8). At once our thought turns to that closing ceremony of the Eleusinian Mysteries, when liba¬ tions of water were poured toward the East and West from top-shaped vessels. The form of the vessel, the sacerdotal character of the dress, and the peculiarity of the design all point to its being a representation of this act, and such a device would be taken for a signet only by an initiate. Now at the time when we have guessed our gem to have been cut and worn none but a Greek was eligible for initiation, and, doubtless, Athens furnished the great majority of neophytes. Add to this that the stone was procured at Taormina, was probably found in the neighborhood, and that the famous Athenian expedition against Syracuse wintered, 415-416 B. C. at Naxos, the site of which lies just below, and there seems fair reason, at least, to fancy that this very gem was the signet of a soldier of that ill-fated army; not a leader or a man of wealth, but a well-to-do citizen of the greatest city the in¬ tellectual world has ever known, who had come to lay down his life for her empire in a field where misguided ambition led her to her defeat and to the beginning of her decadence. One does not often find an object with more dramatic associations than this. The second gem is a rather crude figure of a horse bearing a palm branch (PI. XXVII, 13). The workmanship shows it to be of the Roman period, when the interest in the games of the circus had become a popular passion. Evidently the owner of this signet had taken his favorite racer for a device, the palm 8 INTRODUCTION branch indicating some victory—some “big-killing”, as our racing men of today might phrase it. In the field are the three Greek letters, ATP, reversed so as to be read in an impression. Possibly this is an abbreviation of the owner’s name, but, in view of the subject and motive, it would be more likely to be that of the horse, and the chance of deciphering it naturally appealed to me. If I found an appropriate name, I reasoned, the probability would be much strengthened. Now in Greek there are not many words that begin with ATP. Outside of a few proper names, none of which seemed very apt, the problem resolved itself into two more striking alternatives. Arpiauro?, “the Unconquered”, struck me as being one that in its very ultimateness might expose an owner to the con¬ stant chance of a rather ridiculous anti-climax. Ar pvroDvp, “the Tireless” or “the Unwearied”, an epithet of Athena, was in every way appropriate, and I believe it to be the correct solution, one that seems to me to add a definite bit of romantic glamor to an otherwise ordinary gem. FORGERIES I now approach a topic most closely interwoven with the study and collecting of gems, as it is with every other branch of archaeology and connoisseurship. Between the student, the connoisseur, and the collector on the one hand, and their arch enemy the forger on the other, the contest is bitter and, seem¬ ingly, unending. I have suggested above why the danger is less, at the present time, in the case of engraved gems than in other and more fashionable fields, but we cannot deny that it is a real danger to most of those for whom this book is written: people whose interest in the subject may be inchoate and whose knowledge is, as yet, slender. These have a right to look for some suggestions that may guide and fortify them, as far as possible, against perils that strike at the very roots of the interest we have and the pleasure we find in such pursuits. Let me begin with the indisputable statement that it is FORGERIES 9 always possible, granting the highest measure of knowledge on a subject, the greatest technical skill, and the utmost care, for a forger to produce work in any line that will deceive the most erudite and experienced critic. Then let me add that practically he never quite succeeds in doing it. Somewhere or other he slips, and, sooner or later, detection follows. Now if you ask for a hard and fast test or rule that can be applied, such as certain writers have been prompt to give, I can only answer that the very existence of such a test or rule would negative my statement, because the forger would need only to learn it and meet its requirements. It is in study and knowledge of the subject—of the many minute elements that argue for genuineness—that our safety lies, and in the re¬ sultant instinct—a sort of collector’s sixth sense—that is finally acquired from the handling and analysis of the objects themselves. For the reason that a rational classification, however arbitrary, is apt to help in the discussion of such matters, if only by formulating our ideas, let me divide intaglios into five classes from the standpoint of their genuineness. First: those unquestionably ancient. Second: those ancient in all reasonable probability. Third: those whose antiquity is a matter of more or less balancing doubts. Fourth: those that are probably forgeries. Fifth: those that are certainly modern work. For the beginner all gems are in the third class, whence, aided by the opinions of students and experts and by his own growing knowledge, he will find them gravitating toward either end of the list. It is only honest to say, however, that, even for the wisest and most erudite, there remain a few that he cannot honestly take from class three, and these are, naturally, the least desirable of all. Classes four and five are always interesting for purposes of study and comparison, but the best advice is to try to confine your purchases to classes one and two. You will make enough mistakes to fill classes three, four and five quite satisfactorily, and the experience you pay 10 INTRODUCTION for is the best foundation for ultimate knowledge. I would advise the beginner never to give much over five dollars— better one or two—for a gem. Be thankful for the lack of demand that enables you to get them now for such prices, and consider that it is upon finer gems, those for which the forger hopes to get a good price, that he can afford to expend his best knowledge and his most deceptive arts. In taking advice always bear in mind the limitations of the dealer. I doubt if any trade is more demoralizing than that in antiquities, and, however honest the man, there is always the temptation to believe what he wants to believe— what it is to his financial interest to believe—especially when it is a mere matter of an opinion or a not very perilous guarantee. Then, too, in view of the small number of gems that come into his hands, the few sales and the trivial prices, I doubt if any dealer, certainly none in America, is an expert. His honest opinion is practically valueless except in the most obvious cases. A point worth considering, however, is that, unless he be consciously and deliberately dishonest, we can often learn something from the locality from which a gem has come, and the fact that the sources of supply of certain dealers are largely local sometimes helps toward diagnosis. A case in point is a little head of Athena, once in my possession, that, at first glance, made me strongly suspicious that it was eighteenth century work. The seller, a dealer, stated that he had got it at Aintab, the ancient Antiochia-ad-Taurum, in Asia Minor. I believed the man to be honest, but, in any event, if he had been going to lie as to the place of discovery, the chances are immeasurable that he would have chosen some point that was more generally known: a name that would have meant something to a buyer instead of one that few Americans are familiar with. In fact, I had observed that “Antioch” and “Tyre” were the sources of most of his gems and I suspected them to be his stock provenances when he didn’t know. Granting, then, the truth of his statement, as I think it may be granted, the probability of a modern for¬ gery ever finding its way to Aintab is so slender that it may FORGERIES 11 be practically ignored. I can add that a closer and more careful study of the stone went far to negative the suspicion to which the first glance gave rise. And now let us consider a few of the general principles, which have a bearing in passing on the question of the antiquity of engraved gems. Material. —In the first place, remember that the harder and more precious stones were not used by ancient engravers: the diamond and the ruby perhaps never; the sapphire and emerald very rarely. As to the stones that were used, these chapters will indicate more fully, period by period. Size. —In the second place, size is to be taken seriously into account, and here we must bear in mind that, with the exception of the earlier forms, scarabs, scaraboids etc. which were pierced, often for swivel rings and generally for suspen¬ sion from w r rist or neck, the stones were made for ring signets and could not be too large for that purpose. It should be noted, too, that many of the late Gnostic talismans and amulets were large and evidently not intended to be worn in rings. Very few ancient intaglios were used as ornaments. The exact opposite is true of the cameos, generally made for the orna¬ mentation of clothes, armor or utensils; but the forgers down to the time of the Poniatowski sale do not seem to have real¬ ized either of these facts. To them a large surface offered better opportunities for groups of figures and they saw no reason against its use in the case of the intaglio. Tims most of the Poniatowski gems betray their falsity by their large size alone. Conversely the ancient signet stones were apt to be rel¬ atively thicker than the modern imitations. The old rings were heavy and the gem-cutters, working by hand alone, had no occasion to cut the stones into the very thin slices made easy by our modern mechanical devices. This rule of course is much less universal than the one calling for a circumference not too large for a ring setting, and many thin stones, some of them cut down in modern times, are undoubtedly genuine. Still, the principle is worth remembering and applying. 12 INTRODUCTION Shape. —The ancients may be said to have abhorred angles, and most of their stones are oval or circular. Some few incline toward the square but these are not common and the angles are rarely, if ever, sharp. Octagonal shapes seem to occur only in gems that have been re-cut in mediaeval or modern times, sometimes, probably, on the theory of the octagon’s mystic significance as representing the ogdoad of Pythagoras, or on account of its Masonic vogue. The face of the stone was very often cut convex, and, especially in the cases of transparent and translucent stones, both sides, because the depth thus gained helped the cutting and added to the beauty of the intaglio. A few garnets with convex face and concave back are probably due to desired light effects. A convex back that meets a flat face is anathema among an¬ cient stones. Also it must be remembered that slight ir¬ regularity of outline or back is a very favorable sign. Stones cut by hand often show this. Lathe-shaped stones are absolute¬ ly regular, and only a painstaking forger or one working on a sufficiently important piece to render it worth his while to take pains, bothers to do much hand shaping. Ignorant buyers and rich tourists do not demand it and why should he undertake unnecessary labor? Sometimes on the back of ancient gems, especially sards, are found two slight depres¬ sions or some remains of them. Their purpose is doubtful: perhaps to help fix the gem for engraving or in the ring. This peculiarity has never, to my knowledge, been imitated. Surface Appearance. —Naturally most ancient stones show some surface indications of their antiquity, depending of course on the wear and tear of use and on the exposure and vicissitudes of centuries. There is a dullness, occasional scratches and often a minute disintegration of the stone which the glass shows—an even wear on all equally exposed surfaces, which is distinctly different from the elaborate scratching of the forger, the action of powerful acids or the appearance presented by stones that have been crammed down a turkey’s throat and subjected to the action of its gizzard—a not un¬ common trick. Obviously gems found in some tomb where FORGERIES 13 they have been protected from the elements etc. may show little or no signs of the action of time, but the rule generally holds fairly well. In this connection, however, must be considered the frequent practice of repolishing ancient gems, if only to clear from the surface the paste with which it was fastened into the ring bezel or the adhering particles of disintegrating metal. Naturally the backs of gems are apt to need and to show this more than the faces, for unless the finder or later owner be very ignorant, he will let the face alone, since a repolished face is not to be desired from an archaeological standpoint. Usually too, the modern repolishing, done for the most part by mechanical means, is not forced deep enough to obliterate entirely the parallel lines of the old hand-polish—the “hog¬ back polish”, so called—which came from rubbing the stone back and forth on a polishing surface. Modern repolishing is sometimes indicated by slight friations at the edges of scratches, a fact which shows that, in fighting the forger, we must try to put ourselves in his place, just as a good general often pierces an enemy’s plans by imagining himself the oppos¬ ing commander and reasoning out what he will do. So the forger in trying to indicate on his own fabrication the orderly events in the history of the gem will first polish, as did the maker, and then mar to show the wear of use and time. None but an honest, if misguided, repolisher who seeks, from his standpoint, to beautify his gem would try to obscure the marks of antiquity. The sequence of elaborate polish after scratch¬ ing is a pretty sure indication of genuineness that none but a very analytical and subtle fabricator would reason out. As to the polish of the intaglio itself, in the days when gem-collecting was a fashion this was held to be the surest test of the real antique, but most of the rules then in vogue have been pretty well exploded in tne light of later knowledge. We know now that the ideas of the classic artists as to the polish to be given to the interior of the cutting were different at different times and in, different places. Sometimes a high polish was given, sometimes little or none and, again, the 14 INTRODUCTION cutter essayed to polish only the larger interior surfaces. This much, however, may be ventured, that something must always be allowed to time, and a fine gem showing brilliant polish throughout the interior of the design must be always regarded with much more suspicion than one that shows no sign of ever having had any. However high the polish may have been at first, two thousand years or thereabouts is bound to bring a greater or less degree of dullness—in the words of Dr. King, “Like that produced by breathing upon the originally high lustre.” This appearance, he stated, it is impossible to imitate. Difficult to imitate would probably be better, for I doubt if any one detail cannot be imitated. At all events, the application of such a rule doubtless requires much more experience than most collectors gain. Dating the work after 300 B. C., lack of any interior polish is not a good sign. Among the late jaspers and crude Gnostic gems there is often little or none, but the Grceco-Roman gem-cutter—even the poor one—seems to have exceeded our forgers in diligence, since one of these latter informed me regretfully that to polish the interior of an intaglio meant more labor than to cut it. Naturally it did not pay him to spend this labor on a cheap stone. The probably not very frequent use of ancient stones for modern work should also be mentioned in this connection, as well as the occasional embellishment and re-cutting of ancient designs. Workmanship. —From this I am convinced little or nothing is to be learned that will be of use to the average collector in identifying really clever imitations, except where the style of the work is incongruous with the material or the subject. The indications to be drawn from the use of the diamond point, enforced by many experts, are practically valueless. Assuming that you ever learn to distinguish the fine lines made by this instrument from those cut by delicate wheel-work—a matter upon which Furtwangler’s speculations should make us diffident—there is always the question as to how generally the ancients used the “splinter of adamant” (probably not at all much before Pliny’s time), and there is FORGERIES 15 the certainty that some moderns, at least, have used it. How¬ ever the details of the appliances and tools used by ancients and moderns may have varied, the methods and means were too closely akin to show differences in the work that are con¬ sistent enough to have much value. Certainly none but a past expert can apply rules drawn from such differences to decide between a true antique and a clever attempt to imitate one. It may be well, however, to mention King’s dictum that flatness of a design, the whole of which is sunken more or less into the stone, is a not uncommon feature of archaic Greek gem-cutting, and an excellent criterion of antique origin. Design. —I now come to the province in which the forger is most likely to fail: the subject of the design, its method of presentation, and treatment. To be sure, he may copy literally an ancient gem, paste or coin and he may put it on the right stone of the right shape, but conceit, ignorance and careless¬ ness all combine to lead him into some error that means detec¬ tion. Besides, as a Roman gem-cutter has informed me, it is more difficult to copy literally than to work with a free hand, and experimenting in the line of having copies made has shown me not only that they charge more for such work, but also their practical inability today to accomplish it in the matter of detail. It is here that some knowledge of ancient art in general is necessary as well as of the subjects favored in each epoch and in each place, the way in which they were presented and treated, and the stones used. Thus equipped— and to so equip one’s self is but pleasant study in lines of pretty general culture—you can go down into the market¬ place and bid a modest defiance to the foe. You know beyond reasonable doubt that the most perfect imitation of archaic Greek work cut on a blood-stone Gr a yellow jasper is a for¬ gery because you know the blood-stone and yellow jasper were late materials in the glyptic art. You know, beyond reasonable doubt, that a Gnostic talismanic design cut on a chalcedony scaraboid or a scarab is false because you know that the scarab and scaraboid forms were not used when the 16 INTRODUCTION Gnostic philosophy flourished; and you know that an Etruscan inscription on a scarab carelessly cut and with an unorna¬ mented base, indicates that it is neither Etruscan nor Greek because the Etruscan always gave his greatest care to the elaborate cutting and ornamentation of the beetle. The Greeks cut their scarabs carelessly and they lack the base ornamenta¬ tion. Such and many other incongruities serve but to suggest the endless pitfalls that yawn for the forger: his need to know enough to combine everything and combine it right, and it is a knowledge on such matters to which I trust a perusal of this work will help those who may feel an interest in the subject. A few general principles that govern the ancient designs may, perhaps, fall naturally into this introduction, leaving the more specific characteristics of periods, schools, and fashions, for the following chapters. In the first place, the subjects, while numerous, were distinctly limited. These will be best treated in the chapters under their epochs, while for the identification of the different deities and personages, which constitute a large proportion of the designs, I shall give in Part II a list of deities and heroes, the aspect under which they were represented, and the at¬ tributes one or more of which may accompany them. Certain gods and personifications such as Jupiter, Hermes, Venus Vic- trix, Victory and Fortuna are found very commonly, and many types vary so slightly in pose and attributes as to suggest famous statues as the basis of a conventionalized method of presentation on the gems. Historical scenes, as opposed to the mythological and those drawn from the epic cycles, are so rare as to arouse always the strongest suspicion. By far the greatest number of ancient signets bore but a single figure; two and three appear much more rarely, and where many are shown it is nearly always late Roman work or, more frequently, modern. The chances of genuineness de¬ crease in the ratio of the number of figures on a gem, except in the cases of certain subjects which will be treated under their proper epochs. FORGERIES 17 As for the composition, which down to the best Hellenic period was so drawn as to fill the entire field of the stone, remember, above all things, that the leading characteristics of ancient art were simplicity and restraint. Except on early Greek and on Etruscan gems you will find few forced attitudes or violent motions. Repose, soberness, statuesque pose, and lack of what may be called dramatic invention mark the best Greek styles and their successor the Graeco-Roman. Whatever they represented was shown literally and with simple dignity. Nothing fanciful was allowed to intrude, for a large proportion of the subjects embodied, whether religious or from the epic cycles, were, in a sense, scriptural to both makers and wearers. When we compare the classic work with the dramatic poses, the pronounced action, and the figurative embellishments of the Renaissance and with later attempts to imitate ancient art in representations of ancient subjects, the difference is most strik¬ ing; and, again, the Poniatowski gems marked its extreme (PL XXXII, 20). With the fewest exceptions it has seemed almost impossible for modern workmen to understand this and to re¬ strain their eagerness to present what they consider a good picture. Once grounded on a little comparative examination, you will find your sense developing with more or less rapidity until you will -feel , at first glance, the falsity of many pretended antiques. In one field, however, the would-be imitators have been unable to follow out their self-convicting tendencies. To be sure, they cannot very well do so in the case of attributes and symbols alone, but these have never been popular with them or their customers. They were common among the ancients be¬ cause of their luck-bringing powers, but their attraction for modern buyers, other than students, is far less than that of figures and heads. Heads, then, portrait or otherwise, are the subjects where the most marked difference between ancient and modern work fails us as a guide, and, by a natural evolution, heads have proved the most popular and the most dangerous fabrications through all the age of forgery. The number of portraits, for which the imperial coinage furnished the best of 18 INTRODUCTION models,, are many and, together with those of deities and the purely ideal heads, they flooded the market of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to such an extent that I would advise him whose interest and knowledge are in the early stage to buy few if any. Later he will come to know one, here and there, as a true product of ancient art. Until then, if he buys at all, let him frankly admit that he buys for experience. It may also be suggested that the average forger was in¬ fluenced in his choice of subjects by his conception of what would be readily understood by and pleasing to his patrons. Therefore, besides portraits and other heads, we find these gen¬ try favoring subjects from the Erotic cycle; Cupid, under his later form of a mischievous child with wings and engaged in various and often fantastic occupations, Venus in her nude or semi-nude aspects and many of the more grossly Erotic repre¬ sentations. These examples will serve to exemplify my point. On the other hand, few forgers have attempted or will attempt sacerdotal subjects or anything that does not carry a clear meaning to the greatest number of possible buyers. The general public is and must always be their natural prey. The real students are fewer, generally poorer, and more difficult to de¬ ceive, and the subjects that appeal most to these are the ones where the pitfalls gape everywhere for the fabricator. The more clever he be the more surely will he follow the line of least re¬ sistance toward the field of his richest harvest. Signatures.— In the matter of artists’ signatures we find a remarkable example of an upset in the forger’s craft. During the most flourishing period of his cycle, the presence of the name of some supposed artist of antiquity on a gem was sup¬ posed to add both to its claim for genuineness and to its value. Now we know that this is one of the best evidences of fraud. There are signed gems, but they are very rare, and the artist’s name is sometimes followed by the word, ejioiei, is apt to be un¬ obtrusive, and is found only on the larger intaglios or on work of a high class. Ordinarily inscriptions on stones, except where they are mottoes or, as in the case of Etruscan scarabs, where they describe the subject, indicate the owner’s name, usually FOKGERIES 19 abbreviated or often in the genitive case. It seems strange that it was not realized a hundred years ago that another man’s name was the last thing an owner would want on his signet. It is to be accounted for in the comparatively few instances where it is evidently authentic, by the desire of the owner to show a signed specimen of the work of some artist of high repute, and the fact is often indicated by the enoisi. The unobtrusiveness of the name itself, while it may argue for a signature, is by no means conclusive. Inscriptions. —Generally speaking, the attempt to increase the value of a forgery by adding an inscription of any kind is very apt to lead to detection. As a rule, and especially in sig¬ nets, these are reversed on the gem so as to read right in the impression. Still, there are many exceptions to this, and on stones intended primarily for talismans and amulets we may say there is no rule. It is by some blunder in an inscription that the forger often gives the clue for his own detection: a style of lettering incongruous with the period of the gem as otherwise indicated, improbable subject matter of the inscription, such as descriptive legends on pretty much anything but Etruscan scarabs and very late work, or yet some other inconsistency. Of course considerable knowledge is necessary in order to apply this test. The ancients were fond of abbreviations and elisions, and they often reversed a letter, so that in some cases, what the modern would call the most careful correctness is, in itself, the basis of suspicion. It is surprising, however, how quickly one can familiarize oneself with much that, at first glance, seems well-nigh hopelessly involved. Knowledge on one point flashes illumination on another, and inspires the seeker with an ardor than which no pleasure is greater or more profitable. PART I HISTORY OF GEM ENGRAVING—CHARACTERISTICS AND DEVELOPMENTS OF EACH PERIOD CHAPTER I EARLY WORK.—MINOAN AND MYCEN2EAN GEMS.— THE GREEK MIDDLE AGES.—MELIAN OR ISLAND STONES.—FROM 3000 (?) TO 600 B. C. MINOAN GEMS The earliest gems which, from their character and place of discovery at least, may be called Greek have been found in Crete. “iEgean”, “Minoan”, “Mycenaean” are words that have hardly, as yet, passed beyond the stage of tentative usage, but perhaps the most promising characterisations of the civiliza¬ tions in these regions from, say, 3,000 to 900 B. C. (circa) is to call that of Crete, Minoan, that of the mainland, Mycenaean, and the whole, HSgean. Whatever may have been the ethnic relationship of this race or these kindred races with the Hellenes of history, the spirit that inspired their civilization and its resultant art was one and the same, and its development, despite the so-called “dark ages” that fall between the periods, was, in a measure, consecutive. It evidenced a motive force definitely foreign to that which dominated the Orientals and the Egyptians; it was an art that revolted at the very beginning from the conventional and religious trammels that have always hampered that of the East; it exhaled the breath of individualism and freedom — a freshness, a buoyancy, the joy in life for its own sake—however defective the craftsmanship that strove to express these things. That there were communication and reciprocal influences be¬ tween Greece and the islands on the one hand and Asia and Africa on the other is undoubted, but the progressiveness of the West and the conservatism of the East forbade that either 23 24 MINOAN GEMS should be copyists. All this is told on the gems with a clearness and certainty that strike the keynote of the story of these far distant ages. When we come to fix a date for our earliest Cretan intaglios it must be recognized as highly speculative. A few centuries then mean little as yet to the wisest theorists, and they them¬ selves recognize, in the light of many past overthrows, that the data tomorrow discloses may negative the conclusions of today. Speculatively, however, and giving due consideration to present knowledge and present deductions, let us place the birth of Minoan and iEgean gem-cutting at about 3000 B. C. It may be earlier, but let it go at that. Naturally the first gems were the softer and more easily worked stones and it may be that the large deposits of different colored steatites that have been found in Crete explain her pre¬ cedence over the Greek mainland in the art. Such stones could be worked by hand-drills, without the aid of the wheel and of the more finished tools, and it is probable that the harder gems were not cut before the end of the third millennium, perhaps later. Furtwangler has maintained in his Die Antiken Gemmen that the Mycenaean stones were not used for signets, but only as talismans, amulets and ornaments. The recent discovery, how¬ ever, made by Mr. D. G. Hogarth at Zacro, in Crete, of hundreds of clay sealings (See Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. XXII) shows that at least the Minoan gems of an early period were signets as well. In the light of this testimony one can hardly accept Furtwangler’s limitation of uses of the mainland gems of a later date. Considering now the Cretan stones, we find a variety of shapes. The earliest seem to have been, in the main, rather short triangular prisms of soft stone, bearing more or less rude pictographic symbols on each of the three sides (Fig. 1; PI. I, 7). The designs were often sur¬ rounded by elliptical grooves in the form of cartouches and the stones were pierced lengthwise. Single human figures or, at Fig. 1. SHAPES AND SUBJECTS 25 most, groups of two or three in various attitudes and employ¬ ments, birds, animals, vases and other objects are found on these but no linear symbols. The subjects were treated more pictorially and were less conventionalized than those of later date. Often the human figure shown on one side seems to rep¬ resent the owner and his employment, as that of shepherd. Monsters are also found, such as a lion-headed demon which perhaps represents some semi-divine protector or mythical an¬ cestor of the owner. Groups of dots occur on some stones, per¬ haps with the idea of filling up the field, as was often done with a feather design or some other ornamental motive or, in many cases, as Evans maintains, these dots may have a com¬ mercial significance and be part of a numerical system. In his Scripta Minoa he has established pretty clearly his claim that the Cretan gems show a definite development of the symbolic idea through pictographs and hieroglyphics systematized about 2800-2200 B. C., and gradually conventionalized toward 2000 B. C., into linear characters. Together with this development on the one side there was naturally, on the other, the growth of purely art ideals, until, finally, the two ideas were disassociated and what was picture-writing became the picture or the writing, as the case might be. Later, the tendency as to shape was to elongate the trian¬ gular prism form (Fig. 2). The stones were still soft ones, steatite, serpentine, etc., either with or without the cartouche groove. Both hieroglyphic and linear symbols were then used and one or more sides of the prism were often occupied by purely decorative motives, some- from those on the Egyptian Fig, times apparently derived scarabs of the 12th dynasty. Finally, and at a period co-asval with the best Mycenaean gems of the mainland, we find the elongated triangular prism worked in the harder stones: jasper, carnelian, chalcedony, crystal, amethyst, and hematite, often with the cartouche and 26 MIXOAN GEMS the perforated ends surrounded by a triangular groove. On these are hieroglyphics in their most conventionalized forms. Quadrangular prisms now occur (PI. I, 1), sometimes with the four sides equilateral, and, also, other shapes, including the Mycenaean lenticulars (PI. I, 3, 5, 8, 9, 10) often with de¬ signs on both sides, glandular stones (PI. I, 2,11) and other mainland forms, and, more rarely, gems identical in shape with modern watch- charm seals (Fig. 3), with variously fashioned tops or handles, elaborately worked and with the design cut on the base. There is one, an agate, some¬ what in the form of a scaraboid, the relief side of which is worked with a convoluted design (Fig. 4), and a unique, heart- shaped