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 iaiARCHITECTRI 
 
THE 
 
 RUINS 
 
 PALMYRA, 
 
 OTHERWISE 
 
 T E D M O R, 
 
 IN T H S 
 
 D E S A R T. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED IN THE YEAR M DCC LIII, 
 
THE 
 
 PUBLISHER. 
 
 TO THE 
 
 READER. 
 
 A S the principal merit of works of this kind is truth, it may not 
 be arnifs to prefix to this, fuch an account of the manner in which 
 it was undertaken, and executed, as will give the publick an op- 
 portunity of judging what credit it deferves. 
 
 Two gentlemen whofe curiofity had carried them more than once to 
 
 the continent, particularly to Italy, thought, that a voyage, properly con- 
 
 ducted, to the moft remarkable places of antiquity, on the coaft of the Me- 
 diterranean, might produce amufement and improvement to themfelves, 
 as well as fome advantage to the publick. 
 
 As I had already feen moft of the places they intended to vifit, they did me 
 the honour of communicating to me their thoughts upon hat head, and I 
 with great pleafure accepted their kind invitation to be of fo agreeable a party. 
 
 The knowledge I had of thole gentlemen, in different tours through 
 
 France and Italy, promifed all the fuccefs we could wilh from fuch a voyage; 
 
 their ftriCI friend Ihip for one another, their love of antiquities and the 
 fine arts, and their being well accuftomed for feveral years to travelling, 
 were circumftances very requilite to our fcheme, but rarely to be met 
 with in tw'o perfons, who with tafte and leifure for fuch enquiries, are 
 equal both to the expence and fatigue of them. 
 
 It was agreed that a fourth perfon in Italy, whofe abilities as an archi- 
 tect and draftfman we were acquainted with, would be abfolutely neceflary. 
 We accordingly wrote to him, and fixed him for the voyage. The drawings 
 he made, have convinced all thofe who have feen them, that we could not 
 have employed any body more fit for our purpofe. 
 
 Rome was appointed for our place of rendezvous, where having palled 
 the winter together, we were to proceed to Naples, and there to embark 
 in the fpring on board a Ihip hired for us in London, and fitted out with 
 every thing we could think might be ufeful. All this we performed with- 
 out deviating from our original plan, except in a few particulars, where ac- 
 cidents it was impolhble to forefee, made fome alterations neceflary. 
 
 We palled the winter together at Rome, and employed moft of that time 
 in refrelhing our memories with regard to the antient hiftory and geography 
 of the countries we propofed to fee. 
 
 We met our flip at Naples in the fpring. She brought from London a 
 library, confiding chiefly of all the Greek hiftorians and poets, fome books 
 of antiquities, and the belt voyage writers, what mathematical inllruments 
 
 a we 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 we thought neceflary, and fuch things as might be proper prefents for the Tur- 
 kifhGrandees, or others, to whom, in the courfe of our voyage, we lhould be obliged 
 to addrefs our felves. 
 
 We vilited moil of the iflands of the Archipelago, part of Greece in Europe; 
 the Aliatickand European coafts of the Hellefpont, Propontis and Bofphorus, 
 as far as the Black-fea, moft of the inland parts of Alia Minor, Syria, Phoeni- 
 cia, Paleitine and Egypt. 
 
 The various countries we went through, furnilh, no doubt, much entertainment 
 of different forts. But however we might each of us have fome favourite cu- 
 riofity to indulge, what engaged our greateft attention was rather their antient 
 than prefent Rate. 
 
 It is impoflible to confider with indifference thofe countries which gave birth 
 to letters and arts, where foldiers, orators, philofophers, poets and artifts have 
 lhewn the boldeft and happieft flights of genius, and done the greateft honour 
 to human nature. 
 
 Circumftances of climate and fituation, otherwife trivial, become interefting 
 from that connection with great men, and great aCtions, which hiftory and poetry 
 have given them: The life of Miltiades or Leonidas could never be read with 
 fo much pleafure, as on the plainsof Marathon or at the ftreights of Thermopy- 
 lae the Iliad has new beauties on the banks of the Scamander, and the Odyifey 
 is molt pleating in the countries where Ulyfles travelled and Homer fung. 
 
 The particular pleafure, it is true, which an imagination warmed upon the fpot 
 receives from thofe fcenes of heroick aiftions, the traveller only can feel, nor is 
 it to be communicated by defcription. But clallical ground not only makes us 
 always relilli the poet, or hiftorian more, but fometimes helps us to underftand 
 them better. Where we thought the prefent face of the country was the Left 
 comment on an antient author, we made our draftfman take a view, or make a 
 plan of it. This fort of entertainment we extended to poetical geography, and 
 fpent a fortnight with great pleafure, in making a map of the Scamandrian plain, 
 with Homer in our hands. 
 
 Infcriptions we copied as they fell in out way, and carried ofl the marbles 
 whenever it was pollible ; for the avarice or fuperftition of the inhabitants made 
 that task difficult and fometimes impracticable. 
 
 Tlie only opportunity we had of procuring any manufcripts, was among the 
 Ma ionite churches of Syria; and though thofewe met with in Greek were very 
 little interefting, either as to their fubjedl or language, yet it did not dtfcourage 
 us from purchasing feveral in Syriac and Arabick, in the fame places, as we chofe 
 rather to bring home a great many bad things, than run the risk of leaving any 
 thing curious in languages we did not underftand. 
 
 Archite&ure took up our chief attention; and in this enquiry our expecta- 
 tions were more fully Satisfied. All lovers of that art mull be fenlible that the 
 meafures of the antient buildings of Rome, by Monlieur Defgodtez, have been 
 of the greateft ufe: We imagined that by attempting tofollowthe fame method 
 in thofe countries where architecture had its origin, or at leaft arrived at the 
 higheft degree of perfection it has ever attained, we might do fervice. 
 
 It 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 It was chiefly with this view, that we vifited raoft of the places in Alia Mi- 
 nor, where we could expect any remains of buildings of a good age ; we fel- 
 dom had reafon to regret the trouble we were at in this purluit, particularly in 
 Lydia, Ionia and Caria. Few ruins were fo compleatly fuch, as not to preferve 
 very valuable fragments, efpecially as we had provided ourfelves with tools for 
 digging, and fometimes employed the peafants in that way, for feveral days, to 
 good purpofe. 
 
 The examples of the three Greek orders in architecture, which we met with, 
 might furnilh a tolerable hiftory of the rife and progrefs of that art, at leaft the 
 changes it underwent, from the time of Pericles 1 to that of Dioclefian. We 
 thought it would be proper to give Palmyra firft, as that part about which tine 
 curiofity of the publick feems moll prefling; the fuccefs which this work meets, 
 Will determine the fate of the reft. 
 
 Such was our fcheme, and fuch the manner in which we carried it into practice, 
 in fpight of fome difcouraging difficulties, mfeparable from an undertaking of 
 this kind ; and though, at our fetting out we knowingly engaged with great fa- 
 tigue, expence and danger, yet, upon the whole, it would have anfwered our 
 expectations as to pleafure, as well as profit, had not our happinefs been inter- 
 rupted by the molt affedting misfortune which could poflibly have happened to 
 our little fociety; when I fay, this was the death of Mr. Bouverie, all thofe 
 who had the pleafure of knowing that gentleman, muft pity our fituation at that 
 time. 
 
 Befides thofe virtues, the lofs of which we regret in common with all his 
 friends, he had qualities particularly well adapted to the part he bore in this 
 voyage; the great objeifts of his private entertainment were almoft every thing 
 which comes within the circle of Virtu, in which he had acquired fuch know- 
 ledge, by feveral journies to Rome, that his opinion in thofe matters had au- 
 thority among the connoifleurs of that country ;and indeed hiscollection ofdraw- 
 ings, medals, intaligo’s and cameo’s, (which would have grown very confider- 
 able had he lived) are proofs of the correctnels of his tafte. 
 
 How much the lols of fuch a perfon muft have broke in upon the fpirit of 
 our party, may ealily befuppofed. Had he lived to have feen Palmyra we lhould, 
 no doubt, have lefs occafion to beg indulgence for fuch inaccuracies as may be 
 found in the following work. 
 
 An accident fo highly diftrefling would have entirely dilconcerted us, had it not 
 been for the uncommon activity and refolution of our furviving friend; and in- 
 deed, if any thing could make us forget that Mr. Bouverie was dead, it was 
 that Mr. Dawk ins was living. 
 
 If the following Ipecimen of our joint labours lhould in any degree fatisfy 
 publick curiofity, and refcue from oblivion the magnificence of Palmyra, it is 
 
 1 I mean with the addition of the ancient buildings of the 
 Attica, which make no part of our collection, for the follow- 
 ing reafon When we arrived at Athens, we found Mr. Stew- 
 art and Mr. Revet, two Englifh painters, fuccefsfully em- 
 ployed in taking meafures of all the architecture there, and 
 making drawings of all the bas reliefs, with a view to pub- 
 lilh them, according to a fcheme they had communicated to 
 
 us at Rome. We were much pleafed to find that fome of 
 the moll beautiful works of the antients were to be preferved 
 by perfons fo much more equal to the talk; and therefore did 
 no more at Athens than fatisfy our own curiofity; leaving it 
 to Mr. Stewart and Mr. Revet to fatisfy that of the 
 publick. We hope they may meet with that encouragement 
 which fo ufeful a work deferves. 
 
 b 
 
 owing 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 owing entirely to this gentleman, who was fo indefatigable in his attention to fee 
 every thing done accurately, that there is fcarce a meafurein this work which 
 he did not take himfelf. 
 
 At the fame time that, by this declaration, I difclaim any fhare of merit which 
 the publick, uninformed of the truth, might have given me, I cannot help 
 in return indulging my vanity with a circumftance, which I am fure does me 
 honour, viz. that my being the publilher of thefe lheets is owing to Mr. Daw- 
 kins his friendlhip for me, who while he highly enjoys the pleafure of contri- 
 buting to the advancement of arts in this manner, declines the profits which may 
 arife from this publication. 
 
 If I venture to mention this lingle inftance of my friend’s regard for me, I 
 ihall compound with him for that liberty, by fupprefling others without number: 
 To join Mr. Dawk in’s name with mine (where I muft ftill continue to be the 
 only gainer) is, I fear, little lefs than impertinent, but it is the impertinence of 
 gratitude, which, like love, is never more aukward in it’s declarations than when 
 it is moft fincere and in earneft. 
 
 ROBERT WOOD. 
 
 THE 
 
A N 
 
 ENQUIRY 
 
 INTO THE 
 
 ANTIENT STATE 
 
 O F 
 
 P A L Y M R A. 
 
 O U R account of Palmyra is confined merely to that Rate of decay m 
 which we found thofe ruins in the year 1751. It is not probable that 
 the reader’s curiofity lhould flop here: The prefent remains of that aty 
 are certainly too interefting to admit of our indifference about what it has been; 
 ■when and by whom it was built ■ the fingularity of its fitmtion(feparated from the 
 reft of mankind by an uninhabitable dejartj and the Jource of riches neceffary to 
 the fupport of fuch magnificence, are fubje&s which very natura ly en S a S® 
 attention. The following Enquiry is an attempt, in feme meafure, to latisiy 
 
 that curiofity. 
 
 It feems very remarkable, that Balbeck and Palmyra, perhaps the twomoft 
 furprifing remains of antient magnificence which are now e t, iou e o 
 much neglected in hiftory, that, except what we can learn from the mfcriptions, 
 all our information about them, would fcarce amount to more t an pro a e 
 conjecture. 
 
 Does not even this filence of hiftory carry with it inftruction, and teach us 
 how much we are in the dark with regard to fome periods of antiquity . 
 
 It is the natural and common fate of cities to have their memory longer pre- 
 ferved than their ruins. Troy, Babylon and Memphis are now known only from 
 books, while there is not aftone left to mark their htuation. But here we have 
 two inftances of conliderable towns out-living any account or them. ur cu 
 riofity about thefe places is rather raifed by what we fee than what we read, and 
 Balbeck and Palmyra are in a great meafure left to tell their own ftory. 
 
 Shall we attribute this to the lofs of books, or conclude that the Antients 
 did not think thofe buddings fo much worth notice as we do? If we can tuppote 
 the latter, it feems to juftify our admiration of their works. Their filence about 
 Balbeck, gives authority to what they fay of Babylon, and the works ot ial- 
 myra fcarce mentioned, become vouchers for thole fo much celebrated o reece 
 and Egypt Any 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 Any authoiities I can collect from the Antients, immediately relating to 
 Palmyra, might be thrown into a very fmall compafs ; butasperfons of more 
 Jeifure may, if they think it worth while, enlarge and corred thefe hints 
 I fliall not only produce fuch materials as I have met with, but alfo the 
 hiltorical order in which I fearched for them, by taking ailiort view of the mod: 
 remarkable revolutions of Syria, from the earlieft account of this place, which 
 rnay at lealt be of fome ufe towards a more diligent and accurate enquiry 
 
 To what information hiftory affords I fliall add what may be gathered from 
 the talte of the Archjte&ure, and from the infcriptions. 
 
 gS" T THE Arabic] ktranflator of Chronicles' makes Palmyra older than Solomon- 
 John of Antioch furnamed Malala" fays, that he built it on the fpot where 
 JJavid flew Goliah, in memory of that addon; and Abul Farai c mentions in 
 what year, with other particularities. 
 
 But thefe and other accounts of the early ftat ? of Palmyra, which might be 
 collected from the Arabian hiftorians, bear fuch evident marks of fable and wild 
 conjecture, that we fliall pafs them over, and come to the earlieft hiltorical au- 
 thonty which deferves to be quoted as fuch. 
 
 builtPa" • That Solomon built Tedmor in the wildernefs we are told in the Old tefta- 
 njent; and that this was the fame city which the Greeks and Romans called 
 afterwards Palmyra, the’ the Syrians retained the firft name, we learn from 
 Jofephus. We may add the authority of St. Jqrom, who (if the vulgar latin 
 verlion be his) thinks Tedmor and Palmyra are only the Syrian and Greek 
 names of the fame place. 4 
 
 What feems to ftrengthen this opinion is, that at this prefent time the Arabs 
 of the country call it Tedmor, f and we follow their pronunciation as the beft 
 authority tor this way of writing that name. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus 2 takes notice of the attachment of the natives of 
 Syria to the old names of their cities, which they kept up notwithftanding the 
 Greek ones given by Seleucus Nicator, whenhe rebuilt them. And there are 
 nowfeveral inftances in that country of the old name of a place preferved by 
 the Arabs, while the Greek one is from long difufe forgot and unknown in 
 the country. Thus the Acco' 1 of the Old teftament in the tribe of Aflier 
 was called by the Greeks Ptolemais, but now by the inhabitants Acca the ori- 
 ginal name only altered in one letter; and Haran where Abraham dwelt be- 
 roie he fet out for the Land of promife, was afterwards the Carrha: of the Ro- 
 mans; but has again recovered its firft name, Haran. 
 
 It feems natural for people to have this affection for the names their towns 
 bore during their Rate of freedom and profperity ; and an unwillingnefs to admit 
 innovations impofed by conqueft is obfervable in all countries, but no where 
 more than among the Arabs, who, notwithftanding the frequent attempts made 
 
 a 2 Cliron. 8. 
 e y<rf- Pococ. 
 
 b Pynsftiar. lib. 5. 
 Kings, 9. and 2 Chron 8. 
 
 Ot fevcral antient ways of writing this name the S, 
 
 Antiq. Jud. lib. 1. Pcpe Hardouin’s objection? to thjs 
 opinion feem chiefly to arife from ‘his ignorance of the 
 prefent ftate of this place. 
 
 upon 
 
OF PALMYRA. 
 
 upon them, boad a longer independence and a purer antiquity than any other 
 nation. 
 
 But that thefe ruins which we vifited were the works of Solomon, we 
 only offer as the edablilhed opinion of the prefent inhabitants of Palmyra, who, 
 perfe&ly fatisfied of the truth of it, add feveral curious anecdotes, and point 
 out his feraglio, his harem, the tomb of a favourite concubine, with feveral 
 other particulars : “ All thefe mighty things, fay they, * Solomon the fon of 
 “ David did by the abidance of fpirits.” b 
 
 Whatever buildings then Solomon may have erected here, we fhall fuppofe 
 to have perifhed long lince, even tho’ we had not the authority of John of 
 Antioch to fupport us, who affirms that Nebuchadnezzar dedroyed this City Nebuchad- 
 before he befieged Jerulalem. 
 
 Buildings in the fade of thofe of Palmyra cannot reafonably be fuppofed 
 prior to the time the Greeks got footing in Syria; and therefore it is not fur- 
 prizing that we find nothing of that city in the accounts of the Babylonian and 
 Perfian conqueds of this country; nor that Xenophon ihould take no notice r.notm„- 
 of it in his Retreat of the ten-thoufand, tho’ he gives a very accurate account 
 of the Defart, and mud have left this place not a great way to the right in hisv.3^."" 
 march towards Babylon. 
 
 Nor could one for the fame reafon expeid more from the accounts of Alex- o, of Alex- 
 ander the great than what ufe he, or his enemies might have made of fuchS£."“ 
 a fituatiOn, when he marched through this Defart to Thapfacus on the Euphrates, 
 which was the place where he, as well as Darius and Cyrus the Younger’ 
 palled that River. 
 
 Front the death of Alexander to the redudlion ofSyria to a Roman province Notui™ 
 would feem a more proper period for enquiring about Palmyra. Seleucus Nica-S^o" 
 tor was a great builder, and tho’ the ruins of Antioch on the Orontes and Se- c,t“wiY 
 leucia, at the mouth of the fame river, are inconliderable, yet what is left to be paid”, 
 feen of them, lhews the good Greek manner of that happy age of architec-Sspi.* 1 
 ture. So convenient a fituation as that of Palmyra, between thefe two o- r eat 
 cities already mentioned andSeleucia ontheTygris, asalfobetween the Euphra- 
 
 be over-looked; and indeed, as a frontier towards the Parthians, its importance"™',”/ 
 mud have been great, from the time Arfaces the founder of that empire took”.™ SH 
 Seleucus Callinicus prifoner. Thefe might be good reafons for fuppofing thfcSJlSL 
 buildings of Palmyra a work of fome of the Seleucida:, had we any hillorical'™. ,Cllli ' 
 authority to fupport fuch an opinion; but I cannot find even the name ofthis»“ 
 
 It is true, the /Era of Seleucus was ufed at Palmyra, as we lhall fee from the 
 inscriptions, but all that we can infer from thence, is, that this city fubmitted to 
 Alexander, and was governed, at lead for fome time, by hisfucceffors; an opinion 
 however, which, were it not otherwise probable, could fcarcely be received 
 merely upon this evidence; for why might we not fuppofe that fo trading a 
 city, tho’ independent of the Seleucida:, might have introduced the fame method 
 
 tes and the great trading towns on the coadof the Mediterranean, could hardly it.im P «- 
 
 lv 1 AttAt* InnL'An - nnrl on . i. J .. i-E _ D . 1 • • tance as a 
 
 city in any part of their hidory. 
 
 in the hidory 
 of the Seleu- 
 cidse. 
 
 of 
 
4 
 
 Not menti- 
 oned when 
 Pompey 
 conquered 
 this country. 
 
 Appears firft 
 in the Ro- 
 man hiftory 
 in the time 
 of Mark 
 Anthony. 
 
 When they 
 were a rich 
 free trading 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 of reckoning their time, which their neighbours ufed, as a matter of con- 
 venience? 
 
 The Roman hiftory of Syria comes next under confideration. That 
 country was conquered by Pompey, when a tafte for the fine arts had been 
 for fome time introduced at Rome, and had made the fame progrefs which their 
 arms had done in Greece and Afia ; and when not only the riches of thefe pro- 
 vinces, but their architecture, painting, and fculpture became objedts of en- 
 quiry to a Roman governour. One would imagine that Palmyra might have gra- 
 tified both their curiolity and avarice, and yet we do not meet with any mention 
 of this city in their hiftory, untill Mark Antony’s ' attempt to plunder it, 
 which they efcaped by removing their mod valuable effects over the Euphates, 
 and defending the pallage of the river by their archers. 
 
 The pretence he made ufe of, to give fuch conduct a colour of juftice, was 
 that they did not obferve a juft neutrality between the Romans and Parthians ; 
 but Appian b fays his real motive was to enrich his troops with the plunder of 
 the Palmyrenes, who were merchants, and fold the commodities of India and 
 Arabia to the Romans. 
 
 We may conclude from hence they were at that time a rich, trading, free 
 people. How long they had been in pofieffion of thefe advantages, we are left 
 to guefs. 
 
 It feerns probable that their riches, and of courfe their trade, muft have been 
 of fome Handing; for we fhall find by the inferiptions, that in lefs than forty 
 years after, they were luxurious and expenfive to fuch degree, as muft have 
 required confiderable wealth to fupport. 
 
 As to the time when they acquired their freedom, we are likewife left to 
 conjecture. 
 
 Doctor Halley ' is of opinion, that “ when the Romans got footing in thefe 
 “ parts, and the Parthians feemedto put a ftop to their farther conqueft in the 
 “ Eaft, then was the city of Palmyra, by reafon of its fituation, being a frontier 
 “ and in the midft of a vaft fandy defart, where armies could not fubtift to reduce 
 “ it by force, courted and careffed by the contending princes, and permitted to 
 “ continue a free ftate.” 
 
 But I cannot help thinking there are good reafons for giving their freedom an 
 earlier date. That importance as a frontier, to which the Doctor attributes their 
 liberty, was as confiderable before the Roman conqueft as afterwards: the many 
 wars the Seleucidte were engaged in, offered feveral good opportunities of with- 
 drawing themfelves from the dominion of thofe princes. Befides it does notfeem 
 probable that Palmyra fliould have fubmitted to the ufurpationof Tigranes, and 
 yet have become free under Pompey, whodrove that prince out of the country; 
 andindeed Pompey’s beft excufe for not giving up Syria to d Antiochus Afiati- 
 cus, was, that the Romans could defend it from the infults of its neighbours, 
 which the Syrians themfelves could not. 
 
 J Appian de Bell. Civil, lib. 5. 
 Ibid. 
 
 c Account of the antient ftate of Palmyra, Philof. Tranfaft. 
 J Appian in Syriac. 
 
 Ptolemy 
 
OF PALMYR A. 
 
 Ptolemy gives us the names of feveral cities in the Palmyrene, fome of which 
 are repeated in Peutinger’s tables, but, 1 believe, none of them to be met with 
 any where elfe. He alfo mentions a river at Palmyra. 
 
 I am not fo much furprifed to fee nothing of this city in other antient geo- 
 graphers, as that Strabo, our faithful guide round the Mediterranean, (who of 
 all thofe writers hadmoft judgment, with moftcuriofity) fhould not even mention 
 its name. 
 
 Pliny 1 * 3 has very happily collated, in a few lines, the moft ftriking circum-SjjJ’’n* P ’ 
 fiances with regard to this place, except that he takes no notice of the build- mlyStc 
 ings. This fliort account may be worth comparing with what we faw, as the 
 only antient defcnption we have of this city. 
 
 “ Palmyra is remarkable for fituation, a rich foil and pleafant flreams; it is 
 “ furroundcd on all fides by a vad fandy defart, which totally feparates it from 
 “ the reft of the world, and has preferved its independence between the two 
 “ great empires of Rome and Parthia, whofe firft care when at war, is to en- 
 “ gage it in their interefh. It is diflant from Seleucia ad Tigrim 337 miles, 
 
 “ from the neared part of the Mediterranean 203, and from Damafcus 1 76.” 
 
 In its flourifliing date Palmyra could by no means fall fliort of this deferip- 
 tion ; its ‘ fituation ’ is fine, under a ridge of hills towards the wed, and a little compared" 
 above the level of a mod extenfive plain, which it commands to the ead. Z'hw.“ 
 
 Thofe hills were covered with great numbers of fepulchral monuments, fc- 
 veral of which remain almod entire, and have a very venerable alpe£t. 
 
 What ‘foil’ remains is extremely rich, and ‘its waters’ very limpid, rifino- 
 condantly, and in greater abundance in dimmer than in winter, from rocks clofe 
 by the town, at fuch a height as to be capable of receiving any dire&ion. What 
 Ptolomy calls the river of Palmyra, I fuppofe to have been no more than the 
 united dreams from thofe fountains, which dill continue to flow with a pretty 
 fmart current as far as their old channels remain entire. Thofe were lined 
 with done, to prevent the lofs of water, which, for want of the fame care, is 
 now foon foaked up in the fand, without producing much verdure; tho’ a con- 
 fiderable fpot immediately about the town might certainly with little pains be 
 rendered fertile. The hills, and nodoubt a greatpart of the defart, were formerly 
 covered with palm-trees, which we have feen grow in the dried fandy defarts. 
 Abulfeda mentions the palm as well as fig-trees of Palmyra, and the merchants 
 who went thither from Aleppo in 1691, take notice of feveral, tho’ we could 
 find but one left in the country. 
 
 The other particulars mentioned by Pliny, “ as its fituation in the midfl of a 
 “ vad defart, which totally feparates it from the red of the world ; its indepen- 
 “ dence; how neceflary its friendlhip to the two great contending powers, the 
 “ Parthians and Romans,” are all circumdances which drongly charadferize 
 Palmyra. ‘ The didance’ he gives it from ‘ Seleucia, Damafcus and the Me- 
 diterranean’ are tolerably exaS:, tho’ fomething too great 
 
 1 Palmyra urbs nobilis fitu, divitiis foli atq; aquis amaenis, 
 vafto undiq ; ambitu arenis includit agros, ac velut terris ex- 
 
 empu a rerum natura ; privata forte inter duo fumma impe- 
 
 ria Romanorum Parthorumq; & prima in difeordia Temper 
 
 utrinq; cura-, abed a Seleucia Parthortim qu$ vocatur adTi- 
 grim 337 mill ibus pafiuum, a proximo vero Syria; litrore 
 203 millibus & a Damafco 27 propius. Plin. lib. v. Nar. 
 
 D 
 
 We 
 
6 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 v We hear nothing of this city either in Trajan or Adrian’s expeditions to the 
 
 ea ^> t ' 10 ’ the .v mu ft have palled either through or near it. Stephanus indeed 
 mentions Palmyra being repaired by Adrian, and called from that Adrianople. 
 
 Ij” Adri'«n“ It feems odd, that we ihould have no better authority for this, while that em- 
 peror has been fo much complimented for lefs coniiderable works in feveral 
 parts of Greece. 
 
 Palmyra is called upon the coins of Caracalla a Roman colony, which we 
 know from Ulpian was Juris Italici, 
 
 We find from the infcriptions, : 
 
 inder Severus i • • • fl 1 n i* 
 
 igainii the expeditions asainit the remans. 
 
 Parthians. * •=> 
 
 Is a Roman 
 colony in 
 
 Aflifts Alex- 
 ander Severus 
 
 that they joined Alexander Severus in his 
 
 Becomes con- We do not meet with Palmyra again until the reign of Gallienus, when it 
 S”o"f makes a principal figure in the hiftory of thofe times, and in a few years ex- 
 periences the greateft vicillitudes of good and bad fortune. 
 
 The fadts relating to this lhort, but interefting period are imperfe&ly, and 
 varioully handed town to us by Zolimus, Vopifcus, and Trebellius Pollio. I 
 iball attempt to throw into fome order the ieparate paflages in thefe hifto- 
 rians, which feemmoft for our prefent purpofe; and leaving it to others to 
 reconcile their different accounts, fhall make ule of the authority which has 
 gained moll credit. 
 
 Otaata. THE Roman affairs in the eall had been for fome time in a very de- 
 plorable lituation, when Odenathus, a Palmyrene, but of what family or 
 rank originally in the Hate, is not agreed, made fo proper a ufe of this fitua- 
 tion between the two great rival empires of Rome and Perfia, as to get the 
 ballance of power in his hands. 
 
 ’ 1 lL " It appears that he declared in favour of different interells, as alterations 
 in the face of affairs made it neceffary. The alliance which gained him 
 vim,™. moll reputation was with Gallienus. His courage, adlivity, and remark- 
 able patience of fatigue, were the very oppofite of the lhameful negligence 
 of that emperor, who feemed even pleafed with the captivity of his father 
 Valerian, prifoner of Sapor king of Perfia, and treated by him with the 
 greateft indignity. 
 
 Roms Sapor. Odenathus joined the flattered remains of the Roman army in Syria, routed 
 Sapor the Perfian king, and advanced as far as Ctefiphon, the capital of his 
 empire, vidtorious in feveral engagements. 
 
 Is declared 
 Auguftus 
 and co-part- 
 
 pmpire. 
 
 He returned from this expedition with great applaufe, and a confider- 
 able booty, and was for his fervices declared by Gallienus, Auguftus and 
 co-partner of the empire, a reward which does him honour with polle- 
 rity, not becaufe Gallienus confered it, but that the publick approved b 
 of it. 
 
 ’ Infcription the IXth. 
 
 b Treb. Poll, lays, Laudatur fane ejus optimum fadlum, nam 
 ConfulroValeriani fratris fui & Lucilli propinqui, ubi comperit 
 gb Qdcnato Perfas vaftatos redaftam fjifibin & Parras in pocef- 
 
 tatem Romanam, &c.— Odenatum participato imperio Au- 
 guftum vocavir, ejufque monetam qua Perlas captas traheret, 
 cudi juffit, quod & fenatus & urbs & omnis Etas gratanter 
 accepit. 
 
 Another 
 
OF PALMYRA. 
 
 7 
 
 Another confiderable piece of fervice done by Odenathus to the Roman 
 emperor, was the defeat of Ballifta, one of the many pretenders to the empire, 
 in thofe times of confufion. He was an officer of much experience and 
 great merit, had ferved under Valerian, and was his particular favourite. 
 
 The many good qualities recorded of him in the letters of that emperor 
 fliew, that he might have been a dangerous enemy, had not Odenathus re- 
 removed him. 
 
 The a laft publick a&ion of Odenathus, was, his relieving Afia minor fromSr V “ot c “ 
 the Goths, w ho had over-run feveral of its rich provinces, committing great' 1 '' 00 ' 1 ’' 
 ravages; but retired upon his approach. He is generally fuppofed to have 1 "™" 1 ™ 1 - 
 been murdered in purfuing them, by Mteonius his kinfman. 
 
 Herodes, his fon by a former wife, whom he had joined with him in the wi* w. i™ 
 empire, fuftered the fame fate; of whom all we know from hifbory is, that H "° d '‘ 
 he was delicate and luxurious to a great degree, much indulged by his father, 
 and as much hated by his ftep-mother Zenobia. 
 
 The fliort and confufed accounts we have of Odenathus, rather raife 
 than fatisfy our curiofity, and give great reafon to regret the lofs of an ora- 
 tion written by Longinus in his praife, and mentioned by Libaniush But„: chlr ln 
 whatever uncertainty there may be about fome part of his life, it is agreed 
 by all, that he had many great and good qualities. Pollio fays, the Roman 
 affairs in the caff muff have been totally ruined, had he not engaged him- 
 felf in their intereft; and reckons his death an inftance of the divine vengeance 
 upon that people. 
 
 Mieonius, the kinfman and murderer of Odenathus, furvived but a«-i» 
 little while; he was faluted emperor, and foon after cut off by the fol-‘™* r “” 
 
 j • * murdered . 
 
 diers. 
 
 Odenathus left behind him his queen Zenobia, and two fons by her, 2 ™^* 
 Herenianus and Timolaus, others add Vaballathus c , fuppofed by fome rather 
 the fon of Herodes. 
 
 Her extraordinary character and various fortunes feem fo much to deferve 
 attention, and are with fo little connection interfperfed in works of the writers ' 1 
 already mentioned , that we fliall enter a little more particularly into them, 
 than is neceffary to the principal view of this enquiry. 
 
 Zenobia makes her appearance under the imputation of a crime, which 
 were it to be credited, would prepare the reader very unfavourably for the 
 reft of her character. She is faid to have contented to the murder of her 
 husband, and ftep-fon. All the authority I can find for this heavy accu- 
 
 a Pollio indeed mentions a peace made btween Gallienus 
 and Odenathus about this time, but takes no notice of any 
 preceding rupture. The fadbs in general for which we are 
 obliged to have recourfe to that hiftorian, are fo injudicioufly 
 chofen, and fo confufedly put together, that they look liker 
 the indigelled hints of a common place book than any thing 
 he intended for the publick. 
 
 b Epift. eexliii. I. 3. Faber fays of this oration. Si ita 
 tulilTcc latum litteratum ut ne ilia oratio periflet, multa hodie 
 
 de bellis orientalibus quee Odenathus fuftinuit, quseque adeo 
 jejune a minoribus illis Hiftorite auguftte feriptoribus, prodlta 
 fuerunt, teneremus. 
 
 c If any perfon chufes to know the reafon of this difference 
 of opinion about Vaballathus (of whom no fingle fa£t is re- 
 corded in hiflory) let them confult Spaneim, Triftan, Har- 
 douin, Vaillant. 
 
 J Pollio, Zofimus and Vopilcus. 
 
 E 
 
 fation 
 
8 
 
 THE AN TIEN T STATE 
 
 fation is from Trebellius Pollio, who does not pofitively affert it neither, but 
 crives it as a report. To which if we add, that though the fame author has 
 wrote the life of Odenathus and Zenobia, he takes no notice of this remark- 
 able circumftance in either, nay even praifes Zenobia for her clemency a ; it 
 feems at leaft a compliment we owe her virtues, to believe her innocent. 
 
 He. family. b All that we know, with any degree of certainty, of Zenobia’s family, is, that 
 Ihe boafted herfelf defeended from the Ptolemys, and was fond of reckoning 
 Cleopatra among her anceftors. 
 
 Beauty. She was accounted a woman of extraordinary beauty ; and the particular de- 
 feription we have of her perfon anfwers that character. ‘ Her complexion was a 
 ‘ dark brown; (a neceffary confequence of her way of life in that climate) Ihe 
 ‘ had black fparkling eyes, of an uncommon fire; her countenance was divinely 
 ‘ fprightly, and her perfon graceful and genteel beyond imagination ; her teeth 
 £ were white as pearls, and her voice clear and ftrong.’ 
 
 If we add to this her uncommon ftrength,and confider her exceflive military 
 fatigues; for flte ufed no carriage, generally rode, and often marched on foot three 
 or for miles with her army: And if we, at the fame time, fuppofe her haranguing 
 ' her fold iers, which (he ufed to do in a helmet, and often with her arms bare, it 
 will give us an idea of that fevere character of mafeuline beauty, which puts one 
 more in mind of Minerva than V enus. 
 
 Hur learning. The picture of her mind may as juftly claim the fame refemblance ; for flic 
 underftood feveral languages, fpoke the egyptian perfectly well, and knew the 
 latin, though file did not care to fpeak it, from a modeft diffidence, but read 
 and tranflated it into greek. She was acquainted with hiftory; and fo 
 particularly well verfed in that of Alexandria and the eaft, that Hie is faid to 
 have made an abridgment of them. 
 
 Fondnefs of 
 pomp and 
 
 She was cautious and prudent in council, but determined in executing, ge- 
 nerous with ceconomy,and fo chafte, that it is faid her foie views in matrimony c 
 were propagation. She cotild be open or referved, implacably fevere or indul- 
 gently forgiving, as occalion required. 
 
 We (hall omit faying any thing of her religion, as a controverted article, 
 which would have taken up more time than we can here fpare. The opinion 
 of her being made a convert by the Jen's prevailed much, I think, for want 
 of examination. 
 
 With thefe military and manly virtues, we difeover a female fondnefs of fhew 
 and magnificence. Her drefs was rich and fet with jew'els. She imitated in her 
 way of living the royal pomp of Perlia, and received homage of her fubjeefs 
 with the ftate of their kings. In her banquets file copied after the Romans, 
 but like Cleopatra drank out of gold cups let with gems. 
 
 * Bonorum principum dementia ubi pietas requirebat. 
 
 That Achilleus was her father, who was at the head of 
 the Palmyrenes, who cut off the Roman garrifon, is believed 
 by fome upon the authority of Vopifcus-, but Zofimus calls 
 the chief of that rebellion Antiochus, and far from fuppofing 
 him to have any conne&ion with Zenobia, fays, Aurelian 
 
 thought him too contemptible for his refentment. It is odd, 
 that mere infignificance fhould fave a ringleader from punifh- 
 ment while thofe concerned in an inferior degree were thought 
 proper objects of very cruel feverity. 
 
 c Cujus ea caftitas fuiffe dicitur ut ne virum fuum quj- 
 dem feiret nifi tentatis conceptionibus. Treb. Pol. 
 
 Trebellius 
 
9 
 
 OF PALMYR A. 
 
 T rebellius P ollio, from whom I collect this account ofher, adds a cirCumffcance 
 which may expofe our heroine to fome cenfure. He lays ‘fhe a often drank with Could drink 
 
 her officers, and could, in that way, get the better of the Perlians and 
 
 Armenians, tho’ he fays file was generally moderate in the ufe of liquor.’ 
 
 However this paffiage may imply a want of delicacy in Zenobia, it does not 
 feem to carry with it any imputation of intemperance; I think all that we canTWnoti.1. 
 fairly conclude from it is, that being able to drink much without intoxication,"” 1 ’"'”' 
 fhe made an artful ufe of that power, to get acquainted with tempers, and learn 
 fecrets neceffary to her fchemes. 
 
 To thefe extraordinary qualities, we may add, that Zenobia engaged in the Be s an ^go- 
 management of affairs with advantages which fcarce ever met in the lame per-'ho'Spt”i- 
 fon and at the fame time, youth and experience. Her age we may guefs at from '" 1 
 her being married and having children at Rome leveral years afterwards; and yet 
 fhe had already made fuch progrefs under the direction of her husband’ Odena- 
 thus, whom llie moll condantly attended in the field, that the emperor Aurelian 
 gives her the honour of his vidtories over the Perfians, in his letter to the fenate, 
 which is preferved in Pollio 
 
 It is a lofs, that the only writer ofher life, from whom we have collected thefe 
 particulars ofher manners, perfon and drefs, fhould be lo filent about the more 
 important partsof herpublick charactcr.and enter fo little into the lpirit ofher 
 great achons, when he dwells lo minutely upon things of lels conlequence: 
 
 While we acknowledge ourfelves indebted to him for her black eyes and white 
 teeth, we cannot help reproaching him with an abfolute filence about any battle 
 ihe fought, or any law llie ena&ed. 
 
 In this cafe we muft have recourle to the hiftory of her cotemporary Roman b 
 emperor s; her dory is fo connedted with theirs, that they may throw fomelierht 
 upon each other. ° 
 
 Zenobia took upon her the government, in the name of her Ions then very Takes the 
 young: She found Gallienus, one of the worftof the bad emperors, in the laftS”L 
 year of his reign, and his affairs in a perplexity extremely favourable to herh«r»,ir° f 
 ambition ; his fingle good quality was a love of letters, his bad ones were with- G «iiienus. 
 out number, but lewdnefs and cruelty were his favourite vices, in which he is 
 laid to have rivalled Heliogabalus and Nero. A total negleft of his duty to his®""' 
 countiy and captive father, would have reduced the empire to an irretrievable 
 Irate of confufion, had notOdenathus fupported his filtered in the ead. 
 
 Zenobia s views were inconfident with any longer alliance with theRomans. 
 
 Upon what pretence ihe broke through the engagements they and her husband 
 were under, is not clear; but Ihe attacked and routed Heraclianus the Roman ae-ST 
 neral lent by Gallienus with an army againft the Perlians, who narrowly ef- 
 caped, after a lharp engagement, and left her in poffedion of Syria and Mefopo- 
 tamia. In the fame year Gallienus was murthered at Milan. 
 