amethyst with a flying eagle and other characters, figured by Evans in his first article. Fig. 3. Probably co-seval with the shorter triangular stones are, also, many button-shaped seals (Fig. 5) bored through the top and bearing often 12th dynasty scarab decorative motives, and, much more rarely, truncated cones that may have been derived at an early date from northern Syria. All are pierced for sus¬ pension from the wrist or neck of the owner. In considering the different shapes it will be well to bear in mind that hard and fast rules are difficult to frame in view of the present state of knowledge, if, indeed, such rules can ever be justified. It is largely a matter of apparent tendencies, and forms other than those yet noted probably exist. At a time when cutting the stones was difficult, it is easy to imagine that SUBJECTS 27 the original lines of a carnelian or chalcedony pebble may have had a good deal to do with the shape of the finished gem. As for the subjects engraved on the Cretan gems there is found considerable variety and, at the same time, a constant repetition of many devices developing from the pictographic to the conventionalized and linear and seeming to indicate clearly their significance as characters of a written language. Such symbols as human eyes (PI. I, lb), a bent leg (PL I, 1c), St. Andrew’s crosses with balls at the end of each arm (PI. I, la, Id), broad arrows, a head pictured instead of the animal to which it belongs, a spray for a plant, and indications of a gesture-language, like a bent arm, the hand with open palm, and crossed arms with the thumbs bent back, recur constantly. Of other but perhaps somewhat cognate designs are a wolfs head with protruding tongue, a dove preening its wing, a ship with two crescents above (PL I, la), a pig standing before a door, a fish (Pl. I, 6c), implements (Pl. I, Id) and a harp, some of which, in all probability, indicate the callings of the owners. Also there are animals (Pl. I, 2, 3, 4a, 6c, 7a, 7c, 10) ; deer, wolves (or dogs), goats, lions, bulls, tortoises, four owls group¬ ed around a stellar disc with twelve rays, a cow suckling calf, a she-goat and kid, birds, a duck standing, a flying dove, scor¬ pions, crabs, fish, shells, and the spider, common here but un¬ known on Mycenaean gems. Often the animal’s head is turned back (Pl. I, 3). Of these designs many are rudely cut while others are naturalistic and spirited. Vegetable forms, like flowers and trees, and motives drawn from them are common (Pl. I, lc, 9), and an eagle with zig-zag lines in the field doubt¬ less expresses the idea of the thunder-bird. The last occurs on a late gem. On one are four vases; on another a solar (or stellar) disk with revolving rays. The charioteer driving two horses (Pl. I, 11) represents the best period of Minoan work. Many show hunting scenes and animals attacking their prey or two or more men in active groups (Pl. I, 8), sometimes, apparently, fighting or engaged in some sport. Often the work is so rude that it is not easy to specify the subject (Pl. I, 4, 7). The human figures are apt to be what we would call wasp-waisted 28 MINOAN GEMS (PI. I, 2, 8, 11), and the female ones often wear bell-like skirts (PI. I, 6b). Among the miscellaneous devices are shields, lotos flowers, labyrinth schemes, decorative patterns, often evolved from the spiral, as on Egyptian scarabs, a canopy with four forked supports, and five towers standing on a hill. Monster types (PI. I, 7b, 9) are very common and were, doubtless, held to be luck-bringing. Among them are a human figure with bull’s head, a man-stag, a man-boar, an eagle-woman in variant forms, grading down to mere symbolic representa¬ tions, a winged sphins, a Pegasos (or hippokamp), a double¬ headed dog with a single wing rising between the heads, lion¬ headed figures with human arms and birds’ bodies, birds’ heads with lion masks, and, also, many bird masks and bull masks. These mask types tend constantly to develop into mere con¬ ventional representations of the idea. There is a sphinx with a cap and butterfly wings, a grotesque human bust set in a butterfly’s (or bat’s) wing, the rear view of a squatting griffin¬ like monster with butterfly wings, a monster with human head, lion’s legs and wings covering the body, winged human figures, and even a pair of raised arms with an antler between for a head. These examples will give a fair idea of the scope of the Cretan representations. Not infrequently is shown a heraldic tendency toward balanced groupings, such as a pedestal with lions regardant on either side (PI. I, 3). The wings with which many of the monsters are equipped are of several types. That of the hawk or eagle is much the commonest and there is also the butterfly (or bat) type and the purely decorative, curving forward or like a spiral. Both the idea of heraldic grouping and the wing tips curving forward show a distinct oriental influence. Cult or sacerdotal pictures representing worship are also found. An armed goddess with a lion is probably of this character, as is, also, the goddess with the bow (PI. I, 5). In the field of many gems, along with the pictorial design, are what seem to be purely linear symbols (PI. I, 1, 2). The swastika is cut in the field of several and, more rarely, the cross. The lat¬ ter, doubtless, was suggested by some Egyptian type. It is CHRONOLOGY 29 difficult to place even approximate dates of many pictures, especially those of which only the impressions were found and where we have not the material as a guide, while mere merit of the cutting is not a safe criterion, since here, as later and every¬ where at the best periods of each art development, there must always have been many, poor workmen who cut cheap stones cheaply for poorer patrons. When, however, the idea of the composition is ambitious it is fair to assume we are not far from some cultured epoch, as in the cases of a man in a boat repelling a sea monster, a pugilist before a column and a scene which looks as if it might have been taken from a bull ring. It seems probable that the best period of Minoan art was somewhere around 1800 to 1600 B. C. This civilization ap¬ parently closes about 1200 B. C. MYCEN./EAN GEMS Turning now from the island thalassocracy of Crete to the mainland of Greece; from Minoan civilization to Mycenaean, but all of kindred type and iEgean, we find a somewhat similar development and collapse: a civilization of a high order running from somewhere in the early part of the third millennium to 1200 B. C., according to Dr. Furtwangler, and extended by other investigators down to 1000 B. C. or even several centuries later. One reason, perhaps, for the uncertainty of these dates lies in the fact that the invasion of the Northern races, probably a kindred but more barbaric stock, was rather in the nature of a gradual migration, and the so-called cataclasm was really a series of cataclasms resulting in a decay that reached its climax in ultimate barbaric ascendency. Furtwangler puts the best period of Mycenaean art at from 1600 to 1400 B. C., a date that we might fairly extend somewhat earlier in view of the Cretan revelations. Considering the purely Mycenaean gems, these, like the Cretan, were first soft stones, usually steatite, three-sided with approximately right-angled sides, cut and bored by hand and bearing rough, primitive designs of men, animals, vases, orna¬ ments and characters. 30 MYCENAEAN GEMS In the best periods we find the purely art element pre¬ dominating and the characters less used. Soft stones, cut by hand with the drill and graving tool, were still used for ordinary work, but intaglios of a high class were engraved with the wheel on carnelian, chalcedony, banded agate and sardonyx cut both parallel with and across the layers. Amethyst and rock-crystal are not rare, and hematite, por¬ phyry, serpentine and jasper are also found. Glass pastes were, at least, known during the late Mycenaean Epoch. The form of the later stones was usually that of a flat disc or lens (Fig. 6) always bored through. Less common shapes were, the so-called glandular (Fig. 7), and, rarer still, r ’ * Fig. 8. Fig. 9. Fig. 10. The character of the work on the harder stones is often of a high order. The makers lacked the patience to elaborate details such as the Asiatic craftsmen delighted in, but they were artists to a degree to which the others never attained. SUBJECTS 31 Freshness, liveliness, naturalness, enthusiasm, originality and imagination, often verging upon the fantastic, characterized their work. They had a penchant for movement and violent action, though the execution tended to stiffness and constraint despite the freedom of idea. Muscles and women’s breasts and hips were accentuated and the hair was freely handled. Clothes gave the form of the body, but folds and the skeleton within the form were beyond them as were perspective and fore¬ shortening. Above all, they did not borrow or copy. Deco¬ ration was worked out to some extent and a controlling motive was to fill the whole picture surface of the stone, even at a sacrifice of pose and grace. Through it all run the signs of a powerful folk-lore. The subjects are, in the main, similar to those on the Minoan seals. Animals predominate: lions, bulls, goats, boars, pigs and deer, with their heads and legs frequently much distorted so as to fill the space (PI. II, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21). Sometimes these were grouped heraldically (PI. II, 14), often back to back with heads re¬ gardant, and a column, an altar or the sacred tree of the East between. More rare is such a fantastic grouping as is shown on a gem on which the bodies of three animals are provided with but one head. Often one beast is attacking another. Also many birds are found, fishes (PI. II, 10), es¬ pecially dolphins, and trees. Much more rarely only the head of an animal was pictured. Of inanimate subjects there are ships, vases, buildings and geometric decorations, and one gem seems to show a thicket or wood (PI. II, 6). Turning to the human types, these are, for the most part, worked into representations of combats (PI. II, 15), chariots (see PI. I, 11), hunting (PI. II, 4), ceremonial dances, sacrifi¬ cial scenes (PI. II, 9) and sacerdotal worship. The men are apt to be slender waisted as on the Cretan gems (PI. II, 10, 15), and the women usually wear the same bell-like skirts (PI. II, 12). There is a suggestion in the prominence often given to female figures that the position of women in the Mycenaean age was not low. 32 GBEEK MIDDLE AGES The cult element was in evidence in this art. Of divine types we find representations of both gods and heroes (PI. II, 1). Ares is shown armed with a spear and, also, a goddess dressed in long robes, holding, sometimes, a bow and, sometimes, poppy-heads or a mirror. The reflection in the mirror may carry the suggestion of the spirit idea. She is accompanied by a swan or a ram, tHe figure and attributes denoting some combination of the Artemis and Aphrodite cults (PI. II, 12). Demonic monsters of mixed forms (PI. II, 1) are frequent, as on the Cretan stones. These are usually human to the waist and have wings and animals’ heads. The man-bull and man-lion were most favored; also the sphinx and griffin types are found with varied developments (PL II, 2, 11, 16). Before closing this description of the Mycenaean gems, I must quote a disquieting paragraph from a letter written to me by Dr. Furtwiingler and dated April 10, 1907. He writes: “A very dangerous kind of forgeries comes in the last years from Athens, very clever imitations of Mycenaean and Archaic Greek gems, sometimes, even, with inscriptions.” (This probably refers to the latter class, as a Mycenaean gem with an inscription other than pictographic or hieroglyphic would expose itself promptly). “One must be very cautious against these things. The forgeries betray themselves by mistakes in the forms of the stones and by the quality of the material, and, of course, in the style; but great experience is needed to guard against them.” GREEK MIDDLE AGES With the decay of Mycenaean culture came what are called the Dark Ages in Greece which extend down into the seventh century B. C. The work on hard stones was no longer possible. Only soft and opaque material that could be cut without use of the wheel seems to have been available. Probably little of this was done in Greece itself, since Oriental forms, unusual or not found in the Mycenaean Epoch, now appear; not, it is true, the cylinders, but flat stones with a SHAPES AND SUBJECTS 33 Fig. 13. bored handle (Fig. 11), rough cone shapes (Fig. 12) grading down to the flattened hemisphere (Fig. 13), from which it is possible that the shape called the scaraboid, so important at a later period, w T as developed. Some few gems that can be called scaraboids (Fig. 14) are found even now. At first circular forms of the engraved field prevailed and, afterward, elliptical. There, too, were variant disc shapes (Figs. 15, 16, Fig. 14. Fig. 15. Fig. 16. Fig-. 17 . and 17) and approximately truncated cones engraved, usually, on both sides, while the flattened parallelopipedon, usually pierced, was borrowed from the Egyptians and engraved on one, two, four or all six surfaces. More rarely the top is bev¬ eled off, making a smaller picture surface above. We find, also, imitations of Egyptian scarabs, both as to form and technique, in blue Egyptian pottery, glass and soft stones, with, occasionally, some other figure substituted for the beetle relief. Scarabs, too, were imported from Egypt and Phoenicia in considerable numbers. There was a distinct limitation of subjects in this period. No demonic figures appear, though PI. Ill, lb seems to be an exception. Generally we find only very rudely drawn men (PI. Ill, 2, 6, 8), a few European animals (PI. Ill, la, 2, 3, 5b, 6, 7) and various geometric decorative designs (PI. Ill, 4, 5a). Through it all there seems to be a rising Oriental influence shown by the frequent occurrence of the tree of life (PI. Ill, 7) and of wings with the tips bent forward as in the Melian gems (PI. Ill, 10, 11). 34 MELIAN STONES MELIAN STONES Toward the end of the epoch, in the seventh century B. C., the Ionic Greeks began to take the lead, as indicated by the triumph of the Oriental ideals, though the earlier lessons of exactness still controlled and regulated a new and growing Greek art, original and yet receptive of foreign ideas. At this time there is definite evidence at Melos and, to a less degree, at other points, of a recrudescence of Mycenaean forms. These gems are known as “Island stones” or “Melian stones” from their principal place of discovery, and seem to have had only a local meaning. Perhaps they should be placed in the next chapter, as being more akin to Archaic Greek art than to Mycenaean, but it seems more orderly to clear away here all the early and mixed developments. Very few of these gems were engraved by the wheel or on hard, translucent stones. Most of them are crudely execut¬ ed hand-work on steatite and other soft materials. The shapes are for the great part Mycenaean; lenticular and glandular, beside which are found some of the Cretan forms, three sided prisms, conical and hemispherical stones, one of these last being engraved on the convex side. There are also a few cylinders, scarabs are more common and we have somewhat more frequent examples of the scaraboid. The style of the pictures, however, is nearer to that of the Archaic Greek, though the twistings and contortions of the bodies, popular in the earlier epoch, were frankly, usually badly, imitated (PI. Ill, 12). The work lacks the imaginative freshness and the naturalism of that on the Mycenaean gems. Among the subjects, animals were most popular; a small number of conventional types being constantly repeated. The front legs are generally raised, as if for jumping or galloping (PI. Ill, 11, 12, 15, 16) ; the hind legs are usually together, when often only the nearer one is represented (PI. Ill, 15, 16). A favorite pose was the regardant (PI. Ill, 14, 15, 16), but more conventional and stiff than in the Mycenaean types. Sometimes they showed only the front half of the body or SUBJECTS 35 two front halves symmetrically arranged (See PL III, la). Hair and feathers were indicated by parallel lines and there was often considerable ornamentation with little borings (PL III, 12, 14), arrow-feather motives (Pl. III, 11, 12) and, more rarely, rosettes, lotos leaves, palms, etc. The favorite animals were goats (Pl. III, 12, 15), lions, deer, oxen, boars (PL III, 13), water-birds, lizards and fishes, especially the cuttle-fish. Sea-monsters (Pl. III, 9, 10) and winged animals were often shown and the wings are usually bent forward under a deco¬ rative impulse that, beginning even in Cretan art, pertained through the Archaic Greek period (Pl. III, 10, 11, 16). The sphinx and griffin (Pl. III, 16) were favorites and the Chimaira (Pl. III, 14) appeared for the first time. Dragons also were pictured and, later, winged horses (PL III, 11), goats with fishes’ tails, winged man-demons, often with fish combinations, snake-demons, gorgons and the centaur borrowed from the East. Otherwise the Mycenaean demonic types are lacking. Mythological subjects, too, were represented, such as Herakles fighting with what seems to be a sea-demon, the hero being shown naked and with a quiver (Pl. III, 9), and Prometheus, chained to his rock, preyed on by the eagle. A prone figure attacked by a large bird (Pl. III, 17a) may be either Prome¬ theus or Tityos, though, if it be the latter, as Furtwangler suggests, it is rather surprising that only one vulture is shown. Perseus and Medousa are also found. Naturally there were many purely human figures and scenes, such as a charioteer driving four horses, and the en¬ gravers even succeeded, though rather rudely, in picturing emotions, such as rage or sorrow. Inanimate objects, like trees, ships and vases, were rare. With this summary we may close the story of the early gems and take up the consecutive development of purely Greek art. CHAPTER II ARCHAIC GREEK GEMS From the seventh to the sixth century the use of the seal in Greece increased, so that we find in Diogenes Laertius an account of one of Solon’s laws which forbade a gem-cutter to retain a copy of any seal he had made. Under the heading of “Archaic Greek” we shall consider the gems of from 600 to about 480 B. C., a period within which the art of gem-cutting developed through archaism into the best that the world has ever produced. It may be divided into two epochs: the purely archaic from 600 to 500 B. C., and the transition epoch from 500 B. C. to about 480. The so-called “Best Period”, running on to the end of the century, has been treated by some writers with these, but I prefer to consider it in the next chapter. During the earlier part of the transition epoch there still remained some measure of archaic stiffness which gradually disappeared, and we find, at last, the greatest breadth of conception together with the perfect freedom of execution which marks the summit of the art. In the sixth century the prevailing form was the scarab, derived from earlier Egyptian importations, but the scaraboid was not uncommon, varying in shape from Fig. 14 to Fig. 18. Since, for the Greeks, the scarab held no religious significance but represented to them merely a decorative motive, as the art of the intaglio advanced, the back of the gem became less important and it was found much easier to round it off. The suggestion from the flattened cone forms was obvious, and the scaraboid seems a perfectly natural development on several lines. Incidentally the older Mycenaean forms disappear. 36 MATERIALS AND FORMS 37 Materials. —Now are found the beautiful hard stones cut by the wheel—materials and methods little known in Egypt. The soft stones engraved by hand gradually fall into disuse except a clear, greenish steatite quite common among the Melian gems of the seventh century and, also, though more rarely, black steatite. Glass pastes, too, appear occasionally, especially a dark blue glass, perhaps intended to imitate lapis lazuli, also a green and, toward the end of the period, a white. The characteristic substances, however, were the trans¬ parent quartzes; carnelian, chalcedony, banded agate and sardonyx cut across the layers, except where, as in the case of eye-agates, the appearance of the stone suggested something mystical. Less commonly are found green jasper and rock crystal. Plasma and hematite are very rare and, later, drop out almost entirely. Amethyst does not seem to have been used at all. The scarabs of this period are generally quite small and are marked by a lively and faithful rendering of the beetle relief, not however elaborately worked out in detail as were the Etruscan and lacking the Etruscan ornamentation around the base. Furtwangler distinguishes a certain cheap class of scarabs and scaraboids as Peloponnesian. The scaraboids throughout the entire period were often much larger than the scarabs, and in the fifth century they become the prevailing form—among the Ionic group almost the exclusive one, though in Greece proper and Magna Griecia the scarab was still popular. Sometimes there is substituted for the beetle an animaFs head or a whole animal, a mask, a seiren or a human figure in some attitude. Rarely there were hemispherical and disc shaped gems, and ring-stones with the engraved surface convex began to appear toward the end of the period, as we shall note more particularly in the next chapter. A characteristic of Archaic ideas was the filling of the entire field of the picture surface, an end often attained by sacrificing a more natural attitude to one that is stiff and forced, though to no such extent as in earlier periods. The design was always surrounded by a border, generally a milled 38 ARCHAIC PERIOD border of oblique strokes, sometimes one of dots and very rarely a dot and line (Fig. 19; See PI. VIII, 1). Occasionally Greek scarab designs are surrounded by a simple line like the Phoenician, but not uncommonly we find the border worked H33EEEZEEEE3I O®®0©OOG> Fig. 19. Fig. 20. Fig. 21. out with more elaborate richness such as Fig. 20 (See, also, PI. IV, 2) or Fig. 21. The picture, while generally adapted to the border, often had a line to stand on as in the Phoenician scarabs and sometimes, especially among the Eastern Greeks, the space below was filled with crossed lines or, more rarely, with some definite design like a lotos flower or an animal mask (PI. V, 19). Technique.- —The interior of the engraving on the old Archaic stones was generally not polished, even in the most carefully worked out examples. Later we find a faint polish, but only at the end of the epoch appears, occasionally, a com¬ plete polish of the picture which is characteristic of the best stones. Details of anatomy were avoided at first. The artists were enough of artists to be cautious and confine themselves within the limits of their powers. The naked figure of the early Archaic style is characteristic in its tendency to rep¬ resent the straight stomach muscles between breast and navel by three or more rolls (PI. IV, 4; V, 1, 15, 16) while in the de¬ veloped and later style there are but two as in nature. As early as 500 B. C., the beginning of the transition period, the artists seem to have understood the human body fully. All the lines and muscles are portrayed accurately, if often rudely: the linea alba running down from the navel and the muscles of legs, side and back, as in the figures of the Aigina pediments. The early Archaic style indicates clothing by a few rough parallel lines (PI. IV, 6; V, 4), the later, by fine folds (PI. V, 2, 7, 17). In the old style, hair and beard are done with paral¬ lel strokes (PI. IV, 1, 16, 24; V, 4, 23) and, rarely, by a series of little drill holes like strings of beads (PI. IV, 12; V, 1, 15). In the later Archaic work the hair and beard are shown care¬ fully curled (PI. IV, 17, 21). TECHNIQUE AND SUBJECTS 39 A characteristic of the older gems is the lack of variety— almost uniformity—of subject and motive. These are repeated again and again with slight variations, often as if by the same hand. Kneeling figures (PI. IV, 2, 12, 17, 19, 24; V, 4, 6, 8, 15, 20, 23), occasionally between two animals heraldically arranged, and figures running with the bent knee action were popular (PI. IV, 23), probably because they filled out the space more easily, and the upper part of kneeling figures was represented first in profile and, later, facing out. Still, there was little of the frank distortion, especially of animal forms, which the Mycenaean and Melian artists had relied on as space-filling devices. By 500 B. C. the subjects and representations of motion show more variety, and the kneeling motive, though still used, is handled with more power and spirit. Figures are some¬ times drawn bearing the weight on one leg, the front of which shows, with the other slightly bent and in profile. Later both legs are shown facing. Many of the figures bend and turn, and the artists showed a distinct preference for front or back views of the body. Subjects. —There are but few representations of the prin¬ cipal deities on these gems. Apollo appears with lyre (PI. V, 15) or stag and the Hyacinthine Apollo holding a flower, as on the coins of Tarentum (PI. IV, 24). Rarely he has his earlier attributes, the sceptre and sparrow-hawk, and on one gem he is mounted on a swan and holding out a branch. Artemis, with or without wings, as a protectress of animals, is found in the early Archaic period (PI. IV, 6). Hermes, the messenger and the god of trade, was common, sometimes in a long tunic (PI. V, 17) but generally naked save for his short mantle (PI. IV, 17). His hat, usually the broad-brimmed petasos, but in some cases a pointed Eastern cap, is sometimes winged, sometimes not, as is the case with his feet. His hair is long on the earlier, short on the later gems, and he is un¬ bearded. Athena also appears, sometimes winged, and the allied cults of Hermes and Aphrodite, from which sprang the Hermaphrodite idea, may possibly be represented in a gem 40 ARCHAIC PERIOD bearing a two-faced head, male and female. A national type is shown in the Athenian gem bearing the head of Athena and an owl. Of the heroes, Herakles is by far the most usual. Often he is kneeling, running or holding a bow or a club. Less frequently he is shown walking with bow held out and club raised (PI. V, 3, 24). Of his labors appear the contest with the Nemean lion (PI. V, 10, 20) or the Lernean hydra or water dragon, carrying away the tripod, fighting Acheloos (PI. IV, 7), Kerberos (Cerberus) (PI. V, 9) or a sea-demon or leading a horse, perhaps one of those of Diomedes (PI. IV, 5). At the beginning of the fifth century he is sometimes pictured beside a spring, binding his sandal (PI. IV, 25) or in some statuesque pose. Early Ionic art preferred the beardless face, and his frequent appearance unbearded shows Ionic dominance in the gem-engraver’s art. Other hero sagas play a small part. Kastor and Polydeukes (Pollux), Theseus, Ariadne, the Minotaur, Odysseus escaping under the ram from the cave of Polyphemos, Tityos pierced by the arrow (PI. IV, 2), Aias (Ajax) carrying the dead Achilleus, or Menelaos, that of Patroklos (PI. V, 8), and Europe and the bull (PL IV, 8?), are rare examples. The cycle of demons and lower gods is more fully rep¬ resented. There is a demon the upper part of whose body is that of a lion (PI. IV, 15), apparently some destructive or death-dealing power, which shows Mycenaean influence or, perhaps, Eastern. Also there are bull-headed demons with or without wings (PI. V, 6), a double bull-headed demon holding two serpents, a demon with an ass’s head, a winged demon with a rooster’s tail instead of legs, probably a spirit of lewd¬ ness, and a winged demon wearing a cuirass who is running and holding two snakes, doubtless a demon of fear. The Gorgon is found as a controller of animals (PI. V, 10), and winged horse-bodied demons with Gorgon faces (PI. V, 22) may be drawn from the legend of the amours of the wind-god, Zephyros, under the form of a horse, with the harpies. It does not seem to me that Furtwangler’s identification of the winged Seilenos demon that has a lion’s hind quarters joined to him, SUBJECTS 41 centaur-like, (PI. V, 12) with the Phoenician god, Besa, is well established or that the Seilenos-centaur fighting a lion has a kindred meaning, though there is, doubtless, Phoenician in¬ fluence shown in gems of these types. The centaur with human forelegs carrying off a nymph is purely Ionic (PL V, 4). Medousa appears often (PI. V, 10), once as a Medousa- centaur (PI. V, 22), and Seilenos was a great favorite as a luck-bringing demon (PI. IV, 1; V, 1, 23). Hence the faces on these monsters are often of the Seilenos type, broad, beard¬ ed and with horses’ ears (PL V, 4, 12). Sometimes he has a tail, sometimes hoofs, and a rooster, as an emblem of lewdness, is occasionally figured along with his other attributes. Pictures of him carrying off a nymph suggest the same idea. On one gem he drives a chariot to which lions are yoked. Seirens are shown, often with human arms in addition to their wings, as in the Ionic type (Pl. V, 5). These, sometimes, hold a mirror and are adorned with a necklace or a hood. The wing¬ ed Nike bears a wreath, a bough or a flower (Pl. V, 7). Some¬ times she has winged feet and there are pictures that seem rather to suggest some sort of demonic offshoot of the Nike type. The flying type of Eros was popular in the first half of the fifth century and on one gem which is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, he is probably shown carrying a maiden with a lyre (Pl. V, 21). It would be interesting to fancy such a gem the seal of Sappho or some sister poetess. Demonic animal types were also favored. The Sphinx, emblem of wisdom and power, is common (PL IV, 16; V, 14) and the griffin less so. Each is sometimes shown with a victim. The winged lion and winged bull were taken from Persian art and the winged sow is found. Besides Tritons (Pl. V, 18) and hippokamps, there are also winged sea-monsters and all sorts of animal forms fantastically mixed, not unlike the sympleg- mata or grylli popular at a much later period in Rome. Some¬ times these are posed in a sort of heraldic arrangement. Natural animal forms were common subjects: lions (PL IV, 3a), boars, sows, rams, bulls, bucks (Pl. V, 13), eagles (PL V, 13?), roosters, horses, a cow with a calf (Pl. IV, 10), and a 42 ARCHAIC PERIOD lion tearing a boar, bull or deer are all found (PL IV, 13, 22; V, 25). The dung-beetle is pictured and may have been sup¬ posed to have some healing efficacy. Human figures having no special significance were popular. As I have said, these are often kneeling (PL IV, 12). Some¬ times they carry objects: flowers, beakers, vases or animals, perhaps as offerings. Sometimes they are archers (Pl. IV, 20), sometimes warriors with spear and shield (PL IV, 4, 23) or in chariots, shown either full front (PL IV, 3b) or in profile (PL V, 11). Toward the end of the period youthful warriors are very common, often bending to pick up their arms or mounted (PL V, 19), dismounting or leading a horse (Pl. V, 11); also wounded warriors, hunters with dogs, athletes (PL V, 16), squatting figures of negro slaves (Pl. IV, 14) and on one gem a boy riding a dog. Human heads, usually helmet- ed, occur, but have no portrait significance at this time (Pl. IV, 9, 11). It is rarely that indecent motives are found. As may be seen, the scope of Archaic subjects is, after all, pretty large, when we consider how few of these gems, com¬ paratively speaking, have been discovered, and the types we have mentioned must be taken, not as excluding others, but as indicating the trend so that a professedly Archaic gem that transgressed violently the spirit of the art of the time could be placed pretty positively among the forgeries to which Dr. Furtwangler alludes in the letter quoted from on page 32. Pri¬ marily there is a distinct joy in art shown through all this work and where the subjects have to do with deities and higher powers, as is inevitable when the luck-bringing element is sought after, we find nothing of the sacerdotal and theo¬ logical inspiration that influenced the Asiatics, and next to nothing of the cult types of the Mycensean Period. The Ionic race and its freedom of thought had come to the front, as the earlier dark ages with their stiffness and lack of imagination showed a Doric pre-eminence. This Ionic influence was the keynote of the Greek revival. Inscriptions. —Few inscriptions have been found on the gems of this period. One that reads “I am the seal of Thyrsis; ARTISTS 43 open me not” is the most pretentious. This inscription occupies most of the field of the gem, a dolphin being pictured at one side. Others are the names of owners in the nominative case or one or two initial letters of their names. A picture of Kastor and Polydeukes as boys playing with knuckle-bones, in¬ scribed, Aioanopoi, is a rare example of a descriptive inscrip¬ tion (PI. VIII, 2), though it probably belongs after the transi¬ tion period. Together with these we have several authentic artists’ signatures. Artists. —Of the artists of this period we know in litera¬ ture of Mnesarchos of Samos, the father of Pythagoras, whose date was early in the sixth century. In this connection it is interesting to note that Diogenes Laertius tells us the Pytha¬ goreans were forbidden to