 1 Bibit fepe cum ducibus, cum eflet alias fobria bibit 
 ctiam cum Perfis & Armenis uc eos vincerec. Treb. Pol. 
 
 0 The fafts are taken from Zofimus and Vopifcus ; it will 
 be needlefs io quo:e io them in every in (lance. 
 
 F 
 
 Claudius 
 
IO 
 
 THE ANT I ENT STATE 
 
 ehuJius. Claudius fucceeded him ; a character fo amiable and fo different from his 
 predecell'or, that he would probably have reftored bappinefs and tranquillity 
 to the empire, had he reigned long enough. ‘ He a had the valour of 
 
 Hi»han£ttr.‘ Trajan, the piety of Antoninus, and the moderation of Aguftus; ’ vir- 
 tues which he indefatigably exerted in the publick fervice. The grand ob- 
 jeiT of his attention was reformation. How difficult this task was, ap- 
 pears from the letter he wrote to the fenate immediately before that me- 
 morable vidfory which gave him the name of Gothicus. 
 
 ztnoia. While he was thus taken up by affairs nearer home, Zenobia finding a 
 
 taJT’ party for her in Egypt, fupported by one Timogenes, fent Zabdas, an experi- 
 enced officer who had fought under Odenathus, and attended her in all 
 her battles, to make the conqueft of that country, to which flie perhaps 
 claimed an hereditary right, as the defcendent of the Ptolemys, their former 
 kings. He came to a battle with the Egyptians, the fuccels of which 
 put him in polfeffion of that province, where he left a body of 5000 
 men, and returned to Palmyra. 
 
 This revolution happened in the abfence of Probus prefect of Egypt, 
 who was then out upon a cruife againft the pyrates who infefted the neigh- 
 bouring feas. Upon the news of it he returned, and drove the Palmyrene 
 troops out of the country. 
 
 This fudden turn of affairs brought back Zabdas again with his army. 
 Probus engaged and beat him; but not content with this fuccefs, attempt- 
 ed to cut off the retreat of the Palmyrenes: Which proved fatal to him, 
 for having with that view got poffeflion of thofe heights near Babylon, 
 (which command the prefent town of Cairo) Timogenes, better acquainted 
 with the country, (hewed the Palmyrenes an unguarded road up to that part, 
 by which they furprifed and deftroyed his army. Probus taken prifoner, and 
 drove to defpair by the misfortunes his mifmanagement had occalioned, killed 
 himfelf, and Zenobia became miftrefs of Egypt. 
 
 Claudius refolved to march again Zenobia about the latter end of the 
 lecond year of his reign; but was taken off by the plague at Syrmium in 
 Pannonia. 
 
 Aura™. Aurelian was eledted in his room by the army, and Quintillus brother to 
 the late emperor by the fenate ; but the death of the latter in feventeen days 
 after he was proclaimed, prevented a competition, and Aurelian was unani- 
 moufly declared. 
 
 Hisckmditr. jj e was a mere foldier of fortune, and from the lowed rank in the army 
 rofe to be general of the cavalry: remarkable bodily ftrength, great cou- 
 rage, and an unwearied attention to military difcipline, were the virtues to 
 which he owed his rife. He was generous in rewarding, but quick and 
 always fevere in punilhing; cruelty was his dangerous vice, and the more 
 fo, as he was creduloufly open to accufations. However, Rome got more 
 by his virtues than lhe loft by his vices. The diforders introduced by Gal- 
 lienus were but partly remedied by Claudius, and (till wanted a man of Au- 
 
 • Treb. Pollio. 
 
 b Prefervcd in Treb. Pol. vie. Zenob. 
 
 relian’s 
 
II 
 
 OF PALMYRA. 
 
 relian's a£tive fpirit to complete the work. While the two firft years 
 of his reign were fuccefsfully employed againft the Goths, Germans, and 
 Vandals, and in reforming the police at Rome, Zenobia added a great 2™°“’ 
 part of Alia Minor to her dominions. a™ p ""° f 
 
 It may be worth while to take a fliort view of Zenobia s prefent fitua- 
 tion. She is now arrived at the higheft pitch of her glory, and furnifhes 
 an example of one of the mold rapid and extraordinary changes of fortune 
 we meet in hiftory. 
 
 A fmall territory in the defart, under the government of a woman, ex- The „ tcn , 
 tends its conquefts over many rich countries and conliderable Rates. The CL “' 
 great kingdoms of the Ptolemys, and the Seleucida: are become part 
 of the dominions of a fingle city, whofe name we in vain looked for in 
 their hiftory; and Zenobia lately confined to the barren plains of Palmyra, 
 has now Egypt in her dominions to the fouth, and to the north com- 
 mands as far as the Bofphorus and black fea. 
 
 Her fuccefs had hitherto been very little interrupted; Claudius thouoftt 
 it the moft prudent meafure to employ his whole force in the fupppreflion 
 of evils nearer home. This condu£f had Aurelian’s approbation, as we 
 fee both in his letter 3 to the fenate, and by his taking the fame Heps; for he 
 intirely fubdued the Goths, and then marched to the relief of the eaftern 
 empire. He crofted the Bofphorus at Byzantium, and except at Tyana, a 
 town of Cappadocia, which he took by ftratagem, met with no oppofi-'. 
 tion in his march to Antioch. 
 
 At this city and at Emefa, were fought thefe two battles by which Au- Bl "'" 
 relian recovered the provinces of theeaft, and Zenobia was reduced to take E, “ r *” 
 lhelter within the walls of our own capital. 
 
 The moft remarkable things in thefe two actions, the laft of which was 
 very obftinate, were the fuperiority the Palmyrenes had in their cavalry, and 
 the Romans in the art of war. The fame country excells in horfes and horfe- 
 manihip at this day. 
 
 Aurelian proceeded to Palmyra, greatly harrafled in his march by the Sy- p fi 
 nan banditti, and having taken proper precautions to have his army flip- 
 plied with provilions, belieged the town. The obftinacy with which the ^ A “ rtl, “’ 
 
 rifon defended it, is particularly taken notice of in a letter b from Aurelian 
 to Mucapores, as an apology for the length of the liege. 
 
 At laft tired out with unfuccefsful attempts, he was refolved to try the ef- 
 fedls of negotiation, and accordingly wrote c to Zenobia, but in a ftyle He wtitB t0 
 
 — . __ r Zenobia. 
 
 a Prefcrved in Trcb. Pol. vit. Zenob. 
 
 * Quoted by Vopifcus. vit. Aurelian. 
 
 ‘ The letter is prefcrved in Vopifcus. Anrelianus impera- 
 tor Ro. orbis & receptor Orientis, Zenobite, c®terifque quos 
 focietas tenet bellies.- Sponte facere debuiftis id quod meis 
 litteris nunc jubetur: deditionem pr^cipio impunitate vitte 
 propofita, ita ut illic, Zenobia, cum tuis agas vitam, ubi tc 
 ex fenatus ampliflitni lententia collocavero. “Gemmas, argen- 
 tum, aurum, tericum, equos, camelos insrarium Ro conferas: 
 
 Palmyrenis jus ilium fervabitur : Vopilcus adds. Hac epiftola 
 accepts, Zenobia fuperbius infolentiufque referipfit quam 
 ejus fortuna pofeebat, credo ad terrorem. The fame author 
 
 G 
 
 I gives the following copy of her letter. Zenobia regina Ori- 
 entis Aureliano Augufto. — Nemo adhuc, prtrcer te, quod 
 pofeis litteris petiit : virtute faciendum eft quicquid in rebus 
 bellicis eft gerendum. Deditionem meam petis, quafi nefeias 
 Cleopatram reginam perire maluifle quam in qualibic vi- 
 veredignate: nobis Perfarum auxilia non defunr, qute jam- 
 fperamus. Pro nobis funtSaraceni, pro nobis Armenii. Latrones 
 Syri cxercitum tuum, A.ureliane, vicerunt; quid igitur fi ilia 
 venerit manus, quse undique fperaturp Pones profeflo fuper- 
 cilium, quo nunc mihi deditionem, quafi omnifariam vidtor 
 imperas. Vid. Voptfc. in vita Aurelian. 
 
 which 
 
12 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 which rather commanded than propofed terms, which file rejected with great 
 Her difdain; and notwithftanding the defperate ftate of her affairs treated his offers 
 ' as infolent, bid him remember that Cleopatra preferred death to a diihonour- 
 able life; and even infnlted him with the advantages the Syrian banditti had got 
 over his army. 
 
 This haughty anfwer greatly inflamed Aurelian: he immediately ordered a 
 general attack with more fury than ever, and at the fame time that he preffed 
 them fo vigouroufly in the town, he intercepted their Perfian auxiliaries, and 
 bought off the Saracens and Armenians. 
 
 Palmyra di- Belides this, provifions began to fail in the town, while the enemy was well 
 fupplied; a circumftance greatly difeouraging to thebefieged, who placed their 
 chief hopes in the difficulty Aurelian would find of fubfifting his army in the 
 defart. 
 
 In this diffrefs it was refolved in council, to let the Perfians know the def- 
 perate fituation they were in, and to implore their afliftance againfl: the com- 
 mon enemy. 
 
 Zenobia at- Zenobia undertook to tranfadf this affair in perfon, and fet out for Perfia 
 
 “"Kffr upon a dromedary, an animal made ufe of for expedition in the fame country 
 i™en. at this day; but fhe found it impoflible to efcape the vigilance of the befiegers. 
 Aurelian informed of her efcape, difpatched a party of horfe, which overtook 
 her juft as fhe had got into a boat to pafs the Euphrates. 
 
 We are told, that the fight of the captive queen gave the Roman emperor in- 
 finite plealure, at the fame time his ambition fuftered fome mortification, when 
 he confidered that pofterity would always look upon this, only as the conqueft 
 of a woman. 
 
 pamyra fub- Zenobia being taken, the citizens of Palmyra fubmitted tbemfelves to the em- 
 
 peror’s mercy, though a confiderable party were for defending the city to the 
 laft. He fpared them upon their fubmillion, and marched to Emefa with Ze- 
 nobia, and a great part of the riches of Palmyra, where he left a garrifon of 600 
 archers, commanded by Sanderio. 
 
 At Emefa, Aurelian made enquiry into Zenobia’s condudt, and her motives 
 for fo much obftinacy. 
 
 zmobii I "’'A 1 it were poflible to vindicate her behaviour upon this occafion: but 
 h ere file fell lhortof her grand model Cleopatra, and purchafed a difhonourable 
 dea.i>. life, at the expence of her friends, whom ffie betrayed as her ad vifers in what ffie 
 had done: They were put to death, and file refer ved to grace the emperor’s 
 triumph. 
 
 Longinus is Among thofe, who fuftered, was Longinus. He was accufed of having dictated 
 among them, the haughty letter, which his miftrefs Zenobia wrote to the emperor. The a in- 
 trepid fteadinefs with which he met his fate, lhews that he was as brave, as he 
 was learned. 
 
 ' Z is. lib. I. 
 
 The 
 
OF PALMYRA. Is 
 
 The misfortunes of Palmyra did not end here: So quick a tratlfition from 
 long enjoyed liberty to a ftate of flavery, is apt to fuggeft defperate meafures. 
 
 1 he inhabitants cut oft the Roman garrifon. Aurelian informed of this in his punilhed far 
 road to Rome, returned with uncommon expedition, took and deftroyed the” 
 town, putting to death moft of the inhabitants, without regard to age or fex. 
 
 For the particulars of this cruelty, we have the emperor’s own authority in 
 his letter to Balfus, whom he ordered to repair the temple of the fun da 
 maged by the foldiers, and appropriated to that ufe qoo pounds weight of gold 
 iound m Zenobia s coffers; with 1 800 pounds weight of filver.from the »oods 
 of the people, befides the jewels of the crown. 0 
 
 The moft credible account of the remaining part of Zenobia’s life is, that Au- 
 relian carried her to Rome, where Ihe graced his magnificent triumph ; and was 
 allotted by that emperor, fome lands at Conche, near the road from R ome to the 
 antient libur where at this day fome ruins are lliewn to travellers as the re- 
 mains of her Villa. She is faid to have married there and to have had children. 
 
 From this time Palmyra having loft its liberty, had, no doubt, a Roman a 0 . 
 vernor. Ceiomus Baflus, to whom Aurelian wrote the letter we have men 
 t.°ned was very probably the firfl; and we find Hierocles in that charge for 
 the fifth time with the name of prefident (Prafes) of the province, when Dio- 
 c elian erected fome buildings there. This information we owe to the only Latin 
 mlcription we found at Palmyra, to which we refer the reader b . 3 
 
 The magnificent remains of Dioclefian’s buildings at Rome, Spalato and 
 Palmyra, fliew this art flourillied, as late as the reign of that emperor contrary 
 to the opinion of Sir William c Temple, who fays that Trajaifs bridge over 
 the Danube feems to have been the laft flight of antient archite&ure. ° 
 
 a nn J T ( '"' ft r Illyri 7 C ifl 1 ”" WaS c l uartered at Palmyra, about the year of Chrift 
 400, out it feems doubtful, whether it continued to have aRornan garrifon with- 
 
 hi H | "f Pt C° n 5 f ° r Pr , oco P' us c % s > th at Juftinian repaired Palmyra, which 
 had been for fome time almoft quite defected, and fupphed the town with water 
 for the ufe of the garrifon which he left there. Such repairs no doubt rc j ded 
 more its ftrength than ornament. This author feems very little acquainted with 
 ns antient hiftory,when he fays it was built in that fituatioiyto Pop the incur- 
 
 ‘ he Ro “ n we - » — ***. 
 
 The civil revolutions of this country, lhew that chriftianity could have been 
 ut for a fmall time the eftablilhed religion; fo that I amnotfurprifed ataettina 
 nothing worth repeating from church hiftory. P 0 " 
 
 Zenobia 
 brought to 
 Rome, where 
 Ihe palled the 
 remainder of 
 
 Dioclelion 
 builds at Pal- 
 
 Juftinian re- 
 
 » This letter is alfo preferred in Vopifcus. Aurelianus 
 Auguftiis Ceionio BalTo— Non oportet ulteriux progredi 
 militum gladios, jam fatis Palmyrenorum ctefum atque 
 occifum eft. Mulieribus non pepercimus, infantes occidimus 
 lencsjugulavimus, rufticosinteremimus,cui terras, cui urbem 
 demceps rehnquemus? Parcendum eft iis qui remanferunt. 
 ~ , us c lm P au cos tam multorum fuppliciis efle correftos 
 
 Templum fane fobs, quod apud Palmyram aquilifer legionis 
 tertnt cum vexilliferis & draconariocornicinibus atque litici- 
 mbus diripucrunt, ad cam formam volo, qua- fuit, reddi. 
 
 Habes trecentas auri libras Zenobia: capfulis : habes aio- ent i 
 mille odlingenta pondo e Palmyrenorum bonis: habes °em- 
 mas regias Ex his omnibus fac cohoneftari templum Tmi- 
 ht & dns immortahbus gratiftimum feceris. Ego adfenatum 
 icribam, petens ut mittat pontificem, qui dedicet templum 
 J See Infcription XXVII. F 
 
 Eflay on antient and modern learnino-. 
 d Notitia Imp. 
 
 • Procop. Carfar. do idificils Judin, lib. a. ? ap. ii. 
 
 H 
 
 Its 
 
14 
 
 It is little 
 known fince 
 Mahomet’s 
 appearance. 
 
 by Benjamin 
 Tudulenfis, 
 
 THE ANTI ENT STATE 
 
 Its various fortunes from tire time of Mahomet’s appearance are very 
 obfeure. That it has been made ufe of as a place of ftrength, appears 
 from the alterations made to anfwer that purpofe in the temple of the 
 fun, which, as well as the caftle on the hill, cannot be above five or lix 
 hundred years old. 
 
 Benjamin Tudulenfis, an ignorant and fuperftitious Jew, who palled 
 through it in the twelfth century, fays, there were 2000 of his religion there 
 A” b °“ at that time. 
 
 By Abiiifetia Of the Arabian writers, fonre take no notice of Palmyra, and of thofe 
 who do, Abulfeda prince of Hamah, a city in its neighbourhood, who wrote 
 about the year 132 1, feems to be the only one worth quoting . He mentions 
 very lhortly its fituation, foil, palm and fig-trees; its many antient columns, 
 and that it had a wall and caftle. He was very probably ignorant, both of 
 its Greek name and hiftory, and only calls it Tedtnor. 
 
 On the other hand, fome of the beft writers on antient geography, who 
 were in general acquainted with the hiftory of Palmyra, feem quite ignorant 
 of its ruins. Caftaldus, Ortelius and others, do not take it for the Tedmor of 
 Abulfeda, but give it other modern names. 
 
 Little known 
 to geogra- 
 
 In fliort, fo little were thefe ruins known before the latter end of the 
 laft century, that had their materials been employed in fortifying the place, 
 which might have been a very natural confequence of a war betwfeen theTurks 
 and Perlians, Palmyra rvould fcarce have been mift : a very ftrong inftance 
 
 of the precarious fate, that the greateft monuments of human art and power 
 are liable to! 
 
 But about that time, fome Englifh merchants from Aleppo vifited thefe 
 1 Ts“ ruins, who were plundered by the Arabs, and obliged to return without fatis- 
 ,, , , ^ fying their curiolity : but made a fecond attempt thirteen years after the firft, 
 
 and flayed there four days. 
 
 Their account is publifhed in the Philofophical Tranfaftions, and is the 
 only one I have ever leen of this place. It is wrote with fo much can- 
 dour and regard to truth, that fome errors occalioned by hafte, and their 
 not being much acquainted with architefture and fculpture , deferve in- 
 dulgence. We hope, at leaft, our additional authority will refeue them 
 from an tinjuft imputation, which was the more dangerous as it had the 
 fan&ion of fome men of fenfe and letters, who found it ealier to doubt a 
 the veracity of their relation, than to account for fuch vaft ruins, in fo odd 
 a place. 
 
 If our journey thither in the year 1751 has produced any thing which 
 may be more fatisfa&ory to the curious, it is entirely owing to our having 
 undertaken it with advantages which they ivanted ; and however we may 
 claim the merit of a more inquilitive examination into the ruins of Pal- 
 myra , the difeovery of them is entirely due to the Englifh faiftory at 
 Aleppo. 
 
 a Nunc rudera fuperfunt, magna: olim urbis indicia 3 utreferunt ii. quorum taircn nolim fidem praflare. Pere Hardouin. 
 Vide Plin. lib. v. Hill. Nat. 
 
 The 
 
i5 
 
 OF PALMYRA. 
 
 The account given by thefe 'gentlemen occafioned a ihort hiftory of the' 
 antient Hate of Palmyra, and fome ingenious remarks on the inferiptions found 
 there by Dodlor Halley ; as alfo a hiftory of Palmyra, and commentary upon 
 the inferiptions, by Ab. Seller. The firft feemed too Ihort, and the laft too dif- 
 fufe, as well as incorrect, to anfwer what is meant by this enquiry: in which 
 however, I have had fome afliftance from both. 
 
 In this fhort sketch of the hiftory of Palmyra, it appears that all we have 
 been able to collect from books, with regard to its buildings is that they 
 were repaired by Adrian, Aurelian, and Juftinian, the Latin mfeription adds 
 Dioclefian. We fhall now proceed to what we propofed, as the fecond part 
 of this enquiry. ’ 
 
 HOW far the tafte and manner of the architecture may give any light into 
 the age which produced it, our engravings will put in every perfon’s power 
 to judge for himfelf ; and in forming fuch judgment, the jreader will make 
 what ule he thinks proper of the following obfervations, thrown together with- 
 out any view to order. 
 
 On the 
 TASTE of 
 the ARCHI- 
 TECTURE. 
 
 We thought we could eafily diftinguifh, at Palmyra, the ruins, of two very »"« » m- 
 different periods of antiquity ; the decay of the oldeft, which are mere rubbiih — 
 and incapable of meafurement, looked like the gradual work of time • but the fured 
 later feemed to bear the marks of violence. 
 
 There is a greater famenefs m the architecture of Palmyra, than we 
 obferved at Rome, Athens, and other great cities, whofe ruins evidently 
 point out different ages, as much from the variety of their manner, as then 
 different itages of decay. The works done during the republican ftate 
 of Kome are known by their limplicity and ufefulnefs, while thofe of the 
 emperors are remarkable for ornament and finery. Nor is it lefs diffi 
 cult to diftinguilh the old fimple dorick af Athens from their licentious 
 connthian of a later age. But at Palmyra we cannot trace fo vilible a 
 progrefs of arts and manners in their buildings ; and thofe which are 
 mo t ruinous feem to owe their decay rather to worfe materials, or accidental 
 violence, than a greater antiquity. It is true, there is in the outfide of the 
 lepuichral monuments, without the town, an air of fimplicity very dift'erent 
 from the general tafte of all the other buildings, from which/and their 
 lingular " fhape we at hrft fuppofed them works of the country prior to the 
 mtrodudfion of the Greek arts, but we found the infide ornamented as 
 the other buildings. 
 
 Samenefs of 
 the architec- 
 ture there. 
 
 -.—-an 
 
 ’ Corinthian. 
 
 It is remarkable, that except four ionick half columns in the temple of the"™" 
 fun, and two in one of the maufoleums, the whole is Corinthian, richly orna-”"* 
 mented with fome Unking beauties, and fome as vifible faults. 
 
 In the variety of ruins we vifited in our tour through the eaft we 
 could not help obferving, that each of the three Greek orders had their 
 
 * I mean Angular, with regard to the antient buildings 
 of Greece and Italy ; but in countries where theufe of bells 
 
 has made great fteeples common, they would not appear fo 
 lor they are exadtly of that form. 
 
 fafhionable 
 
i6 THE ANT I ENT STATE 
 
 falbionable periods: The oldeft buildings we faw were dorick ; the ionick 1 fuc- 
 ceeded, and feems to have been the favourite order, not only in Ionia, but all 
 overAfia Minor, the great country of good architecture, when that art was in 
 it’s higheft perfection. The Corinthian came next in vogue, and molt of the 
 buildings of that order in Greece feem pofterior to the Romans getting footing 
 which was there. The compofite, and all its extravagancies followed, when proportion was 
 ! h rde?7A fa entirely facrificed to finery and crowded ornament. 
 
 vogue. J J 
 
 taf,'"' Another obfervation we made in this tour, and which feems to our prefent 
 p 3L" purpofe, was, that in the progrefs of architecture and fculpture towards perfec- 
 ioii than ir- tion fculpture arrived foonelt at it, and foonelt loft it. 
 
 chitefture. 3 T 
 
 Examples of The old dorick of Athens is an inftance of the firlt, where the bas-re- 
 liefs on the metopes of the temples of Thefeus and Minerva, (the firft built 
 foon after the battle of Marathon, and the latter in the time of Pericles) Ihew 
 the utmoft perfection that art has ever acquired, though the architecture of the 
 fame temples is far Ihortof it, and in many particulars againft the rules of Vi- 
 truvius, who appears to have founded his principles upon the works of a later 
 aae. 
 
 O 
 
 That architecture out-lived fculpture we had feveral inftances in Afia Minor, 
 and no where more evident proofs of it, than at Palmyra. 
 
 This obfervation on the different fates of thofe filler-arts, which I have at- 
 tempted to fupport by fads, has appeared a little extraordinary to fome per- 
 fons, who very juftly conlider architecture as the mere child of necellity, a 
 difeovery which our firft wants muff have pointed out, and employed us in long 
 before we could have thought of fculpture, the work of luxury and leifure. 
 How comes it about then, lay they, that it flrould be left lo far behind by an 
 art much later thought of? Perhaps my having had ocular demonllration of 
 the fad, may induce me to think too favourably of the following manner oi 
 accounting for it. 
 
 Rea ion of(t. qp he f cu j ptor having for his object the human figure, has in his firft, and moll 
 
 rude effays, the advantage of a model in nature, the clofell imitation of which 
 conllitutes the perfedion of his art. But the archited’s invention is employed in 
 the fearch of proportions by no means fo obvious, though when once eitablifhed 
 they are ealier preferved and copied- The firft part of this remark perhaps 
 accounts for the quicker progrefs of fculpture, from the infancy of arts to 
 their happieft Hate, as the latter part of it attempts to give the reafon why 
 architedure Ihould not fo immediately feel the decline of good talle. 
 
 If I am allowed to lay any flrefs on thefe obfervations, in applying them to 
 Palmyra, it would induce me to fix the date of its buildings after the happieft 
 
 and next, that they would have preferred the dorick, in fome 
 inftances, but that their own order was lefs difficult to exe- 
 cute, and gave greater fcope to the architect's fancy, not con- 
 fined, as in the dorick, by a conftant attention to a proper 
 diftribution of the metopes and trvglyphs. Hermogenes in- 
 tended the famous temple of Bacchus at Teos Ihould be do- 
 rick, but for this laft reafon changed his plan to the ionick, 
 after he had collected the materials. Vitruv. 
 
 a Which of the orders is moft pleafing, is a queftion foreign 
 to our prefent purpofe; but left this preference of the ionick, 
 in an age when architecture moft flourilhed, and by a people 
 whofe productions of genius have been fo long the ftand ird 
 for good tafte, that they have in fome meafure acquired a right 
 of deciding, may be an authority too much in its favour, we 
 may obferve firft, that the Ionians were, no doubt, partial 
 
 age 
 
17 
 
 OF PALM Y R A. 
 
 age of the fine arts. But with regard to this we fhall know more from the in- 
 fcriptions. 
 
 WE fee from their dates, (in which the M ra of Selucus is obferved, with or*, in. 
 the Macedonian names of the months) that there are none earlier than the birth o“! PTI 
 of Chrift, and none fo late as the deftruction of the city by Aurelian, except 
 one in Latin, which mentions Dioclefian. They are all in a bad character, fome 
 fepulchral, but molt honorary ; the names in the oldeft infcriptions are all Pal- 
 myrene, thofe of a later date have Roman pranomina. 
 
 T W O of the maufoleums, which ftill remain pretty entire, preferve on their Tl “i «*» 
 front very legible infcriptions, of which one informs us, that Jamblichus, fonl-’T"^ 
 of Mocimus, built that monument, as a burial-place for himfe'lf and his family “ 
 in the year 314., (anfwering to the third year of Chrift) and the other, that 
 it was built by Elabelus Manaius, in the year 4.14 (the 103 of Chrift.) 
 
 The ornaments of thefe two are much in the fame tafte; but the latter is % wia, 
 richeft and moft diligently executed. However, both are fo much in the ftyleKSrf"' 
 and manner of the other publick buildings in general, that they may 'be"''” 1 
 fuppofed works not of very different ages. 
 
 As to the honorary infcriptions, they are almoft all upon the columns of 
 the long portico; where it will appear, that there were ftatues of the 
 perfons named in them, and that the feveral dates mark the time when 
 fuch perfons received that honour. So that all we can conclude from them, 
 with regard to the buildings is, that the portico is older than the earli- 
 eft of thofe dates. 
 
 We were diligent in our fearch after infcriptions, from which we hoped for 
 fome valuable information, with regard to a place about which hiftory is fo de- 
 ficient, but in vain. We for the fame reafon enquired ftrictly after medals, 
 cameo’s and intaglio’s; but with as little fuccefs. All the medals we got were' 
 Roman fmall brals, and of the low empire, and fome cameo’s and intaligo’s, 
 which we found, are not worth notice. 
 
 We were not much difappointed, in not finding the name of Zenobia in any z „„bi, „ M 
 tnfcription, as her fliort reign was almoft entirely employed in a war, the un-S'ET 1 
 happy end of which prevented any opportunity either of compliment or flat- 
 tery. Nor is Do&or Halley’s obfervation improbable, that the Romans, fo 
 much irritated at her behaviour, lhould have deftroyed, or defaced every thing 
 which did her honour. 
 
 UPON the whole, I think, we may conclude, that as foon as the palfage 
 of the defert ivas found out and pra£hfed, thofe plentiful and conllant Ipringsof ™?v Ll 
 Palmyra muft have been known ; and that as foon as trade became the objedft of 
 attention, fuch a fituation muft have been valuable, as neceflary to the keep- 
 ing up an intercourfe between the Euphrates, and the Mediterranean, being 
 about twenty leagues from that river, and about fifty from Tyre and Sidon, on 
 the coaft. This, no doubt, muft have happened very foon, from the fituation of 
 
 K this 
 
i8 
 
 THE ANT I ENT STATE 
 
 Palmyra in- this defart, in the neighbourhood of the firft civil focieties we know any thing 
 ifa'nJr'i"". of; and we have politive authority from the writings of Moles, of a very 
 early intercourfe between Padan-Aran, afterwards Mefopotamia, and the 
 land of Canaan. 
 
 If it be alledged, that fuch intercourfe was kept up, not through the 
 defart, but by a longer road, through the inhabited country, as is gene- 
 rally the practice at this day, and that the patriarchs in their journies 
 between thofe countries, ufed nearly the fame caravan-road, which is now 
 commonly chofen for fecurity from Damafcus by Hamah, Aleppo, Bir, &c. 
 This objection may be anfwered by an obfervation which occurred to me 
 when I travelled this road into Mefopotamia (now Diarbekir) in my firft tour 
 into the eaft in the year 1742, viz. That the expeditious journey of La- 
 ban and Jacob from Haran to Mount-Gilead, will admit of no other 
 road than this through the defart ; which alone can account for the 
 fmall time in which they performed it. As Laban may have ufed extraor- 
 dinary diligence, and exerted himfelf in the purfuit, we (hall not venture 
 to fay what he could have done in feven 1 days; but Jacob’s journey will 
 admit of a pretty exatft calculation, nor could he eafily have- arrived at the 
 neareft part of Mount-Gilead, even through the delart, in lefs than ten days, 
 as he mull: have kept the common caravan-pace, obferved by the prefent 
 inhabitants; for he travelled with the fame incumbrances of family, flocks, 
 and in fhort, all his fubftance, carrying his wives b and children upon ca- 
 mels, as the Arabs now do, who retain a furprifing fimilitude of manners 
 and cuftoms to thofe of the patriarchs, and much greater than is obfervable 
 between any other antient and modern people. 
 
 This reafoning, no doubt, fuppofes the face of the country to have 
 been always the fame that we favv it, which is not improbable ; for 
 few parts of the globe feem to be lefs fubjedl to change than the de- 
 The dciart fart ; nor does it feem unreafonable to conclude, that Palmyra had always 
 X 10 the fame fupply of water, and it’s neighbourhood the fame want of it. 
 c Jofephus gives this as Solomon’s reafon for building here. The Perlians d 
 , when they became mafters of Alia, attempted in fome meafure to water 
 the defart, by granting a property in the land for five generations, to thofe 
 who brought water thither. But the aquard Lifts which they made under 
 ground, from Mount-Taurus, for this purpofe, were fo liable to be deftroy- 
 ed, that they did not continue to anfwer the end for which they were built. 
 In the war between e Arfaces and Antiochus the Great, we lee the firft care 
 on both fides was to fecure the water in the delart, without which an army 
 could not pals. 
 
 n. tichc How much the Eaft-India f trade has enriched all the countries through 
 'which it palled, from Solomon to the prefent time, is evident from hiftory 
 
 * Gen. chap. xxxi. v. 22. And it was told Laban on 
 the third day that Jacob was fled. And he took his bre- 
 thren with him, and purfued after him feven days journey, 
 and they overtook him in the mount Gilead 
 
 b Gen. chap. xxxi. v. 17. Then Jacob rofe and fet his 
 fons and his wives upon camels. 
 
 ' Antiq. Jud. lib. 8. 
 
 d Polyb. lib. 10. It is true, the defart mentioned by Po- 
 lybius, in this and the following inftance, is farther north 
 than that of Palmyra, but the northern part of the defart is 
 more eafily fupplyed with water than to the fouth. 
 c Polyb. ib. 
 
 1 Prideaux Conned, 
 
 The 
 
!9 
 
 OF PALMYR A. 
 
 The immenfe riches of that prince, of the Ptolomies, and indeed of Palmyra, 
 are to be accounted for, from no other fource. 
 
 It feems highly probable that the Phoenicians, who from their intercourfe Tie Ph<»-' 
 with the Jews, foon learned the value of the Eaft-India trade, mull as foon““S 
 have found out how profitably it might be carried on through Palmyra, fituated “ Pal " > ™' 
 more conveniently for them, and at a lefs diftance from their capital than from 
 that of the Jews. 
 
 The grand paffage for the India-Merchandize (before the Portumieze difeo- 
 vered that by the Cape of Good-Hope) was, no doubt, by Egypt and the 
 Rcd-fea. The cities Fdiongeber, Rhinocolura, and Alexandria, "’were the dif- 
 ferent marts for this tiade, as it palled through the hands of the Jews Phoe- 
 nicians and Greeks. But there were formerly other channels lefs conliderable 
 as there are to this day. ’ 
 
 It is true, that their India-Trade, is now at a very low ebb occafioned 
 by the difeovery of America, and the Cape of Good-Hope, but moft of all £“-2$ 
 by the bad government of the Turks, diametrically oppofite to the true" 0 '’"' 
 fpirit of commerce. There is, however, enough left to point out what 
 might be done with proper management. And befides the trade carried 
 on by Cairo and Suez, a fmall intercourfe is kept up by caravans from 
 Aleppo and Damafcus to Baffora. I make no doubt, that fhould this coun 
 try once more become the feat of well regulated civil fociety. Palmyra muff 
 of courfe become conliderable, by the trade of India, though Ea Vpt m,„hr Pill 
 be its grand channel. & S 11 
 
 hen we v 7 re 111 Egyph a perfon who had been long in India, and was^ST 
 well acquainted with the trade of that country, was fent to Grand Cairo by 
 the prefent emperor of Germany, to fee what commerce miaht be laid open 
 between his Tufcan dominions and the Red-fea. The gentleman fo employed 
 told us, that he did not then perfue his fcheme of going on to Suez and em 
 barking for Mocha, becaufe of the prefent unfettled government in Egypt • 
 but that if tranquility was once reftored, and there was fecurity for merchants’ 
 the trade would greatly anfwer. J 3 
 
 But at whatever time we may fuppofe Palmyra became a paTao-e for the 
 commodities of India, it feems very reafonable to attribute thei/wealth to 
 that trade, which mull have flourifhed confiderably before the birth of 
 Chnftj as we find by the inferiprions, about that time they were rich and 
 expeniive ; and as Appian 1 exprefly calls them India-merchants in Mark 
 Antony s time, it feems to put this matter out of all doubt. I take it to have 
 been owing to a want of proper attention to this circumftance of the trade of 
 Palmyra, and the riches it might have produced, that writers have hitherto 
 pretty confidently attributed its buildings to the fucceffors of Alexander or to 
 the Roman emperors, rather than fuppofe its inhabitants could have been 
 equal to the expence. 
 
 As antient authors are intirely filent about this opulent and 
 of their hiftory , we are left to conclude that, intirely intent 
 
 quiet period 
 upon com- 
 
 * De bel. civil, lib. $. 
 
 L 
 
 merce, 
 
What con- 
 neftions the 
 Palmyrenes 
 had with the 
 Komani. 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 inerce, they interfered little in the quarrels of their neighbours, and wifely at- 
 tended to the two obvious advantages of their fituation, trade and fecurity. A 
 country thus peaceably employed, affords few of thofe ftriking events a which 
 hiftory is fond of. 1 he defart was in a great meafure to Palmyra what the 
 fea is to Great Britain, both their riches and defence. The neglect of thefc 
 advantages made them more confpicuous and lefs happy. 
 
 What their particular connexions were with the Romans, before the time 
 of Odenathus, how early began, and how often interrupted, may be difficult 
 to decide with any fatisfaXion to ourfelves. The earlieft mark of their depen- 
 dance, as we have feen in the foregoing hiftory is, their having been a Roman 
 colony in the time of Caracalla : that they aflifted Alexander Severus againft 
 Artaxerxes, proves no more than an alliance: we fee Roman pratnonuna, and 
 a few Roman names in the infcriptions ; and that, in one place, they have 
 fcratched out the name of a perfon, odious to the Romans; and in other places 
 feem to acquiefce in the Roman deification, by calling two of their deceafed 
 emperors gods. Whether all this means any more than compliment to their 
 friends and allies, or argues a nearer intereft in the Roman religion. and poli- 
 ticks, is left to the reader to judge for himfelf. 
 
 ■ We have feen, before the time of Juftinian, this city was reduced to as 
 low a (late as that in which we found it, and had loft its liberty, trade, pro- 
 perty and inhabitants, in that natural chain in which publick misfortunes ge- 
 nerally follow each other. 
 
 Why the de- If the fucceflion of tbefe calamities was quicker than ordinary, it may be 
 r.i was ib accounted for from the particular fituation of Palmyra: a country without land, 
 if I may ufe that expreifion, could only fubfift by commerce 15 ; their induftry 
 had no other channel to operate in; and when the lofs of their liberty was 
 followed by that of trade, they were reduced to live idly on as much of their 
 capital as Aurelian had fpared; when that was fpent, neceflity obliged them 
 to defert the town. 
 
 However, its ufe as a place of ftrength, was flill evident to Juftinian; a ufe 
 ever infeparable from its fituation, unlefs it fltould become the center of a great 
 empire, which there feems no reafon to expect ; for the defart is a very natural 
 boundary, and will probably continue to divide different ftates, with as little 
 interruption as it has done from the earlieft accounts of time. 
 
 my »„„ If the T urks do not feem to know its value in this light, it is only becaufe the 
 “r&fe " w eaknefs of the Perfians has encouraged them in their neglect of it, efpecial- 
 ly as the Arabs would make it a little troublefome to fupport a garrifon there. 
 However, if they lofe Bagdat, their prefent extended frontier, they will no doubt, 
 fortify Palmyra. 
 
 a The Agareni, a people of Arabia Ftelix, whofe capital 
 was fituated, like that ol the Palmyrenes, in a barren parcht 
 delart. baffled the forces of two victorious Roman emperors 
 Trajan and Severus, who after vigorous, tho’ vain attempts, 
 to add this to their other conquefts in the eaft, were obliged 
 to leave its inhabitants in the pofieflion of their rights. This 
 giorious defence of their liberty comprehends the whole hi- 
 itory of this people, as tar as I can find ; and were it not for 
 
 the injuftice and ambition of their enemies, we fhould not 
 even know that there had been any fuch brave and powerful 
 people. Vide Dion Caffl in vit. Trajan. 
 
 b A few exceptions which this opinion is liable to, are of fo 
 lingular a nature, that they do not break in upon the general 
 truth of it : it Jerufalem, a capital tolerably well inhabited, 
 fubfifts without trade or agriculture, it is owing to the fingu- 
 lar devotion of the Chriftians, Jews and Turks for that city. 
 
 As 
 
OF PALM Y R A. 
 
 i 
 
 As to the age of thofe ruinous heaps, which belonged evidently to buildings 
 of greater antiquity than thofe which are yet partly Handing, it is difficult even 
 to guefs; but if we are allowed to form a judgment, by comparing their ftate 
 of decay with that of the monument of Jamblichus, we mull conclude them 
 extremely old; for that building, ere£led 1750 years ago, is the moft perfe£l 
 piece of antiquity I ever faw, having all its floors and flairs entire, though it 
 confifts of five flories. 
 
 But thofe buildings which we faw and meafured, feem neither to have been [“ S.T - 
 the works of Solomon, as fome have thought, nor of any of the Seleucida;, ac- 
 cording to others, and but few of them of any of the Roman emperors, but 
 mollly of the Palmyrenes themfelves, as we may conclude from their inferip- 
 tions, which arc in this cafe our bell authority. The monument eredled by 
 Jamblichus feems to be the oldeft; and the work of Dioclelian the latefl, taking 
 in about goo years between them. 
 
 The other rich and expenfive buildings were, no doubt, ereiSted before the 
 lad of thefe dates, and probably after the firft ; perhaps about the time Llabe- 
 lus built his monument. 
 
 It is reafonable to fuppofe, that when private perfons could ere£t monuments 
 of fuch extraordinary magnificence, merely for the ufe of their own family, 
 about the fame time of opulence, the community may have been equal to the 
 vaft expence of their publick buildings. 
 
 We are at a lofs, what to think about the repairs of Adrian; thofe of Aure- 
 lian were conliderable and expenfive. We leave it to the reader to determine, 
 whether thefe lingularities of the temple of the fun, which could fcarce ever 
 have entered into the original plan, can have been the work of that emperor. 
 
 What remains there are of the wall, do not look unlike the work of Julli- 
 nian, and may be the repairs mentioned bv Procopius, and the highefl antiquity 
 any thing elfe can claim is the time of the mamalucs. 
 
 T hat the ruins are the greateft,and moft entire of any we know, is, no doubt, why ba. 
 much owing to there being fewinhabitants to deface them, to a dry climate, and 
 their diflance from any city, which might apply the materials to other ufes. 
 
 Thrir Religion, we know, was pagan: and from the extraordinarv“f s r" to °l 
 magnificence of the temple of the fun, it would appear, that, in common with 
 their neighbours in Syria, they had a high veneration for that divinity. 
 