wear the picture of a god on their rings, as being a degradation of a divine image. Also there was Theodoros of Samos (560-522 B. C.) who engraved the famous gem of Polykrates, tyrant of Samos, which, as the story goes, he was advised by his ally, Amasis, king of Egypt, to cast into the sea, as his most valued possession, lest his continued good fortune should inspire the envy of the gods to visit upon him some greater evil. Its recovery from the belly of a fish and its owner’s final capture and execution by Oroites, the Persian satrap of Lydia, make a fitting climax to the tale. There are many conflicting descriptions of this stone. Hero- dotos, Pausanias, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Suidas all say it was an emerald (smaragdos), which Furtwangler thinks probable, in view of the existence of a Phoenician engraved emerald of the same period. The use of that name, however, does not necessarily imply that the gem was our emerald, since the ancient “smaragdos” was used in a much broader sense and included many other green stones. Clemens Alexandrinus goes further and says that the device was a lyre, and King tells of a fine emerald beautifully engraved with a lyre above which hover three bees or cicadas, which was said to have been dug up at Aricia and which antiquaries at Rome hailed as the legendary signet. It is safe to guess that this gem was a ring- stone and Graeco-Roman, but very probably both the material 44 ARCHAIC PERIOD and the device may have been suggested to its owner by the old story, and the lyre, as an attribute of Apollo, was always a favored subject on gems. Pliny’s story that the stone, an unengraved sardonyx, was owned by Augustus and deposited by him in the temple of Concord, is, doubtless, a pure fiction in which Pliny himself seems to place little belief, while Dr. Benndorf’s assumption, drawn from his reading of Pliny, that the device was quadriga is not very convincing. The name of Syries, found with the word gjroiqoe on a clear green, half translucent steatite gem of this period with a Seilenos mask instead of the beetle-back (PI. V, 2), and that of Epimenes, written in Ionic style: EPi/^HNE^ ErfilE (e7toiei), on a chal¬ cedony scaraboid indicate that these were artists’ signatures. Furtwangler also suspects several other names, such as Semon on a bluish black and white spotted scarab (PI. IV, 19), to be those of the gem-cutters because they are in the genitive and written in small characters on well engraved gems, but I cannot feel his reasoning is convincing for supplying the word epyov (work) instead of op^ia (sign or signet) in the inscriptions. This is a subject I will reserve for fuller discus¬ sion in the next chapter. GREEK SCARABS FOR THE ETRUSCAN MARKET At this point it may be well to refer to a small class of Greek scarabs made for the Etruscans. These are not always readily distinguishable from the Etruscan product, though the character of the work on the beetle and the unornamented base will usually enable us to place them. All early Archaic scarabs found in Etruria may be safely regarded as Greek importa¬ tions. The Etruscan scarabs begin with the later Archaic style, and are very close to the Greek. Generally speaking, the Greeks put little or no polish in the intaglio. They work¬ ed out the beetle rather carelessly and left the line around the base unornamented, while the Etruscans gave their great¬ est care and skill to cutting and elaborating the beetle, even when the intaglio was poorly done, and decorated the base PHOENICIAN AND CARTHAGINIAN SCARABS 45 line with a border of some kind. It was not long, however, before the Etruscans learned to do all their own work of this kind, and the style of such Greek gem-cutters as may have settled there absorbed the local characteristics and became thoroughly Etruscanized. This took place in the early part of the fifth century B. C. PHOENICIAN AND CARTHAGINIAN SCARABS Here, too, we must consider a class of Phoenician scarabs, most of the examples of which were found in Cyprus and Sardinia and which, as does most Phoenician art, reflects out¬ side influences. The subjects show a combination of Assyrian, Egyptian and Greek ideas, but the execution and style have a strongly Greek character. This style, however, is easily dis¬ tinguished by a certain dryness, stiffness and flatness quite different from the round, fresh, plastic and free order of pure Greek work. Perspective is either unattempted or feeble. Many of them show considerable beauty and delicacy but even the best have their foreign characteristics. Clothing, animals’ skins, and hair are often indicated by parallel or crossed lines. They begin in the sixth century and reflect the severe Greek style which, with Asiatic conservativeness, held on even into the fourth. Only from the middle of the fourth to the middle of the third century do we find their pictures worked out in the free Greek style. The artists seem to have been Hellenized Carthaginians or Phcenicianized Greeks. Nearly all these gems are scarabs and the favorite stone was a green—sometimes a blackish—jasper, though the colored quartzes, especially carnelian and chalcedony, also occur, and these latter show, generally, a better type of workmanship. There are also many in a softer greenish serpentine and a few glass pastes. Most of them have a border either of a single line or the cable type and the exergue beneath the picture is very commonly filled in with criss-cross lines. Subjects. —Bel, probably Bel-Khamon, with a censer or a winged Sun-disc, appears constantly on them. Sometimes he 46 ARCHAIC PERIOD sits enthroned (PI. VI, 9) or is pictured conquering an evil demon or a lion, though in these cases the militant figure may represent some king (PL VI, 5). When attacking the demon he usually swings an ax of Egypto-Syrian form, and the demon is apt to have a flat nose and is sometimes covered with hair like rarer representations of the Greek Seilenos. The Egyptian god, Besa (PL VI, 4, 8,10,12), is also very common as a powerful, magic-working demon, who drives off evil, heals the sick, protects women, ministers in childbirth and guards children. His power is often symbolized by his holding out animals or serpents in one or both hands (Pl. VI, 8, 10), some¬ times as if strangling them, sometimes by the hind legs. His figure shows the Egyptian type, with crooked dwarf’s legs and he is sometimes winged (PL VI, 8). A more definitely Phoeni- cianized type wears a garment open in front in the Syrian style and showing one well formed leg (Pl. VI, 10). Some¬ times he wears an animal’s skin on his shoulders and often a crown of feathers (Pl. VI, 4, 8,10). These styles of the Phoeni¬ cian Besa always hold animals, generally four of them, and a second set of Phoenicianized pictures show him in profile, with the dwarf legs and a lion’s skin, still conquering some beast or beasts (PL VI, 4, 12). The head is bald and the nose flat but the face is less grotesque and brutal than in Egypt; more like that of the Greek Seilenos, who also appears in Besaesque type (Pl. VI, 11). Sometimes Besa is pictured running, either with the bent knee action or more naturally (Pl. VI, 8). Though Besa is earlier than Herakles, the representations of the two deities seem to have had some influence on each other. Where the former wears a lion skin or where, as on one scarab, he is shown riding a lion full front, the idea is prob¬ ably borrowed. As for Seilenos, the influence is even more marked, until, at last, the Besa type yields entirely, save for the slight reflex influence it exerted (Pl. VI, 11). The masks of both Besa and Seilenos were considered most efficient as talismans and were often worked into other subject designs (Pl. VI, 7). The Besa mask is also shown combined with that of the demon, Medousa, a combination whereby the owner SUBJECTS 47 sought to invoke the favoring influence of both (See PI. VI, 6). Occasionally only the upper half of the god’s body is pictured. Triton-like creatures, sometimes with cup and wreath, perhaps Dagons, perhaps derived from Greek conceptions, are found on these scarabs, and also a sea-god not unlike Poseidon, holding a trident and a fish or else seated on a fish or a sea¬ horse. He is often beardless, as is Poseidon in Archaic Greek art. Also there are demons (PI. VI, 3), often winged demons of the flying Eros type, seirens like those the Greeks pictured, and a representation of the killing of the tortoise sacred to Astarte. Herakles, in whom the Carthaginians saw their national divinity, Melkart, appears only in the older style. Besides these there are many examples of warriors (PI. VI, 7), hunters, shepherds, kneeling men, men with ploughs, a few animals (PI. VI, 13, 14), sometimes, probably, of astronomical significance, heads of negroes (PI. VI, 6) or helmeted heads, as in Greek art, some purely Carthaginian heads, done more or less in Greek style, and combinations of several heads or masks (PI. VI, 6) or forms, less tastefully conceived than the later Roman symplegmata or grylli but evidently embodying the same amulet or talismanic idea. CHAPTER III THE GEMS OF THE BEST PERIOD (480—400 B. C.) AND OF THE PERIOD OF THE FINISHED STYLES (400—300 B. C.) GREEK-PERSIAN GEMS Before taking up the consideration of the pure Greek work of these periods we should glance aside at a class of what Dr. Furtwangler calls Greek-Persian gems: gems done by Greek artists for Persians’ use. The Persians themselves could not have done such work. It is quite foreign to their methods. No scarabs are found among these and only a very few are cylinders. Some are of hemispherical shape, occasionally cut with facets like the later Babylonian signets. A modified prism, of varying proportions but cut, usually, as in Fig. 22, sometimes pictur- Fig. 22 . ed only on the base, sometimes, also, on all its five upper surfaces, was an occasional form, but the great majority of the stones are scaraboids of unusual size and thick¬ ness (Fig. 18). Rarely both sides of the scaraboid were en¬ graved; generally only the base. All the gems were pierced through the major axis for suspension from wrist or neck. Materials. —The material is nearly always a blue chalce¬ dony (sapphirine) which, judging by its prevalence, must have had a magic-working repute among Orientals. Rarely we find rock-crystal, red-brown jasper, brown cloudy chalce¬ dony, jasper and chalcedony mixed, agate, steatite, etc., in which case the gem is apt to have been made in Greece itself. Glass pastes also appear, especially a dark blue, a greenish white and a pure translucent white. 48 TECHNIQUE AND SUBJECTS 43 Technique. —The workmanship is sometimes careless but the design is, for the most part, treated in the broad, easy manner characteristic of the Greek gems of the period. Only among the earliest, say before 450 B. C., is the space carefully filled and the treatment formal and precise. Generally they show the picture with an open back-ground, since the advancing Greek art sense realized it should be shown pictorially, as opposed to the earlier and purely decorative idea. Naturally the border is omitted. These gems may be dated, generally, from 450 to 350 B. C. Subjects. —Only Persian subjects were used, for, though the intercourse between Greece and Persia was then free, the Persian of the period, while recognizing Greek artistic skill, held himself stiff against the Greek spirit. Naturally the best work¬ men understood how to follow Persian ideas which they execut¬ ed in Greek style. Later, the Persians, especially those not connected with court circles, the merchant class whose dealings with Greece were closer, yielded more and more to Greek influence. These subjects, then, are Oriental symbolic religious types, suggest the courage and power of Persian kings or, and this is much more common, show pictures from Persian life. The costumes are correct and characteristic. The demonic element is found only in mixed animal forms, such as the horned lion- griffin with eagle’s hind legs (PI. VI, 17), bearded sphinxes, occasionally with a crown or horns, seirens, and the winged bull, sometimes with a man’s head. There are fights between Greeks and Persians (PI. VI, 15), the latter nearly always mounted, also Persians with Greek captives. Battles between Persians never appear. Next to battle scenes, hunts are most common (PI. VI, 18a, 21). In most of these there is apt to be a good deal of action but not much beauty such as is found on the best purely Greek gems. The horses, for here, too, the hunter is generally mounted, always have saddles and usually a knot in the tail (PI. VI, 15, 21); dogs are often included, and the quarry is sometimes, though rarely, a demonic beast. Single animal pictures are lively and truthful on the later 50 BEST PERIOD gems of this series and include zebras, lions, boars (PI. VI, 16), mountain goats, foxes (PL VI, 18b), wolves, deer (PI. VI, 20), mice, dogs (PI. VI, 18b), storks, swans, quail, hawks (PI. VI, 18b), grasshoppers (PLVI, 18b), and the bear (Pl.VI, 18b) and hyena, the former seldom and the latter never shown in purely Greek work. Groups of animals are very rare. Where female figures, unknown in pure Persian art, are found, as they often are, on these stones, the hair is usually in a long braid-like arrangement with ornaments (PL VI, 22), and the artists follow the Persian costume of this time. Beware of a gem with a Persian woman wearing a cap or bracelets. The breasts and hips are generally rather prominent (Pl. VI, 22), with almost a suggestion of the Mycenaean female types. GREEK GEMS Returning, now, to the pure Greek gems of what we may call the Best Period, let us say from 480 to 400 B. C., the number of examples is comparatively small. They were copied later but to the eye of the expert the divergence, such, for instance, as a combination of drill work with sharply cut lines; a thing abhorred by Dexamenos and his contemporaries, is generally appreciable. That but few gems of this time have been found may be in part explained by the fact that the export trade had practically vanished, since, by about 500 B. C., the Etruscans had begun to do their own gem-cutting, while, as we have seen, the Eastern market wanted only work of its own kind. Some stones, akin to the Greek-Persian gems, mostly large, thick chalcedony scaraboids with an open background, no border and a picture showing Eastern influence, may be at¬ tributed to the Asiatic colonies. They have a soft, broad, picturesque method, give the figure as if from a distance and do not indulge in much detail, but they are apt to lack care and exactness. PL VIII, 20 suggests this school. The work of the Attic school shows much higher art and more subtle accuracy. The pure, quiet beauty of the Pheidian SHAPES 51 ideals appears distinctly in some; in fact many of the gems of this epoch are undoubtedly copied from statues, the pedestal, even, being indicated, while others seem possibly to have been inspired by the great Athenian painters of the period. Also we find these influences in Magna Grsecia and Sicily after the middle of the fifth century B. C. Much of the Italian Greek work is very fine and difficult or impossible to distinguish from that of Greece proper, except where, as in the case of PL X, 3, the subject suggests the provenance. The scarab falls into the background, though in the Western Grecian world it held on pretty well through the free style of the fifth century. The Asiatic Greeks did not use it at all. Occasionally, as before, other forms in relief, such as a crouching lion, are substituted for the beetle, but the growing style is the scaraboid which took shape in the East and pushed gradually westward through the Greek world. The Asiatic and Island Greek examples are, as I have said, like the Greek- Persian scaraboids, of considerable size and thickness, and the curvature of the back is apt to be pronounced. The ring-stone form that was to control in the following epoch and which had even begun to be foreshadowed in the Archaic Period, is evidenced more and more definitely by occasional pic¬ tures on both sides of the stone and finally on the convex side alone. In these gems the convexity was made flatter and the walls of the scaraboid were gradually lowered. Sev¬ eral, dated about Alexander’s time, show the convex face and the back almost joining. The advantages of the small ring- stone with a fixed setting over the clumsy scaraboid that, set in a swivel, dangled from neck or wrist, were obvious, and the growth of the idea was steady. Stones originally pierced for suspension are found set solid in rings of about 400 B. G. and simple unpierced ring-stones are not rare even by the end of the fifth century (PI. X, 16). It is hard, however, to distin¬ guish them from those of a later date except it be by some circumstance of the discovery. There are few early examples of flat ring-stones and none that can be dated much before 400 B. C. After that date the ring-stone forms begin to out- 52 BEST PERIOD number the scaraboids. Cylinders appear occasionally in somewhat modified form; that is, from 450 to 400 B. C. there are some Greek cylinders with one side flattened and often broader in the middle with the picture cut on the flat surface (PI. VIII, 5,19); also cylindricals with four flat sides, engraved on one or all of these (PI. X, 15), the square-cornered stones with faceted tops and the picture on the base alone (PI. VIII, 4) and, rarely, among Asiatic Greeks where the Persian in¬ fluence reached, the conical (PL VII, 3) and hemispherical shapes. As with the Greek-Persian, there is no border in the Ionic gems save in a few cases of the milled, dotted or line border taken from the scarabs and found even in scara¬ boids of the free style. After 400 B. C., however, it is very rare. Materials. —Among the materials used, chalcedony com¬ pletely dominated, especially in Asia Minor and the islands. Next common was carnelian and, next, banded agate, sardonyx usually cut across the layers as in the preceding period, and rock-crystal. Sard and lapis lazuli were rare but a mottled jasper or variegated jasper and chalcedony was fashionable among the better artists. There were also some scaraboids carelessly cut in a soft black stone. Green jaspers and ame¬ thysts have not been found among these gems. Glass pastes, however, were abundant, usually white or greenish white, translucent and nearly always in the form of the scaraboid. Only one or two other colors have been found, notably a dark blue, though the Parthenon treasury lists refer to glass seals of two and even seven colors. Technique. —With reference to the technique, Furtwan- gler divides the time between 480 and 300 B. C. into three periods: First, until 450, when the style, as a rule, still showed some severe elements (PI. VII, 2, 13, 16; VIII, 5, 12, 13, 14, 22); second, 450 to 400, when is found that perfect freedom united with breadth and largeness of conception which goes to make up the ideal in engraved gems—the best the world has ever seen (PI. VII, 1, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 15, 17; VIII, 9, 15, 16, 17, 19); third, from 400 to 300 B. O., when, while the technical DATINGS 53 perfection of style was still maintained, the gems were some¬ what inferior in conception, breadth, and pure beauty (See plates IX and X). Broad and blunt cutting instruments were in favor through all this time and the result was round, soft, plastic effects. The drill was out of fashion, though used occasionally, but they avoided especially the contrast between the hole and the line. Long, broad strokes are characteristic, especially of the Ionic work. The engraving is either unpolished or else very slightly or only on the broader surfaces, save in fine gems, where a high polish occurs oftener as the period advances. Foreshortening was attempted, unsuccessfully at first, but, later, very satisfactorily (PI. VII, 15), and seated figures are common. Conventionalized Archaic poses are replaced by natural ones. Casual examination of and deduction from the pages of writers on the subject tend to create an impression that high artistic merit was a universal sign manual of this period, but very little thought must lead to an assurance that this is impossible. The best work of a cycle when art instincts and skill are at their highest is always the most characteristic, and this consideration, together with the natural appreciation of connoisseurs for the best, combines to eliminate much study or consideration of mediocre and bad work. That inferior craftsmen working for poor patrons must have exist¬ ed at all times is obvious, and the much greater difficulty of dating commonplace specimens reinforces the accepted con¬ clusion. I have no doubt whatever that many gems which constitute the worst output of good periods stand classed with the characteristic work of poor ones, and there is a chance that much of it will always remain so, as being practically in¬ distinguishable. This must be constantly borne in mind as a basis for careful study, slowness to generalize too violently and, often, ultimate doubt. The shapes of the stones are, of course, the initial guide, but when able authorities date many ring-stones in a period when the scaraboid was characteristic, because the intaglios on these ring-stones show a kindred 54 BEST PERIOD quality and style, it is well to remember that such theorizing should be indulged in with qualifications. On the one hand imitations of one period are apt to persist and, on the other, Furtwangler’s remark that it is hard to distinguish ring-stones of this period from those of a later suggests that the ring- stone may have been much more common in the scaraboid epoch than is generally admitted by experts who attribute to it only those whose fine workmanship seems, from their standpoint, to demand such attribution. That they steadily in¬ creased in numbers is made clear by the ultimate development. In support of this we find several allusions in old authors, notably where Aristophanes refers to musicians as “Lazy long-haired fellows with fingers covered with rings down to the nails.” Gold, silver, and bronze rings with the seal cut in the metal were, to be sure, popular down to Alexander’s time, but the passage is illuminated by Pliny’s account of the rivalry of Ismenias, the flute player, and the contemporary musicians, Dionysiodoros and Nikomachos, in the matter of buying and displaying engraved gems, a rivalry in which the cost of the articles played a much higher part than taste in their selection. The date of these gentlemen seems to have been about the time of the Peloponnesian War. Of Ismenias the story is told that, hearing of a smaragdos (emerald?) on which was engraved a figure of the sea-nymph, Amymone, and which was for sale in the Island of Cyprus for six gold denarii (about thirty dollars), he commissioned a friend to buy it for him, and when the latter by bargaining reduced the price to four denarii the musician exclaimed: “By Herakles! he has done me a bad turn in this, for the merit of the stone has been greatly impaired by this reduction in price.” iElian also speaks of the gem-engravers of Kyrene, at this time, as being “Wonderful”, and states that the poor¬ est citizens had signet rings worth ten minse (about one hundred and fifty dollars). These statements should be read together. Subjects. —In the matter of subjects, as in the matter of technique, we may treat the “Best” and the “Finished” SUBJECTS 55 periods as one, noting only the accentuation of the changing tendencies as time advanced. It is characteristic that gods, heroes and demons give way more and more to purely human subjects; this, doubtless, with the growth of philosophic skepticism, a lessening fear of supernatural terrors and a disposition of mind less inclined to invoke or propitiate the higher powers. Only those figures that lent themselves to the dominant idea of beauty and poetry were favored, such as Aphrodite, Eros and, we may add, Nike. The first named is relatively very common, in the fifth century clothed with a long tunic, a mantle and sometimes a hood (PI. VII, 11, 15). In the fourth she is generally naked to the waist (PI. VIII, 20 and 23—forerunners; IX, 3, 15) or wholly so, and the figures seem often to be copied from statues, standing, sometimes, beside a supporting column (PI. VIII, 20). Many of her rep¬ resentations are in pretty domestic scenes and poses (PI. VII, 15; IX, 3). Eros is often shown with her (PI. VII, 11, 15; IX, 3) but still more frequently pictured alone (PI. VII, 4; IX, 4). He is still a beautiful youth or half grown boy, for the later Cupid type, the pudgy child, had not as yet developed. The famous gem by Phrygillos which shows him beside an open shell, as when first born, is nearest to it (PI. VII, 4), and he is also pictured flying over the sea. In the first half of the fourth century B. C., he is often bending a bow or loosing the arrow (PI. IX, 4). Nike is third in frequency, often driving a four-horse chariot, once sacrificing an ox (See PI. XX, 12, for the same subject in Graeco-Roman times), playing at dice or kneeling and presenting the palm or the wreath of victory (PL IX, 12). In the earlier types she, too, is fully clothed, but in the beauti¬ ful pictures of the fourth century, where she is seen crowning a victor or raising a trophy (PL IX, 13), she is half draped. Of other greater gods Apollo appears occasionally (Pl. X, 15c); once with Marsyas (See PL XXIV, 13, for the same subject in the Graeco-Roman period), once mounted on a horned Persian lion-griffin and once as Apollo Kitharaoidos. 56 BEST PERIOD Hermes, binding his sandal or in some other trivial pose, also as a Herm (PL VIII, 15), such as Alkibiades and his friends were accused of mutilating, Athena, Demeter, Persephone being carried off by Hades (PL VII, 16), Artemis (Pl. VII, 12) and Kastor and Polydeukes (Pollux) (PL VIII, 2), are all rare and appear generally as single figures, often as re¬ productions of famous statues though there are a few cult suggestions. Bacchic motives are not very common. The taste was too refined to admire the coarse Seilenos types and only a few of them are pictured, such as the satyr seizing a mainad (PL VIII, 22), dancing (PI. VIII, 18), or with an amphora or a wine skin. The dancing or raging Bacchante is rather more frequent (PL IX, 6, 8), sometimes holding the hind part of a kid but always clothed. Pan is seen sitting with a bird perched on his hand (PL VII, 14), also the Hermaphrodite, pictured somewhat like Dionysos, and, once, a queer looking winged phallic demon with a thyrsos and shepherd’s crook or pedum, probably Priapos. Tritons appear (Pl. IX, 5), and Nereids riding sea-animals were among the favored subjects and are found first in this epoch. Herakles continues from the Archaic Period (PL VII, 13; IX, 1, 9; X, 17), but of the labors only the conquest of the Nemean Lion is at all common. Theseus, Diomedes, Odysseus (Pl. IX, 7), Philoktetes (Pl. IX, 1), Kadmos (PL X, 12), and other heroes are found, though not very commonly, and in the early part of the period Penelope was a popular subject, also Danae, figured as a symbol of blessings bestowed by the gods and with no sensual intent (PL VIII, 12). That these and other female heroic types were favored along with the male figures, marks the general softening tend¬ ency. Many mortal women appear on the gems, clothed, half clothed or occasionally nude and engaged in trivial occupations (PL VIII, 5; X, 11, 19) or domestic duties, perhaps playing on some musical instrument or with an animal (Pl. X, 14), perhaps meditating or unrobing for the bath like the Aphrodite pictures of a later time (PL VII, 17; VIII, 16). As Furt- wiingler well puts it, “We breathe the air surrounding Aspasia.” SUBJECTS 57 Also there are pictures of children at play. Ideal female heads are not uncommon (PI. VIII, 13), and there is one, even, of a negress. Squatting negro slaves are still found (PI. VIII, 11). Among the representations of men the sandal-binding motive was most favored (PI. VII, 8), then horsemen (PL X, 2, 13), charioteers, victors, athletes and warriors (PI. X, 9). A youth playing a lyre is shown (PI. VIII, 17). Portraits on gems first appeared in the fifth century, but we have only two or three authentic instances. In the fourth there were more, though they were not at all common (PI. IX, 2). We know that Alexander the Great commanded that only Pyrgoteles should be allowed to cut his likeness. This idea of the sub¬ stitution of his own picture for that of some patron deity was probably justified by the young conqueror on the ground of his assumption of divinity. Portraits of him were held, at later periods, to possess a talismanic power; all of which suggests a motive for the restrictive edict, more powerful, perhaps, than mere vanity. Appuleius alleges as much when he speaks of it as “Threatening that if any other artist should be discovered to have put his hand to the most sacred image of the sovereign, the same punishment should be inflicted upon him as was ap¬ pointed for sacrilege.” From the many portraits of Alexander and the ordinary quality of most, it is easy to see that his face was a popular subject for centuries after he and Pyrgoteles and the edict were dust. Heads of deities naturally occur (PI. VIII, 9). Of demonic animals the griffin is most common (PI. VII, 6; X, 8), then the Sphinx (PI. X, 18), reversing the relations of earlier times. The Chimaira, centaurs (PI. VII, 5) and seirens also appear, as well as a few fantastic combinations such as a sphinx-seiren, a cicada-seiren with griffin’s head at the end of the tail, and a serpent shooting a bow. The figures PI. VII, 7 and VIII, 6 belong to this class. Acheloos, the man¬ headed bull, is found as a south Italian subject (PI. X, 3). Natural animals were favorite subjects, the lion (PI. VII, 2, 9), perhaps, most so, and beautifully done though not so strongly as in the Archaic Period and less truthful and vivid 58 BEST PERIOD than in the Mycenaean. There are also the panther, fox, lynx, wolf, and bear. Deer (PI. VII, 6; X, 2, 8, 16) and does are common. Hunting scenes occur (PL X, 2, 16), the wild boar is found attacked by dogs, and the sow with her litter, while the lion or griffin are often attacking other beasts (PI. VII, 2, 6; X, 8). The horse has never been better represented than at this time or in more positions (PI. VII, 10; VIII, 14; X, 2, 13), and there are bulls (PI. VIII, 1, 3), often butting, as on the coins of Thourioi (PI. IX, 11), cows (PI. X, 7), dogs (PI. X, 14, 16), and, on one stone, probably Asiatic Greek, a camel. Of birds the heron and crane are commonest (PI. VII, 1; VIII, 19; X, 5) ; then the eagle (with Ganymedes, PI. X, 6), goose (PI. X, 16), swan, duck, rooster, hen (on one gem the last two are shown in flagrante delictu) and dove (PI. VIII, 20). The insect types are generally flies or grasshoppers (PI. VIII, 4). Symbolic designs are rare, though there is one of two clasped hands (PI. X, 4) with the motto, xal rar ely ^ 3 T n. m-t © OOO0O® T Y y, rarely I v 1 ©08 K / rarely )j)j X 'J' J,, rarely X A vN Aspirate H Q M ft! M Digamma N wnin (equivalent to the Latin v and n 11 n pronounced, probably, like w) Naturally, in the minute lettering on gems, minor variants from the above are often found. The E, for instance, frequently seems quite regular. In older examples the letters, as in the old Greek style, end in approximate points. Later they appear often rounded off with little dots. Many false inscriptions were added in the eighteenth century on genuine scarabs and often require some knowledge of the antique in order to dis¬ tinguish them (PI. XIII, 23, 24). Subjects. —These varied considerably with the stylistic developments under which heads I shall, also, refer to them. Generally speaking, we may say that sacerdotal and cult scenes play a small part, and luck-bringing ideas are rare. The “picture” was the thing, and art for art’s sake, as many of our own artistic artisans phrase it, seems to have supplied the controlling motive. Even when gods are represented they are apt to have their purely Greek attributes which shows a pictorial rather than a devotional purpose. The Athena with wings is Archaic Greek as well as Etruscan, though the Etruscan deities had a weakness for wings; so, too, her at¬ tribute of the serpent (PI. XI, 1). The bearded Dionysos is essentially Greek, but the added attributes of Zeus and Poseidon—thunderbolt and trident, as found on one gem—is an Italian idea and indicates the breadth and scope of the Dionysiac cult. Poseidon appears, too, with his own symbols, and Apollo slaying a polypus, symbolic either of his sea power, SUBJECTS 67 of the Sun-god dispelling the winter or of the healing divinity combating the demon of pestilence. The monster here shown is also pictured on very early Greek gems and is perhaps the prototype of the Python of sophisticated legend. Hephaistos is much more the Greek god than he is the Etruscan. Hermes appears as the conductor of souls, which latter, besides being figured in human form, either as small eidolon figures (PI. XI, 24; XII, 1, 2) or coming up from the ground or out of a jar symbolizing the Under-world (PI. XII, 19), are also shown as birds, more especially the swan with a human head (PI. XIII, 19) or even as butterflies, or are indicated by the butter¬ fly wings on a female form,—these as early as the fifth cent¬ ury B. C. Frequently winged figures are not easy to name (PI. XI, 24; XII, 6; XIII, 11, 14, 15). A bearded, winged man with a sleeping