 Their Government, we lee, both from hiftory and the inferiptions, was Thdr i”- 
 republican; but their laws, police, &c. are entirely loll; nor can we learn more 
 than the names of a few magiftrates from the inferiptions. 
 
 As to the ftate of Liter a ture among them, we have great reafon to judge i.=« m „„a 
 favourably of it: nor could they have left a more lucky fpecimen of theirabili- 
 ties in that way, than the only performance of theirs, which has efcaped, viz. 
 Longinus 2 his Treatife on the Sublime. 
 
 * It is not certain that Longinus was a Palmyrene, though 1 moft florifhing ftateof letters in a country, to have given birth 
 very probably he was offome part of Syria.But which argues the | to a great genius, or to have given him honour andfupport? 
 
 M Of 
 
22 
 
 THE ANTIENT STATE 
 
 Manners and Of their Manners and Customs we know little. We fee from Pollio 
 that. Zenobia, notwithftanding her military virtues, had fomething of the 
 Perfian luxury, and the fame author fays, that Herodes the fon of Ode- 
 nathus, was ‘ Homo omnium delicatiflimus & prorfus Orientalis & Grse- 
 ‘ cx luxuriae.’ 
 
 skin in horfe. We ha vc feen in the firft part of this Enquiry, page, n. that horfeman- 
 
 toS^ftiip was held in much efteem in this Country, as it Hill is by the Arabs; 
 bo™ and Appian a tells us the Palmyrenes were, expert archers. 
 
 “2 „r ^ plainly appears from their fituation, that agriculture and country irn- 
 5^-" provements could make but a very fmall part of their bufinefs or arnufe- 
 ments. From hence it is eafier to account for the extraordinary magnificence 
 of their city, where, no doubt, their pleafures, as well as their bufinefs 
 mud have centered. 
 
 We were a g° od deal furprifed to perceive, that a people, confined by fitua- 
 tl0n m thelr amufements, Ihould have no remains of a theatre, circus, or 
 any place for games and exercifes, when we confidered, what ’lengths’ the 
 Greeks and Romans went in their love of thofe diverfions. Of all an- 
 tient buildings thofe bell relift the injuries of time, from their lhape ; and 
 we had feen above twenty mable theatres in Alia Minor alone, moil of 
 them pretty entire. 
 
 However, as we meet with the office of or yEdile, in the inferip- 
 
 £■“ tlons . lC ma Y be ahedged from thence, that there were publick games 
 at Palmyra; the inlpe£lion of which, is a care belonging to that magillrate, 
 whole duty originally extended only to the dire&ion of the market! It is’ 
 the more probable, that this office included both thofe provinces at Palmyra, 
 as Zenobius b feems to be complimented for having difeharged it .with liberali- 
 ty; a very popular virtue, and expefted in him who exhibited games, tho’ I do 
 not fee how it could be exercifed in the direction of the market. 
 
 sepnichres. Tb e uncommon magnificence of their monuments of the dead, feem 
 borrowed from Egypt, to which country they, of all people, come’ near- 
 eft in that fort of expence. Zenobia was originally of Egypt; Ihe fpqke 
 their language perfectly well, and afte£ted much to imitate in many things 
 her anceftor Cleopatra. But, that they borrowed fome their cuftoms from 
 An of em- I'gypt before her time, feems plain from a difeovery we made, to our great 
 bh ””s fill-prize, of mumies in their fepulchral monuments. We had been in Egypt 
 a few months before, and by comparing the linen, the manner of fwathing, 
 the balfam, and other parts of the mumies of that country, with thofe of 
 Palmyra, we found their methods of embalming exactly the fame c . 
 
 The Arabs told us, there had been vail numbers of thefe mumies in all 
 the fepulchres; but that they had broke them up, in hopes of finding trea- 
 lure. They were tempted, by the rewards we offerred, to make ftrict 1 Tearch 
 for an entire one; but in vain: Which difappointed our hopes of feeing 
 fomethmg curious in the Sarcophagus, or perhaps of metting with hiero! 
 
 a Appian de Bell. Civil, lib. z. 
 * Infcript. IX. 
 
 c The pieces we brought away, which are in the poileffion 
 of- Mr. Dauwkins, are a proof of this. 
 
 glyphicks ; 
 
23 
 
 THE ANTIENT S T A T E, &c. 
 
 glyphicks. Among the fragments we carried oft' is the hair of a female, 
 platted exactly in the manner commonly ufed by the Arabian women at this 
 time. 
 
 From thefe few hints we fee, that this people copied after great models 
 m their manners, their vices and their virtues. Their funeral cuftoms were 
 from Egypt, their luxury was Perfian, and their letters and arts were from 
 the Greeks. Their fituation in the midft of thefe three great nations makes 
 it reafonable to fuppofe they adopted feveral other of their cuftoms and 
 manners. But to fay more on that head from fuch fcanty materials, would 
 be to indulge too much in mere conje£ture, which feems rather the pri- 
 vilege of the reader than of the writer. 
 
 How much it is to be regretted that we do not know more of a country, 
 which has left fuch monuments of its magnificence ? Where Zenobia was’ 
 queen, and where Longinus was firft minifter ? 
 
 N 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 T H E antient infcriptions we found at Palmyra were all Greek, or Pal- 
 myrene, except one in Latin. The greatell number of thofe in Greek 
 were publiflied by the Englilh merchants of Aleppo, with fome errors, 
 but fuch as did not in any remarkable degree perplex, or alter the fenfe. Doctor 
 Halley made fome remarks, and Mr. Seller wrote a Commentary on them, in 
 which he often takes the liberty of corrupting the genuine reading, to favour 
 his own conjectures. 
 
 It is rather to correct the errors of the commentators, than thofe of the firft 
 copy, that we publilh thefe infcriptions, upon which we lhall only make fuch 
 remarks as obvioufly occurred to us on the journey, with a view to prepare them 
 tor a more critical examination ; and beginning with thofe which have dates, we 
 fhall place them according to their antiquity. 
 
 I. Llpon the architrave of the door of the moft entire maufoleum, in that 
 rS'j'”' 1 vale* through which we arrived atPalmyra; it is repeated in a larger character, 
 higher up, on the front of the fame building. 
 
 The letters c- uj- e are ufed for ^ * as well in this, as in all the infcrip- 
 
 tions of Palmyra. As this contradidts a rule eftablifhed by antiquarians (who 
 have decided, that thole letters are not to be met with in that form on coins, or 
 marbles before the time of Domitian) we were careful in examining the date, 
 which is very legible in both infcriptions, aTt and being read from the right 
 to the left (the only way the dates of Palmyra are intelligible,) makes the 314th 
 ,fai„fc,i P .y ear D f the ^E r a q- of Seleucus, anfwering to the 3d year of Chrift. 
 
 We took, as exadlly as we could, from the marbles, the ihape of the cha- 
 radler, which is bad, and have obferved the fame number of lines. Wc are 
 at a lofs whether to attribute fo much bad Ipelling, and different ways of {pol- 
 ling the fame word, as may be obferved in thefe infcriptions, to the miftakes of the 
 engraver or to their ignorance of the Greek language at Palmyra. Longinus 
 complains that he found it difficult to find a perfon there to copy Greek. 
 
 ivTivT II- Upon the front of that maufoleum § of which we have given the plan, 
 L ' 11 elevations and ornaments. Belides that we found no difficulty in reading it, both 
 grammar and fenfe fo evidently authorife the difference of this copy from that 
 already publiflied, that we lhall not trouble the reader with any defence of it. 
 
 III. On the fliaft of the great column marked F, in plate XLIII. If we are 
 not miftaken, it is more difficult to underftand than to tranflate it. This will 
 appear by rendering it literally, which is ealieft done in Latin thus: ‘ Senatus 
 ‘ populufque Alialamenem, Pam lilium, Mocimi nepotem, aEranis pro- 
 ‘ nepotem, Matha: abnepotem & rEranem patrem ejus, viros pios & Patrite 
 L'T P ° r " ‘ amicos & omnimodo placentes patriae patrufque diis, honoris gratia t anno 
 ‘ 450 menfe Aprili.’ 
 
 Our 
 
^Jlc 
 
 a /'moi'rt 
 
 t '/ft /w// 7U’na . 
 
 MNHMCIONAIUMONri FA C (JKOAOMH((N/AMAKOCMOK(IMOY TOYKAIAKKAACICOY 
 
 TOYMAA IX0Y6/C T((AY TONKA IY/OYCKAI (rrOMOYCl TOY C A / fMHH/JA AY AIK 111 
 
 H 
 
 nr 
 
 w 
 
 v 
 
 "VI 
 
 ~vk 
 
 ■yin 
 
 TOMA/HM6ION6KTICA//6/\ABHACCM 
 
 ANNAI OCCOAAI tICAAAAlXO COY A BAA 
 
 AA60YT OYMA/WA/OY TOYtAABHA OYAYT 
 OICKAIYlOICe TOYCAIYMHA/OCIAA/AIKOY 
 
 /i/i0YAHKAI0AHM0CAAIAAAM6//VA HANOY 
 TOYMOKIMOYTOYAI PA// OYTOYAAA90AKAI 
 AlPANHA/TONnATLPAAYTOYeYCeaeiCKAI 
 tpiAOriATPIAACKAinANTITPOniU ■ ■ 
 UMCJCAP6CA A/TAC THP1ATPIAIKA I 
 TOICnATPIOICeeolCTdMHCXAPIN 
 tTOYC/YYMHNOCZANAKOY 
 
 HBOYAH 
 
 A 0 AAeiA/AIPAA/OYTOYCABATOY 
 A/0YT0YBUNN60YC £nANT6\ 
 A/~//AYTHeWAOCI//AIUWAN 
 
 I BYCIANKAI- Al- 66 AT A 
 AAXQHACJKAI CXftOAM 6I0CK 
 
 I I AT t/ n AT POJOKd 60ICT6IMHCKAI 
 NHMHCXAPINtTOYCANY nT ■ U3 
 
 /Z 6 CHA/\ATor/zec 
 
 A/e CH AAA TOY A/e CH T0YAAAT0YP6 <p6A OY 
 TOY APKL60Y CYNOA! APXH NO! CYNANAQAH 
 T6CAACTA TOY eMnOPOIA/10 (f)OPAQOYKe 
 0AArAC.IAA0CT£U/HCKAI€YXAPlCT6IAC 
 6N6K6N tTOYCrNYMHNOCfANA- • • • 
 
 HBOYAH KAI OAHMOC 
 IOYA/ONAYPHAIO NZHNOQION 
 T0A/KAIZA/3AIAANA/CMAA 
 X OY T OY N A CCOYMOY LTPATH 
 THCAA/TAeA/eniAHMIAOeOY 
 AA6IA NAP0YKAIY/1HP6TH 
 CANTATIAP0YC/AA/HN6K6/ 
 POYT/AA/OYKPI C/1U NOYTOY 
 HTHCAM tNOYKA/ TAIC6/7/AH 
 
 IX mhcaca/coyht/aaat ioicIa/a 
 
 TOPANOMHCANT A T6KAIOYKOAI 
 ■ ONAtpeiAHCANTAXPHAAATON 
 KA I KA A CO C n 0 A 6/ Tt Y CAM tN ON 
 OCA I A TAYTAMAPTYPH QHNAI 
 Yf/O 6 £0YIA PIG 0/1 OY KAI YflO/OY 
 A I0Y T0Y6ZOY.UTA 
 
 TOYCnAPXOY TOY 1 6POYTIPAITO 
 PI 0 Y K A / THC H A TPI A 0 C T 0 N Cf/AO 
 nA TP/N TC IM H C X A P \ N k TO Y C A N <? 
 
 / OYAtON AYPHAI0NZ6B6IAAN 
 uko kijuoyt oy zone I A OY 
 AC9OP0Y I5AIAAO/CYNAYTO 
 X KATeAdONTeceicoAoreci 
 
 AAA 6NnOPOIANeCTHCAA/AP6 
 CANTAAYT0/CT6IM.HCXAP/N 
 1 ANAIKOTOY HN<f> 6T0YC 
 
 XL 
 
 AllYYUTOMerKTOKAienHKOOBOAANOCZeNOlilOY 
 TOYAlPANOYTOYMOKIMOYTOYMAOOAeniAAeAHTHC 
 A/P606/C6(pKA Cn HT H CY fl OjAPUh OAOYTOY dtOYTONBLO- 
 62 lAlONANCOHKeNCT 0YCA0Y MHN0CYn£PI5 6P6TAl0YK 
 
 MAP 9C/NAA6ZANAP0Y TOY 
 KAflAAH TOY OYABAAAA QOY 
 TOYCYM^A/OY COPAIMCAI PANOY 
 AN HP AY THCAANH/AHCSNCKCN 
 MHNCI AYCT PUTOY YY 6T0YC 
 
 &IIYYKTUJKAI- 
 TTHKOCUIIOYAYP- 
 NT ITT A TP0C0KAI 
 AAAtITO YZHN0&! 
 OYTOYAKOITAOY'' 
 6YIAAA6NOCAN6 
 6HK 6N6T0 YCAAUp 
 AYAYNAIOY KA 
 
 XLL 
 
 CeriTIMIONAI PANHNO 
 AA/NA60YT ONAAMTI P0 
 TATONCYNKAHTIKON 
 
 62 
 
 AY PH A/ 
 0A0P0Y 
 THCAer 
 n ATP ON- 
 
 NON 
 
 PHAI 
 
 C T PATIO 
 KHCTCN 
 6/MHCKAI6YXA 
 
 P ICT /A CX A PIN GTOY C Tz <f> 
 
 KON 
 
 AY 
 
 CTPAT 
 PH ON 
 AM6N 
 QOY AHA 
 
 OYAION 
 
 C6A6Y 
 
 ceeiAA 
 
 oc 
 
 MAPTY 
 
 TCUAHC 
 
 PATICTH 
 
 MYP/AC 
 
 76 IMHC € N 0 K 6 N 6 T 0 Y C 
 jj(f> YH6PB 6 POT A! O 
 
 XLLL 
 
 H QOY A 
 AYPHAIO 
 MAAH 
 ANAKOM/C 
 
 OYAION 
 A BON 
 PXCMnOPOH 
 CYNOMAN 
 
 HPO/KA 61 I At ON TCUHHCXAPIN 
 CTOYCejcp 
 
 Cf. ^tAron Jcu/ft : 
 
z6 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Our difficulty is, that ySranes is called the father of Alialamenes, who 
 is called the fon of Panus. 
 
 IV. On a well proportioned pedelhd, upon which is an attick bafe cut 
 out of the fame piece of marble, in the burying-ground of the Arabs. It 
 feems to lignify honours done by the fenate, to fome perfon, which have 
 not been fo lafting as we could wifh. We give it a place here as its frag- 
 ments confirm fome part of the infcription publillied by Gruter. The tail 
 word is, no doubt, n^iai, the Macedonian month, anfwering to February. 
 
 _xiT lat ' V- In the court of the temple of the fun, on one of thofe pedeftals * 
 which projedls from the fliafts of the columns to fupport ftatues. 
 
 Though fome words in this infcription do not feem very intelligible, yet 
 we make no doubt, but thofe who have time to conlider it, will find that it re- 
 lates to the antient trade and cuftoms of Palmyra. We know from hiftory a 
 that there were formerly in that country, as well as at prelent, a fet of petty 
 princes, who lived upon rapine, making it dangerous for merchants to travel 
 except in bodies, and efcorted in the manner of the prefent caravans. We ofler 
 it as our conjecture, that the perfon mentioned in this inlcription was direc- 
 tor or commander of fuch a caravan, and that he had a ftatuc erected 
 
 to him by the merchants trading to Vologelias on the Euphrates, eighteen b 
 miles below Babylon, for his fervices in protecting their trading caravans. 
 Infcription XVIII. which mentions the reafon why a particular perfon 
 was honoured by the fenate, takes notice among his other publick fervices, 
 of that of his protecting fuch caravans, XmJ'ia;, at his own expence; and that 
 he had the teilimony of the chiefs or prefidents of the merchants to that 
 purpofe. Infcription XIII. contains fomething of the fame kind. If we 
 add to thofe, Infcription X. it will help out the fenfe of this. 
 
 VI. Upon an altar dedicated to Jupiter. 
 
 + Sc. piate We found it clofe by the large fountain, t which, no doubt, is the fame 
 a. Fi g . 32. ca |[ ec | gphea in the infcription, of which Bolanus was eleCted overfeer. 1 his 
 office mull have been of importance at Palmyra, where fuch a fountain was 
 fo neceffary, as well to the fubfillance, as pleafure, of the inhabitants. Mr. 
 Seller has changed the true reading of Fphca to Apbaca, to fupport a very 
 lingular opinion, viz. that the famous oracular fountain is meant here, which 
 was near that temple of Venus, between Heliopolis and Byblus, which 
 long continued to have votaries among the women of Mount Libanus, 
 noted for beauty and prollitution. The laft letters of the woid Bsi,um in 
 the third line, have hitherto been fuppofed to belong to the fecond, and 
 explained upon that fuppolition. In feveral other inllances where the 
 text of thofe inferiptions has been altered, or a hiatus filled up by the com- 
 
 ■ Strabo’s account of this is fo exafl a reprefentation of TtjV ftlj/JlOTlflct, T«f tcov reXuv urgdfceue, X a (>‘ v 
 what pafles in the fame country at this time, that it maybe t\v ■&upu.T:6]ctpia,v 1 Siot rys epripis wocgctGuXhofltxi, kk]o,\i- 
 
 tK t rjg Zu(>iaig clg EeXcuzeicev, x} BxSvXuyoe cy.T7CDi\joptvoig 
 
 if tv . Uu^xkiti S' d'jjoTg cl t%v ti xj 
 
 lib. XVI. 
 
 b Peutinger’s Tables. 
 
 0 
 
 mentator, 
 
Y?uf . 
 