hero is, doubtless, Hypnos. Thanatos, also, may be represented (PI. XIII, 15), but many of the winged deities, male and female, baffle identification. Eros is found, both in the severe and in the free style of Greek art (PI. XII, 25) and always as a boy budding into youth. The Earth-giants are pictured, either as wild looking men hurling rocks (PI. XII, 21) or often, with wings and serpent legs, fighting against gods, especially Zeus and Athena; a favorite Etruscan subject. In the matter of nomenclature, the Etruscan deities as identified with the Greek were Tinia for Zeus, Nethuns or Nethunus for Poseidon, Charun for Hades, Seth- lans for Hephaistos, Turms or Mercur for Hermes, Pupluns or Phuphluns for Dionysos, Usil or Aplu for Apollo, who, however, often bore his Greek name unchanged, Lala, Losna or Thana for Artemis, Turan for Aphrodite, Cupra or Thalna for Hera and Minerfe, Menfre or Menrva for Athena. In some of these it is easy to see the Roman derivatives. On all the earlier scarabs, Greek hero types from the poetic cycles are very common. The Prometheus myth is pictured on one gem, Laokoon on another (See PI. XVII, 6). Kapaneus is a favorite, either being struck by lightning (PL XI, 9, 20), falling from a ladder (See PI. XVII, 4) or bear¬ ing half a gate. Tydeus appears, wounded and falling (PI. 68 ETRUSCAN SCARABS XII, 3), also Peleus, Atalante bathing or anointing herself, Achilleus with the arrow in his heel (PI. XIII, 20), picking up his arms (PI. XIII, 24), nursing his grievance (PI. XI, 4) or with Penthesileia (PI. XI, 15), Paris bending his bow or drawing an arrow from his quiver (PI. XII, 14), Aias (Ajax) killing himself (PL XII, 15) or bearing the slain Achilleus (PL XI, 7), Odysseus carrying the sack of Aiolos containing the captive winds or sacrificing a ram preparatory to his descent into the lower world, Kastor fatally wounded (Pl. XII, 11), Perseus, with or without the winged shoes of Hermes, either cutting off or carrying away the head of Medousa (Pl. XI, 14; XII, 9), Jason with his ship, the Argo, Ixion bound to Ms wheel (PL XII, 16), Tantalos trying in vain to drink (PL XII, 17), Hyakinthos (Hyacinthus) wounded by the discus of Apollo (PL XII, 18), Aktaion with his dog (Pl. XII, 20), Philoktetes bitten by the serpent (PL XIII, 21), Theseus lifting the rock, an unidentified hero striking a serpent and another riding on a tortoise which he is feeding, Triptolemos in the winged chariot. Kadmos at the spring seems to be found only in gems of the later style (PL XII, 22) and Her- akles, very common on the later gems, was rather rare on the earlier ones. On these latter he is leading away a woman as a bride, fighting some adversary (PL XI, 6), carrying off Turan, the Etruscan Yenus, contending with the river-god, Strymon, by filling his stream with rocks, seated on his own funeral pyre (PL XI, 21) or seizing Earth-giants. Also the Italian saga of his being lifted up to Heaven to become a god is pictured (PL XIII, 13). See also, PL XII, 4, 5, 12. Other heroes may be shown occasionally, and there are many pictures which we cannot identify but which present a fruitful field for speculation. There are heroes departing, consulting, arm¬ ing, disarming, mending armor, fighting, being borne away wounded, cutting off an enemy’s head, inspecting it, resting, a kneeling archer, a young warrior kneeling or bending over, a youth with a dog or holding an amphora, a lyre, a staff or a shepherd’s crook, etc., etc. (PL XI, 5, 8, 11, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22; XII, 24; XIII, 24). Also there are a few young heroes STYLISTIC DEVELOPMENTS 69 sacrificing, a soothsayer (PL XIII, 10) and a youth with a priestly mask such as was used in Etruscan cults. Of course some of these may be scenes from everyday life (PI. XI, 17,18,19; XII, 24), but we suspect the heroic element in all, not only because of the hero names that are arbitrarily added to them in so many instances (PI. XI, 4, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13; XII, 3, 9, 11, 14, 16, 20) but because there does not seem to be much of the human life element otherwise pictured or that appealed to Etruscan taste. Female figures are shown carrying, filling or emptying urns, bearing heroes away or supporting them when wounded. A representation of a human head (PI. XII, 7) is found on a few gems, mostly later ones, and there is one that shows a bust that looks as if it were impaled, one, a head combined with a rooster, and one, a face combined with a lion’s head and a satyr mask. Such conceits suggest the otherwise rare magic- working idea. Animal figures are very infrequent at first, though there are examples of the lion (PI. XI, 10), lioness, a horse lying down and rolling and goats fighting in heraldic attitudes. Later they become more common, especially in the drill-work gems. There are but few demonic beasts. The Etruscans seem to have had a special taste for scenes of fighting, bloodshed and death and this taste is well in evidence in their scarab pictures. Stylistic Developments. —Considering stylistic develop¬ ments, we find first, toward the end of the sixth century, the distinct Archaic treatment of, for the most part, stiff single figures standing or walking, and rarely bent or twisted as in later work (PI. XI, 1—3). They are clothed and the tunic is often trussed up, falling to the middle of the leg or showing the contour of the legs and hanging between them in parallel lines. Occasionally there are groups. There are no inscrip¬ tions on these gems and the types are generally of gods rather than heroes. The winged Athena, sometimes with a snake or snakes as attributes (PI. XI, 1), is a favorite; also other winged goddesses, the bearded Dionysos, and Hermes, Zeus 70 ETRUSCAN SCARABS and Athena contending with Earth-giants. Some seem to be direct copies from Greek work. In the second group, which may be roughly dated from 500 to 450 B. C., we find the Greek transition style of the be¬ ginning of the fifth century become the classic Etruscan (PI. XI, 4—21). They are very similar to the sculptures of the Aigina pediments and the vases of Euphronios, and the pictures can only be distinguished from first-class Greek work by a certain dryness, stiffness and lack of that freedom which the most perfect craftsmanship and the most painstaking care cannot attain. Explanatory inscriptions are characteristic (PL XI, 4, 6, 7, 11—13, 17) and heroes are shown instead of gods, single or in groups of two or, rarely, more figures, gen¬ erally unbearded, naked or partly so, with Greek helmet and even the Ionic corselet when a corselet is worn. The figures are seldom upright but bending and twisting in all manner of contorted attitudes. Females hardly appear, except Ata- lante, who is shown naked. They seem to have especially fa¬ vored the heroes of the Theban War, often adding their names to impersonal pictures. Warriors kneeling, often wounded, (PI. XI, 5, 7, 9, 15, 16, 20) and the athlete with a strigil (PI. XI, 12) were popular. The figure, the bodies of which are usually in full front, begins now to be shown with one leg in profile, the other with the foot foreshortened (PI. XI, 12, 14); some have the weight resting on one leg, some on both. The muscles are all carefully worked out, including the linea alba, and the hair is represented with fine locks curling at the end (PI. XI, 6, 11, 12, 14, 18, 19), though occasionally it is done only by parallel strokes. The knot or bag arrangement at the back of the head is also in evidence (PI. XI, 4, 5, 8). In some there is found a tendency toward fuller, softer, rounder and more fleshy bodies, yet with the linea alba running down from the navel, as in the severe Greek style. Still dating roughly from 480 to 450 B. C., we find scarabs which show the free Greek style breaking through (PI. XI, 23; XII, 1—10), though the legs, very frequently one full front, the other in profile, and the shoulders, overbroad and square, STYLISTIC DEVELOPMENTS 71 still bear traces of the severe. The figures, let us say of Class Three, are now often upright and the head, sometimes shown in full face (PI. XI, 23), begins to look rather square, with the hair lying flat. Clothing, when represented, is treated more naturally. An unbearded Hermes is here found along with the hero types (PI. XII, 1, 2, 5—10). From 450 to 400 B. C. (Class Four) the influence of the free Greek style is apparent in forms without the hard treat¬ ment of muscles and that leave little to be wished for in beauty and accuracy (PI. XII, 11—21). Some groups seem to be suggested by Greek paintings. The bodies are large and fleshy, rounded but nevertheless powerful. They are rather too heavy and lacking in light elegance, and the heads, inclined to be square as in the work of Polycleitos, are pictured in all views. The hair generally lies flat, though sometimes a head showing Archaic survival has the hair with little twists at the end of each stroke: a sort of craftsman’s essay at the older curled up treatment. A departure from former styles is found in the usual profile presentation of the upper half of the body. Contortions, which are still resorted to for the purpose of fill¬ ing the field, are handled much better as is the foreshortening. Often the figures wear a short mantle which is apt to follow the curves of the back and serve more as a background than a covering (PI. XII, 14, 17, 19). The severe style of showing one leg in profile and one in full front is now generally given up. Inscriptions are still found, but more rarely (PI. XII, 11, 14, 16, 18, 20) and, while the youthful hero types are still the favored subjects, there are also Apollo, Poseidon, Hephaistos and other gods. Of course, with these, there are many gems that it is im¬ possible to place with any degree of accuracy. They may be poorer examples of former periods or late affectations of earlier styles. It is in cases of this character that Dr. Furt- wangler often attributes with a definiteness which I cannot feel is justified. Finally, in the fourth century, the style loses all traces of severity (PI. XII, 22—25). The space is no longer filled 72 ETRUSCAN SCARABS on principle, though the tendency is still very apparent, and inscriptions are generally lacking. The body is apt to be plump and soft but the workmanship shows a distinct falling off in finish and accuracy. We now find a departure in the occurrence of female figures from the cycle of Aphrodite, but the number of gems of this class is much fewer. The in¬ spiration of Greek methods fails before the growing popularity of a native stylistic movement to be now considered. A distinct and typically Etruscan development of what we may not unfairly call the scarab industry is found—say from 425 to 275 B. C.—in what I have referred to several times as the drill-work class of scarabs (PI. XIII, 1—19, 22, 23). The great majority of the scarabs found and to be seen in collections are of this type and they occur not only in Etruria but all over Italy, in Sardinia, and at many points in the East, indicating a heavy exportation. Also they show many grades of excellence but are for the most part rude, sketchy, unattractive and lacking in artistic or even technical merit. Features and hair are often not even indicated. Of course the blunt drill was occasionally used on scarabs of other classes, but in these the entire design is made up of a number of saucer-like depressions of varying dimensions. All these gems are highly polished in the intaglio and seem gen¬ erally intended for ornaments rather than signets. In some of them there is found an attempt to imitate the more antique work, the figures being finished, especially their clothes, wings, heads and hair, with a sharp instrument (PI. XIII, 10—19). The last is then represented by parallel straight lines, end¬ ing, sometimes, with turned up strokes. Furtwangler hes¬ itates whether to place these gems as of exclusively Etruscan or of broader central Italian origin. Generally speaking, the entire class stands distinct and by itself and, though some bear copies of the older scarab motives, such as kneeling and running men, warriors, etc., they have, in the main, their own subjects as well as their own style. Furtwangler speaks of only two bearing inscriptions, one in Etruscan and one in Latin, and suggests that many of them, DRILL-WORK SCARABS 73 along with the fourth century gems last noted, may have been made in other parts of Italy, perhaps by the Samnites. The almost total absence of inscriptions deprives us of any direct evidence on the subject and it is easy to argue both ways from the pictures. Though Etruscan in character they seem less ex¬ clusively so than do those on the other classes of scarabs, and many Italian ideas appear, especially in such cult figures as the Campanian river-god, the man-headed bull, Acheloos (PI. XIII, 23). We may hold that the Etruscans made the gems and, naturally, modified the subjects when they sought to please foreign customers, or that the Italians had learned from the Etruscans and absorbed Etruscan notions, as the Etruscans had absorbed the Greek. In the light of present knowledge, only the German savants will settle such questions for you positively—an aid which is somewhat marred by their settling them in so many different ways. As a suggestion, it seems, at first glance, rather surpris¬ ing that, with the long lines of finished gem-engraving among the Greeks of the South and the Etruscans of the North, the middle districts should have remained in a state of barbaric unproductiveness, but, on the other hand, we know that these latter races w r ere, for the most part, rural folk, and they may have found it more convenient to buy the few gems they needed. It is, generally speaking, rather later that we find distinctively Roman work. Among the subject motives, which also distinguish the drill-work scarabs from the others, are, first and foremost, many Herakles (PI. XIII, 2, 5, 9, 12, 13) and Seilenos (PI. XIII, 8) types which have here a tendency to grade into each other. Both appear carrying large amphoras (PI. XIII, 2, 8), kneeling upon a deer, or floating on a board laid over am¬ phoras (PI. XIII, 12. Compare PI. XII, 13), sometimes with a sail added and even with sun, moon and stars in the field. Herakles is by far the more common of the two. Sometimes Seilenos is figured with him and occasionally he has some other companion. Also he appears seated, deep in thought (Compare PI. XII, 12), wearied, bathing, bringing water from 74 ETRUSCAN SCARABS a spring and, on some gems, catching it in his lion skin, but the amphora attribute is the most persistent. Evidently there was a cult connection in early Italian legend between Her- akles and Seilenos or between local deities with whom they were identified, and there is evidence that it had to do with nature, water, and the protection of springs, especially warm springs. The Latin and Roman rustic god, Sylvanus, shows a possible Herakles relationship in the fact that both presided over hot springs, and their Chthonian power was recognized in the sacrifice of swine. On the other hand, the amphora motive often seems to suggest something quite different from the water idea, and the attitudes of the figures indicate the love of a stronger beverage: Bacchanalian tendencies which, in the case of Seilenos, are, of course, quite in character. Of the greater gods, there is Apollo, whose worship spread early through Italy. Sometimes he is borne upon a swan, as at Chalkedon, or in a wagon drawn by deer; also Artemis appears with her attendant deer and Leto fleeing with her two children. Of demonic figures we find centaurs, Pegasos, the Chimaira, seirens (PI. XIII, 16, 17), Medousa, Tritons (PI. XIII, 6), fantastic combinations of demonic forms (PI. XIII, 22, 23), and many unidentified winged personages (PI. XIII, 11, 14, 15). What cult figures there are seem to be broadly Italian rather than restricted to Etruscan ideas. The man-headed bull, for instance (PI. XIII, 23), is especially Campanian. Hero types are almost entirely lacking, but animals, sometimes arranged with one head for two bodies or the reverse (PI. XIII, 1, 7), are more common than on other classes of Etruscan scarabs. When ordinary human figures are found they are often mounted and fighting (PI. XIII, 3), or in chariots (PI. XIII, 4). The Gallic shield (Fig. 27) is characteristic and tells of the wars between Etruria and her northern neighbors. In the third century- B. C., with the FORGERIES 75 growing Roman supremacy, the national types of Etruscan scarabs gradually die out. Their influence on Roman develop¬ ments was marked and will be shown later. Also it is pos¬ sible that work on more or less Etruscan lines continued for some time in other parts of Italy but, as a purely national art, it disappeared. Forgeries. —During the early half of the nineteenth century, the enthusiasm of collectors was especially directed toward Etruscan scarabs, following the new discoveries in Etruria, and, consequently, in that golden age of forgery, these gems received a large share of attention from the makers of such frauds. The drill-work scarabs were especially easy to imitate, and much confusion was introduced into the fields of study and connoisseurship. Still, the highest order of the forger’s skill does not seem to have been applied to them, still less the highest order of forger’s knowledge. They turned out machine made beetles in large numbers and quite failed to consider the extreme care with which, as I have said, the Etruscan artist treated the back-relief, even when his intaglio was rude and barbarous. This part of the work, though still mechanical, is done much better today, but, on the other hand, there seems to be little attention given to making the forgery plausible as a whole; so little, that, in examining the up-to-date scarabs in Italian shops, one even hesitates as to whether they have been done with intent to deceive. If they have, it can only be for the tourist market. I have never seen one of the forgeries Dr. King speaks of as the work of skilful hands of the end of the eighteenth century, when, he says, they took genuine scarabs with poor designs, ground them down and cut a good picture on the base. He holds that they exposed themselves by the Roman rather than Etruscan character of their intaglio work but a much easier test would be based on the impos¬ sibility of cutting down a scarab far enough to obliterate the original design without leaving indications of such work on the base or the base ornamentation. Of course the best safeguard is found in demanding the unanimous verdict of material, character of subject, archaBolog- 76 ETRUSCAN SCARABS ical accuracy, treatment, style, etc., as conforming to the period and class of which the gem purports to be. For instance, among the imitations of one kind or another there are many amethyst scarabs which can be dismissed with the brief comment that the Etruscans did not use that stone. Altogether, it is usually better to reject every gem of which you feel in the least sus¬ picious, for a suspected antique is a much less satisfactory possession than a piece of known modern work. With advanc¬ ing knowledge you may occasionally come to suspect scarabs once bought with all confidence. That is a part of the price you pay for experience and information which can hardly be gained on other terms. It should be philosophically entered in the profit and loss column. A word may be added, in closing this chapter, about the not very rare practice of cutting down scarabs so as to make them fit in rings. As a piece of barbarism it is fairly diagnostic, but I would be inclined to regard the fact of a gem having been thus treated as pretty fair presumptive evidence of its genuine¬ ness. I doubt if the forger ever lived who was quite fool enough or clever enough, if you please, deliberately to depreciate the value of his goods to that extent, while to build a forgery on such lines ab initio, so that it would not disclose its secret, would require an order of genius which I like to believe is not to be found among these gentry. It certainly is not among the commercially inclined, though it cannot be denied that there have been very rare instances of forgery for forgery’s sake, where mere love of deceiving the cognoscenti and pride in the exploit seem to have been the motive. The danger of coming upon such a work is rather infinitesimal and, even so, our artist is not apt to be infallible. CHAPTER V GEMS OF THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD This period may be said to extend from about 300 to 100 B. C. and, in Greece proper and the East, to nearly the Chris¬ tian era. In Italy and the West the Roman-Italian style, of which the next chapter treats, began to affect it after 100 B. C., having first been affected by it, until, during the principiate of Augustus, the whole blended into a world-wide Grseco- Roman uniformity. During the preceding epochs it has been possible, generally speaking, for experts to date particular gems with some accu¬ racy, though I doubt if the claim to being able to place within a decade can often be made good. Now, even the most “German” theorists admit that, barring a few definite phenomena and the inferences to be drawn from them, anywhere in two hundred years is the best they can pretend to do. Doubtless many Grseco-Roman stones of a later period are also indistinguish¬ able from true Hellenistic gems. The shape of the stone is no longer a guide, for scarab and scaraboid have practically disap¬ peared with the exception of a few poorly done scarabs bearing Egyptian symbols like the cross, systrum and wingless sphinx and which are probably Alexandrian work. There are a very few pierced, rather longish four-cornered stones and conical seals of various forms, but the ring-stone now was practically universal. These had begun to develop, as we have seen, as a matter of convenience, from the scaraboid, the rim of which gradually disappeared until the convex and flat surfaces met and the picture was usually cut in the former. Naturally there was then no place or need for piercing, and thus the ring-stone 77 78 HELLENISTIC PERIOD with a strong convexity on the picture side became the charac¬ teristic form of the Hellenistic gem. A unique example is pict¬ ured on both sides as is the case with some Graeco-Persian scaraboids. Along with these there are also a great many flat ring-stones. A few large gems were set in gilded or even in hollow rings. Materials. —Chalcedony is still very common but ceases to dominate, and the mottled chalcedony and jasper which Dexamenos loved appears occasionally. The fashionable stones were those introduced from the East by Alexander and his successors: the hyacinthine and Syrian garnets, generally cut with a strong convexity to allow for the best play of light and occasionally concave on the under side. Small garnets with careless cuttings are common, especially in the East, down to the time of the Empire. The beryl now appears for the first time and, naturally, only in the best work. The same is true of the topaz. Amethysts, also cut convex, as were most of the transparent stones, come again into favor, and rock-crystal is still used. Carnelian, agate and sardonyx remain common, and in Italy and the West, dark, translucent sards, cut convex, rival the garnets. Peridot and aquamarine occur rarely. Pastes were considerably used, sometimes moulded, some¬ times engraved. The white is no longer found. They seem to have preferred green, yellow, brownish and, more rarely, violet. Some were quite large and convex. Technique. —The style now was pretty much the same all over. It was simply a natural development in the line of the tendencies we have already indicated, often an over-develop¬ ment. “Greatness” had generally disappeared. Softness, a minute detail effected by fine sharp lines which take from the breadth of the work, and a desire for showy contrasts were popular. Anger and joy were depicted. Soft, fleshy forms in reposeful attitudes were favored. While they strove for plastic beauty, they spoiled it by the sharp lines, used especially in depicting the hair, occasionally, even, of the eyebrows. The eye is generally large and well open, sometimes with a pupil (PI. XIV, 3; XV, 11; XVI, 1, 2, 4, 7—14), and the elongation SUBJECTS 79 of the figure was often carried to excess (PL XIV, 2). Still there is great charm in much of this work. Often there is a characteristic lightness and sketchiness which is not the result of carelessness but is born of the artistic tendency to slur over details and emphasize only essentials (PI. XIV, 2,4; XV, 1,4—8, 15). It might almost be called an impressionistic movement. Many gems reproduce the easy attitudes, sensuous conceptions and emotional tendencies found in the sculpture of Praxiteles and Skopas (PI. XIV, 3, 5—8, 11, 13) and, of course, there is much work that indicates classicism (PI. XIV, 2, 14; XV, 21) —an archaic tendency to reproduce earlier ideas and ideals even to the milled border which, as I have suggested, may result in the misdating of the stones on which it is found. This is especially the case with representations of gods, where con¬ servatism would be most natural. Good engravings were highly polished; poor, and even the clever, sketchy ones were generally left more or less dull. Subjects. —The convex, oval stones usually carry but one figure treated in a statuesque manner, often leaning against a column or in some similar pose (See Plate XIV). Groups, how¬ ever, treated somewhat pictorially, are found occasionally (PI. XV, 1, 4,16). The bust instead of simply the head is character¬ istic of much of the portraiture of this period (PI. XVI, 1—3, 5, 8, 12—14), and full-face representations of men and gods are not rare (PI. XVI, 7, 12, 13). Faces are generally beardless. Subjects and poses were repeated, which suggests their deriva¬ tion from favorite statue or painting types, a practice much in favor during later Augustan times. Portraits which now appear in large numbers on deeply cut stones are the most significant development of this period. The political prominence of many individuals throughout wide regions and the consequent desire to compliment them fostered this tendency. We have many of Alexander, perhaps considered luck-bringing on the basis of his own good fortune and, later, of Mithridates (PI. XVI, 2) ; probably, also, Demetrios Polior- ketes, Demetrios Philhetairos, Ptolemaios Soter, Eumenes I, and many others (PI. XVI, 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 14). Those of rulers 80 HELLENISTIC PERIOD doubtless tended, with time, toward idealization. Those of private persons who followed the princely custom of using their own likenesses for signets are probably much truer to life (PI. XVI, 9). Also seemingly ideal heads are not infrequent (PI. XV, 19; XVI, 11). Among the representations of deities, Aphrodite (PI. XIV, 11; XV, 4, 8, 12?) and Dionysos (PI. XIV, 6, 13) are by far the commonest, generally as single figures and in reposeful attitudes. Usually the former is half draped, with the upper part of the body nude. Eros, in many attitudes and, now, for the first time, often pictured as a chubby child, is represented with her (PI. XIV, 11; XV, 4, 8), and a practically new develop¬ ment is found in pictures of the Psyche myth from the dialogue of Plato. She is generally shown as a maiden without wings but often, also, symbolically, as a butterfly captured or even ridden by Eros. Occasionally he is singeing her with his torch. A few pictures suggest cult scenes (PI. XV, 5, 13). Hermaph¬ rodites are common, as are the mainad (PI. XIV, 9) and the youthful satyr (PI. XVI, 13), the last, also, a new conception of this epoch. Many deities were now beginning to be world-wide, and foreign cults were more affected. Serapis (PI. XV, 15; XVI, 12) and Isis (PI. XV, 11) are common, more or less Hellenized. Harpokrates is found (PI. XV, 17); Apollo appears of course (PI. XIV, 5, 8); Artemis, with tunic to her feet (PI. XIV, 4), sometimes with the attribute of Tyche, a horn of plenty, and Agathe-Tyche, half nude, with the cornucopia (PI. XIV, 12), Hermes binding on his sandal, Athena (PI. XIV, 2, 14) and Kore. A river-god, swimming, is commonest among the lesser divinities, and also the nymph, Galene (PI. XV, 10), Okeanos (Oceanus), and other allegorical conceptions of the nature myths, as which the cultured mind of the period had now begun to regard much of its theology, Pegasos is purely decorative and the few demons found are apt to represent nature elements. The heroes are now rare. Even of Herakles only the head is apt to be represented and that as of a young man or even SUBJECTS 81 a child (PI. XV, 18). The reverence for purely heroic deeds had vanished and the comparative popularity of Odysseus (PI: XIV, 10) seems to indicate the growth of statecraft and trick¬ ery as the more acceptable ideals. Pictures from everyday life are not as common as might be expected. Nude or half nude female figures in Aphroditesque poses occur (PI. XIV, 7; XV, 12), the lion-hunt is not unusual, and we find chariots, several processions of horsemen, a return from the hunt (PI. XV, 16) and a banquet scene (PI. XV, 1). Neither are idyllic pictures especially in evidence. There are a few that represent rural scenes: ploughing, animals, etc. Sug¬ gestions of the world of philosophy appear, such as the picture of the seven wise men inspecting the terrestrial globe, and of literature, in the combat between a crane and a pigmy. Kelts are sometimes portrayed, and, of course, female figures, sitting, walking, playing on instruments, dancing, etc. As in the best epoch there are few obscene motives. One picture of a serpent may suggest the phallic idea. Along with these subjects there were, doubtless, also, a great number of cheaper seals for poorer wearers on which were represented a head, an animal (PI. XV, 20), a mask, a helmet (PI. XV, 9), or some one of the many attributes or symbols even more popular in later times. There were thunder¬ bolts, caducei, sometimes winged, horns of plenty, flowers, wheat- ears, vases, utensils of all kinds and other devices of similar character or significance. Many of these unquestionably were adopted as luck-bringing, others seem purely decorative, but Dr. Furtwangler admits his utter inability to place their dates even as closely as those of the more characteristic designs, or, for that matter, to distinguish them with any degree of certainty from the great mass of similar representations which belong to the Graeco-Roman period of the early Empire. Inscriptions and Artists. —The names of owners are, naturally, by far the commonest inscriptions on these gems, often abbreviated, but we have also the names of several artists, foremost of whom is Lykomedes (AYKOMHAH^) on a beauti¬ ful portrait of an Egyptian princess, probably Berenike I, 82 HELLENISTIC PERIOD with the attributes of Isis. Nikandros signs a female portrait bust, probably of Berenike I or Arsinoe II, with NIKANAPOC CrOCI, Pheidias, a picture of a youth with one leg raised (ICIAIA2 CPOCI) (PI. XV, 14), and Gelon, an Aphrodite with FCA-N CPoCI in two lines. Sosis is credited by Dr. Furt- wiingler with a large and very fine gem picture of Herakles killing a centaur, signed EI10IEI, but I confess myself unable to feel quite satisfied as to its genuineness. The name of Philon is only known from a portrait head engraved in the metal of a silver finger-ring. That he also cut in stone can be only inferred. The signature reads IIAQN ET10EI. In the second century B. C. we have Agathopous, with a portrait head signed APAOOnOYC £F"10€ I? and another name, known only from a signature in metal: Herakleidas, whose ...AKAEIAACCPOCI appears with a portrait head engraved on a gold ring. Furtwangler places him as a Dorian of Sicily or southern Italy. At the end of the period we find Onesas thoroughly authenticated according to the same authority by the ONECAC €110, inscribed in two lines on an Athena (PI. XIV, 14), the ONHCAC EP10IEI, also in two lines, on the glass paste showing a muse with a lyre and the ONHCAC with the head of a youthful Herakles. There is no doubt as to the genuineness of all three gems, and the signatures, also, are probably authentic. Of others, the portrait gem signed, AAIAAA05, now at Paris, seems to be generally accepted as bearing an artist’s signature. I have not seen it and, therefore, have no right to an adverse opinion, but theories are queer things, and the gem is a portrait, the signature in the nominative, and without the 8 JT 0 L 81 . Furtwangler places Daidalos definitely in the third century. The two gems which he attributes to Skopas, perhaps influenced somewhat by there being two with the same name, are the portrait head signed, EKOflAS,? and the nude female figure signed, SKDTTA (PI. XIV, 7). Still, neither the name- forms nor the letterings correspond, there is no ejroiei in either and Skopas was not so rare a name as to make unlikely its belonging to two owners of signets or, if you please, to an INSCRIPTIONS AND ARTISTS 83 owner and to an artist. Of Apollonios, as given on the strength of the portrait head with the name, AP 0A AQ N 1 • 1 , in the genitive, I cannot feel that his identity as an artist is absolutely estab¬ lished as against the owner hypothesis, though it seems probable. Furtwangler places Boethos in the Hellenistic Age, on the strength of the cameo showing Philoktetes fanning his wounded leg and signed, BOHOOY. Gem and signature are unquestion¬ ably genuine. Pausanias, Cicero and Pliny all tell of a Boethos who seems to have been a native of Chalkedon and was a fa¬ mous silver-chaser early in the third century B. C. They do not speak of him as engraving gems, but that he did such work, too, is a reasonable supposition, especially if the report be accurate of the bronze Herm of Dionysos, signed by him, re¬ cently found in the sunken galley which the French have dis¬ covered off the coast of Tunis. Athenion and Protarchos are also dated in this epoch; the former on the strength of one cameo, the latter of two. They seem to be late Hellenistic, though Athenion has also been placed as Augustan. CHAPTER VI MIDDLE ITALIAN GEMS OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC Just when the Romans began to use gems for their signets cannot be exactly placed. While the early citizen was influenced by and the later affected a republican simplicity, yet they never scorned to copy good things from their neighbors, and they had neighbors on both sides with whom the custom had been long standing. Therefore it was that some of them who had had the advantages of foreign intercourse and absorbed a measure of foreign culture and taste took up this form of art, at least as early as the middle of the third century B. C. It is true they had rather looked down upon the conquered Etruscans as luxury loving and dissolute, but they could not fail to recognize the art superiority of the Greeks of the South, and they had good reason to know that there was nothing contemptible about the prowess of gem-wearing Carthage. We know that the earliest Roman signets were cut in the metal of their rings, but it would have been interesting had Livy or Florus told us more about the vast number of gold rings, one to three measures of doubtful dimensions, taken from the Roman dead at Cannae and sent by Hannibal to Carthage as an evidence of the great¬ ness of the slaughter, since gold could only be worn by men of a certain rank. The women seem to have been allowed greater liberty in this respect. Florus says “rings,” Livy, “rings of gold,” but neither speaks of the gems with which at that time it is certain that many of these must have been set. The story of Marcellus’ ring, told by Livy, shows that Roman consuls had such signets and that the devices on them were well known. Even at an early time it is hard to imagine that the Etruscan export trade circled all around the growing Re¬ public and did not cross its borders. 