 /L 
 
 (//'/// 0/'<7 * 
 
 XI V 
 
 -Y/7//1 IONOYOPDAHN 
 mmKONKM HOYAtYTHN 
 n-AAMY PH NO NI3HAA 
 KAliOCAPCATONCfl 
 ■ t/MHCXAPIN 
 6T0YC Of 
 
 XVI 
 
 cenTiM 
 
 TON K PA 
 noN-ctii 
 NAP/O NKAI 
 /OYA /OCAYP 
 DYlMOCM 
 
 KANNACCOY 
 
 H 
 
 iHN 
 
 OCCB 
 
 MAAIU 
 
 OKPATI 
 
 CTOCTONfpl AONKA/PPOCT 
 A THNTJlJXHCPNe K£N 
 
 eTOYCZ 0 fMHNPlJANAlKLJ 
 
 3xm 
 
 CenT OYOPUJAHN 
 TONKPA TICTONCniTPO 
 nONCEHACTOYAOYKH 
 /VAPION KAI AP TATltTHN 
 I OYA IOC AY P HA IOC 
 cenriM/ociAAHCtn 
 iniKOCCtnTIMlOYAAe 
 \zanapoytoyhpuaoy 
 AtlOiTPATlIVNTONIfl 
 AOHKAinPOCTATHAJ 
 TtlMHUNEP-tNiTOYC 
 HOfMHHClJANAIKU 
 
 amiMIONOYOPVAHM 
 TONUPATICTONtnlTPO 
 nONCePACTOYAOYKH 
 NAP/OHPMAPrAntTHU 
 IOYAIOCAYPHAIOCCAAMPC 
 KACCIANOYTOY ' ' ENAIOY 
 mneYCPUMAHJN TOWfMN 
 KAlnPOCTA THNtTOYCHOf 
 MHHflJANMKU 
 
 ■tnn 
 
 tn\TPon OYKHNAPION 
 
 IOYA/OCAYPH 0 OAAOC : 
 
 CiOYTOY HFOCI'C AAMT1P0YA 
 
 THCKOALJNUAC ■ ONtA YTOY Cf/AO/V 
 TtlMHCtNtKtNtTOYO ■ MHA/U 
 AniUAHjJ 
 
 OAHMOC 
 
 MAAHNTOA/KAIAPPinnAN 
 IAPAIOYTOY PAAIOYTPAMMA 
 XX TtAreNOMCA/OA/TOA{YTt 
 
 powemAHM- eeoY AAPi 
 
 ANOY AAMAAMAP APACAO 
 TAZeNOICTEKAinOAtlTA- 
 
 H HOY JAOC 
 
 C tflTU TONKPA 
 
 TICTONL CHAC TOY 
 
 AOYKHN iOAOlHN 
 
 THCMH A/CIACKAIA 
 
 NMCDMIC LCYA/OAIAC 
 
 ItllAIUNAAIMAPTYPHeeHTA 
 lynOTUHVAPXeMnoPUNKAI 
 XVnl AAMCIPUCCTPATHTHCANTAKAI 
 AroPAMOMHCANTATHCAYTHC 
 
 MHTPOKOAUlA/CIACKAinAelCTA 
 OIKOetHAAIAALOCANTAKAIAPtCAN 
 TA TH T6AYTH fl OYAHKAI TO AHM Ul 
 KAI NY NCI A AM nPCHCCYM nO CIA P 
 X0/VT6J/VT0Y AlOUiHAOYle 
 ■ UN TtlMHUNeKiN 
 
 , }AN 
 
 HBOYAHPAIOAHMOUiAPCIYUN 
 
 A A 1 P I l 'AA C OY T 0 Y IA P / B Ul A £ 0 Y C 
 XXI KMMOKIMONYlONAYTDYtYtCntlC 
 KAIflAQ nATPIAAC YtlM.HCY.APlN 
 
 M A A / X 0 N Nil A TO V A U M-AYO Y Cm K A A 0 
 XXtt YM OA/OY A CA COYffY AH CYO AAA P H A/M A/H A A 
 MYPHNUNOAHMOCtYNO.'ACeNCAA 
 
 rEHAAT! ON OYtA AH I ON 
 n PtltKONMAKPtlVONYON 
 YYTIT ArlYONAAIAlAAIONCIPTHP* 
 MAHHOCOKMM tZADPAN' 
 oAiMHTOA/tYerrtTHN 
 
 xxrv 
 
 CenTYMONTONnOA YHN 
 
 KAT ■ ■ CTHTHNHnCAIC 
 
 10 YAIOUOYA lANOUYCtBHCKMflAOnATPIC 
 
 KAntTUMHMPHOCYnOTUNOtlUTATUlNA- 
 
 -nv TOKPAYOPONTtTA PYHCYPA TtIA CtClAPY 
 (HAH! APB AC THAI HC 
 
 ■ tKCNtYOYC 
 
 TOMHH MldHTOYTA fCU A/OCt KTICeHezlAION 
 
 CenTIAAIOCOAAINAOOCOAANinPOYAYOCCYN 
 
 XXM PAHTIKOCAIPAHOYOYABAAA A60YY0YNA CUPCY 
 
 AYTUTeKAIYlOICAYTOYPAIYlUHOICeiCTO Cl AH I 
 T CAECA ICON IONTEIMHN 
 
 mESPICBIYSPIE TPItCPAGATOAESOlNEAiSHVMANI DDP A/DIOCLB ITAN/S 
 ~ySSHL\SIIIAPI/APPETCONSTMTIVSETMAXItAIM/tVXi’l!Li.iAES.CASTP,\rEUCITEPCIVOIDERm\\ 
 ) 'stSSIANmEAPCUTEVPAm.PMHHClAEOMM.FMVm . 
 
28 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 mentator, fuch liberties have always perverted the genuine fenfe. Thofe 
 miftakes we now mention in general only as authorities for this inference 
 that all attempts to reftore the imperfeift fenfe either of marbles, or manu- 
 lcripts lhould be received with diffidence; for it is not difficult for a lively 
 imagination to correct or fill up very plaufibly; and men are, in this cafe, 
 led aftray by their own ingenuity. 
 
 VII. The only infcription already publiffied, which we could not find, 
 •feputc It was copied from one of thofe pedeftals * already mentioned, which pro- 
 ject from the ihafts of columns, and is not fepulchral, as has been imagin- 
 ed, but fignifies that Martha had a llatue erected to her by her husband 
 Soraichus. 
 
 VIII. On an altar which we brought to England. 
 
 It has a Palmyrene infcription on another face: The laft two letters feem 
 to (ignify the 24th day of the month: but if fo, they muft be read, not as the 
 other dates, but in the common way, from the left to the right. 
 
 IX. On the lhaft of a column in the long portico, where all the in- 
 feriptions feem to have been under ftatues. 
 
 The word, in which one letter is wanting, is plainly ox ifay, and not oaaut, ac- 
 cording to Doctor Halley, nor teat «W, according to Seller. There is a word 
 jasaWotpurpoi . y e t a fed both in the Greek, and Palmyrene j which is under it. 
 inferiprion'. This infcription has been quoted in the antient hiftory of Palmyra. What 
 other ufe may be made of it, Doctor Halley has fliewn, as follows. 
 
 ‘The iEra or accompt of years obferved by the Palmyreni in thefe in- 
 scriptions, is evidently that of Seleucus, called afterwards Dhilcarnian or 
 Bicoims by the Arabians, and by them kept in ufe till above 900 years of 
 ‘Chrift fas appears by the obfervations of Albatani, publiffied in numb. 204 
 ^ of the Philofoph. Tranfact.) and not that of the death of Alexander. This 
 may be demonftiated from this infcription, wherein Alexander Severus is 
 filled aEoc; that is, after the death and confecration of that emperor, or 
 ^after the year of our Lord 234: and from the name of Julius, who, 
 ‘when this infcription was put up, was Praefectus Praetorio, (and could be 
 t no other than Julius Philippus Arabs, who might be efleemed by the Pal- 
 ‘myreni as their country-man,) it follows, that it was in the laft year of 
 ^Gordian Anno Chnfti 242 or 243: And that emperor being foon after 
 murdered by the treachery of this Philip, who fucceeded him, .and his 
 ^treafon coming afterwards to light, it is not ftrange that his name was pur- 
 pofely effaced in this infcription. The date thereof, Anno 554, ffiews the 
 ‘ beginning of this accompt 3 1 1 or 3 1 2 years before Chrift, co-incident with 
 the AL ra of Seleucus, which was hkewife oblerved by feveral other cities 
 ‘in the eaft.’, 
 
 X. In the long portico. 
 
 Seller s corrections and conjectures, upon this infcription, will not bear exa- 
 mination. Doctor Halley s remark is this: t y.ctlzx(}ov]£C€isoXorE<na.£atv7rosoia.v&yri<rav J de- 
 ^feendentes [ad | Vologeliada commercium ftabiliverunt anno 558, five .anno 
 ‘Chnfti 247. Whereby it appears that this people, having had their trade 
 
 P ‘inter- 
 

 amurrti 
 
 '<i //ui/ re /ta j. 
 
 
 •H376 3HJ)UJ6-Vr>'Vl-XX^7'n (33 
 
 _y > (* t ’ n 'j-3 ft n6j Jit xi trtirtt VH 
 ^)Xei 3 XXX'J 7 IJX> 63 r 3 -bXXK *6 
 
 ?t 3 X 6 3 A j) u J 6 xjxj xxx un'-nfjy 
 J’n'JXJ’JXtH TU-JA-XHlTiXim IX 
 XJ-KS'J-n\-JHTl!XI>-'b\X'X y 
 
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3 ° 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 1 interrupted by the wars between the Romans and Perlians under Gordian, 
 ‘ did now fend an embaffy to the court of Sapores king of the Perfians to 
 ‘ get it re-eftabliihed ; which fucceeded according to their defires. 
 
 We are inclined to think it has a very different meaning; if we divide the 
 words thus, emrojoi ansmm, the infcription may fignify,that a ftatue was eredted 
 to Julius Aurelius, &c. by the merchants whom fie accompanied to Vologefias. 
 See infcription V. 
 
 XT. The firft three lines of this infcription, are upon a pedeftal in the long 
 portico, the remaining imperfedt part on the lhaft of the column under it. 
 
 Though they have been publiflied as feparate infcriptions, we imagine that 
 both together they may fignify, that the ftatue of Septimius Airanes the fe- 
 nator, was eredted there by a foldier in honour of his patron, for fo we would 
 fupply the letters wanting in the laft line but one, rndgai/a rum;, 
 
 XII. and XIII. In the long portico. 
 
 We infert them principally with a view to their aflifting in the explanation 
 of the Palmyrene infcriptions, which are found under each. 
 
 XIV. In the long portico. 
 
 XV. This, with the four following, all in the long portico, we luppofe refers 
 to the fame perfon. We alfo think, that the dates of the two laft, viz, the 1 8th 
 and 19th, which are not legible, could differ but a very little from the dates of 
 this, and the 16th, and 17th; and that thofe five infcriptions are the lateft we 
 faw at Palmyra, in Greek. Our reafon is, that the title Ss&ts-os (Auguftus) 
 which we only meet with in thofe infcriptions, is applicable toOdenathus alone, 
 who obtained the imperial purple, the year before the cadieft of thefe dates,' 
 and enjoyed that honour but for a fhort time. If during his Ihort reign we find' 
 fo many complimentary infcriptions to Septimius Vorodes, it may be accounted 
 for, from his great rank as Evit^ovos setas-* Aamaf.cr, which mult have made him 
 very confiderable.efpecially in the abfenceofOdenathus, who was generally in the 
 field. Dotftor Halley imagines the Romans, who foon after this were in polfef, 
 fion of Palmyra, fpared his memorials, as a favourite of Odenathus their friend, 
 while they effaced all thofe of Zenobia, and Vaballathus. 
 
 XVI. As we were afraid of having made a miftake in the odd word 
 
 we examined the marbles a fecond time, but found that we had copied it right 
 both in this and the following infcription ; fo that Doctor Halley’s correction to 
 U^TUytTIJV Prsefectum annome, cannot be admitted. 
 
 XVII. The compliment paid by a Roman knight to Septimus Vorodes, whom 
 he calls his patron, n»os-« 7 w, feems to be another argument of his high rank. 
 
 XVIII. See infcription \ . Doctor Halley conjectures the laft word in the 
 fourth line to be zfwJWw, diftributor of the emperor’s munificence in flelh to the 
 people. 
 
 XIX. This we infert, as it may be offome affiftance in the explication of the 
 Palmyrene infcription under it. 
 
 Q 
 
 XX. Upon 
 

 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 XX. Upon one of the lame fort of pedeftals already mentioned, projefling 
 from the ihaft of one of the columns of the little temple* • s* n* 
 
 Though it has no date the fubjeft fufficiently (hews it was infcribed, after the 
 death of Adrian, to the fecretary of Palmyra, for fervices done when that em- 
 peror was in Syria. 
 
 XXf On the fhaft of a large column marked 30 in plate II. 
 
 This and the following infcriptions have no dates. 
 
 XXII. On a projecting pedeftal of a column in the court of the temple of 
 the fun. 
 
 XXIII. and XXIV. In the long portico. 
 
 r XXV . On a projecting pedeftal of the column next to that of infcription 
 XXII- 
 
 XXVI. On an architrave, exaCtly like that from which we copied the firft 
 infcription, which, no doubt, belonged to a maufoleum. 
 
 DoCtor Halley fuppofes it may have been that which Odenathus built be- 
 fote he had obtained the imperial dignity. For this opinion there feems no 
 other authority than the name. 
 
 XX\ II. This impcrfeCt Latin infcription, in a bad character, we copied from 
 a broken architrave belonging to the building in plate XLV. Which we fup- 
 pofe to have been a work of Dioclefian, and that the word caftra does not 
 refer, as fome think, to the fortifications of Cercufium, but to Palmyra, which 
 is called by Stephanus 
 
 The infciiptions in a language unknown can be matter of entertainment to 
 fo few, that it maybe proper togiveour reafons for allowing them a place in this 
 work. The firft fpecimen of thofe characters made publick was that in Gruter, 
 i°m a marble at Rome, and publilhed a fecond time bySpon, with another of 
 the fame fort. Doctor Halley, tvho found an irreconcilable difference between 
 Gruter’sandSpon’scopyof the fame infcription, had the Hone purpofely viewed 
 and the exact figure of the letters taken; by which, and two other infcriptions 
 brought from Palmyra by the Englifh merchants of Aleppo, he hoped one day 
 to find out the alphabet. Bernard, “ Smith, Ilhenferdius, b and others, have at- 
 tempted this difeovery, but unfuccefsfully- perhaps for want of fufficient ma- 
 terials to work upon. It was entirely with a view tofatisfythe curiolity of fuch 
 perfons, and not our own, that we copied thefe infcriptions; and from the fame 
 motive Mr. Dawk i ns brought home three of the marbles. 
 
 We have placed thofe infcriptions in that order in which we think they are to 
 be read, Irom right to left ; the fmall figure fliews the number of theGreek in- 
 icription, which was eopied from the fame marble with the Palmyrene and of 
 which, no doubt, it is a tranflation ; for this reafon, that, by examining the 
 Greek and 1 almyrene infcriptions copied from the feme column, we find the 
 Palmyrene characters, whieh feem to correfpond to any Greek word, are re- 
 
 Infcriptiones grrccne Palmyrenorum cum fcholiis & an- 
 notationibus, Edwardi Bernardi & Tho. Smith. 
 k Periculum Palmyrenum. 
 
 'See Abbe Renaudot’s diflertation on thofe infcriptions, 
 Lettres Mem ° irS ° f th * Academy of inscriptions and Belles 
 
 ^ peated 
 
32 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 peated as often as that word occurs. This is moft remarkable in the eighth 
 and ninth Palmyrene infcriptions, in which more than the firft two lines are 
 exadlly the fame, and as much of the two correfponding Greek infcriptions 
 are alfo the fame : Belides, in the ninth Greek inlcription there is a word 
 
 purpofely erafed $ and in the fame part of the Palmyrene under it, there is 
 alfo a word erafed. 
 
 The marbles of the firft three of the Palmyrene infcriptions are in 
 the pofleflion of Mr. Dawkins, the nth and 12th, were copied from 
 under the heads in plate LVII. and the 13th from an altar. The 8th and 
 9th are not perfedt ; the ending of both was too much defaced to be co- 
 pied. The fmall dots in fome parts of thofe infcriptions, fignify that the 
 marble had fuftered a little in that place. There are very few Greek in- 
 fcriptions at Palmyra, which have not one, in this charadter, under them ; and 
 fometimes we met with the Palmyrene alone, but could not venture to copy 
 thofe which were not tolerably well preferved. 
 
 A 
 
A 
 
 JOURNEY 
 
 THROUGH The 
 
 D E S A R T. 
 
 O UR journey to Palmyra was that part of our tour through the Eaft 
 in which we expe&ed to meet with the greateft difficulties, as it was 
 much out of the common road, and where the protedfion of the Grand 
 oignior could do us no fervice. 
 
 Aleppo and Damafcus feemed to be the places where we might moll effec- 
 tually confult our eafe and fafety in this undertaking. Having unfuccefsfully 
 attempted to make the firft of thofe cities our road, we left our lhip at Byroot 
 on the coait of Syria, and crofl'ed Mount-Libanus to Damafcus 
 
 The Bafhaw of this city told us, he could not promife that his name 
 or power, would be any fecunty to us in the place to which we were o- 0 ! 
 ing From what he faid, and from all the informations that we could oet 
 we found it neceflary to go to Haflia, a village four days journey north from 
 Damafcus, and the rehdence of an Aga, whofe junfdidfion extends as far 
 as Palmyra. 
 
 Since we propofe this work merely as an account of the ruins of Palmyra 
 and not of our travels, we ffiall here only premife fuch a ffiort sketch of our 
 pal age through the Defart, as may give a general idea of our manner of tra- 
 velling in a country, which no body has defenbed. 
 
 Haflia is a fmail village upon the great caravan-road, from Damafcus to 
 Aleppo, lituated near Antilibanus, and at a few hours d, fence from the 
 Urontes. The Aga received us with that hofpitality, which is fo common 
 among all ranks of people in thofe countries ; and though extremely fur- 
 pnzed at our curiolity, he gave us inftruchons how to fatisfy it in the beft 
 manner. 1 
 
 We fet out from Haflia the nth of March 1751, with an effort of the 
 Agas beu Arab horfemen, armed with guns and long pikes, and travelled 
 in four hours to Sudud, through a barren plain, fcarce affording a little 
 browfing to antilopes of which we faw a great number. Our courfe was a 
 point to the louth of the eaft. 
 
 Sudud is a poor fmail village, inhabited by Maronite chriftians; its houfes 
 are built of no better materials than mud dried in the fun. They cultivate 
 as much ground about tile village as is neceffary for their bare fubliftance, 
 
 S and 
 
4 . 
 
 A JOURNEY THROUGH 
 
 and make a good red wine. We bought a few manufcripts of their pried, and 
 proceeded after dinner through the fame fort of country, in a direction half a 
 point more to the fouth, to a T urkifh village called Howareen (where we lay) 
 three hours from Sudud. 
 
 Howareen has the fame appearence of poverty as Sudud, But we found a 
 few ruins there, which lliew it to have been formerly a more confiderable place. 
 A fquare tower, with projecting battlements for defence, looks like a work of 
 three or four hundred years, and two ruined churches may be of the fame age, 
 though part of the materials, aukwardly employed in thofe buildings, are much 
 older. In their walls are fome corinthian capitals, and feveral large attick bafes 
 of white marble. Thofe and fome other fcattered fragments of antiquity, which 
 we faw here, have belonged to works of more expence than tafte. We remark- 
 ed a village near this entirely abandoned by its inhabitants, which happens olten 
 in thofe countries, where the lands have no acquired value from cultivation, and 
 are often defected, to avoid opprellion. 
 
 We fet out from Howareen the 1 2th, and in three hours arrived at Carietein, 
 keeping the fame direction. This village differs from the former, only by be- 
 ing a little larger. It has alfo fome broken pieces of marble, which belonged to 
 antient buildings, as fome lhafts of columns, a few corinthian capitals, a dorick 
 bafe, and two imperfect Greek infcriptions. It was thought proper we lhould 
 flay here this day, as well to colled the reft: of our efcort, which the Aga had 
 ordered to attend us, as to prepare our people and cattle for the fatigue of the 
 remaining part of the journey, which, though we could not perform it in lefs 
 time than twenty four hours, could not be divided into ftages, as there is no 
 water in that part of the defart. 
 
 We left Carietein, the 13th, about ten o’clock, which was much too late : 
 but as our body became more numerous, it was left governable. This bad ma- 
 nagement expofed us to the heat of two days, before our cattle could get either 
 water or reft; and though fo early in the feafon, yet the reflection of the fun 
 from the fand was very powerful, and we had not the relief of either breeze or 
 lhade during the whole journey. 
 
 Our caravan was nowencreafed to about two hundred perfons, and about the 
 fame number of beafts for carriage, conlifting of an odd mixture of horfes, 
 camels, mules and aflfes. Our guide told us, this part of our journey was 
 molt dangerous, and delired we might fubmit our felves entirely to his direction, 
 which was, that the fervants lhould keep with the baggage immediately behind 
 our Arab guard; from which one, two, or more of their body were frequently 
 difpatched, for difcovery, to what ever eminences they could fee, where they 
 remained untill we came up. Thofe horfemen always rode off from the cara- 
 van at full fpeed,in theTartar andHufl'ar manner. We doubted whether all 
 this precaution was owing to their being really apprehenfive of danger, or whe- 
 ther they only affeCted to make us think highly of their ufe and vigilance. Our 
 courfe from Carietein to Palmyra, was a little to the eaft of the north, through 
 a flat fandy plain (without either tree or water the whole way) about ten miles 
 broad, and bounded to our right and left by a ridge of barren hills, which feem- 
 ed to join about two miles before we arrived at Palmyra. 
 
 The 
 
35 
 
 THE D E S A H T. 
 
 The tirefomc famenefs, both of our road and manner of travelling, was now 
 and then a little relieved by our Arab horfemen, who engaged in mock fights 
 with each other for our entertainment, andfheived a furpriling firmnefs of feat, 
 and dexterity in the management of their horfes. When the bufinefs of the 
 day was over, coffee and a pipe of tobacco made their higheft luxury, and 
 while they indulged in this, fitting in a circle, one of the company entertained 
 the reft with a fong or ftory, the fubject love, or war, and the' compofition 
 fometimes extemporary. 
 