84 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE 85 Presumptively, however, it is in the third century B. C. that we begin to find work that indicates a national demand and manufacture along the lines of a national taste. This was, doubtless, initially supplied by artists from the North and South. A few of the earlier stones are scarabs (the scaraboid was never very common in the western Greek world), but nearly all are ring-stones, and, for that reason, it is only com¬ paratively recently that they have been distinguished from the gems of a later period. Furtwangler speaks of them as “drier, more labored, and poorer” than Hellenistic work of the same time, but most students may find it difficult to apply such criteria with any satisfactory certainty, especially as, doubtless, the majority of true Hellenistic intaglios w r ere “dry,” “labored” or “poor.” It is the subjects and also the inscriptions on many of those that bear them, upon which the less technically trained connoisseur must rely for identification and, in connection with such features, workmanship, material, shape, details, and pro¬ venance, where it is known, may be corroborative elements in deciding. These gems were the signets of the Romans and of the Romanized Italians of the period from, say, the third century to the beginning of the principiate of Augustus, 31 B. C. With the death of Etruscan gem-engraving as an independent industry and a revival of the art under the less cultured auspices of the new masters of Etruria, there must of necessity be found an initial retrogression, a comparative lack of fine work and artistic appreciation. The Italian cared nothing for the scarab. He wanted simply a signet, and the Etruscan engraver and his pupils turned their attention to supplying the first demand, until the Greek and the Hellenized Roman elbowed them out. As might be expected, we find two distinct influences gov¬ erning early Roman glyptic art: that of the Etruscans of the North and that of the Greeks from the South, and, since the w r ork fell under these influences, these gems have been divided accordingly into two classes. First, then, the Etruscan influence went, at the beginning, 86 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE to produce, as I have said, a few scarabs, mostly of the long drawn out shape characteristic of many late Etruscan gems. Even the ring-stones are apt to show scarab characteristics, being flat, often lengthened, ovals, entirely filled by the picture which is usually surrounded by the cable, sometimes by the dotted border. A few are squarish with rounded corners and nearly always with a border. The figures often stand on a base line with the exergue occasionally filled with lines or points. Convex picture surfaces are rare in this group. These are, of course, borderless. Materials. —The popular materials in this group were, first, the agate or sardonyx cut across the layers, next the carnelian, chalcedony and a few dark sards. There is a single example of the aquamarine and a very few of the nicolo so popular in Roman imperial times. The early Roman scarabs are all of banded sardonyx or agate, with a few carnelians and a single example of the plasma, unique, also, in having a convex picture surface, but which may be of a later date. Among the pastes which were very common and go to show a wide taste for gem seals among poorer people who, doubtless, wore them set in iron rings, we find imitations of the fashionable stones, the sardonyx and agate with a band of white across the red, brown or black, also the nicolo. The violet with a white stripe was a purely original idea, made in imitation of no stone, and, like it, is a light green paste with a dark blue band bordered by two white stripes which seems to have been popular in the first century B. C. Carnelian was poorly and only rarely imitated, but the dark sard, often verging into brown, was easily made and by far the commonest of all. Violet paste also was easy to make and common, although the amethyst was not a stone engraved in Italy at this time. Blue paste, too, was much used, but the white and green, so popular in Greece, was rare. Naturally the pastes we find are, as a rule, much worn and corroded. The pictures on these artificial gems were, as might be expected, copies of the best of those on the real stones, got by taking impressions which were afterward carefully worked out TECHNIQUE 87 as to details, often with the wheel, and, finally, well polished. In the cheapest examples, little if any finishing was done, and in some the rim and back are rough as if they had not left the maker who had waited in vain for a purchaser before finishing his product and adding such inscription as might be desired. Through the first century B. C. the numbers of pastes reached their highest point. Technique.— The engraving may be said to be characterized by a certain superficial cleverness and lacks development. They wavered somewhat between styles but their most persistent trait is a preference for the severe characteristics of the best Etruscan work, sometimes leading to archaic imitations, some¬ times shown only by a certain stiffness. Of course they fell behind their models. The relation is also evident in the bending of the bodies and in the cloak following the back in a curve (PI. XVII, 9, 11, 14, 16, 18). There is little appreciation of flesh or of accuracy in handling muscles. The archaic treat¬ ment of stomach muscles in three folds is often affected, but roughly and unintelligently. Also there is the preference for beardless faces, but the heads lack character and definiteness. Though there seems to be little artistic feeling but rather dependent imitativeness, there are not lacking examples of good workmanship where all the details are well treated (PI. XVII, 8 , 23). Probably early in the period is a small group dis¬ tinguished by soft plumpness and thick heads, shown, often, in full face (PI. XVII, 7, 25) and, at the end, ai group, almost always on banded sardonyx or agate, which show only a single figure with considerable unoccupied background (PI. XVII, 20 ), dry and uninspired, with stiff, coarse treatment of garments and the hair done archaically in a roll. Their subjects are taken from the late Hellenistic cycle and, of course, there is a growing tendency to approach the second group of Italian gems which we will consider later. Drill holes and sharp lines were combined on the same stone, and hair and beards were very commonly represented by cut lines with little drill holes at the ends. Often a staff or some similar line is made up entirely of drill holes (See PI. 88 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE XVIII, 8). We also find on these gems a certain treatment of the hair at the back of the neck found on no other class of stones save a few scarabs; a bound together mass of long, parallel strokes (Pi. XVII, 7). Sometimes it is shorter, round¬ er and more natural (PI. XVII, 9, 20). The hair in front is, also, often done with parallel lines, while the hair band is a line of little drill holes (PI. XVII, 18). Also there is the rolled hair treatment, especially on the later stones spoken of above '(PI. XVII, 20, 23). The severe treatment of the legs, one facing and one in profile, is not rare (PI. XVII, 2, 3, 6, 10, 25), and, sometimes, even, a foot in full front is attached stupidly to a leg in profile. The work on these gems can in no way be connected with that on the coinage of the period which shows a free style without severe characteristics. Only the hair on the Janus head on the ses of 268 B. C. suggests them. All in all, they seem to represent a distinct development of Roman ideals, adopting, on the one hand, the severity of old Etruscan art and, on the other, expressing seriously in it the warlike national thought and ancient religious beliefs. Furtwangler regards them as the seals of the old Roman party that frowned upon Greek innovations and the lure of Greek art. Subjects. —The greater gods are rare, an omission upon which some light may be thrown by the opinion of the famous jurist, Ateius Capito, as given by Macrobius, which censures wearing a god’s figure on a ring on the score of the profanation to which the sacred forms were thereby exposed. This seems to parallel the injunction of Pythagoras cited in an earlier chapter. The subjects that do appear on these gems may be divided generally into two classes: first, pictures from the hero-sagas which, while they show an increasing knowledge of Greek poetry, are yet taken primarily from the Etruscan adaptation of the ideas. As representing the warlike deeds of semi¬ divine warriors, they were calculated to appeal to the Roman of the period. The facts that the Romans believed themselves to be descended from the Trojan stock and that many of the SUBJECTS 89 Greek heroes of the siege of Troy were fabled to have founded Italian cities explain why the heroes of the Trojan cycle were by far the most popular. Of the Theban legends we find Kadmos or one of his com¬ panions represented as a youth going with a pitcher to the well and, again, attacked by the serpent that guarded it; also Kapaneus falling (PL XVII, 4), and Oidipous (CEdipus) before the Sphinx (PL XVII, 17), sometimes killing it as a sacrifice or, again, the Sphinx is pictured alone or seizing a youth. Other heroes are Perseus with Medousa’s head, rarely Theseus, still more rarely Herakles, and there are also Orestes and Elektra at the tomb of Agamemnon or Orestes being led up for sacrifice to the Tauric Artemis. Orestes, too, is probably pictured killing Klytaimnestra, while a Fury rising from the ground attests the horror of the matricide. Bellerophon is shown with the winged horse Pegasos. Of the favored Trojan war legends there is Diomedes, alone or with Odysseus, stealing the Trojan Palladium and Diomedes killing Dolon; Odysseus fighting beside Aias (Ajax) or aiding him to protect a fallen hero, probably Achilleus, inspecting Achilleus’ arms, being recognized by his dog, Argos, or ploughing while Palamedes lays his child before him in the furrow. That Telegonos, son of Odysseus, was fabled to have founded Tusculum, and that the Roman family of the Mamilii traced their descent from him go to explain this popularity. Ajax also is found on many gems, especially, as in the old Greek group, bearing the body of Achilleus on his back (PL XVII, 13), also, on a ship’s prow, fighting beside his archer brother, Teukros, or holding in his hand the arrow that has slain Achilleus. Achilleus appears playing the lyre, sometimes under the teaching of Cheiron (Pl. XVII, 3), killing captives at the tomb of Patroklos, fighting Penthesileia or other Amazons or with the arrow in his heel. The fight over the body of Patroklos is also pictured, the parting of Hektor and Andro¬ mache, Hector’s body trailed behind Achilleus’ chariot, Priamos before Achilleus recovering Hector’s body, or, together with Hermes, bringing it home, Machaon dressing a wound, 90 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE perhaps of Philoktetes (See PI. XXV, 17), and many wounded heroes, heroes in camp, arming, and, occasionally, fighting, who cannot be satisfactorily identified. When a woman is helping arm a hero it may be Thetis and Achilleus or Hector and Andromache. Philoktetes, who was fabled to have founded Petelia, a city always faithful to the Roman alliance, appears in many attitudes such as bending the bow of Herakles, bitten by the serpent or trying to escape from it, but most commonly, abandoned on the island, either seated and fanning the flies from his wounded leg with a bird’s wing, supporting himself with a staff or dragging himself along. Laokoon and his sons attacked by the serpents (PI. XVII, 6) is one of the most interesting types of this series. In fact, what has been said about the Etruscan hero pictures applies pretty generally as to the scope of these gems. Of course a good many of the unidentified pictures may be merely warrior figures with no heroic or personal attribu¬ tion. The numerous examples of a mounted warrior or a warrior leading a horse, for instance (PI. XVII, 2), can hardly be taken from the Greek sagas. Many of the types are repre¬ sented as armed only with shield, helmet and, perhaps, greaves, as the Greeks showed them (PI. XVII, 4, 5, 12, 24). Others wear a full panoply (PI. XVII, 2, 13) or the adorned armor and the peculiar corselet with the skirt cut out in scallops that denote the Italian method of representation (PI. XVII, 8). A warrior seated or standing with a head or helmet of an enemy in his hand is a favorite picture (PI. XVII, 20) and, sometimes, the headless body is shown or the warrior stands on his dead foe. Occasionally the conqueror is stepping on the prow of a ship, and there are groups of two men, one hold¬ ing the head, or, perhaps, one or two men cutting a body in pieces. The prevalence of this motive would seem to argue some special heroic representation but there is a suggestive¬ ness in the frequent absence of helmet or shield and in the way they grade off into pictures that are evidently of religious ceremonies involving sacrifice, a meaning which is especially apparent where an altar, the sacrificial knife or the double- SUBJECTS 91 headed ax is present. The idea of human sacrifice was not foreign to most of the old Italian cults, and the upper body of a youth rising from an altar (PI. XVII, 18) or two youths kneeling before one, both found on these gems, may relate to such ceremonies. Altogether the meaning of the hero and head pictures has never been satisfactorily explained. Returning for a moment to less usual hero types, there is a not infrequent representation of a dying hero writing on a shield (PI. XVII, 5). Sometimes dead enemies are shown beside him, sometimes only their arms. The picture probably refers to some poem which tells of the exploit of the Spartan Orthryades who, alone surviving in the battle with the Argives at Thyrea of which Herodotos tells, used his expiring strength thus to record his victory. Of Roman heroes we have a gem with probably a representation of the three Horatii, in Italian armor, from the epic of Ennius, and frequent pictures of some Italian hero kneeling with a drawn sword (PI. XVII, 8), which Furtwiing- ler tries to explain but most unsatisfactorily. Were it meant for Decius Mus, as he suggests, we should probably find some indication of the cincture Gabinus, as being vital to the story. The not uncommon pictures of Mucius Scsevola are generally modern but I have seen one, possibly of later date than these early Roman gems, which seems to be genuine. There are also many pictures of heroes or minor deities engaged in magic work of some kind. Daidalos, who was closely connected with the Apollo cult of Kume, where he built a temple to Apollo and consecrated his wings, is shown with Ikaros. Prometheus is a favorite gem figure and is shown with sceptre, knife or measuring rod working at the figure of a man (PI. XVII, 14). Sometimes a horse or ram is standing near, watching the miracle that is to conquer them. The Prometheus creator legend was current in the Orphic and Pythagorean cults, once very strong in Italy. Also there are other figures of artificers, perhaps of magic-working smiths, perhaps Cyclopes or Kabeiroi but more probably Daktyloi, working over arms or metal urns of some kind. The fact that Orpheus was a pupil of the Idaian Daktyloi is suggestive in this con- 92 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE nection. Shipbuilder types, sitting or standing, are also common (PL XVII, 16), and suggest Argos working on the Argo. Of hero-sacerdotal types we find the frequent picture of a hero consulting an oracle where a woodpecker, sacred to Mars, perches on a column and answers him. Snakes twining around the column indicate the power of divination, and a ram, also sacred to Mars, is often shown as the sacrificial animal (PI. XVII, 12). In another type there is no column or woodpecker; the ram’s head lies on the altar and the hide hangs on a tree around which the serpent twines. Many pic¬ tures represent oracular divinations, especially those which show several heroes drawing lots from an urn or, perhaps, where an ox is being offered for sacrifice by warriors or a priest (Pl. XVII, 25). Sacerdotal and purification scenes are also common, such as one where a bald priest, perhaps the Rex Nemorensis, holds a branch over an altar while two men approach, one where a man holds a sacrificial bowl or a censer before an altar (Pl. XVII, 21), is leading up a goat, killing a dove, holding a sacri¬ ficial knife and a goat’s head (PL XVII, 10), or laying a bough on the altar. Perhaps a picture of a mourning youth, with a vase, standing near a column may be classed with these, and interesting guesses may often be hazarded as to the scene or cult intended to be represented. Also among the sacerdotal pictures of worship are the many showing single figures standing before an altar, adoring an idol, a Herm or the genius of some place represented as a serpent, and of Roman cult characters, the augur with his lituus (Pl. XVII, 19), a pullarius with a sacred fowl, busts of priests with pointed caps (PL XVII, 19), such as the pon¬ tiffs wore and, most interesting of all, the Salii carrying the sacred shields (Pl. XVII, 1) or dancing. The cult of Diana Nemorensis is undoubtedly evidenced in a clothed female figure, with a stag, standing by an altar and holding, generally, a bough in one hand and a dish of fruit in the other. A later picture of the same character equips the goddess with the bow according to the Greek idea (Pl. XIX, 2), SUBJECTS 93 and the youth about to sacrifice a stag on an altar (PL XVII, 9) may be Virbius, her first priest, in whom the Italians saw Hyppolitos. Probably this personage was a development of an original Dianus, the male counterpart of the local deity whom time had relegated to an inferior position. An interesting group of these cult pictures represent a head rising from the ground, apparently in response to some magical invocation made in order to obtain oracular advice or information (PL XVII, 22). Sometimes they do not preclude the idea of a body below the ground, still attached, but often the head is evidently severed. Generally it is unbearded. Usually the listener is writing down the response and, occasion¬ ally, there are two or even three of these. Neither Tages, the mysterious dwarf of the old Etruscan myth whose body would, be shown at least in part, and who could, therefore, be the subject in only a few of the pictures, nor the head ploughed up on the site of the Capitol, which did not speak, can be intended, since it is quite evident that one purpose inspires the entire series. Furtwiingler seems to have solved the problem. He holds that it is the head of Orpheus fabled to be kept near Antissa in Lesbos, where it uttered the oracles of Apollo. These gems would thus be signets of members of the Orphic cult. Akin, perhaps, are the pictures that show a peasant or several peasants finding a skull (Pl. XVII, 15), often with a butterfly floating over it. Many gems have reference to the raising of the dead, the crowning magic of all times. Some have to do with the harvest mysteries which underlie the old grain-god myth, such as those that show a man sowing while Proserpina rises from the ground with an ear of corn. Others picture, probably, some form of the story of Polyeidos drawing Glaukos, son of Minos, from the honey jar in which he was smothered. Hermes Psycho- pompos is the recognized prototype of the belief in resurrection from the Orphic and Pythagorean standpoints, cults that appealed powerfully to the typical Romans of the third and second centuries, as that of Bacchus repelled them. Thus Hermes is often shown, either bearded or unbearded, raising 94 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—ETRUSCAN INFLUENCE a body or calling it up through the ground from the Under¬ world (PL XVII, 11). Orphic influence is also evident in the frequency of the peacock, pictured now, as later, in various combinations (See PL XVIII, 13). It was a symbol, in that cult, of immortal bliss, and was, as such, taken over into Christian mediaeval art. A purely national signet is found in the pictures of the wolf or of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus. This, natur¬ ally, has been an attractive subject to forgers. Where the twins are included and the wolf’s head is not turned toward them, there is ground for definite suspicion, as the type is contrary to the statue forms and these were likely to be fol¬ lowed. In the group now at Rome, where the wolf is gazing fiercely, as if at some foe, the figures of the twins were added later, and ignorant forgers have often taken it as their model. With the wolf and twins are frequently found the shepherd, Faustulus, and a figure or bust of Mars or Roma is occasionally introduced (See Pl. XXV, 3). It may be gathered, as has been suggested, that the class of signets we are now considering were, for the most part, those worn by adherents of the conservative school of Roman thought—those who, despising or affecting to despise the frivoli¬ ties and even the culture of Greece, clung strongly to the more serious side of life in all its phases—ancient tradition, heroism, deep religious feeling, and all that went to make up the early ideals of the Republic. Throughout the second century B. C. the conflict was on between these and the adherents of Hellen¬ ism. A departure from the Greek and Etruscan gems which showed no historical pictures is found in the occasional adop¬ tion by Romans of scenes from or devices commemorative of their personal or family histories. Sulla’s signet representing the surrender of Jugurtha is an evidence of this as is also the signet of Q. Cornelius Lupus: a horse’s head and two Gallic shields, which probably commemorated the victory of one of his kinsmen over the Gauls, either C. Cornelius Cethegus who defeated the Insubres in 197 B. C., or P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica who beat the Boii in 191. Nevertheless, most historical INSCRIPTIONS 95 scenes must be regarded as forgeries. They certainly were highly exceptional, one of the many points of which the fabri¬ cators were ignorant. Also, at this time we find, perhaps, the first example of a signet showing the taste, later so marked at Rome, for the luck-bringing symbols of the eastern religions: a man riding a Capricornus (Compare PI. XXVI, 29). The goat-fish com¬ bination was originally a Babylonian god-symbol and its appearance here w T as probably due to the Chaldsean astrologers who must have done a thriving business in Italy, since they became of sufficient consequence to be expelled from the city by a special law in 138 B. C. The great popularity of Capri¬ cornus at a later period is explained by its being the birth sign of Augustus. Rural life is occasionally exemplified in pictures of a shepherd or shepherds, and there are a few animals, mainly horses and bulls. Nearly all the gems of this class, however, show human figures. Inscriptions. —With the exception of a few descriptive inscriptions on the fourth century scarabs which may be of Etruscan workmanship and the legend the dying hero spoken of above is writing on the shield (PI. XVII, 5), all the inscrip¬ tions on these stones refer to the owners’ names. Rarely they are engraved in Greek letters and, sometimes, even, the names are translated into Greek equivalents (PI. XVII, 21). A unique example bears an Etruscan inscription, and another, what seems to be a Roman name in Etruscan letters, but the great majority of the names, sometimes even those of resident Greeks, are in coarse, sprawling Roman letters, like those on the coinage of the period (PI. XVII, 2, 10, 12), gener¬ ally much abbreviated and abounding in the ligatured mono¬ grams so common on the consular denarii (PI. XVIII, 18). The early 0 and , open at the bottom, and the A are not found or the b which w r ent out about 200 B. C., and the forms of the 0, A and L go to prove that these name inscriptions did not begin before the second century. P, however, is P or (>, which ©0 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—HELLENISTIC INFLUENCE continues through the Republican period. As for artists, there were evidently none of sufficient note for the owners to wish their names on these signets. The second class of early Roman gems are those which show they were made under the Hellenic influence of the artists of Magna Grmcia, many of whom doubtless gravitated to Rome with the demand for their work. While it is altogether impos¬ sible to distinguish some of these stones from purely Hellenistic work of the time, inscriptions and general characteristics help to place many as Roman. No Etruscan influence shows in them. By far the greatest number are strongly convex in shape, usually broad ovals approaching the circular, and they lack the border. Generally speaking they do not seem to date back as far as the earliest of the other group and prob¬ ably the first of them should not be placed before the middle of the third century B. C. They continued steadily to increase in popularity as the others decreased, in the growth of Greek influence and Epicurean philosophy as opposed to the stoicism of early Roman ideals. Materials. —Dark sards, more easily attainable than the finer gems then popular in the East, were the favorite stones and some of these run almost into black. Gray chalcedonies and carnelian were not rare and occasional amethysts are found. Glass pastes were as common as in the other group, naturally imitating, as a rule, the dark sards, though violet, white, and other colors also occur. Technique. —Plastic effects, aided by the convexity which permitted deeper cutting, are in evidence in rounded forms standing out from the background. Figures and busts appear in full front (PI. XVIII, 10,15, 22, 24) with clever foreshorten¬ ing, in the style of the best Hellenistic art. The technical work was generally much better than in the other class, though there were, of course, many poor specimens with coarse strokes and drill points standing together roughly and unjoined. Some even approach the drill-work Etruscan scarabs: largely animal pictures, with feet, joints, noses, etc. indicated by round borings, but they lack their dry severity. SUBJECTS 97 The taste was for full, heavy forms, and the heads which are especially characteristic are generally unbearded and youth¬ ful, even when they represent older types. As a rule, they are neither fine nor beautiful, though, later, we find some that, while coarse in a way, are serious and thoughtfully conceived. Subjects. —As would be expected, there is a sharp line between the subjects affected by these Hellenizing Romans and by the adherents of the more sternly national party. Heroes and the epic cycles have little place here and the old cult pictures are lacking. Herakles is the commonest, but he is shown as a type of triumphant might rather than as a serious creative hero. He is found strangling serpents, conquering giants or centaurs, wrestling with Antaios (See PI. XXV, 19), capturing Cerberus, and attacking the river-god, Acheloos, while, in more frivolous vein he appears playing a lyre, drunken and even micturating (PI. XVIII, 1). His head alone and that of Omphale, who appears for the first time in this period, are also pictured. Diomedes and Odysseus (PI. XVIII, 2) are commonest of the Trojan War cycle and there is Kassandra with the Pal¬ ladium (PI. XVIII, 4) and Aineias (iEneas) carrying Anchises. Perseus, who was fabled in the Latin legend to have come ashore with Danae in the chest, at Ardea in Latium, is shown with the head of Medousa and also as a bust wearing the dragon helmet of Hades which made its wearer invisible. Iphigeneia, Orestes, and Marsyas also appear. Of Roman heroes we have Marcus Curtius (PI. XVIII, 3), mounted and plunging into the chasm in the Forum. Genre warrior types are not unusual: knights on horse¬ back, sometimes contending with Gauls (PI. XVIII, 6), one carrying away a maiden, perhaps a Sabine, and a Roman imperator with his legates. Hunters on foot or mounted are also pretty common and, of everyday people, shepherds (PI. XVIII, 11), peasants, and fishermen, orators, bankers, ath¬ letes, charioteers, a lady with her slaves, a man who seems to be freezing, and philosophers reading, writing or teaching, a natural embodiment of Greek tastes becoming popular in Rome. 98 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—HELLENISTIC INFLUENCE Of deities the tendency was all toward the cheerfulness of the cycles of Eros and Bacchus (PI. XVIII, 8). The former is now definitely the chubby Cupid of Hellenistic art, and his power is indicated by numerous pictures of him disarming, binding and even riding Herakles, seated on the terrestrial globe, playing with the thunderbolt of Jupiter or with the rudder of Fortuna or holding a figure of Victory in his hand. He carries, also, bowls of fruit, bunches of grapes, wine jars and drinking cups, and is shown dancing, playing the lyre, hunting his way with a lantern, fishing or playing with ani¬ mals, comic masks or even a hoop (PI. XVIII, 9, 10). Busts with distended cheeks, a beaker and a wreath are characteristic. In a more serious way he is represented as reading a book, arm¬ ing for battle, building a trophy or leaning, wearied, on his torch like the later figures of Thanatos (Compare PI. XXIV, 6 and 9). The duel between Eros and Anteros is pictured, and the former is shown catching a butterfly or singeing it with his torch (Compare PI. XXIX, 9), or bound and watched by a butterfly, perhaps Psyche. Often Aphrodite appears with him bending over, at her toilet, or naked; also Psyche. In short it would be impossible to say that any form of representa¬ tion on the above lines was inconsistent with the spirit of this group of gems. Bacchus is generally beardless and shown standing, sitting, or as a head or a Herm. Satyrs, often with the little horns given them by Hellenistic art, are very numerous. Some are dancing (PI. XVIII, 7), and there are also mainads and a Seilenos micturating. Not uncommonly there is found an obscene picture in these gems, a thing quite foreign to native Roman or the best Greek taste. Of other gods, Athena, is shown with many attributes as in Hellenistic art or seated on a bench with lion’s feet as on the coins of Pergamos; Kubele (Cybele) is seated on her lion, Artemis occurs and Juno with her peacock or sometimes a peacock head-dress. Here the bird is introduced merely as an attribute of the goddess and has no relation to its place in the Orphic cults. Isis appears in her Alexandrian types, marking SUBJECTS 99 the growth of eastern religions ideas in Rome. These are the most usual. Eros and the young Hermes are sometimes shown as Herms. Of minor deities the commonest are Victory, nude to the waist and writing on a shield or reading, Fortuna seated on a wheel, a rudder or a Capricornus, and the head of a horned river-god (PI. XVIII, 24). Libya is found with an elephant’s hide (PI. XVIII, 23). Muses are rather common figures and the heavenly sphere is shown with them for the first time (PI. XVIII, 5). Especially interesting is the combination of types and attributes, such as Fortuna with Artemis or with Nemesis, going back to early Greek ideas, and Victory with Isis (PI. XVIII, 22), a later invention. Greater and lesser deities are also often represented by heads and busts alone (PI. XVIII, 22—24). There is a class of pictures that show a dwarf or gnome engaged in all sorts of employments, such as fishing, ploughing, playing the flute (PI. XVIII, 19), carrying an amphora or sit¬ ting on one or on a bird. Probably these figures are not meant to be merely comic but represent some local demon, perhaps Campanian, a region of which several of the types seem charac¬ teristic (Compare PI. XXVI, 29, which may be earlier than it is placed, and fall in this class). More definitely luck-bringing seals, akin to devices on many Carthaginian scarabs from Sardinia and to the later Roman grylli, are such mixed figures as a man’s head and an eagle (PI. XVIII, 17), an eagle with a man’s body and legs, a man with wings and a goat’s head, queer combinations of birds, which seem to begin along the second and first centuries, and of a man and an insect, an ass’s head rising from a flower, a head with three legs (PI. XVIII,18), combined man and animal masks, and others of a more or less kindred character (Compare PI. XIX, 17). An ant attacking a lion (PI. XVIII, 14) may be purely humorous. On many of these certain symbols are added, such as caducii, cornu¬ copias, etc. and it is very evident that they were believed to exert power as amulets. Altogether the spirit of grotesqueness is represented very fully and in many different forms. 100 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—HELLENISTIC INFLUENCE Stones engraved only with symbols are also common. Some, such as the rudder of Fortuna, the club of Herakles (PI. XVIII, 12), the ear of wheat, and the caduceus were probably thought to be luck-bringing (See PI. XIX, 7); others, like the drinking cup and the staff, the shoe (PL XVIII, 16), the helmet or weapons, may express the amusements or occupations of the wearers, while others may be purely ornamental like the sun¬ dial (PI. XVIII, 20) and a fountain or birds in a garden. It is not a far cry, however, to put the sun-dial pictures in the symbolic class. Even street scenes, such as a man with a danc¬ ing donkey, are found. Normal animal forms are common and are often very well done; running bulls, butting bulls, as on the coins of Thourioi, horses, dogs, goats, swine, roosters, lions, birds, insects, etc. (PL XVIII, 12, 13, 14). A peculiarly characteristic line of gems of this class are drawn from the theatre. Furtwangler thinks some may show figures from the old Oscan buffooneries or Atellan farces, but it was from Greece that the legitimate stage finally established itself among the Romans, and these gems are, as a rule, dis¬ tinctively Greek in their representations. Masks, both male and female (PL XVIII, 21), are much in evidence, and comedy seems to be favored rather than tragedy, both in the masks and in the figures. Especially there is the omnipresent slave of Plautus, with a fat belly and a short coat (Pl. XVIII, 15), either meditating some rascality, chained for his misdeeds, looking at a broken pitcher, running, taking refuge at an altar, quarreling, dancing or with an amphora or a lantern. Like¬ wise we find the quarrelsome old man of the comedies. Some¬ times the players appear with the masks pushed back or in their hands, and a mask that seems meant to have certain characteristics of a rooster probably indicated some lecherous character. It would be interesting to know whether M. Rostand was aware of this suggestion of his Chanticler idea in early drama. Last, among the great variety of subjects pictured on this class of gems we may first suspect the presence of lifelike INSCRIPTIONS 101 portrait heads, in part rough and coarse, in part excellent though never so fine as are the Hellenistic or later Roman por¬ traits (See PI. XVIII, 25 and description). Inscriptions. —Here, no more than on the gems of the Etruscan school, do we find any artists’ names. Most of the inscriptions indicate the names of the owners (PI. XVIII, 2, 7, 11, 12, 15, 18, 20), commonly much abbreviated or ligatured (PI. XVIII, 18), usually in Latin but occasionally in Greek letters. Both run to coarse forms, unlike the dainty lettering on pure Greek stones. The Greek letters when used are apt to be the rounded types of the Hellenistic period such as C and 6; the Latin P is usually open, and the L, with but one known exception, right-angled. Usually there is a dot at the end of each stroke and everything is paralleled in the Roman coinage of from 250 to 100 B. C. Unique examples show Etruscan or Oscan letters. Returning to the general trend of early Roman gem¬ engraving, we find, in the last century before the Christian era the two above described classes blending into each other or, rather, the Greek influence prevailing. The severity of the old scarab style disappears, leaving only a stiffness which is now, probably, more the result of bad workmanship than of primi¬ tive taste. The figures are in a free background though the scarab border remains on some. Dionysos and Eros finally drive out most of the hero sagas and the cult scenes. Never¬ theless the materials used in the Etruscan group, the banded agate and sardonyx and other flat ring-stones, remained popular and their influence even prevailed over the convexity of the Hellenizing group, so that the dark sards, which were still very much in evidence, were often cut flat. The red jasper came into fashion at the end of the period, along with the nicolo, a novelty somewhat earlier. Stylistic and subjective kinship with the Roman coinage of the time helps to place many of these gems, such as Victory in a chariot, heads of Victory and of Diana, the winged Nemesis, as on the coins of Vibius Varro, the calmly classic Apollo type on those of Pomponius Musa, and the Neptune with Capricornus in his hand indicating the 102 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—COMBINATION PERIOD turning point of the year. Especially favored was the hair treatment rolled up at the back and side in rough imitation of the Greek fifth century style (PI. XIX, 1, 5, 8, 14). Inscriptions also followed the coinage letterings, ligatures are common (PI. XIX, 7, 11), the finishing dots begin to run out into little strokes (PI. XIX, 21), and there are more Latin names done into Greek, though the Greek in Latin letters occur not uncommonly. All still refer to the owners, save an occa¬ sional sentiment (PI. XIX, 7). No artists appear. Subjects. —In subjects there was an occasional tendency to revert to earlier Greek types such as the youthful Eros (PI. XIX, 5), and a goddess, probably Aphrodite, is shown rising out of a flower (PI. XIX, 8). Psyche became much more popular and was pictured as a maiden with a bird’s or a butterfly’s wings (PL XIX, 3, 10); more rarely (PI. XIX, 7) as a butterfly. She is shown being bound by or binding Eros, pierced by his arrow or before an altar with torch and patera. Sometimes she is combined with Nemesis, as expressed by the character¬ istic bent arm gesture (PL XIX, 3), and, again, with Victory or with Peace. Herm busts of Psyche are also in evidence (Pl. XIX, 14). A characteristic attitude of both Victory and Nemesis is that of rising on the toes, as shown in the Eros figure (PL XIX, 5), sometimes with a bough held out in one hand. Dionysos, nymphs, Bacchantes, satyrs and Seileni appear in a great variety of poses (PL XIX, 1), the first usually as a sturdy, bearded figure (See PL XVIII, 8; XXII, 2). Priapos is a favorite, though evidently not often chosen in a spirit of obscenity but, rather, as a conception of creative power. One gem shows him as a Herm with a peacock and a butterfly, another, rising out of a flower, and Eros is pictured making offering to him. The half-naked Aphrodite, often the back view of her, is also found. The pictures of a woman with a swan may be either Aphrodite or Leda (Pl. XIX, 13). The figure of Methe was worn as a guard against drunkenness. A bearded Herm with butterfly’s wings, probably Hypnos (Pl. XIX, 19), is a typical subject of this epoch. Eros (Pl. XIX, 5), of course, continues first of all in popularity. Mars, SUBJECTS 103 Neptune (PI. XIX, 16) and other single figures of gods in many characteristic attitudes are common as they are even more so later. Many attributes are usually added to make clear their identity, though these are sometimes combined in a way that is rather confusing. A figure of what may be a genius with a caduceus, cornucopia, sword, globe, etc., is an example of this tendency (PI. XIX, 4). Really good concep¬ tion, taken together with stiff, angular treatment, is often the only way of distinguishing these from the later productions, for stiff, angular treatment on poor work is always in evidence. Many types now got the permanent form they continued to appear in. Pantheistic figures emblematic of Rome’s increas¬ ing power and growing World-government, such, perhaps, as that of the “genius” just referred to, naturally became favorites. Paintings were doubtless more common now and some gems show evidence of being taken from figures in them (PI. XIX, Fig. 1). Representations of philosophers, students and the like increase greatly in number. They are found meditating, read¬ ing, writing, sometimes with a Herm (PI. XIX, 20) or a sun¬ dial. A death’s-head pictured with a philosopher shows him thinking about death, a butterfly, about immortality, and so on. Many death’s-heads and skeletons (PI. XIX, 9; See XXVI, 9) indicate the extremes of a tendency to gloomy reflections which is not altogether incongruous with that same Epicure¬ anism that gave birth to the many Erotic and Bacchic pictures. Wheels and pendulums were only less gruesome symbols of the transitoriness of life. Where in the earlier gems under Etrus¬ can influence there is evidenced deep religious feeling and a belief in immortality, now we find few cult manifestations but only the desire for pleasure alternating with depression, and the trivial hope to gain good luck in life by the aid of the symbols supposed to invoke it. Horns of plenty, rudders, caducii, thyrsi, ears of wheat, palm branches and clubs (PI. XIX, 7, 11, 12) are the commonest of these: also there are more animal pictures, especially of the animals favored by special gods (PI. XIX, 2, 12, 19), and an increasing number 104 EARLY ROMAN GEMS—COMBINATION PERIOD of grotesques among which a cicada or cricket engaged in various human employments is especially characteristic (PI. XIX, 15). Possibly its resemblance to a skeleton may have suggested this caprice as humorous, but the symbols it some¬ times carries, its frequency, and the spirit of the age make us suspect rather some especial significance in the direction of fortune-bringing. Finally there are all sorts of utensils, vases, fountains, ships and armor, especially helmets (PI. XIX, 18), often fantastically contrived with animal forms. Bust pictures of war-horses’ heads in magic-working combinations are also found (PL XIX, 17). There is practically but one of the serious cult scenes that Furtwangler places especially in this epoch. It is frequently repeated on the gems and represents a maiden sleeping, just waking or peacefully waiting. She is either sitting bent for¬ ward or half reclining and sometimes her mantle is drawn over the back of her head. In some cases she is alone, in others one or two men approach, and a serpent is showm twisting around a tree. Beside her is a round object like a basket in which are small things that may be intended for loaves of bread and over which her left arm is sometimes stretched, or she may be shown seated on it. Often there is added a pitcher or vase. A tree, like a laurel, grows near and, also, ears of wheat. Ants seem to be approaching her and above hovers a bird which sometimes bears a staff, a thyrsus or a wreath. Dr. Furtwangler makes a very interesting identification of the subject of these gems with the incident of the revival of the cult of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium, which had fallen into decay about 90 B. C. This revival was the result of a warning that came to Rome in the dream of a woman, a Csecilia of the family of the Metelli, surely akin to her whose tomb now stands on the Appian Way, if it be not indeed the same. The temple was near a grove where had been found the lair of a serpent sacred to the goddess. Crows were her sacred birds. The cult cere¬ mony consisted in leading into the grove a young woman con¬ secrated to Juno, her eyes bound and a cake in her hand. If she was pure the serpent would eat the cake. If she was SUBJECTS 105 impure, ants came and broke and carried it away. In the former event the people believed that the year would be fertile (PI. XIX, 6). In closing this epoch it is to be noted in connection with the numerous heads of deities pictured, that toward its end the portraiture on gems made tremendous strides toward per¬ fection (PL XIX, 21, 22). We have excellent likenesses of Pompeius Magnus (PI. XIX, 21), Caesar and Marcus Antonius that show the ultimate triumph of Hellenistic art. Early Eoman roughness disappears, and there comes to be a distinct Italian style which, from its combination of Greek workman¬ ship with Roman developments and Roman or World-wide subjects, may be called Graeco-Roman. CHAPTER VII GR2EC0-R0MAFI GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE From this time on must be dated the great majority of stones that come into our hands today, and, also, it becomes extremely difficult, in some cases impossible, to distinguish many of them from earlier Hellenistic work. All sorts of archaizing tendencies prevailed and the taste of the individual, the skill of the artists and the perfection of their tools made everything possible. From the days of Pompey and Caesar and the final conquest of the East, fuller knowledge of the beauty of Greek gems, the growing craze for Greek art and the appre¬ ciation of Greek learning, led, not only to a wellnigh universal use of gem signets, good, bad and indifferent, but also to a collecting mania that may well have resulted in ancient for¬ geries of still earlier work which might be extremely interesting were we able now to identify them with any certainty. Pom- pey’s dedication of Mithridates’ collection in the Capitol, and the six collections dedicated by Julius Caesar in the temple of Venus Victrix voice the taste. It has been too much the fashion to assume, in view of the better taste of earlier times, that the finest gems are all Hellenistic and the mass of poorer cuttings all Imperial. The dictum is doubtless true as to most of the latter, but, as I have said before, there must always have been more bad workmen than artists, and poorer people who aspired or had need to follow the fashions of the rich. There¬ fore, badly cut stones, where the material and subject comply with the taste and fashion of an earlier date, must not be hailed too positively as Imperial. On the other hand the really good engraving of the numerous Greek artists whom the wealth of Rome and the demand for their work there attracted to the 106 GREATER NUMBER OF GEMS 107 Capital of the World was, generally speaking, quite equal to the products of the best Hellenistic art, while its quantity was much greater. The reproduction of earlier subjects and the affectation of earlier styles go to make the matter still more complex. To sum it all up, the moral is that, while com¬ binations of material, subject and method lead us to satisfac¬ tory attributions in the majority of instances, the student and connoisseur must not generalize too liberally and must guard against hard and fast theories that would apply the dogmatic yard-stick as the final measure of all things. One reason why our supply of ancient gems of later epochs is in greater proportion than the relative product of the earlier periods is found in the enormous increase of ring wearing among the Romans. In Republican times it was considered effeminate to wear more than the needful signet. In Horace’s day to sport three rings on the left hand marked the finished exquisite, but in Martial’s his fop wears half a dozen on each finger, and Quintilian cautions orators against overloading the hand with rings. On the practical side too, Pliny (Bk. XXXIII, 6) dilates on the increased necessity of sealing up everything from the horde of thievish slaves and he comments on the ring worn to seal up the cabinet which held the signet ring proper, the latter being too valuable a thing to be worn abroad with the attendant risk of loss. Still further he speaks of the lower orders of citizens “slipping off the ring the moment a simple contract is made,” a suggestive sentence as to the widespread practice of signet wearing and the constant use of the signet even by persons of little consequence. A point, too, to be considered from the standpoint of probability of discovery is that most of the art of earlier ages lies deeper in the debris of antiquity—further underground—than does that of the later, and the surface scratchings of peasants, workmen, and even archaeologists which have produced many of our present possessions have left the gems of older days undisturbed, let us hope, for future chances and more systematic excavation. With these qualifications and warnings in mind we may take up the considerations that must govern us in accomplishing the much 108 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE that can be accomplished in the lines of study and illumination. Materials. —We now find, practically, every known stone obtainable and in use. The best work is apt to appear on garnet, aquamarine, beryl, topaz, peridot and, very rarely, emerald and sapphire. The commonest material was a trans¬ lucent carnelian from the East. Darker sard and chalcedony were still in vogue, also amethyst. Rock-crystal was rare. Agate had largely gone out of fashion but the sardonyx was still popular cut in a new way, not across the layers but parallel with them, and the gem was fashioned in the shape of a trun¬ cated cone in order best to display the different colors on the sides of the stone rising from the bezel of the ring. The picture was, of course, cut in the smaller layer at the top. Another specific development of the period, though not an absolute novelty, was the green plasma, always more or less convex in form and bearing, for the most part, a single figure of some deity or a copy of a statue. It became a definite gem class in the first century B. C., about the time of Julius Caesar. A third fashionable stone, whose evolution has been noted some¬ what earlier and which had increased so rapidly in popularity as to augur some supposed magical influence in it, was the iEgyptilla, an agate of two layers, generally a black or dark brown and a grayish blue, the intaglio being cut through the light layer into the dark, the former also being usually cut away around the edges so as to leave a darker border. This gem thus engraved is known as the nicolo. On it, too, single figures and famous statue types were the popular subjects. Red jasper, also, unused except occasionally in the older Greek period, had begun again in the combination epoch and now became charac¬ teristic, remaining so through the Empire. Aspasios, one of the best artists, used a peculiar bright red variety, and won¬ derful work is found on it. Green jasper also reappeared, and, as the period advanced, two new materials came into use, yel¬ low jasper and heliotrope or bloodstone. Book XXXVII of the Natural History of Pliny the Elder, written in the early part of the first century A. D., on the precious stones of the period together with their medical and MATERIALS AND TECHNIQUE 109 magical properties, furnishes most interesting reading for the student of the subject. Color was pretty much the only test of kind, and, in many instances, it is extremely difficult to identify his names and descriptions with stones as we know them to-day. Glass pastes, though beginning to fall off in numbers, were still common throughout this epoch, especially in Italy during Augustan times, and some are so large that they could not have been meant for signets. Usually they are transparent white, light blue, yellow, brown, green and violet, and bear nearly always copies of the best gem pictures, especially those from the Erotic and Bacchic cycles. Later, poorer purchasers seemed rather to prefer a stone, however cheaply cut, to a fine paste, a sure sign of the coming decay of art interest. Seals cut in metal practically went out of use. Technique. —In the matter of technique the good gem engraving of the early Empire was practically as Greek as was the Hellenistic. The bad might well be anything and the tendencies were alike over all the Roman World, better, of course, in the great centers of culture like Rome, Athens, Alexandria, etc., poorer in more backward or decadent districts. The lords of the World began by having their portraits cut by Greek artists, and the other signet subjects of the wealthy followed naturally. Generally speaking, convex garnets with single figures cut sketchily with long lines seem to have been especially popular in the East, and glass pastes were much less common there than in Italy before, say 50 A. D., when the manufacture at Rome began to flag. The favorite figures on these garnets were, first Tyche, then Demeter with her torches, Nemesis, Athena, Apollo, and an unknown goddess with sceptre and bowl; also animals, masks and symbols. The Nemesis (PI. XXV, 4), though done on a sardonyx, is a good example of this style. As at an earlier time, the more translucent stones were apt to be more or less convex, either on both sides or, at least, on the picture one; the opaque stones were flat or nearly so. Practically all are ring-stones with the exception of rare pierced 110 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE four-sided pendants engraved on all four sides, a single example of a five-sided pendant, a probably unique cylinder, and a few large intaglios that must have been made for ornaments rather than signets. The oval, as the tendency in the Hellenizing Roman group foreshadows, inclines more to broadness than does the Hellenistic and occasionally there is an approach to the four-cornered shape noted in the Roman gems under Etrus¬ can influence. In these, as before, the milled border was usually preserved. Otherwise it is very rare. Tools and technical skill were, as I have said, at their best, and the only noticeable falling away of the best Augustan from even the best Greek examples was in inspiration, softness, tenderness and bold freshness. Here everything was neat, sharp, definite and inclined to be dry. Delicacy was carried to a higher point than at any other time. There was the Hellen¬ istic fondness for very fine parallel lines, especially in delineat¬ ing hair, and a preference for foreshortened oblique views of animals (PI. XXVI, 19, 21), also Hellenistic, and which served to display the artists’ skill. It is something very like this that we find in the latter part of the Italian Renaissance, beginning even with Michael Angelo and running riot in Bernini: a consciousness on the part of the craftsman of his ability to do difficult things and a desire to show off, than which there is no surer sign of the decay of true taste. Floating drapery was charmingly rendered as was also the transparent. The poorer work generally tried to copy the best and, in so doing, graded down from what may be called sketchy to frankly crude. Even when the great artists of the period copied famous old gems they, doubtless, substituted their own precision for the ancient breadth of handling, artistlike considering their art the greater. After the fall of the Claudian princes we find a decadence setting in, which had its climax in the Flavian principiates. Internal disturbances, civil wars, and the acces¬ sion of a family who were primarily rough soldiers, all had their influence. Under Hadrian there was a distinct revival of Greek taste and artistic luxury but it was the last real flash of the flame, and by 150 A. D. had begun the final decay that SUBJECTS 111 progressed from then on with practically no interruption. The sale of Hadrian’s cabinet of gems by the philosopher, Marcus Aurelius, in order to replenish his military chest for the war against the Marcomanni, which Capitolinus tells of, is a sug¬ gestive incident. Subjects. —It is now that we find nearly every gem subject in evidence. There were preferences, of course, but nothing was neglected, and comparatively few specimens can be denied to this epoch on the score of their motives. Primarily the controlling ideas were art pure and simple, flattery of the great, and superstition as opposed to the higher religious thought, as is evidenced in the great number of magic-working and luck-bringing symbols and the craze for the mystic eastern cults. Of the older gods the child Eros prevailed in endlessly varied pictures, for the most part sportive and frivolous (PI. XXI, 3; XXIII, 8; XXIV, 1—3, 6—8). Often he is shown to¬ gether with Psyche. The reclining Hermaphrodite was a favorite, and there were many charming female figures of the type of the Aphrodite Kallipyge, the bathing Artemis (PI. XXIV, 18), Nereids (PI. XXII, 5, 10), Muses (PI. XXVII, 16), mainads (PI. XXI, 20), Horai, etc. Victory (PI. XXIV, 14, 15) and Fortuna (PI. XXV, 9) were, of course, very common. Hypnos is not rare (PI. XXIV, 17). Dionysos (PI. XXII, 2; XXIII, 5), satyrs and Tritons (PI. XXII, 10; XXVI, 3), Herakles— or, as we should, perhaps, write it now, Hercules—(PI. XX, 7; XXV, 7, 19; XXVII, 11, 17), often according to the youth¬ ful type shown by Praxiteles, and many classical subjects, in¬ cluding the Seilenos type of the fifth century B. C., all abound. None of the gods is lacking. The Venus Victrix (PI. XXIII, 21; XXIV, 12) was an especially favored subject in compliment to Caesar whose patroness she was and who wore her on his signet. Mars Ultor (PI. XXIII, 23) and Mars Gradivus (PL XXIII, 22) were common, Mars Navalis with a Victory in his hand and his foot on a ship (PI. XXIII, 24) suggests Augustus’ triumph at Actium, while many more or less crude Minervas may be referred to Flavian times as being representations of 112 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE the favored and favoring deity of that house. The good fortune of the emperor as well as his more tangible favor invoked by the flattery was thus sought for. At this time, too, we find in the Fortuna Pantheia, or For- tuna invested with the attributes of other divinities, a Roman manifestation of pantheistic tendencies (See Furtwangler, PI. XLIV, 68). Lucian has left us an account of a similar but, doubtless, earlier development in the East: the “Syrian god¬ dess” of Emesa who, whether Juno, Isis or Nature as variously named, united the attributes of Pallas, Venus Urania, Arte¬ mis, Rhea, Nemesis and the Fates (With the lotus flower of Isis, PI. XXIII, 17). She was enthroned with or upon lions, wore a radiated or turreted crown and the cestus and bore the distaff and sceptre. Jupiter Belus, her male type, was throned on bulls. Sculpture and painting furnished the models for numerous engravings on the gems. Most of the pictures of gods seem to be copied from specific statues, occasionally with a pedestal included, and an endless repetition of types and poses, ranging all the way from the best work to the worst, was the result. To name a few of the famous sculpture types, there is the Hercules of the severe school (Shown by Furtwangler, PL XLIII, 85, 37) as well as both the Pheidian (Furtwangler, PI. XXXIX, 20) and the Praxitelian (PI. XXV, 7), the Apollo of Kanachos, with a deer (PI. XXIII, 4), the Sauroktonos of Praxiteles (PI. XXIII, 3), and, also, standing beside a column (PI. XXII, 4), Zeus (PI. XXIII, 11, 12, 19), Hermes (PI. XX, 2; XXIII, 14—16), Neptune (PI. XXIII, 20), Athena (PI. XXIII, 25), and the Athena Parthenos of Pheidias (Bust, PI. XX, 9). Also the Athena Promachos and the Athena of Lemnos are shown in busts. The Ephesian Artemis is common (PI. XXIII, 26). The Amazon of Kresilas is copied both in full figure and in bust (PI. XXI, 18), but especially in favor were the works of Polykleitos, notably the Doryphoros (PI. XXV, 12) and the Diadoumenos. The Theseus (PI. XX, 14) is thoroughly Polykleitan, as is the Pan (?) (PI. XXI, 21). The Triptolemos type, which goes back to Euphranor and was SUBJECTS 113 regarded by the Romans as a Bonus Eventus and, hence, especially propitious, was a great favorite and continued so far down in glyptic art (PI. XXIV, 20, 21). The Discobolus of Myron was copied (PI. XXV, 11 is a variant of the theme quite in the style of that sculptor) and, perhaps, his Perseus; also the archer Cupid of Lysippos (See PI. XXIII, 8). The athlete (PI. XX, 4), the Hypnos (PI. XXV, 5), and the winged figure (PI. XXV, 6) are also probably copies of statues. A certain line of archaic work delicately overdone seems to follow Kallimachos (PI. XXIV, 16). Greek statues were naturally the most popular but there are a few Roman ones such as the Augustan Mars Ultor (PI. XXIII, 23) and the Spes (PI. XXV, 10). Busts and heads of divinities were, of course, com¬ mon (PL XX, 1, 3, 8, 9, 13; XXI, 1, 4, 14, 16, 17, 19; XXII, 1, 9, 13; XXIV, 5). For the general rendering of subjects from all sources they even went back to the wounded hero groups in the Etruscaniz- ing Roman gems (PI. XXV, 17), and the hero cycles were popular sources of inspiration (PI. XX, 5, 7, 14, 15; XXV, 1, 7, 8,14,19, 20; XXVII, 11, 15). From paintings, also, many ideas seem to be taken, though here our attributions are neces¬ sarily more speculative and but one or two figures could usually be shown on a gem. Still, judging from the ancient writers, there is every probability that we have many famous paintings or parts of them preserved to us glyptically. The Victory driving a four-horse chariot of Nichomachos may be one of these and the Medeia and the Ajax of Timomachos (PL XXV, 1), others. Both the last named paintings treated the motive of brooding madness. Ajax was a well known figure in Etrus¬ can and Roman art, but the Medeia first appeared after Caesar purchased Timomachos’ two works and hung them in the temple of Venus Genetrix. Many pictures of the lamenting Kassandra and of Achilleus sulking in his tent (PL XXV, 14) or playing the lyre (PL XX, 15) may be from paintings, and engravings of Prometheus, an athlete (Pl. XXV, 13), of Orestes killing Klytaimnestra, and of the theft of the Palladium (PL XX, 5) may be copied respectively from the World-famous works of 114 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE Parrhasios, Eupompos, Theon and Polygnotos. The Hercules carrying a bull (PI. XX, 7), the Nike sacrificing a bull (Pl. XX, 12), and many of the Cupid conceits seem inspired from such a source, and certain pictures of the gods, especially Athena, Zeus and Ares, contending with snake-legged giants (Pl. XXIII, 13), the Trojan horse scene on a glass paste, and a Plouto or Serapis enthroned between the Dioskoroi. To later Alexandrian paintings may probably be referred certain type pictures of Aphrodite playing with Eros (Pl. XX, 10), Artemis and Actaion (Pl. XXIV, 18), Narkissos, Ganymedes, Hermes (PL XXII, 12), Marsyas (PL XXIV, 13), Helios, Aphrodite riding a sea-monster (Pl. XXII, 5), and the Triton and Nereid (PL XXII, 10). The vase painters, too, supplied many motives. As showing the art feeling of the period, the favorite motive of the Medousa head was seldom engraved as the hideous awe¬ inspiring type of earlier times but as that of a beautiful maiden, stern, often with wings on her head, and evidencing her identity only by the serpents in her hair (Pl. XX, 8; XXI, 4; XXII, 1). All sorts of representations of everyday life and occupa¬ tions, and, especially, rural scenes, seem to be inspired by purely artistic feeling, though many of the occupation motives doubtless suggested the calling of the wearer, and the numerous pictures of almost every known animal or of their heads, as well as the sphinxes and griffins, may be assigned either to the art or to the protecting deity motive (Pl. XXVI, 4, 7, 14, 19, 21, 23—25, 27). A large class of gems show an eagle, often on an altar between two standards or some variant of the idea, and were, doubtless, the signets of soldiers who sought thus to signalize their calling which, under the Empire, became a distinct pro¬ fession. I have even found scratched on one—evidently not by the gem-engraver—what appears to be the number of a legion (Pl. XXVII, 6) and, bearing in mind the fact that each legion bore, as it were, some heraldic device, where such occurs with a standard or any symbol denoting the soldier we may often assume to what command the owner belonged. Known legion¬ ary cognizances are the following: I (Adjutrix), Capricorn, SUBJECTS 115 Pegasos; I (Italica), Boar, Bull; I (Minerva), Bam; II (Ad- jutrix), Boar, Pegasos; II (Augusta), Capricorn,Pegasos (?) ; II (Italica), Slie-wolf and twins, Capricorn; II (Parthica), Centaur; II (Trajana), Hercules; III (Gallica), Bull; III (Italica), Stork; IV (Flavia), Lion; IV (Macedonica), Bull, Capricorn; V (Alaudae), perhaps originally a lark but, by special authorization