 In nine hours from Carietein we came to a ruined tower, on which we ob- 
 ferved, in two or three places, the Maltefe crofs. Near it are the ruins of a 
 very rich building, as appeared by a white marble door-cafe, which is the only 
 part Handing and not covered with fand : its proportions and ornaments are 
 exactly the fame with thofe of plate XLVIII. At midnight we ftopt two hours 
 for refrefhment, and the fourteenth about noon we arrived at the end of the 
 plain, where the hills to our right and left feemed to meet. We found 
 between thofe hills a vale through which an aquedu£t (now ruined) formerly 
 conveyed water to Palmyra. 
 
 In this vale, to our right and left, were feveral Iquare towers of a confiderable 
 height, which upon a nearer approach we found tvere the fepulchres of the an- 
 tient Palmyrenes. We had fcarce palled thefe venerable monuments, when the 
 hills opening difeovered to us, all at once, the greateft quantity of ruins we had 
 ever feen, all of white marble, and beyond them towards the Euphrates a flat 
 w r afte,as far as the eye could reach, without any obje£t which fhewed either life 
 or motion. It is fcarce poflible to imagine any thing more ftriking than this 
 view : So great a number of Corinthian pillars, mixed with fo little wall or 
 folid building, afforded a moll romantic variety of profpedl. But the follow- 
 ing plate will convey a jufter idea of it than any defeription. 
 
 In the following works we not only give the meafures of the architecture, but 
 alfo the views of the ruins from which they are taken, as the molt diftinff, as 
 well as the molt fatisfa&ory method. For as the firil gives an idea of the build- 
 ing, when it was entire, fo the laft lhews its prefent Hate of decay, and (which 
 is molt important) what authority there is for our meafures. 
 
 T 
 
 PLATE 
 
PLATE I. 
 
 A 
 
 VIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RUINED CITY OF PALMYRA, 
 
 Taken from the North Eaft. 
 
 N the following explication of this view, the plates are referred to which con- 
 tain the parts of each building, at large; and whatever part of this view is not 
 more particularly explained afterwards, in other plates, was either too muchde- 
 ltroyed to allow of meafureraent, or is purpofedly omitted, to avoid a repeti- 
 tion ot the fame proportions and ornaments. 
 
 A. The temple of the fun. 
 
 B. A fquare tower built by the Turks, in the place where 
 
 the portico flood. 
 
 C. The wall which enclofed the court of the temple. The 
 
 parts of this temple and its court are particularly de- 
 scribed from plate III to plate XXI. 
 
 D. Ground cultivated by the Arabs, whofe olives and corn 
 
 are divided by little enclofures of dried mud. 
 
 E. A very large column, the greateft part of which, (with 
 
 its entablature) is fallen. Some fragments about it 
 fliew, there has been a large building in this place. 
 Its diameter near the bafe is five feat and a half. 
 
 F. A ruinous Turkifh mofque, with its minaret. 
 
 G. A great column of the fame diameter with that 
 
 marked E. 
 
 H. An arch. See it deferibed from plate XXII. to plate 
 
 XXVI. From this arch to the building marked W, 
 a diftance not much left than 4000 feet, extends a 
 portico. Plate II fhews the direction of Its co- 
 lumns. 
 
 I. Columns, which ftill fupport a confiderable part of 
 
 their entablature, and are fo difpofed, that they look 
 like the periftyle of a iittle temple, of which the 
 cell is quite deftroyed. 
 
 K. Here are four granite columns, one of them is ftill 
 
 Handing, the other three are on the ground ; their 
 fhaft is of one piece, and their diameter the fame 
 with the other columns of the long portico. 
 
 L. A number of columns which, from the manner in 
 
 which they are difpofed (See plate II) we thought 
 at firft might belong to a Circus ; but, upon defer 
 
 examination, it did not feem poffible, that the ground 
 could admit of fuch a building. Their diameter is 
 two feet four inches, and their intercolumniation fix 
 feet ten inches. 
 
 M. A little temple , which fee deferibed from plate 
 XXVII. to plate XXXI. 
 
 N. The cell of a temple, with part cf its periftyle. 
 
 O. Four large pedeftals, which fee from plate XXXII 
 
 to plate XXXIV. 
 
 P. A line of columns, which feem to have belonged to a 
 
 portico, terminating upon that part of the long por- 
 tico, where the foregoing pedeftals are. Their dia- 
 meter is two feet fix inches, and their interco- 
 lumniation feven feet three inches. 
 
 Ok Seems to be the ruins of a chriftian church. 
 
 R. Nothing more remains of this large building, than thofe 
 
 four columns and their rich entablature. 
 
 S, Thefe columns are difpofed much as thofe marked 
 
 T. Ruins of a lepulchre. 
 
 V. Building which we fuppofe to have been eredted by 
 
 Dioclefian. See from plate XLIV to plate L 1 I. 
 
 W. Sepulchre, upon which the long portico terminates to 
 the north weft. See from plate XXXVI to plate 
 XLI I. 
 
 X. Ruins of a Turkilh fortification. 
 
 Y. A fepulchre. See plates LIII and LIV. 
 
 Z. The Turkifh caftle on the hill. 
 
 a. The fepulchres without the wall. See from plate L V 
 to plate LV 1 I. 
 
 AFTER 
 
— J 
 
 
 
 
 ' - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 . 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
A SOKTE INTER DUO IMPEEIA SUMMA , ROMANORUM PAETHORUMQUE,ET PRIMA INT DISCORDIA SEMPER UT 
 E LIT TORE , CCIR MILLIB U S , ET A DAMASCO VIGINTI SEPTEM PROPIUS. riin . Nat. Hitt. Lib .v. 
 
 QUE CURA .ABEST A SELEUCIA PARTHORUM, 
 
[ 37 ] 
 
 A FTER this general view (by which we found things rather exceed 
 than fall Ihort of our expectations) we were conducted to one of the 
 huts of the Arabs, of which there are about thirty in the court of the great 
 temple. The contrail between the magnificence of that building and the 
 poverty of our lodging, was very linking. The inhabitants, both men and 
 women, were well fhaped, and the latter, though very fwarthy, had good 
 features. They were veiled, but not fo fcrupulous of Brewing their faces, 
 as the eaftern women generally are. They paint the ends of their fingers 
 red, their lips blue, and their eye-brows and eye-lafhes black, and wore very 
 large gold or brafs rings in their ears and nofes. They had the appearance 
 of good health, and told us, that diftempers of any fort were uncommon 
 among them. 
 
 We concluded from this, that the air of Palmyra deferves the character 
 which Longinus gives it, in his epiftle to Porphyry. They have feldom rain, 
 except at the equinoxes. Nothing could be more ferene than the sky all the 
 time we were there, except one afternoon, that there was a fmall lliower, 
 preceded by a whirlwind, which took up fuch quantities of fand from the 
 defart, as quite darkened the sky, and gave us an idea of thofe dreadful 
 hurricanes which are fometimes fatal to whole caravans. 
 
 We were tolerably well provided with mutton and goat’s flelh, by the 
 Arab inhabitants; which, however, would have become very fcarce, had 
 we remained there longer than fifteen days, in which time we fatisfied our 
 curiolity. 
 
 u 
 
 PLATE II. 
 
PLATE 
 
 II. 
 
 A 
 
 GEOMETRICAL PLAN 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RUINED city of palmyra. 
 
 T) AL M A R A is fituated under a barren ridge of hills to the weft, and open 
 on its other fides to the Defart. It is about fix days journey” from Aleppo, 
 and as much from Damafcus, b and about twenty leagues weft of the Euphra- 
 tes, in the latitude” of thirty four degrees, according to Ptolomy. Some creo- 
 graphers have placed it in Syria, others in Phoenicia, and fome in Arabia. 
 
 The walls (4.3) of this city are flanked by fquare towers, but fo much 
 deftroyed, that in moft places they are level with the ground, and often not 
 to be diftinguilhed from the other rubbilli. We could fee no part of them to 
 the louth-eaft ; but had great reafon to think, from the direction of what we 
 had traced, that they took in the great temple: if fo, their circuit mu ft have 
 been at leaft three Englifh miles. 
 
 The Arabs fhewcd us fome ground about the prefent ruins, which might be 
 about ten miles in circumference, a little raifed above the level of the Defart, 
 though not fo much as the part of this plan within the walls. This, they 
 laid, was the extent of the old city, and that by digging in any part of it, ruins 
 were difcovered. There appeared to us better reafons for this opinion, than 
 merely their authority. 1 hree miles was a fmall compafs for Palmyra in its 
 profpenty, elpecially as moft of that fpace is taken up by pubhck buildings, 
 the extent of which, as well as the great number of magnificent fepulchres, 
 are evident proofs of a great city. 
 
 We therefore concluded, that the trails, which we have marked in this 
 plan, indole only that part of Palmyra which its publick buildings occupied 
 during its flouriihing ftate ; and, that after its decay, the lituation ftill re- 
 commending it, as the propereft place to flop the incurfions of the Saracens, 
 Juftinian fortified it, as we learn from Procopius, and moft probably contraded 
 its walls into a narrower compafs. Palmyra,* 1 was no longer a rich trading 
 city, where he was obliged to attend to private convenience, but a frontier 
 garrifon, where ftrength alone was to be confidered. 
 
 b da 7 s journey was generally about eight leagues. I c We found it inconvenient to bring a quadrant fo long a 
 here is a much fhorter road from Danialcus to Palmy- journey by land, which prevented our taking its latitude, 
 ra, but a more dangerous one. I " Seepage 13. 
 
 Befides 
 
Tahir. 
 
39 
 
 THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. 
 
 Bcfides that the manner in which the wall is built, looks a good deal like 
 the ac*e we give it, another obfervation, which occurred to us on the fpot, 
 feems to ftrengthen the fame opinion. 
 
 We found that in building this wall towards the north-weft, they had 
 taken the advantage of two or three fepulchral monuments, which anfwered 
 fo conveniently, both in lhape and fituation, that they converted them 
 into flanking towers. 
 
 As we had no doubt, but the wall was pofterior to the fepulchres, fo we 
 conclude that it was built, when the pagan religion no longer prevailed there. 
 For it was not only contrary to the veneration, which theGreeks and Romans 
 had for their places of burial, to apply them to any other ufe, efpecially to fo 
 dangerous a one, but it alfo breaks through a general rule which they ob- 
 ferved, of having fuch places without the city walls. This a was ordered at 
 Rome by a law of the twelve tables, and at Athens by a law of Solon; and 
 we found it religioufly obferved all over the Eaft. 
 
 We fuppofe then, that this wall (which for the foregoing reafons we call 
 juftinian’s) not only leaves out a great deal of the antient city, particularly 
 to the fouth-eaft, but alfo takes in fomething more than belonged to it, to 
 the north and north-weft. That part of the wall, which has no towers, as well 
 as the ruinous building, ( 1 9) has been added long after the reft, and is built 
 fomething in the manner of the caftle, of which afterwards. 
 
 Upon the top of one of the higheft of thofe hills, north-weft of the 
 ruins, is a caftle (34) to which there is a very rude and fteep afcent. It is 
 enclofed by a deep ditch, cut out, or rather quarried out, of the rock, which 
 we palled with fome difficulty, as the draw-bridge is broke down. In the 
 caftle is a very deep hole cut in the rock, which though now dry, looks as it 
 intended for a well. 
 
 The building of this caftle is fo very bad, that it is not only evidently 
 pofterior to Juftinian, to whom fome afcribe it, but unworthy of the Ma- 
 ma lukes. 
 
 The Englifh merchants, who vilited this place in 1691, were informed 
 it was built by Man Ogle, a prince of the Drufes, in the reign of Amu- 
 rath b the third. We were told by the Arabs, that it was the work of a 
 fon of the famous Feccardine, who, while his father was in Europe, built 
 this for a retreat. Neither of thefe accounts are at all agreeable to the hi- 
 ftory of the Drufes. 
 
 This hill, on which the caftle is built, is one of the higheft about Pal- 
 myra. It commands a moll extenfive profpedt of the Defart towards the 
 foiith, which, from this height, looks like the fea ; and weftward we could 
 
 » The Romans in the earlier times of their common wealth, 
 tlifpenfed with this Jaw, only as a particular compliment to 
 merit; though afterwards the fame compliment was paid to 
 power ; but the Athenians refufed to let Marcellus be buried 
 within their walls, and told Sulpitius, when he allied that fa- 
 vour, Religioni ft impediri. Vid. Cicer. Epift. ad Famil. 
 
 lib. iv. It is true the Lacedemonians differed.inthis.fromthe 
 other Greeks ; and Lycurgus (who took all occafions to in- 
 culcate a contempt of death) appointed the moll publick 
 ftreets for burying places, to make fuch objefts familiar to 
 the Spartan youth. 
 b Anno Chrifti 1585. 
 
 X 
 
 fee 
 
4° THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. 
 
 fee the top of Libanus and take very diftinftly the bearings of fome part of 
 Antilibanus, which we had obferved at Haflia. * 
 
 To the eaft and fouth of the temple of the fun are a few olive-trees and 
 own intermixed, defended from the cattle by mud walls. Tins might be made 
 
 ent.rel a ° ree f b ‘ e [P° t > T a proper diftribution of two ftreams, which are now 
 entirely neglected by the Arabs. 
 
 They are both of hot fulphureous water, which, however, the inhabitants 
 hnd wholefome and not difagreeable. The mod confiderable ( +4 ) rifes weft. 
 
 a!moft°hitlli rU ' nS, “Y &T’- (33) at the foot op thb mountains, 
 
 , 1 » b enough in the middle to admit us llanding upright The whole 
 
 bottom is a bafon of very Clearwater, of about two feet dLp: 'the heat thus 
 
 th“ftr~h e V C 3,1 f' 6116111 bath > for which purpofe the Arabs ufe it; and 
 
 and n h i run c from 111 a P re “y fmart curre nt is about a foot deep, 
 and more than three feet over, confined in fome places by an old paved chamv l 
 
 but after a very flwrt courfe foaked up in the fand eaftward of the ruins The’ 
 
 thourf^we f ° W 1 Tf th | S g T ° Had j 1W3yS the &me C1Uantit y ° f wat er,and that 
 
 farther rnflM bUt a fl boUt T J d °“ n P aces lnto ,t: > Y et * extended much 
 f ther. W hile Palmyra flourilhed, this beautiful fource muft, no doubt have 
 
 been of great value. We learned from an infeription clofe by it, upon an alter 
 
 mkted'ta t0 •l Up,ter ’ that “ was caPed E P hca ’ and that the care of it was com- 
 mitted to perfons who held that office by election. 
 
 cmShv^r ftr t cam,( t. 5) wh °u foul : ce , we could not fee, contains near the fame 
 f I T’ rUtlS th TS h ‘he mins in an antient aqueduft under 
 ground near the long portico, and in the fame diredion; it joins the firft to 
 the eaft of the ruins, and is doft with it in the fand. The Arabs told us there 
 was a tmrd ftream, not quite fo confiderable as thefe two, and conveyed in an 
 aquedua under ground through the ruins, as the Iaft, but that its pallage was 
 fo broke and choaked up with rubbiffi, that it had not appeared for fome time 
 cllnteT the T oreil ,' t l u 'htiye about thefe ftreams, as the little notice the mer- 
 foi he TJ? P ° taken of them, has puzzled fome perfons to account 
 Quale rf r nverment, °r ed ^ Ptolemy, which they attribute to an earth- 
 
 anvattpnf 1 fT "VT 7 fl ' Ppofe the “ of Palmyra has fuffered 
 , y alteratIon hut that which negligence has produced. If the Enelifh mer 
 
 Sr/ho Id f k tbof " flreams r to « contemptible to deferve the name of a river, 
 MiL u r°‘ th f fame 13Ve den ‘ ed that honour to the Pahtolus, the 
 
 rr . ■ ’ andfeveral rivers of Greece, which do not contain fo much water, ex- 
 cept immediately after rains. 
 
 w f |f d 'f“ thofe Pul phnreous ftreams, there has been a large quantity of 
 well- ailed water conveyed formerly to the town by an aqueduct, which 
 
 - — verv foi e id mT dy 7?" T** ° f ’ p3ge IC is built unde r ground in a 
 ™' c i„7 n Tr® ’ w'lth openings at the top, at certain diftances, to keep it 
 
 TT 7° ke f b ° U ' half a '“Stic from the town; the general 
 Damafcus rl f that , thl , s ^“fdua extends to the mountains near 
 
 ZlZf f h T feemS n T the leaft foundation por Puch an opinion, as there 
 plenty of good water at Canetem, between Palmyra and Damafcus Proco- 
 
 we La? U V h ^ U L m ‘T br0Ught Water to the g arr fPon he left here; which 
 we imagine he did, rather by repairing than building this aqueduct, which feems 
 
 an expenfive work and of greater antiquity. Palmyra in its profperity would cer- 
 tainly 
 
THE PLAN OF PALMYRA. 
 
 tamly not have wanted fuch a convenience; and in more than one place we 
 law the Palmyrene characters on it, too much decayed to copy, but could find 
 no lnlcnption in any other language. 
 
 V ^ b ° Ut r t Q r i e °T f ° Ur !L leS t0 , the fouth - eaft of the ruins, in the Defart, is the 
 VaHey of Salt (fuppofed to be the place where David fmote the Syrians 
 2 Sam. vm. i 3 .) which now fupphes, m a great meafure, Damafcus and the 
 ne lg hbounng towns with that commodity. We went to fee it, and found 
 they had hollowed the ground in feveral places deep enough to receive a foot 
 
 ™ 0f ra ! n ' W ff r ’ when once lod g ed > covers Ae part fo hollowed 
 
 with a fine white fait. Where-ever we could thruft the Arabs pikes into the 
 ground, we found it was impregnated with fait to a conliderable depth. 
 
 For other particulars in this plan we refer to the following explication 
 
 Al° ^inr 6 ^ j C °himn Handing, with at leaft its capital, is marked 
 A molt the whole ground within the walls is covered with heaps of marble- 
 
 mt to have ddhnguilhed fuch imperfect ruins would have introduced confu- 
 lion to no purpofe. 
 
 41 
 
 1. Temple of the fun. 
 
 2. Its court with the huts of die Arabs. 
 
 .3. Its portico. 
 
 4. A Turkifli mofque. 
 
 5. An arch. 
 
 6. Four granite columns. 
 
 7. Periftyle of a ruined temple. 
 
 8. Columns difpofed in tile form of a circus. 
 
 9. Cell of a Temple. 
 
 JO. Four pedeftals. 
 
 1 1. Row of columns which hand alone. 
 
 12. The cell of a temple and part of its periftyle. 
 
 13. Seems to have been the periftyle of a temple. 
 
 14. 15, 1 6, 17. Have been all diftindt buildings, but 
 
 are io much ruined, that we could not even euefs 
 at their plan. b 
 
 18. Dioclefian’s buildings. 
 
 19. Ruin of a Turkifli fortification. 
 
 20. 21, 22. Sepulchral monuments. 
 
 23. Sepulchres of many ftories, all without the city walls. 
 
 24. .Probably a ruined temple. 
 
 25. Ruins of a chriftian church. 
 
 26. Four columns;. 
 
 27. Little temple. 
 
 28. Great column ftanding alone. 
 
 29. Cultivated ground. 
 
 30. Great column, from which die infeription number 
 XXI. was copied. 
 
 31. Great column. 
 
 32. Altar, from which the Greek infeription, number IV 
 was copied. 
 
 33. The fountain Ephca. 
 
 34. Turkifli caftle. 
 
 35. Ground raifed by ruins between which and the wall 
 has been a ditch now almoft filled up. 
 
 36. Confufed ruins, near the fountain. 
 
 37. A ruined building, near the ftream. (44). 
 
 38. Sepulchral monuments, reduced to mere rubbifh. 
 
 39. A water-mill, where the Arabs grind their corn. 
 
 40. Arab burying-ground. 
 
 41. Our road to Palmyra, through the vale of the fe- 
 pulchres. 
 
 42. lndiffinft ruins of large buildings, near the temple of 
 
 the fun. r 
 
 43 - Remains of Juftinian’s wall. 
 
 44. The largeft ftream. 
 
 4 J. The Idler, which runs through the ruins, and joins 
 the firft to tire eaft of the temple of the fun. 
 
 Y 
 
4 2 
 
 EXPLICATION OF 
 
 PLATE III. 
 