of Caesar, on account of their success against the elephants of Juba, they bore an elephant on their standards; V (Macedonica), Bull; VI (Victrix), Bull; VII (Claudia), Bull; VIII (Augusta), Bull; X (Fretensis), Bull, Boar, Galley; X (Gemina), Bull; XI (Claudia), Neptune; XIII (Gemina), Lion; XIV (Gemina, Martia, Victrix), Capri¬ corn; XX (Valeria Victrix), Boar; XXI (Rapax), Capricorn; XXII (Primigenia), Capricorn; XXX (Ulpia), Neptune, Capricorn. (See the gem figured PI. XXVI, 12.) From the frequency of zodiacal signs among these insignia and the repetition of the same sign, it has been inferred that the device referred to the month when and, hence, the heavenly auspices under which the legion was organized. It is also claimed that the bull cognizance means that the legion was formed by Julius Csesar, because Venus, the protectress of the Julian house, usually presides over the sign, Taurus. Capri¬ corn may thus indicate a legion organized by Augustus, and Minerva or the ram, one formed by Domitian. Possible reorganizations or special permissions to place themselves under imperial auspices may also be evidenced. Students may be referred to the Notitia Imperii for other (fifth century) infor¬ mation on this subject, especially as to the special insignia of the cohorts under the Late Empire. Pictures of animals in incongruous occupations may be either charms or merely humorous conceptions. There are dogs, mice and other creatures driving chariots to which roosters are yoked (PI. XXVII, 9), cranes playing musical instruments (PI. XXVI, 27) and other kindred grotesque conceptions. The portrait heads (PI. XX, 6, 11; XXI, 2, 5—8), of which there are very many, were either personal or complimentary in their significance. The Greek philosophers, poets and orators 116 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE were much favored in this line and we have at least what passed for the lineaments of Sokrates (PI. XXI, 7), Epikouros, Dio¬ genes, Antisthenes, Aristoteles, Homer and Demosthenes. Among portraits of famous Romans are the Sextus Pompeius of Agathangelos (PI. XX, 6), Junius Brutus, doubtless carried as the signet of some mourner for the old Republican days, several possible Ciceros, the Julia, daughter of Titus, by Evodos (PL XX, 11), and, of course, endless portraits of the emperors, easily identified and, unfortunately, as easily copied, from the fine likenesses on the bronze coins of the early Empire. A deeper reason than mere compliment existed, as I have sug¬ gested, for wearing the emperor’s portrait, since, by so doing, the wearer sought to invoke to his aid the “Fortune” of the prince, just as the Japanese have attributed victories to the “Virtues of the Mikado” and, in this connection, also, may be noted the spirit of vanity or adulation involved in the frequent representation of rulers in the guise of some deity. Alexander’s pose as Zeus (PL XIV, 1) is, probably, the earliest but through¬ out Roman times we find the constantly increasing tendency. Empresses were pictured as Isis, Ceres, Cybele, Diana, etc., and the emperors figured mostly as Ammon or Serapis. That there lurked danger, however, in this custom of wearing likenesses of the great, is evidenced by the fact that, under Tiberius, certain persons were executed for sacrilege for visiting brothels while wearing rings set with the portrait of the deified Augustus. The quality of the portrait work begins to fall off after Augustus’ time. The theatre, too, is much in evidence in the figures and masks (Pl. XXI, 9, 10; XXII, 6, 7) drawn generally from the later Attic comedy, and the sports of the circus, which grew constantly in favor and, later, became a craze that overturned emperors, were signalized by pictures of favorite chariot teams and famous horses (Pl. XXVI, 22; XXVII, 13), often with the name added. The circus scene (PL XXII, 3) is especially interesting in this connection. The ingenious combinations of several masks in one head (Pl. XXI, 13) are connected rather with the amulets and talismans which we shall consider later. SUBJECTS 117 Especially numerous now on gems are weapons, armor, ships (PI. XXVI, 1, 2), vases (PI. XXV, 22, 23), and, above all, luck-bringing symbols, heads, and animals (PL XXVI, 4, 14, 16, 20, 28, 30), often astronomical (PL XXVI, 15; XXVII, 7, 8; XXIX, 1, 4, 10). Capricornus is most often found (PL XXVI, 15; XXIX, 4, 10). Leo is common and may be dis¬ tinguished from purely animal pictures of lions by the star or stars in the field (Pl. XXI, 11). It is not always easy, however, to tell it from the later Mithraic lions pictured as typifying the Sun (See Pl. XXIX, 14, 23). Cancer (PL XXVII, 7), also, is not uncommon, sometimes with a face pictured on the shell. Pisces occurs, as does Gemini (Pl. XXIX, 1), Virgo, to be distinguished from Victory by her wheat sheaf and helmet, and most if not all of the rest. I have one gem on which are found both Libra and Scorpio (Pl. XXVII, 8), prob¬ ably the signet of one whose birth fell at the juncture of the signs and who sought the influence of both. Three signs together seem to indicate some sort of recognition of the doc¬ trine of trines. According to Manilius there was a tutelary relation between certain deities and the Zodiac, as Minerva with Aries, Venus with Taurus, Apollo with Gemini, Hermes with Cancer, Jove and Cybele with Leo, Ares with Virgo, Vulcan with Libra, Mars with Scorpio, Diana with Sagittarius, Vesta with Capricorn, Neptune with Pisces and Juno with Aquarius. The reason for the connection is obvious in several of these. Firmicus also lays down the varying powers of certain astral deities in connection with certain signs; all of which will explain the occurrence of gods together with zodiacal symbols sometimes other than of their own houses. Day and night, too, seem to have varied the influences; in short it may be possible to illumine and illustrate by gems much of the abstruse and involved astrological superstition of early times. As illustrative of the supposed power of astronomical gems, it was told that when Apollonius of Tyana visited the Brahman, Iarchus, his host presented him with seven rings, each named for a planet and to be worn on its proper day, with the result that the philosopher preserved his vigor and good looks beyond 118 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE his hundredth year. In the matter of close dating we may safely place many of the Capricornus gems in the principiate of Augustus whose birth sign it was, and, likewise, those of Scorpio in the reign of Tiberius—these for the joint reasons that prompted the wide adoption of the Venus Victrix and the Flavian Minerva as gem devices. Early in the Empire good fortune seems to have been most easily invoked by ears of wheat, horns of plenty, rudders, palm branches and the attributes and sacred animals of the different gods. Often the symbol was pictured held in a hand (PL XXIX, 5) and clasped hands hold¬ ing a wheat ear was an emblem of marriage by the ceremony of the confarreatio (PI. XXVII, 10; XXVIII, 16). Later, these signs were displaced to a large extent by the fantastic sympleg- mata or grylli combinations of which I have spoken above and which seem to have had an eastern origin. I would prefer the name symplegmata to that of grylli (crickets) by which they are commonly known and which was probably derived from the man-cricket pictures referred to above and which still remained popular, because, while the insect is sometimes a feature in these figures, I think there is good reason to believe that the bases of the two ideas are quite distinct. Still, “grylli” is the more generally accepted name and I shall use it for that reason. It is probable that the zodiacal element may have been at the bottom of these symplegmata or, perhaps, some of the mystic cosmogonies. For instance, the Orphic cult held that water and earth were the first principles of creation and that from their union sprang a being having the body of a serpent with the heads of a man, a bull and a lion. This being, named Herakles or Chronos, laid an egg out of which came the first¬ born god, Phanes, and from the halves of the shell were formed Heaven and Earth. Whatever their origin, however, there is little doubt that it was unknown or lost sight of by the numerous wearers whose thought is probably best voiced by Plutarch where he says: “The objects that are fastened up as a means to keep off witch¬ craft derive their efficacy from the fact that they act through the strangeness and ridiculousness of their forms which fix the SUBJECTS 119 mischief-making evil eye upon themselves,” a fancy of the vitality of which we find abundant evidence in the amulets worn by the lower class of modern Italians. The lack of imagination in the designing of these latter is typical of the artistic fall of the race. Coming to their composition, the Seilenos (Besa?) mask, itself a powerful amulet, seems to be the central idea of many; this for the breast, with head, tail and legs of peacocks, roosters, cranes, horses, rams or elephants grouped around it in all manner of weird combinations. Palm branches, ears of wheat, horns of plenty, dolphins and sea-horses—all luck-bringing in themselves and, doubtless, considered much more so in com¬ bination—were added and worked into the designs, often with considerable ingenuity. The Greek Hippolectryon or horse- rooster, probably derived from Carthage, was another popular central motive; also the foreparts of lions or elephants coming out of snail shells, and every manner of absurdity in the way of mask, animal and symbol combination (PI. XXI, 12, 15; XXVI, 6—8, 13; XXVII, 2—5). With the Hadrianic revival we find, in view of that emperor’s interest in astrology and the cults of Egypt, an increase in the number of gems that owe their origin to such sources. Also Egyptian deities often appear on Roman signets, frequently with attributes of Greek or Roman gods, such as the jackal-headed Anubis with the palm branch of Victory and the caduceus of Hermes, his psychopompic office leading naturally to his identification with the latter god (See also the figure, PI. XXVI, 5). Princesses had their portraits cut with attri¬ butes of Isis, such as the lotos flower; and the child, Horus, the Harpokrates of the Greeks, appears very commonly as a god of silence with his finger at his lips and a cornucopia, especially throughout the eastern provinces of the Empire (PI. XXI, 11). Most common of all, especially in bust representa¬ tions, is Jupiter Serapis, indicated by the modius or corn measure on his head, as the lord of the subterranean world and its treasures, his influence as a corn-god and over the fortunes of the future life or death being recognized, as was that of 120 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE Hermes, down to the end of paganism, as the dispenser of riches to be won by commerce and trade (Pl. XXI, 17; XXII, 9). The Gnostic superstitions and the talismans and amulets born of them had their origin during this epoch but it seems to me better to treat them under the next when the number of such gems increased so enormously as practically to drive out most of the earlier superstitions. Inscriptions. —The majority of these still refer to owners’ names (PI. XXV, 9, 17, 18; XXVI, 4, 20; XXVII, 1). Furt- wangler’s apparent statement to the contrary probably refers rather to gems of the better class upon which we find a much larger number of artists’ signatures than at any other time. Where the owner’s name appears with a fine intaglio it is apt to be in Greek lettering or indicated by an initial rather than a coarse Latin ligature. Occasionally, too, a motto or senti¬ ment of some kind may be dated here and, very rarely, a de¬ scriptive legend. The letters, ANTI, on a large broken portrait head of Antinous do not fall under ring-stone strictures, while the MARS VLTOR beside an evident copy of the statue of the god in the Augustan temple may, perhaps, be explained by the eagerness of the owner to identify his representation. Also we find a M A R VI C (to Mars Victor) with a picture of a youth, perhaps a genius, offering a figure of Victory to a statue of Mars, and a Venus Victrix with her name in both Greek and Latin. Gift and votive inscriptions, various good wishes to beloved persons and amorous legends also occur both now and later. It is, however, the artists’ signatures which, from the standpoint of interest, are by far the most important inscrip¬ tions on these gems. Artists. —Among them w r e may provisionally place Soso- kles as the earliest, from a beautiful Medousa head with wings, signed, CUICOCA6, in flowing Hellenistic script (PI. XXI, 4); then Solon, who seems, however, to have worked rather longer and to have been a contemporary of Dioskourides, with his Dio- medes stealing the Palladium, signed, COAUJN €00161, his Me¬ dousa head, signed, 30AQN0C, (PI. XX, 8), which, by the by, has been pretty strongly doubted, and a violet paste copy of one ARTISTS 121 of his works: a nymph’s head and breast with panther skin thrown around her. She carries a rod or thyrsus and the lettering reads, COAQN. Also there is a Hercules signed, COAQNOC. Apollonios, whose Artemis is signed, AnOAAQNlOY, seems also to be one of the earlier artists. Foremost among the gem-cutters of the Augustan Age stands Dioskourides, who cut the portrait of Augustus himself. This gem has remained undiscovered though Reinach claims that a head of the Emperor on a carnelian is the work of this master as, also, an amethyst portrait of Maecenas. We have certainly, however, several others: a Diomedes, signed, AIOCKOYPIAOY (PI. XX, 5), two Hermes (PI. XX, 2), a beautiful female head and a portrait bust of Demosthenes. On all of these the signature is the same with the exception of variations in the style of lettering, par¬ ticularly on one of the Hermes (AIOCI : OYI IAOY). Dioskourides cannot be said to have been an originator of ideas as, in fact, were few if any of his contemporaries. He was a tasteful classicist, borrowing his subjects from the best examples of an older art but treating them in his own way. He seems to have come to Rome from Aigeai in Kilikia with his three sons, Eutyches, Hyllos, and Herophilos, all of whom followed his craft and have left us examples of their work. Of the first we have the head and upper part of the body of an Athena which bears, in four lines, the unusually detailed signatory inscrip¬ tion, 6'YTYXHC AIOCKOYPIAOY AITCAIOC €nOI€l. Of Hyllos, the second son, we have a Theseus (or Hercules) (PI. XX, 14) and a bust of Apollo (PI. XX, 3), each signed, YAAOY; also a cameo signed, YAAOC AIOCKOYPIAOY CnOIEI. The third, Herophilos, is known only by a cameo head of Tiberius, the signature on which also tells that the artist was a son of Dioskourides. Aspasios was apparently a contemporary of Dioskourides. His bust of the Athena Parthenos of Pheidias (PI. XX, 9) and his Herm of the bearded Dionysos (PI. XX, 13) show great delicacy if no originality and bear the signature, ACnAClOY. Agathangelos, too, lived early in the period. His portrait head of Sextus Pompey (PI. XX, 6) bears the signature, ATAOANTCAOY. Gaius 122 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE seems, also, rather early. His head of the dog, Sirius, reads, TAIOC enoiei, and Polykleitos evidently comes after Dioskou- rides with a Diomedes with the Palladium. d>HAIE €noi€l, in two lines on a picture of Odysseus and Diomedes with the Pal¬ ladium, tells the name of Felix, an artist whose close dating is more uncertain, as is also that of the following names: Gnseus, with a youthful Hercules head (PI. XX, 1) inscribed, TNAIOC, and equal to the best of Dioskourides, a Diomedes (TNAIOY), a Melpomene (-NAIOY) (PI. XXI, 1), and an athlete anointing himself with oil (rNAlOY) (PI. XX, 4) ; Dalion, with a youth¬ ful head inscribed, AAAION, and a Nereid riding a sea-horse, inscribed, AAAIQN; Kleon? with an Amazon’s head broken in two and inscribed, KA€ f, the rest of the name being lost with the missing half of the stone; Aulus, with a nymph’s head and bust (AYAOV), an Aphrodite and Eros (AYAOC) (PI. XX, 10), a bust of a young satyr (AYAOY), a Cupid bound before a trophy (AYAOY) (PL XXI, 3), an athlete (AYAOC), and others. The style and merit of these cuttings are very uneven, and Furtwangler considers that this weakness of the artist has led to the frequent forging of his signature. I have fol¬ lowed Furtwangler’s attributions in the above gems in the absence of an opportunity to examine the stones themselves, but it is proper to say that the existence of Aulus has been disputed altogether by several of the earlier authorities. Then there are Quintus, signed in Greek, as Koivxo?, on a fragment of a cameo which shows the legs of an armed man walking; Lucius, also in Greek, as Aenxios, on a two-horse chariot; Anteros, signed, ANT6PUJTOC, on a Hercules carrying a bull (PI. XX, 7); Teukros (TCYN-OY), on a Hercules with a nymph; Philemon (<1>IAHM0N0C), on a Theseus with the slain Minotaur, a cameo; Pamphilos (flAMMAOY), on a seated Aehilleus playing the lyre (PI. XX, 15); Agathemeros, with a head of a philosopher, perhaps Sokrates (ATAGHMG behind the head and POC under it) ; Skylax (CKYAAZ and CKYAAKOC) on a dancing satyr and on a cameo with a youthful Hercules ARTISTS 123 playing the lyre, and Sostratos (CQCTPATOY), on two cameos and on a Nike sacrificing a bull (PL XX, 12). The latest of this group of artists, in fact the latest known signature, for the custom seems to have died out under the Flavian emperors, is Evodos whose bust portrait of Julia, daughter of Titus, is signed, GYOAOC 6TTOI6I, (PL XX, 11). Tryphon, whose art Addaios, the poet, has commemorated in an epigram, appears to have been the court gem-engraver of Polemon, king of Pontos, himself evidently a connoisseur. Of his presumptive w r ork we have the famous Marlborough cameo picturing the marriage procession of Cupid and Psyche and bearing the inscription, TPY4>QN €110161. In spite of Furt- wangler’s endorsement I feel an instinctive suspicion of this signature. It is engraved in intaglio on a cameo, an easy and common method of modern interpolation, and the epigram might readily have suggested the name. Other artists, known to us only from cameos but who may well have cut intaglios also, are Rufus, Diodotos, Saturninus, and Epitynchanos, and to the entire list may perhaps be added the names of Mykon and Pliarnakes, on the authority of Rei- nach, and Koinos on that of Brunn and King. It should, however, be said that many of the names given above have been disputed and more or less seriously questioned by earlier authorities, either as being names of owners or recently interpolated signatures, and, in some cases, the sus¬ picion has extended to the genuineness of the gem itself. Briefly I may say that the existence of the artists Agathangelos, Anteros, Aulus, Gaius, Gnseus, Lucius, Philemon, Polycleitos, Scylax, Sosokles, and Sostratos has been disputed and these are placed by Dr. Brunn’s catalogue, as edited by King, in the doubtful list. Their list of names, certainly not artist signa¬ tures, includes Agathemeros and Quintus. In commenting on this it must be remembered that Brunn’s catalogue was published in 1859, in the full heat of the reaction against the Poniatowski forgeries. Kohler, too, upon whose authority much of the catalogue depends, while rather a pro¬ phet than a disciple of the reaction, was certainly an extremist 124 GEMS OF THE EARLY EMPIRE in his theories. He denied all artists’ signatures except those of Athenian, Apolldnios, Evodos, Protarchos and Epitynchanos, and allowed these on but one gem each. Much has been learned since his day and much since Brunn’s. I cannot say that I am free from a feeling that Furtwangler is himself inclined, sometimes, to be just a trifle too certain of his ground in what is, at the best, the most theoretical and uncertain side of the whole subject. Still, his equipment and opportunities for exhaustive study of the matter in the light of the latest knowledge were unequalled, and his conclusions in so many cases seem to me well founded that I consider his list of artists the only one at present worthy to be described as tentatively authoritative. I may add that, as a matter of personal opinion, I attach no weight whatever to the earlier criticisms of the identity of, at least, Skylax, Sosokles and Agathemeros. Let me refer, in closing the matter, to the comments I have already made on artists’ signatures of the Hellenistic Period with reference to the possibility or probability of the name of a supposed gem-engraver being really that of an owner. The presence of the ejtoiei of course means the artist or a fraud, the genitive may as w T ell indicate owner as artist; so, also, the nominative. As a corroborating circum¬ stance, the occurrence of the same name on two gems that, judged by their character, may be from the same hand is, when this evidence be not weakened by the commonness of the name itself, a strong argument. Furtwangler does or does not attach much importance to differences in the lettering, as he tries to make his point. Sometimes he seems very free and, again, most rigid. Personally I think that unless some special reason for a difference appears—such, for instance, as space considera¬ tions,—serious variations in signatures should count against their being those of the same artist. For the rest, what I have said before applies equally here. Each case must be passed upon on its merits, bearing well in mind the enormous number of forged signatures, both of the apparently authentic names given above and of a host of others culled by diligent seekers from Pliny and other sources. CHAPTER VIII GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE—CHRISTIAN GEMS.- MITHRAIC AND GNOSTIC TALISMANS With the accession of Commodus the decline of the glyptic art had definitely set in and, save for a very limited and flicker¬ ing revival under Constantine, progressed to the end. The second century A. D. strove feebly to preserve good traditions, and there were still a few pretty good portraits, but the numer¬ ous pictures of protecting deities and their symbols, still used for signets and talismans, or of animals and genre subjects show a dull uniformity and an utter lack of originality or merit,, together with feeble and sketchy workmanship which grades down to the representation of a figure by a few strokes of the wheel ploughed roughly into the stone (PI. XXVII, 1, 13, 14; XXVIII, 13,15,18—21; XXIX, 1—3,7—9). The drill was little used. If a talisman or amulet was wanted, it was the subject rather than the execution of it that counted, while, as for the signets, there seems to have been no art public that recognized or cared for the best work. As in all decaying civilizations, ostentation and the desire for ornaments that were at once showy and expensive led to the profuse wearing of pearls and jewels, and the delicate art of the gem-cutter found no patrons. With the exception of the Gnostic amulets, many of which were quite large, and a very few large stones intended for ornaments, all were ring-stones, usually with a flat picture surface but sometimes slightly convex. Materials. —These remained very much as in the preceding epoch. Carnelian was commonest and, next, chalcedony. Nic- olo and plasma held, and all the jaspers, red, yellow, green, mottled, and red-spotted (heliotrope), enjoyed an increasing 125 126 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE vogue, doubtless because magical qualities were attributed to the stones themselves. Amethyst, agate, garnet, sard, sardonyx, usually cut horizontally, and rock-crystal were rarer. Hematite, a powerful amulet stone among the Gnostics, became popular for their crude representations and lapis lazuli was quite common. This stone was also used freely by certain gem-cutters of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries who engraved on it antique subjects and whose rough work resembles so closely that of the decaying Empire that gems of this material must be regarded with the most cautious suspicion. Pastes were practically things of the past. Subjects. —Crude figures of deities were much in evidence (PI. XXVIII, 17—19; XXIX, 7—9), constant repetitions of the same conventional poses, many of them taken originally from the statue types. Fortuna and Victory are by far the commonest (PI. XXIX, 7, 17); then Nemesis, Mercury (See PL XXIII, 16) , Jupiter enthroned or standing (See PI. XXIII, 11, 19), Serapis, usually as a bust (See PI. XXI, 17; XXII, 9), Minerva (PL XXVIII, 18), Ceres (See Pl. XXIII, 2), Venus, generally the Victrix type (See PL XXIII, 21), Mars (See Pl. XXIII, 22, 23), Bacchus (Pl. XXVIII, 17), Diana (Pl. XXVIII, 19), Neptune (See Pl. XXIII, 20) and all the rest. Sometimes several are represented together (Pl. XXVIII, 21; XXIX, 7, 17) , and some of the types with combined attributes are not easy to identify, especially when they are so badly done that it is hard to say just what the artist tried to cut. Besides these, were representations of callings and occupa¬ tions (Pl. XXIX, 2), the games of the circus (Pl. XXVII, 13), masks, combined masks (PL XXVIII, 13), symbols (Pl. XXVII, 1; XXVIII, 16; XXIX, 4, 5), grylli (Pl. XXVII, 2- 5), astronomical figures (PL XXIX, 1, 4, 10, 11), and animals (Pl. XXVIII, 14; XXIX, 3). Subjects from the epics were rarely chosen, another evidence of the decline of artistic feeling (Pl. XXVII, 11, 15). One of the few literary gems of the period shows the combat between the pigmies and the cranes (Pl. XXVII, 12). Generally speaking, either luck had to be PORTRAITS—CHRISTIAN GEMS 127 invoked by some fantastic design or they fell back on the com¬ monplace. Portraits of the wearer or of some one he desired to com¬ pliment were, however, still favorites as signets (PI. XXVIII, 1—12) and, as I have said above, the work on these was better than on the subject pieces. Whether a man wanted a portrait of himself or of another, he wanted one that could be recognized or its value would be lessened or lost, and, doubtless, this need brought it about that portraiture retained much of its merit when other forms of art were practically dead. The coinage of the period bears out this contention. They put their best efforts on these gems and they, at least, tried to get a likeness, even when their limitations left the workmanship crude. This was the case even in a gem in which the portraiture idea was subsidiary: the Commodus hunting, which is not at all bad (PI. XXVII, 19). The famous sapphire seal of Constantius II, referred to in the Introduction, dates from the first half of the fourth century and is, as might be expected, the finest example we have of the engraving of its time. Also it is characteristic in its elaborate picture idea, and the K6CAPIA KATUTAAOKIA under the figure of the genius representing that city, is another of the rare cases of descriptive inscriptions. At last, however, even portraiture failed and barbarism reigned supreme. CHRISTIAN SUBJECTS With the rapid advance of Christianity we may now expect to find Christian gems, though these are not very numerous (PI. XXVIII, 10; XXIX, 6, 12). There were a few in the preceding epoch: such symbols as the anchor, taken from the coinage of Asmonsean kings of Judea and, perhaps, adopted on account of its resemblance to the cross. The direct repre¬ sentation of the latter was not in accord with the taste for more recondite symbolism. Besides, in the earlier times, its use as a signet may have been looked upon as irreverent. Certainly it would have been dangerous in periods of persecution, and most Christians did not invite martyrdom. The lyre was 128 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE favored, as symbolizing harmony and concord, the ship, gen¬ erally with the Chrisma for a mast, symbolized the voyage through life to a better land. Sometimes, oddly enough, a cock appears as a passenger. He carries a palm branch and is sup¬ posed to represent the soul of man triumphant. The dove had its obvious connection with the Saviour’s life in the manifesta¬ tion of his divinity, and, also, the Kabbalistic sum of the num¬ eral letters in the Greek word, TcegiaTepd (dove), was 801, identical with that of Alpha and Omega, which the Lord had called himself. Lastly, the fisherman was pictured, because his occupation suggested to the believer “ Little children drawn up out of the water.” To these five symbolic signets Clemens Alexandrinus (III, 11), writing in the latter half of the second century, limited his followers, also enjoining: “For we are not to delineate the faces of idols . . . nor a sword nor a bow . . . nor drinking cups. . . Many of the licentious have their lovers engraved or their mistresses, as if they wished to make it impossible ever to forget their amatory indulgences, by being perpetually put in mind of their licentiousness.” He does not mention, in his list of permitted emblems, possibly for some reasons of his own, the wreath, the palm-branch or the fish, the last one of the commonest of Christian symbols. The Kabbalists gave the name, dag (fish), to their expected Messiah and taught that the sign of his coming would be the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in the sign, Pisces, but to the Christians the Greek word, IX0Y^, gave the initials of the words, "Iriooug Xpiaxo? 0eou Yiog ScotrjQ (Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour). Also they used the Chrisma, the X and P joined as a monogram, $, sometimes varied more or less and sometimes worked into other designs. More rare and of later origin are simple repre¬ sentations of the cross, though it, too, is worked into many com¬ binations, such as where it rests on a fish, with doves perched on the arms or where two fishes hang from them. The frog was a rather unusual device on these gems and typified, by its seeming change from a fish to a quadruped, the resurrection of the soul. CHRISTIAN GEMS 129 All of these continued in use, two or more often appearing on the same gem, but certainly as early as the end of the second century one of the most favored of all was especially allowed by Tertullian: a picture of the Good Shepherd carrying a lamb and often with one or two sheep beside him (PI. XXIX, 6). In earlier times this would have been regarded as idolatrous, as was always, before the latter part of the fourth century, any attempt at a direct likeness of Christ. Epiphanius, in his at¬ tack on the heresies of the Carpocratian Gnostics, makes this clear, and the earliest essays at divine portraiture on gems seem to be due to the Nestorian heretics who took refuge in Persia under the Sassanian dynasty. Possibly of about 300 A. D. is a curious carnelian with a very crude picture of Abraham about to sacrifice Isaac, with the angel interfering (PI. XXIX, 12). On the upper part of the stone are two men and a horse upside down, perhaps the servants and traveling beast of Abraham. In the fourth century and throughout Byzantine times there are large stones showing such pictures as Christ enthroned, sometimes with the twelve apostles around him and done in the style characteristic of Byzantine art. Of more doubtful origin are the figures of Victory that appear not very rarely on Christian gems, sometimes together with Christian symbols and once, to my knowledge, on one side of a stone that has the Good Shepherd on the other. Ob¬ viously the Victory was the most adaptable of the Pagan per¬ sonifications, whether on the score of its symbolic inference or of the resemblance which, later, led the Mediaeval interpreters to regard it as the figure of an angel. On the other hand, it is not impossible that certain Paganizing Gnostics may have, for the same reasons, welcomed it as an especially subtle wedge wherewith to corrupt the imagery of the orthodox. Altogether, the gems bearing it cannot but cast a shadow of suspicion on their wearers as having been either secret enemies, heretics or, at the best, Christians of a distinctly liberal turn of mind. Undoubtedly Pagan in its origin, if not in its motive, is the confusion of Jupiter Serapis with Christ, often ignorantly 130 GEMS OF, THE LATER EMPIRE done by the old religionists and deliberately by the Gnostics. A colorable relation existed in Serapis’ rule over the Under¬ world and the future life, while, whether as a result of the confusion or arising from independent causes, there is no doubt that many of the later representations of the Jesus took form and feature from the calm, benignant face of the Alexandrian Jove. A mottled brown jasper engraved with an anchor and, on the reverse, the legend, M ET All CAP An 1C (Great Serapis), is an example of this mingling. Inscriptions. —The inscriptions on stones of this period have no especial characteristics except that none of them is the artist’s name, that the lettering is almost always crude and barbaric, and that they are often of considerable length. They may be owners’ names, in full or abbreviated (PI. XXVIII, 17), sentiments of some kind, either independent of or suggested by the design, descriptive legends, such as the name on PI. XXVIII. 14, the HPA OYPANIA (the Celestial Juno) on a large stone showing the goddess riding a lion between the Dioskoroi and, beneath, AMMUJNIOC AN60HK€N6n ArAGUJ (Ammonios dedi¬ cated (this) or placed (this) on for good (fortune)), or the APHTUi PUJPOMANAAPH (I protect Roromandares) with a Gorgon’s head (PI. XXIX, 21); but commonest of all were words or combinations of letters in the nature of charms, calculated to invoke or compel some supernatural influence in favor of the wearer. These I will discuss under the Mithraic and Gnostic Gems which, by their distinct character and great number, merit separate treatment. Another of the more elaborate inscriptions may be referred to as an example of the kind of thing that was sometimes at¬ tempted. It occurs on a rather large stone bearing the por¬ traits of a man, woman, and child, evidently some Christian family of the third century (PI. XXVIII, 10), and is apparent¬ ly a gift to the master of the house from some friend. Around the top of the stone we read, in fair lettering save that no curves are attempted, Enruxt IldvxaQi petcc xf\ g Kupiag Baai- Xioarjg xal PauMvag ,(Good luck (to you), Pancharius, with the lady Basilissa and Paulina). Below the father is IQ 0E and MITHKAIC GEMS 131 below the mother, C II (els 080 ?— one god), while above the child's head and between those of its parents, also in barbaric lettering, is the word, zor\ (life). Here, then, are names, an invocation of good fortune, and a suggestion of the faith of the wearer, all on a single stone. Generally an inscription con¬ fines itself to one of these provinces. The Christian inscriptions occur on gems with and with¬ out the pictures and cover a pretty wide field. IX0YC is, of course, common and some, such as XPICTC CUJZ 6 KAPfllANON A€nOT€ (O Christ, save Carpianus forever) and IHCOYC ©£0Y Y I OCT H PC (Jesus, Son of God, keep me), are obviously the Christian variants of the Pagan wish-mottoes which had but to do with the temporal life. IHCOYC alone is found on some, XP on others (PI. XXIX, 6), ic XC (It|(Jovs Xgiatog) on a large picture of Christ and his apostles, while many, nat¬ urally, bear the names of the owners. Christian gems must be noted as being one of the classes that were much imitated in the days of forgery. The simplicity of the symbols, crudeness of the execution, and the natural interest attached to them made them a fruitful field, so that both knowledge and caution are necessary in passing upon their genuineness. MITHRAIC GEMS Before taking up the consideration of Gnostic glypto- graphs it is first in order to examine the stones that evidence the popularity of the cult of the Persian Mithras, first intro¬ duced in Rome after the conquest of Pontus by Pompey, and which, under the Empire, attained a high degree of popular¬ ity (PI. XXIX, 13, 14, 17—19, 23?). Properly speaking, it was the modified Zoroasterism of later Persian times. In the Zendavesta, Ormuzd had been the principal of the good powers, the first of the seven Amshas- pands, and Mithra or Mithras was the head of the twenty-seven Izeds or emanations therefrom, who governed the heavenly bodies and the elements in the interest of man and contended in his behalf with the twenty-seven Devs, the corresponding 132 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE powers of evil. Mithras’ rule was over the Sun, and his tran¬ sition westward and identification with other deities was therefore easy—Phanakes in Asia Minor and Apollo and Helios in Greece and Rome, while he usurped, in a measure, the place of Dionysos in the long established Dionysiac mys¬ teries. In Rome, as time advanced, there were many modifications and adaptations of his esoteric cult ideas. The tendency was in the direction of a brotherhood with initiations and lodges, one of which is preserved today, almost intact, at Ostia, and there seems to be a close connection between many Mithraic ceremonies, running down through the secret societies of the Middle Ages, and those of their professed successors, the Free Masons. There were preliminary trials consisting of twelve, or, it has been said, eighty tortures, including fire, water, hunger, thirst, scourging, and solitude, and the initiation is believed to have comprised seven degrees called respectively the ravens, the secret, the fighters, the lions, the Persians, the Sun-runners, and the fathers. On the other hand, there was much that was akin to the ideas and ceremonies of Christianity. Mithras, as the first and greatest emanation of the supreme Ormuzd, furnished a close parallel to Christ, and the ritual included both baptism and a eucharistic feast, all of which goes far to explain the prominent place taken by Mithrasism in the evolution of the somewhat later development of the different Gnostic sects. In the times of Hadrian and several of the princes that followed him the Mithraic brotherhood became both fashionable and powerful. Under such conditions we would naturally expect to find many gems reflecting the cult and, at the same time, throwing light upon its ideas and superstitions. These are, indeed, fairly numerous and some of them, in contradistinction to the Gnostic works, show a very fair degree of technical skill. Art, of course, is a thing neither to be looked for nor found. The substances used are almost invariably the different jaspers, green, yellow, and mottled, or the heliotrope or blood¬ stone. The subjects include, first of all, the lion, as typifying MITHRAIC GEMS 133 the Sun (PL XXIX, 23), either pulling down a bull (Pl. XXIX, 13) or carrying its head in his jaws (PI. XXIX, 14) to indicate supremacy over the Earth which, in Mithraic sym¬ bolism, is represented by a bull. The serpent, in the East the personification of the powers of evil, is sometimes shown tram¬ pled under the feet of the lion or of a youth in a Persian cap, a representation of Mithras himself who, again, is often pic¬ tured plunging a sword into a bull to symbolize the rays that pierce into the bosom of the Earth and slay that they may fructify. The dog that is sometimes introduced licking up the blood is rather more difficult to interpret but may have refer¬ ence to the doctrine of fructification, the dog being the most venerated of animals among the modern Parsees, descendants of the Persians. The star with eight points was also a solar emblem of the cult, and all these are often worked into rather elaborate designs involving zodiacal and astrological ideas, often difficult to co-ordinate and interpret. Other symbols are, also, sometimes introduced, as, on one gem, three ears of wheat at the end of the bull’s tail, perhaps in allusion to the life-giv¬ ing plants that, according to Zend tradition, sprang from the tail of the Primeval Bull slain by Ahriman, the principle of evil. Altogether it is easy to imagine the study that can be devoted to and the information to be gained from these gems. The rising and setting of the divine orb is symbolized some¬ times by two torches, one raised and one lowered in the hands of Mithras, or, again, by ascending and descending chariots. A naked female figure bearing the raised and lowered torches, rudely cut on a curiously speckled agate in my possession (PI. XXIX, 19), may, I have thought, have reference to worship of Venus Mylitta, under the name of Mitra, the morning star, and which Herodotos tells was introduced into Persia through Assyria. She was a genius presiding over love and directing the harmonious movements of the other planets. Another class of gems appear to refer to the ceremonies of initiation, such as a lion standing over a prostrate man and a not uncommon representation of a man bound to a column upon which is a griffin, sacred to Apollo (later identified with 134 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE Mithras), with its paw on a wheel. In the field is sometimes the word, AIKAIQI (justly). On a gem in my possession (PL XXIX, 18) a Cupid is substituted for the initiate and may be a conception of some irreverent victim of love who thus makes jest, at once of his own or his neighbor’s creed and of his amor¬ ous sorrows. As a suggestion of what the twelve degrees of Mithraic initiation were like we read that the trials extended over forty days, in curious analogy with the Christian Lenten season of self-denial. The candidate lay naked on the snow, he was scourged, and tests with the four elements were part of his ordeal. It is probable that much which seems abstruse on the gems may be susceptible of explanation in this connec¬ tion. However, as I have said above, Mithrasism at Rome, doubt¬ less corrupt from the first, tended to slip farther and farther afield, and we find so many of its ideas adopted by the Gnostics that the combinations are often very confusing. The purpose of these gems was primarily to invoke magic¬ working influences and to serve as credentials for members of the brotherhood. The signet idea also remained but it is rather doubtful if the wearers could have regarded many of them as ornaments. GNOSTIC GEMS Coming now to a consideration of Gnosticism and the vast number of gems that bear witness to its many sects, their numerous adherents and wide influence on the thought and superstitions of the times, we find, at the outset, many theories to explain their origin and development. Considering the great number of these sects that made head, at one time or another, and their varying tenets, it is not difficult to conceive that all the given explanations are well founded. It has been the fashion to regard them as mere Christian heresies, inspired either by honest divergence or by a deliberate scheme on the part of expiring Paganism to con¬ quer its otherwise invincible rival by subtly corrupting it. Both assertions are, I think, true as to certain of the Gnostics, but GNOSTIC GEMS 135 I believe them to be later phases of a movement the origin and motives of which had their roots in older creeds and newer World tendencies. Generally speaking, we find in Gnosticism a mingling of the religion of ancient Egypt, Mithrasism, Neo-Platonic phil¬ osophy, the Kabbala, and Christianity, with probably a less direct influence from Buddhism. These elements varied widely in their control in the different schools or sects of the Gnosis. The result was a sort of aristocratic pantheism that arrogated to its adepts all good here and hereafter, as the result of knowledge of the truth and of the proper means of employing it and which, by its arrogated authority and power, found ready and wide popularity at a period when credulity, supersti¬ tion, and reliance on magic-working substances and formulae were at their highest flood. Of course, amid such a farrago, there is always the element of conscious or unconscious charlatanry as a militant motive, and this we seem to find in the Samaritan, Simon Magus, per¬ haps the earliest proponent of what could be called Gnostic ideas, who dates from early in the first century A. D. Others followed him, some, doubtless, sincere fanatics, others sincere philosophers, and others, again, inspired by more doubtful motives. In the systems of Basileides, who flourished in Alex¬ andria in the second century, and of his successor Valentinus we find the most complete development of Gnostic philosophy, and in Manes or Manichseus, the founder of the Manichaean sect, who lived and died in the third century, the most danger¬ ous and influential of the Christian heresiarchs: one whose in¬ fluence reached to the Emperor Constantine and who numbered among his followers St. Augustine himself, before that father of the Church turned to orthodoxy. Little is left to us in complete form of the many early works on this subject. The orthodox, when their control be¬ came absolute, searched far too diligently and destroyed too thoroughly for that; but in the Pistis Sophia (Faith Wisdom), attributed to Valentinus, we have one example of the gospels of Gnosticism which may inspire at once regret and thanks- 136 GEMS OF THE EATER EMPIRE giving: regret for the loss of the means to study exhaustively one of the most curious of the mental emanations of humanity, and thanksgiving that the mind is spared a perusal of theories and doctrines a few pages of which are quite sufficient to make us wonder whether the World has been mad or we are becom¬ ing so. To those who desire a more detailed history of the subject I would suggest Dr. Charles W. King’s book on The Gnostics and Their Remains, a work which, while not especial¬ ly satisfactory in its arrangement and, naturally, far from ex¬ haustive, will yet give a good enough impression for the pur¬ poses of most readers. Our own province is the consideration of the gem-talismans and amulets, the manufacturing and wearing of which was a highly characteristic manifestation of these remarkable superstitions. As the Gnostic idea involved primarily a conquest and control of invisible agencies by means of knowledge of the mystic influence of substances, forms, and words of power, it is natural that we should look to find these embodied in the shape of charms convenient for being carried on the person. Many of the talismans are too large for ring-stones, and we may easily imagine that concealment was sometimes held to aid attainment of the desired end. Most of them, however, are of a suitable size to set in rings, and it is evident from the re¬ versed lettering on many that they were used as signets and meant to read correctly in the impressions. Even in such cases it is usual to find both sides of the gem engraved with either figure or writing, so that a part, at least, of the talismanic subject or words should be concealed and in close contact with the body of the owner. Materials. —The stones used were those popular at the times when these gems were in vogue, but w r e find so marked a preference for hematite, green and yellow jaspers, and helio¬ trope that we may fancy that some especial virtue was sup¬ posed to dwell in these substances. Plasma or greenish chal¬ cedony was also sometimes used and it is quite possible that that color alone may have been regarded as efficacious in some way. Of the finer stones very few are engraved with Gnostic GNOSTIC GEMS 137 subjects. Even the carnelian, common enough among the other gems of the period, was seldom employed. Now, more than ever, was the material held potent: witness Pliny’s 'Natural Histo?'y, much of which might better be called “Supernatural” and dates from the much earlier time of the Peri-Lithon, one of the Orphic books, which treated of the magical virtues of different stones and their power as preservatives against poisons and in gaining the favor of the gods. Naturally, un¬ der such conditions, the beauty of the stone was of no more consequence than the beauty of subject or the art in the en¬ graving; an unimportant lack, perhaps, when the subjects were necessarily ungainly and the art of the engravers nil. Good work on fine stones may pretty safely be placed as fifteenth century or later products, when the attitude toward magic¬ working devices was very hospitable, and the so-called pierres d’Israel, a term applied indiscriminately to ancient gems, were held to be talismans of power. Especially may this criticism be made of the terminal figure of Osiris and other Egyptian gods with Greek or modern Hebrew letters and astrological cyphers in the field. Glass pastes, too, would not be considered available for talismans the substance of which was held to be material to their influence. Besides, the stones that were favored were cheap enough to obviate any such tendency. Subjects. —First and foremost among the subjects is the figure of Abraxas (PI. XXIX, 20a), sometimes spelled Abrasax, the Pantheios of Gnosticism, evolved by Basileides. The name is probably the Greek form of the Hebrew Ha-Brachah (The Blessing) and is reflected in “abracadabra,” Ha-Brachah-dab- arah (pronounce the blessing), that most potent of mediaeval spells. Both Jerome and Augustine also state that Basileides argued that the Greek numerical value of the letters of the name equalled 365, the days of the year. This god is repre¬ sented as having the body and arms of a man, the head of a cock, and serpents for legs. On one arm he carries a shield and in the other hand, generally, a whip but, sometimes, a sword or dart and, rarely, a mace. Occasionally the head is 138 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE that of a hawk or a lion, but the significance is the same. Many: very wise and recondite theories have been evolved and argued to explain the monstrous combination, but none of them can be called quite convincing. To venture one, which has, at least, the merit of being simpler and more obvious than the others and for those reasons, judging from Gnostic analogies, is least likely to be correct, I would suggest that such a figure is a very reasonable expression of the Pantheistic idea. The head of a bird denotes dominion of the sky, the serpents, that of the Under¬ world (or, according to some authorities, water), and the body and arms of a man between them, are those of the Lord of the Earth’s surface whereon men dwell. In the one hand he bears the shield to defend himself and his followers, and, in the other, some weapon to punish his enemies. It is all of the Universe symbolized in one figure for offense and defense. Sabaoth (From sabi, glory, in Hebrew, and compare Sabazios, a name of Dionysos) and Adonai (Lord) are also Gnostic titles of this deity and appear occasionally on the gems (PI. XXIX, 16); but quite as frequent as Abraxas, often with it and evidently used either as a name or as descriptive of the same being, is Iao, the ineffable name of the Jews (PI. XXIX, 16, 20a, 26, 28b). To draw the line in such appellatives between names and titles hardly belongs here, but I am inclined, in the light of the inscriptions, to consider the last a broad denomination of the supreme God, proclaimed under the name of Abraxas by Basileides and identified with the sun-gods of all times and nations. The others, as I have said, seem to me in the nature of titles taken from gods of earlier theologies and go to express the absorption of their attributes by the all-powerful one of the Gnosis. Rarely the figure has an ass’ head, the significance of which is doubtful, unless it be in honor of Tvphon. Second in frequency on Gnostic gems is the Agathodaimon (Good Spirit) of the later Egyptians who also knew it under the name, Cneph. This is represented as a serpent having the head of a lion with a crown of rays, generally either seven or twelve, to emphasize the idea of a Sun divinity (PI. XXIX, 22, 27). It was known variously as XNOYMIX (Chnumis), XNOYBIX. GNOSTIC GEMS 139 (Chnubis) or XNOY4>II (Chnuphis), which also suggests Cneph. Jablonsky derives Chnumis literally from the Coptic XNOYM (good) and |Z (spirit). This symbolization may be placed as of earlier origin than the Abraxas figures. The canopic vase, which appears sometimes with the serpent on earlier gems but probably not on later ones, is explained by “Cnepli” being rendered “Ka- nopos” in classical Greek. It is reasonable to suppose that the adoption of the serpent as a device may have sprung from the creed of the Ophites or Naaseni (Serpent-worshippers), one of the earliest Gnostic sects, whose doctrines are set forth with con¬ siderable not unnatural confusion by the early fathers. Possibly they were based on a distorted notion of the first Temptation, which held the serpent to be the dutiful servant of God appoint¬ ed to work out the prescribed destiny of the human race. More probably, however, the idea had an earlier origin than any of the developed schools of the Gnosis and found its roots in the earlier superstitions that vested the serpent with all knowledge. The Brazen serpent raised by Moses in the Wilderness gives one analogy, its connection with iEsculapius and the healing art throughout Pagan times voices the same idea, and Galen writes in the second century A. D.: “Some in¬ deed assert that a virtue of this kind” (as an amulet) “is in¬ herent in certain stones, such as it is certain is possessed by the green jasper, which benefits the chest and mouth of the stomach when tied on them. Some indeed set the stone in a ring and engrave upon it a serpent with head crowned with rays, according to King Nechepsos in his thirteenth book.” It is interesting to note in this connection that green jaspers and green chalcedonies are the most favored substances among our gems for this device and that it is almost always accom¬ panied by the triple S transversed by a bar (PI. XXIX, 22), also frequently found alone, and which, again, is apparently a mere conventionalized and perhaps purposely obscured repre¬ sentation of the staff of Aesculapius with the serpent coiled about it. In addition to these two, the commonest among Gnostic subjects, there are also many figures of different planetary 140 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE genii, sometimes with two, sometimes with four wings, beings which were supposed to preside over the different Heavens. Scaliger believed them to be representations of the Decani, the three chief stars in each sign of the Zodiac. Close identifica¬ tion is often more than difficult, even when the names are added in their barbarous forms and letterings, though it is probable that Ildabaoth, the good genius who, according to Valentinus, reigned in Saturn, is most often intended. Sometimes the genius has upon its head something which seems to represent the sacramental table, and they bear sceptres of different kinds to symbolize their power and dominion (PI. XXIX, 24). Strongly in evidence, also, on Gnostic gems are types de¬ rived from Egyptian theology: the jackal-headed Anubis (PI. XXIX, 28a), in the place of Hermes whose caduceus he often carries, whose office here is to conduct the accredited souls along the planetary path through the regions of the many Heavens, up to their final rest in the Pleroma, the One embrac¬ ing All within itself. Gems bearing this figure may also be of earlier date and non-Gnostic origin and, if done in the time of the Hadrianic revival, may be very well engraved. So, too, we find other animal-headed types, sprung from the same Egyptian sources, but a most interesting expression of this idea is on a gem formerly belonging to Dr. King where Anubis is represented carrying a lamb and playing the part of the Good Shepherd on the orthodox Christian gems (See, also, PI. XXVI, 5). To the subjects of Egyptian origin, also, belongs the rep¬ resentation of the child, Horus, finger at lips and scourge in hand, himself a Sun-god, seated upon a lotos flower (PI. XXIX, 20b, 26) or in a boat, symbol of the Moon, and, occasionally, with the phallic emblem. Pictures of the cynocephalus baboon of Thoth, generally with exaggerated phallic attribute, fall in the same class as does the ibis, often bearing attributes; also the beetle. Sometimes the cynocephalus is adoring Horus, sometimes, a pillar which may be surmounted by a triangle, a symbol of the Moon to which the baboon was consecrated. Pos¬ sibly the pillar has reference to the ‘‘Pillars of Hermes,” by GNOSTIC GEMS 141 means of which the Gnostic sage, Iamblichus, solved the ques¬ tions propounded to him by Porphyrius. Belus mounted on a lion was developed from Mithrasism, as were, according to some, the winged genii above referred to. The serpent with its tail in its mouth, which often forms a border on Gnostic stones (PI. XXIX, 25, 26), may be, in some cases, of Ophite signifi¬ cance or may have reference to earlier phases of serpent wor¬ ship, but a passage in the Pistis Sophia seems to place it among solar devices. It reads: “And the disk of the Sun was a great dragon whose tail was in his mouth, who went up into the Seven Powers on the left hand, being drawn by four Powers having the similitude of white horses. But the going of the Moon w T as in the shape of a boat,” etc., etc. The mummy en¬ coded by the serpent probably has reference to the protecting power of the Agathodaimon over the dead. Of female figures, often winged, there are representations of Athor and Sate, for the Roman Venus and Juno. The naked woman of the Aphrodite Anadyomene type that is found on Gnostic monuments can be explained as the Truth shown to Marcus, a disciple of Valentinus, and described by him in his Revelation. With the above summary of basic ideas as a foundation, the student may expect to find many variants and combinations with Egyptian and Mithraic ideas and Roman deities, more especially Hermes and the Jupiter Serapis, imported and adapted from Egypt, also the Egyptian asp (PI. XXIX, 15). A yellow jasper in my possession, showing on the one side a Hekate (PI. XXIX, 16) and on the other a man worshipping a serpent rising above an altar, is an example of the mixed notions of the times. Curiously enough, however, there is a queer trend of consistency in the representation of even these wildly inconsistent ideas, and, in studying the gems, we absorb a sense of the unfitness of certain types that serves to relegate them to later periods, like the Osiris stones I have already re¬ ferred to and which cannot be called forgeries in the present acceptance of the term. They are rather attempts of a later superstitious age to imitate and reproduce talismans and am- 142 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE ulets which, to its thought, embodied power and protective in¬ fluence. Such gems are foreign in spirit to those of the early Gnostics in a way that no reasonably clever forgery would be. Had more of the once numerous works of the teachers of the Gnosis escaped the all too thorough search of intolerant or¬ thodoxy, light might be thrown on much that is now obscure, and the words “probably” and “possibly” might have occurred less often in this chapter. Still, paradoxically enough, the gen¬ eral veil of obscurity itself w r oiild doubtless grow more dense with each added elucidation. It must always be remembered that the philosophic Gnostics of Alexandria had, least of all, the desire to make their knowledge clear to the unlearned and that its merit consisted, to a large degree, in its exclusive pos¬ session by the elect. Inscriptions. —Nearly all Gnostic gems are inscribed, and many bear only inscriptions. Let not, however, the student imagine that he will find in these an aid to the puzzles that be¬ set him. The names and titles of the Abraxas god that occur, together with his figure or alone, we know; so those of the Chnumis-Agathodaimon. Then, too, the legends, C£M6C 6IAAM (The eternal Sun) and ABA AN A0 AN AA BA (Thou art our father), are frequent inscriptions, the latter referring to Abraxas. Also the seven vowels are often found, symbolizing the seven Heavens whose mystic harmony kept the Universe together and which, according to the Pistis Sophia, if rightly uttered together with their forty-nine powers, were of force to compel the great First Father himself to tremble and to deliver souls out of the deep¬ est dungeons of the Dragon of Outer Darkness. The Delphic £ ( which stood for five, was another holy numeral, upon the mysteries of which Plutarch has left us a curious dissertation. In addition to these, there are found on the Gnostic gems a great number of names of Jewish angels taken from the Kab- bala and of divinities drawn from the Magian theology, each of whom was supposed to hold sway over some particular planet or constellation or Heaven. According to the Schema of the Ophites, Adonai was the genius presiding over the Sun, Iao over the Moon, Eloi, Jupiter; Sabao, Mars; Orai, Venus; GNOSTIC INSCRIPTIONS 143 Astaphai, Mercury, and Ildabaoth, Saturn. These were for the most part mischievous and, therefore, especially to be con¬ trolled. For the genii of constellations they took the names of Jewish angels, viz., Michael presided in the Lion, Gabriel in the Eagle, Suriel in the Bull, Raphael in the Serpent, Than- tabaoth or Sabaoth in the Bear, and Erataoth in the Dog. Many other names of presiding genii also occur, varying in the different sects, and the object of this may be understood when we appreciate the importance attached by the Gnostics to pro¬ nouncing them. To call a power properly by its proper name was a means of compelling it to the service of the learned, and therein did the Gnosis seek to invest its followers with author¬ ity over the world of spirits. The Ophites also taught, accord¬ ing to Hippolytus, that the Universe could not hold together unless the names of the great ones were uttered. Such were KAYAKAY (Kauakau) or KAYAAKAY (Kaulakau), the name of “Adamas who is above,” IAYAAIAY (Saulasau), that of “Him who is below,” and ZEHIAP (Zeesar), “The third of the Jordan that floweth upward.” “Above,” he goes on to say, “are Mar- iamne, the sought-after, and Jothor, the great and wise, and Sephora, she that seeth, and Moses.” Another sect, the Peratai or Fatalists, held that XQZZAP (Chozzar) was the name of Neptune, KAPAKOZHMOXEP (Karphakosemocher), of the Steward of the East; EKKABAKAPA (Ekkabakara), of the West; API BA (Ariba), of ruler of the winds; IQKAAM (Soklam), of Osiris, the ruler of the twelve hours of the night; ENYQ (Enuo), of Isis, ruler of those of the day; BHNA (Bena), of Ceres, the Left-hand power of God, and MHN (Men), of the Right-hand power that presides over the fruits of the Earth. According to the same doctrine, Chozzar “Who converts into a sphere the dodecagonal pyramid, etc.” had five ministers, the, four whose names we know being called AOY, AOAI, OYQ and OYQAB —mere strings of vowels which, however, serve to suggest possible interpretations of many kindred inscriptions on the gems. Again, according to the Pistis Sophia, the three all-power¬ ful ones were 14’ANTAXAINXEOYX (I decline giving the English 144 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE letters), from whom emanated the Power which dwelt in Mars, B AIN XUIUJX, from whom came that of Mercury, and n I IT 111 04 1 A (Pistis Sophia), that of Venus; while above this triad was one still higher, the unseen Gods: ATPAMMAXAMAPEr (Agram- maxamareg), BAPBHAUJ (Barbelo), the Heavenly Mother of Jesus, and BAEAAH (Bdelle). Also it taught that the incor¬ ruptible names of the planets were QPIMOYO (Orimouth), Sa¬ turn; M0YNIX0YPA4UIP (Mounichouraphor), Mars; TAPI1ETA- N0Y4 (Tarpetanouph), Mercury; XUJII (Chosi), Venus; and XUJNBAA (Chonbal), Jupiter. I forbear going further into the “Names,” lest I drive my readers altogether mad, but a few of the formulae seem neces¬ sary, if only to show their general character. Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, Coptic, and Syriac words, often much corrupted, are involved in these, in what Jerome describes as “tormenta ver- borum,” turned backward and formed, with letters repeated or out of place, word mixed with word and the whole still further complicated by scattering the seven vowels here and there, for it must always be remembered that much of the value of these charms depended upon their being undecipherable by other than the wearer. Undisguised examples are AN OX XOA XNOY- BIC (I am all the Good Spirit), AIN OAPPAI (The eye shall be¬ hold), AAONAI AANTAAA (Lord, Thou art the Lamb), XU1CA MIAAUJ0 (He hath seen the Pleroma), and AMAAXO AMA3AZ LZAI (rendered by Stiechel, Salama zebaam jatzael—Peace unto the army of these). A curious specimen of writing parts of the same word in different lines is found on the for the most part Hebrew legend IABATA0P ©ON ATHCAAI APBA0I AAM AUJ which must be transposed and doctored to read IABATA0P 0ON- ATHC AAIAAM APBA0 I AUJ (Jehovah, the Pure ZEther, the Fire forever, the Four, Iao), “the four” signifying the Tetrad of the Theogony of Marcus. ANAKAA AKAAA0UJIUJI (Pur- GNOSTIC INSCRIPTIONS 145 sue them unto destruction, O Lord) is found on the reverse of a gem engraved with the figure of a sphinx, emblem of power and destruction. BAPIAZAZTA IAUJ (Jehovah, the Creator, the Destroyer) is an example of the Chaldee, and the Coptic words, IA0AI (Providence of God), MA0AHE (Honor of God), PEOYHAE (Will of God), XUJMI (Power of God) and ZBUJ (Wisdom), designate Phronesis, Logos, Nous, Dynamis, and Sophia, the five emanations from the Godhead. KAYAAKAY is the Basileidan name for the Saviour, MOY0 (The Mother), a title given to Isis, and NOOT, the corrupted Coptic NOYT, for God. OPUUPIOY0 (Light of Light) is found on gems, together with the udder-shaped vase of the Isiac ceremonial. A few of the many other legends are MEI XANAAUJ (The Messiah be pro¬ pitious unto me), MAPUJHNI (Enlighten mine eyes), MAI MYM YXAYM UJI (Being, Fount, Salvation, Food, Iao), TAAA APAIUJ UJAPAOPO NTOKO NBAI (Protector, Creator, rule, speak, O Lord), XAIA (Life), and AEIOZ (Reverence). Three characters are frequently found together: +, uj , and Z. They stand for the lucky and sacred numerals, viz: 3, 5, and 7; Triad, Pentad, and Heptad; and, for the same reasons, inscriptions in three, five or seven lines are especially favored on gems. Naturally a considerable number of inscrip¬ tions are in the old Jewish characters, not the modern Jewish, the resource and the pitfall of the forgers; but the great major¬ ity, whatever the language, are in Greek letters, usually cut square and without curves, another evidence of the growing barbarism and incapacity of the times. As if the above described entanglements were not enough, the holy names were held to be doubly efficacious if writ in cyphers, a point on which the Pistis Sophia gives much doubt¬ lessly very valuable information. “This,” it reads, “is the Name of the Immortal One: A A A UJUU UJ, and this is the Name of the Voice through whose means the perfect man is moved: 111, These, likewise, are the interpretations of the names of the Mysteries. The first is AAA, the interpretation thereof, 4> . The second which is M M M , or which is UJ U) UJ, the interpretation whereof is A A A The third is ^ 'k , the interpretation where- 146 GEMS OF THE LATER EMPIRE of is 0 0 0. The fourth is 4>