 The plan of the temple of the fun, and of its court. 
 
 xvlu r 'S From the greatnefs of this building, as well as from fome of its ornaments* 
 XIX - we conclude it is the temple of the fun , which was damaged by the Roman 
 foldiers, when Aurelian took the town, and for the repairs of which he ordered 
 ; 3 SrepIE ' fo much money, in his letter to Ceionius Baflus +. 
 
 The folidity and height of the wall of its court. tempted the Turks to con- 
 vert it into a place of ftrength ; for this purpofe, they flopped up the win- 
 dows to the north, eaft and fouth, and made a ditch before it to the weft, where 
 t s,* theta, they deftroyed the portico of the grand entrance to build in its place a fquaret 
 te, b. piatc i. to we r to flank that fide. 
 
 The court is paved with broad ftones, but fo covered with rubbifh that we 
 could fee the pavement but in few places. That part of it which is inclofed 
 xiv 'tld bylines, in this plan, to the north-weft, and fouth- weft angle is funk fixteen§ 
 XXL feet lower than the reft of the pavement, to what purpofe we could not guefs. 
 It is fo covered with rubbifh that we could not difeover any flairs by which it 
 might have communicated with the reft of the court. 
 
 The parts of this plan which are marked black, fliew what is ftill Handing, 
 but the ruined part is marked by an out-line only. Every thing elfe may be 
 underftood by the meafures, without further explication, which we fhall always 
 avoid where it is not abfolutely neceffary, and leave it entirely to the reader to 
 make his own remarks upon the architecture. 
 
 N. B. All the feales in this work are of Englilh feet and inches, 
 
 PLATE IV. 
 
 Upright of the grand entrance to the court of the temple. 
 
 piicfdTof It has been ## obferved that this portico was deftroyed by the Turks; the 
 dj= taE»‘"8 pediment is here reftored, without any authority, but the columns and their par- 
 In.mdSv.ticular diflribution, are copied from the internal portico ft. 
 
 PLATE V 
 
 Bafe, capital and entablature of the pilafter, in the foregoing plate. 
 
 This order is continued quite round the court of the temple, on the outfide, 
 All the bafes at Palmyra are Attick. 
 
 PLATE VI. 
 
 Ornaments of the infide of the portico 1+ of the grand entrance. 
 
 The wall which divides this portico from that of the court of the temple, 
 is almoft perfe&ly entire, and the ornaments of the doors and niches very 
 little defaced. 
 
 A. Niche for a ftatue. C. Inferior tabernacle. 
 
 B. Superior table for a ftatue. D. Side-door and plan of its fofftt, 
 
 PLATE 
 
THE PLATES. 
 
 43 
 
 P L ATE VII. 
 
 Upright of the great door of the court of the temple. 
 
 The ornaments of this door aie finilhed in the higheft manner, and notwith- 
 ftand its great fize, each of the fide-architraves are of one piece of marble; the 
 foffit is the only part of it too much damaged to admit of a drawing, but we 
 could difcover that it was richly ornamented in the fame manner with the 
 foffit of the fmall door, in the following plate. 
 
 A. Profile of the cornice. G. Plan of the Scroll. 
 
 B. External profile of the fcroll. H. Projection of the mouldings of the cornice under the 
 
 C. Internal profile of the fcroll. modillons. 
 
 D. SeCtion of the freeze and architrave. I. Projection of the freeze. 
 
 E. F. Projection of the fide-architrave from the wall. K. Projection of the architrave. 
 
 PLATE VIII. 
 
 Ornaments of the foregoing door at large, with the foffit of the fmall doors. 
 
 A. The fide architrave. C. The fcroll. 
 
 B. The freeze. D. Soffit of the fide door. * » s e e the 
 
 following 
 
 plate. 
 
 PLATE IX. 
 
 Upright of the fide door, of which the foffit has been ffiewn in the fore- 
 going plate, and of the niches and tabernacles for ftatues. 
 
 PLATE X. 
 
 Ornaments of the tabernacles for ftatues in plate VI. at large. 
 
 B. Superior projecting entablature, (b) G. Soffit of the fecond. Sge ^ 
 
 C. Inferior projecting entablature, (b) H. Projection of its mouldings, which are under the mo- f a ^ e | etterj 
 
 D. Soffit of the firft. dillions. in plate VI. 
 
 E. Projection of its mouldings, which are under the mo- I. Projection of its mouldings, which are above the mo- 
 
 dillions. dillions. 
 
 F. Projection of its mouldings, which are above the mo- K. SeCtion of the architrave of both, to ffiew the depth 
 
 dillions. of the foffit. 
 
 PLATE XI. 
 
 Ornaments * of the infide of the portico of the court of the temple. • s^the 
 
 1 1 plan, plate 
 
 VI. 
 
 The three larger doors are the fame here as in plate VII and IX. 
 
 A. Small door; two of thofe lead to Hairs in the wall C. Projecting bafe which fupported the ftatue. 
 
 which divides the portico of the grand entrance from D. Door, which fee in plate IX. 
 that of the court, the other two are falfe doors. E. Pediment of the niche over the door. 
 
 B. Projecting pediment and entablature, under which was F. Niche. 
 
 a ftatue. G. Its pilafter. 
 
 Z 
 
 PLATE 
 
44 
 
 EXPLICATION OF 
 
 PLATE XII. 
 
 plafe XL* A. The fmall door. * 
 
 B. The window of the court of the temple, to the north- 
 
 eaft and fouth. Its ornairjents are the fame without 
 and within the court. 
 
 PLATE XIII. 
 
 See the 
 fa Tie in pl»te. 
 
 t See C, 
 plate XI. 
 
 Ornaments of the tabernacles for flatues, in plate XI. at large. 
 
 A. Flower upon the angles of the pediment. E. Soffit of the bafe. 
 
 B. Entablature. -j~ F. Section of the bafe. 
 
 C. Its foffit, with a plan of the modillions, G. Section of the architrave of the entablature B, to ffiew 
 
 D. Projecting bafe. J the depth of the foffit. 
 
 PLATE XIV, 
 
 Upright of the portico within the court of the temple. 
 
 ^ pl.t. The pediment here, as well as in plate IV, is reftored by guels, there being 
 no remains of it; the weft fide of thofe lpaces, which § are funk fixteen feet 
 lower than the reft of the pavement, forms a fubaftement to the columns ; thofe 
 projections from the flrafts of the columns were undoubtedly intended to fup- 
 port ftatues, the irons ftill remain in fome of them, by which the ftatues were 
 fattened ; and on fome the marks of the feet are ftill feen. All thofe ftatues 
 were probably deftroyed or carried away when Aureliantook the town, for we 
 could not difeover even a fragment of one at Palmyra. 
 
 PLATE XV, 
 
 ** See the 
 
 cornice phte Capital and entablature ** of the order in the foregoing plate, with the plan 
 wn- of the capital. 
 
 Both the freeze and capital has fufferec| a good deal, which is not furprifing, if 
 we confider the delicacy of the work, finilhed in as high a manner as marble is 
 capable of, 
 
 PLATE XVI. 
 
 Plan of the temple and its periftyle. 
 
 The fteps are fo much deftroyed that we could only guefs at their number. 
 We could difeover no repairs which might account for the Angularities in this 
 plan. The ornaments belonging to thofe divifions within the cell are fochoaked 
 vc plate up with Turkifh buildings that we could only copy the foffits ft of A and B, 
 it sic k, and a baffo relievo from an architrave. t+ 
 
 plate XVIII. 
 
 P L A T E XVII, 
 
 Upright of the temple. 
 
 A. Pilafter joined to the column, which fupports the in it, by which the leaves. &c. were fiulened ; which 
 
 fcroll of the door. were no floubt of metal, and have been taken away 
 
 B. Singularity in the manner of fluting the columns. for the value of the materials. 
 
 C. Pannel between the capitals over the door. JL. The architrave of the cell. 
 
 P- The bell of the capital only remains, with hqlcs F. The freeze of the cell. 
 
 There 
 
THE PLATES. 
 
 45 
 
 There feemed nothing either in the door which is here placed in fo Angular 
 a manner between two columns, or in the door of the cell of the temple, worth 
 being defcribed more at large, except the foffit of the latter, which fee in the 
 following plate. 
 
 PLATE XVIII. 
 
 A. The foffit of the cornice in plate XV. 
 
 B. A fquare pannel which inclofes 
 
 C. The rofe. 
 
 D. Diftance between the modillions. 
 
 E. The modillions. 
 
 F. Soffit of the architrave in plate XV. 
 
 G. Its ornament. 
 
 H. Soffit of the door of the cell of the temple. 
 
 I. Freeze, of plate XVII, at large. 
 
 K. Bas relief of the face of an architrave belonging to 
 one of the divifions within the cell. It is not to be 
 meafured by the feale. 
 
 PLATE XIX. 
 
 Two foffits, of one piece of marble each. 
 
 A. B. Mark the places in plate XVI, to which thofe foffits belong. 
 
 P LATE XX- 
 
 A. Window of the temple on the fide of the periftyle. B. The fame window feen from within the cell. 
 
 PLATE XXI. 
 
 View of the temple of the fun, taken from the north- well; corner of the court. 
 
 A. The temple. C. The huts of the Arabs 
 
 B. Two ionick half columns at each end of the cell of D. Part lower than the reft of the pavement * of the 
 
 the temple. We could not get up to their capitals court of the temple. T., Sec pIate 
 
 to take the meafures of them. E. The portico of the court of-the temple. 
 
 PLATE XXII. 
 
 Plan and Upright of the eaft-lide of the arch marked H in plate I. 
 
 A. Suppofed pediment. 
 
 B. Middle archivolt. 
 
 C. Its. impoft. 
 
 D. Side archivolt. 
 
 E. Its impoft. 
 
 F. Bafl'o relievo -j- of the pilafter. 
 
 G. Bafl'o relievo of the pilafter under the impoft of the 
 
 middle arch. 
 
 H. Bafl'o relievo of the pilafter under the impoft of the 
 
 fide arch. 
 
 I. Niche. + See ,he 
 
 K. In the plan. Projection of the capital of the pilafter [n^hefo'" 
 
 upon which the colonades of the portico terminate lowing plate. 
 
 on the weft fide of this arch. § 
 
 § See letter 
 J, in plate 
 XXIV. 
 
 PLATE XXIII. 
 
 Pilafter of the foregoing arch, with its capital and entablature. 
 
 A. Angular modillion. B. Bafl'o ^ relievo of the pilafter at large. 
 
 I See the 
 fame in the 
 foregoing 
 
 A a 
 
 PLATE 
 
4 6 
 
 EXPLICATION 
 
 * See plate 
 XXXVI. 
 
 O F 
 
 PLATE XXIV. 
 
 A. Plan of the angular modillion in the laft plate, with 
 
 the foffit of the cornice. 
 
 B. Middle archivolt, at large. 
 
 C. Its import. 
 
 D. Side archivolt, at large. 
 
 E. Its import. 
 
 F. This letter refers to the foregoing plate. 
 
 G. Baffo relievo of the pilarter, under the import of the 
 
 middle arch, at large. 
 
 H. Baffo relievo, of the pilarter, under the import of the 
 
 fide arch, at large. 
 
 I. Baffo relievo of the pilarter on the weft fide of the arch, 
 
 whofe projection is marked K, in the plan of plate 
 XXII. 
 
 K. Soffit of the middle arch. 
 
 L. Scroll and capital of the pilarter of which the baffo 
 
 relievo is marked I, in this plate. 
 
 M. Profile of the fame. 
 
 Iv B. aa, bb, cc, are meafured by the fmall feale. 
 
 PLATE XXV. 
 
 Plan and Upright of the weft fide of the arch, in plate XXII. 
 
 The three foregoing plates explain this. The pilafter, with its ornaments, 
 marked j, L, M. in the foregoing plate, is covered in this by the columns of the 
 portico, which terminates upon this fide of the arch. 
 
 PLATE XXVI. 
 
 View of the arch from the eaft. 
 
 A. Great arch in its prelent ftate. lowing letter are a little milplaced, by a miftake in 
 
 B. One fide of the long portico, which terminates upon finilhing the drawing. 
 
 the arch. D. Sepulchre * 
 
 C. Part of the long portico, terminating upon the fepul- E. Temple marked M in plate I. 
 
 chre. * Both the part marked by this and the fol- F. Building marked 12, in plate II. 
 
 PLATE XXVII. 
 
 Plan of the fmall temple, marked M in plate I. with the plan and fections of an 
 aqueduct mentioned page 33. 
 
 A. Plan of the aqueduCt. D. A tranfverfe feCtion of it. 
 
 B. Plan of the openings, by means of which it was kept E. A longitudinal feCtion of it. 
 
 in ofder. F. Its foffit, of one ftone in breadth. 
 
 C. Steps down to the water. G. Height of the earth over the aquedudL 
 
 PLATE XXVIII. 
 
 Upright of the front and flank of the temple of which the plan is in the fore- 
 going plate. 
 
 A. Suppofed pediment. C. Suppofed roof. 
 
 B. Pedeftal for ftatues, projecting from the rtiaft of the D. Profile of the projecting pedeftals for ftatues. 
 
 column. 
 
 PLATE XXIX. 
 
 The bafe, capital, and entablature of the foregoing Temple. 
 
 See the foffit of this cornice, plate XXXII. 
 
 PLATE 
 
the plates. 
 
 47 
 
 plate XXX. 
 
 The windows of the fame temple. 
 
 A. Window within the cell. 
 
 B. The fame window without. 
 
 plate XXXI. 
 
 View of the fame temple. 
 
 A. Its prefent remains. 
 
 B. Part of the long portico. 
 
 C. Sepulchres marked a, plate I. 
 
 PLATE XXXII. 
 
 Plan and Upright of the pedeftals marked O, in plate I. 
 
 Pedetal'fe a'fotui r “ PP ° rtcd by four columns - D. Plan of the four columns, of their fobaffemen 
 Double plinth. ' „ the pedcftal in the middle. 
 
 E. Soffit of the cornice of plate XXIX. To be mea 
 by the fcale in that plate. 
 
 PLATE xxxiir. 
 
 The bafe, capital and entablature belonging to the foregoing columns. 
 
 PLATE xxxiv. 
 
 D. Freeze of the fame. Its architrave is the fame with l llV,'"* 
 that on the ontfiilf* 4- aaaii. 
 
 that on the outlide. -f- 
 
 that on the outlide. -f- 
 
 t See plate 
 
 PLATE XXXV. 
 
 View of the arch from the weft. 
 
 C. The arch. 
 
 D, One fide of the long portico. 
 
 A. The temple of the fun. 
 
 B. The great column, marked G in plate I. 
 
 V. Thp arrh * 
 
 PLATE XXXVI. 
 
 Plan of the fepulchre, marked W in plate I. 
 
 B b 
 
 PLATE 
 
4 8 
 
 EXPLICATION OF 
 
 PLATE XXXVII. 
 
 Upright of the fame with one of the foffits of the repofitoi ies. 
 
 A. Pediment. B. Soffit of a repofitory, of one piece of marble. 
 
 PLATE XXXVIII. 
 
 Bafe, capital, and entablature of the foregoing fepulchre, without. See the 
 foffit of the cornice, plate XLI. 
 
 PLATE XXXIX. 
 
 Section of the fame. 
 
 A. Section of the wall above the door. 
 
 B. Flank of the door. 
 
 C. Space from the fide order to the foffit. 
 
 D. Repofitories. 
 
 E. Subalfement. 
 
 F. Soffit of one piece of marble, which forms the profile 
 
 of the cornice. 
 
 G. Flank of the repofitories. 
 
 H. Floor of the repofitories. 
 
 I. Space in which there were fepulchral urns. 
 
 PLATE XL. 
 
 Bafe, capital, and entablature of the foregoing fepulchre, within. 
 
 PLATE XLI. 
 
 • Sreplatt A . Soffit of the cornice * without. C, D. Two foffits of repofitories.f 
 
 XXXVIII. B Soffit of the architrave without. 
 
 f See plate 
 
 XXXVI 
 
 PLATE XLII. 
 
 Three foffits of repofitories. 
 
 A, and B. Belong to the foregoing fepulchre. C. Belongs to the mined fepulchre marked T, in plate I. 
 
 PLATE XLIII. 
 
 A. Temple of the fun. 
 
 B. Column marked G, in plate I. 
 
 C. The arch. 
 
 D. The long portico. 
 
 E. The little temple, marked M, in plate I. 
 
 F. Great columns ftanding Angle from thefhaft of which 
 
 we copied the third Greek infeription. 
 
 G. Building marked I, in plate I. 
 
 PLATE XLIV. 
 
 Plan of a building, upon an architrave of which we found the twenty feventh 
 
 infeription. 
 
 A. Body of the building. 
 
 B. Veftibalc. 
 
 C. Portico in front. 
 
 D. Portico on each fide. 
 
 PLATE 
 
49 
 
 THE PLATES. 
 PLATE XLV. 
 
 Upright of the fame building. 
 
 A. Suppofed pediment. D. Falfe door. 
 
 B. Door. E» Socle. 
 
 C. Niche. 
 
 PLATE XLVI. 
 
 Bafe, capital and entablature of the foregoing plate. 
 See the foffit of the cornice, plate LV. 
 
 PLATE XLVII. 
 
 Ornaments of the infide of the portico, in front. 
 
 B. Great door. C. Niche. D. Falfe door. 
 
 PLATE XLVIII. 
 
 Ornaments of the great door * at large. 
 
 A. External profile of the Scroll. 
 
 * See plate 
 XLVII. 
 
 B. Baflo relievo at large, of the Cavetto marked B in the 
 plan. 
 
 PLATE XLIX. 
 
 The falfe door { at large. 
 
 + St. D, 
 flacXLVIt. 
 
 PLATE L. 
 
 The Niche t at large. 
 
 P L A 
 
 A. Pilafter § of the portico in front. 
 
 B. Baflo relievo of the flank of the great door. 
 
 C. SeCtion of the niche.** 
 
 D. Section of the falfe door, 
 
 T E EL 
 
 E. SeCtion of the projection under the niche. 
 
 F. Baflo relievo of the arched foffit of the niche. 
 
 G. Soffit of the projection under the niche. 
 
 PLATE LIT. 
 
 § See plate 
 XLVII. 
 
 ** See plate 
 
 +t See plate 
 XLIX. 
 
 Jt Sec lettef 
 
 View of the building laft deferibed. 
 
 A . Caftle on the hill, marked Z, in plate I. feribed, which looks like the tribunal of a Bafilici. 
 
 B. Part of the pr&fent remains of the building laft de- C. Door of a building quite deftroyed. 
 
 PLATE LIII. 
 
 Plan and Upright of the fepulchre, marked y, in plate I. 
 
 A. Upright. C. Its plan. 
 
 B. Mouldings, which run round it, 
 
 C c 
 
 PLATE 
 
EXPLICATION, &c. 
 
 PLATE LIV. 
 
 Bale, capital, and entablature of the pilafler, of the foregoing fepulchre. 
 
 B. Mouldings at large, which arc marked with the fame letter, in the laft plate. 
 
 PLATE LV. 
 
 A. Plan of one of the fepulchres marked a, in plate B. Soffit of the cornice in plate XLVI. To be meafured 
 I, with the foffit of the firft ftory. by the fcale of that plate. 
 
 PLATE LVI. 
 
 Upright of the fame. 
 
 A. Window, under which is a figure in alto relievo, lying by a farcophagus. B. Door. 
 
 PLATE LVII. 
 
 Front and flank of the inlide of the firft ftory of the fame fepulchre. 
 
 A. The flank. 
 
 B. Repofitories for bodies. 
 
 C. Pilafler. 
 
 D. Sedlion of the door. 
 
 E. Front oppofitc to the door, where there is a figure in 
 
 alto relievo, and under it two farcophagi, with heads 
 on them in mezzo relievo. 
 
 F. Here are fome Palmyrene inferiptions, of which we 
 
 copied two. See Palmyrene infeription XI, and XII. 
 
 G. Repofitories for bodies. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 R 
 
 A. 
 
 Page 9. 1 . 26. for emperor's, read emperors. In the fame page, note b, in quote to them, dele to. Page 1 1 1 26 
 for our own, read her own Page ,5. 1 . ,7. after ruins, dele the , . Page , 7 . 1 . 3. for Selucus, read Seleueus. 
 1 . 17. I. 37. for aefertj read defart. P. 20. Bottom note 1 . 3. after defert put , . 
 
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