i Gizeh Museum j 
 
 Plate I 
 
THE 
 
 « 
 
 STRUGGLE 
 
 OF THE NATIONS 
 
 EGYPT, SYRIA, 
 
 AND 
 
 ASSYRIA 
 
 BY 
 
 G. MASl^ERO 
 
 HON. D.C.I.. AND FKI.I.OW Ol qUKKN's COI.I.KliK, OXKOKll 
 MKMBKIt 01- THE INSTITUTK, AND KSSOK AT TirK COM.KOE Ol KRANCK 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 A. H. SAYCE 
 
 TRANSLATED HV M. L. McCU RK 
 
 MKMBRR OK TH K COMMITTKK OK TIIK. EGYPT KX I'LOK ATION Kl'NIl 
 
 WITH MAP, THREE COLOUUED PLATES, AND OVER 400 ILLUSTHATIOXS. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDtJK 
 NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C. 
 18% 
 
» 
 
 [published under the direction of the general literature 
 committee.] 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 It is my pleasant lot to introduce to the English reader another volume of 
 Professor Maspero's important work. It is no longer the Dawn of Civiliza- 
 tion in which we find ourselves, but the full light of an advanced culture. 
 The nations of the ancient East are no longer each pursuing an isolated 
 existence, and separately developing the seeds of civilization and culture 
 on the banks of the Euphrates and the Nile. Asia and Africa have met in 
 mortal combat. Babylonia has carried its empire to the liontiers of Egypt, 
 and Egypt itself has been held in bondage by the Hyksos strangers from 
 Asia. In return, Egypt has driven back the wave of invasion to the borders 
 of Mesopotamia, has substituted an empire of its own in Syria for that of 
 the Babylonians, and has forced the Babylonian king to treat with its Pharaoh 
 on equal terms. In the track of war and diplomacy have come trade and 
 commerce ; Western Asia is covered with roads, along which the merchant 
 and the courier travel incessantly, and the whole civilised world of the Orient 
 is knit together in a common literary culture and common commercial 
 interests. 
 
 The age of isolation has thus been succeeded by an age of intercourse, partly 
 military and antagonistic, partly literary and peaceful. Professor Maspero 
 paints for us this age of intercourse, describes its rise and character, its decline 
 and fall. For the unity of Eastern civilization was again shattered. The 
 Hittites descended from the ranges of the Taurus upon the Egyptian province 
 of Northern Syria, and cnt off the Semites of the west from those of the east. 
 The Israelites poured over the Jordan out of Edom and Moab, and took 
 possession of Canaan, while Babylonia itself, for so many centuries the ruling 
 power of the Oriental world, had to make way for its upstart rival Assyria. 
 The old imperial powers were exhausted and played out, and it needed time 
 before the new forces which were to take their place could acquire sufficient 
 strength for their work. 
 
 As usual, Professor Maspero has been careful to embody in his history the 
 
IV 
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 very latest discoveries and information. Notice, it will be found, has been 
 taken even of the stela of Meneptah, disinterred last spring by Professor 
 Petrie, on which the name of the Israelites is engraved. Other discoveries of 
 the past year which relate to the period covered by the Dawn of Civilization 
 must wait to be noticed until a new edition of that volume is called for. Thus, 
 at Elephantine, I found last winter, on a granite boulder, an inscription of 
 Khufuankh — whose sarcophagus of red granite is one of the most beautiful 
 objects in the Gizeh Museum — which carries back the history of the island to 
 the age of the pyramid-builders of the fourth dynasty. The boulder was 
 subsequently concealed under the southern side of the city-wall, and «s 
 fragments of inscribed papyrus coeval with the sixth dynasty have been 
 discovered in the immediate neighbourhood, on one of which mention is made 
 of " this domain " of Pepi II., it would seem that the town of Elephantine 
 must have been founded between the period of the fourth dynasty and that of 
 the sixth. Manetho is therefore justified in making the fifth and sixth 
 dynasties of Elephantine origin. 
 
 It is in Babylonia, however, that the most startling discoveries have been 
 made. At Telle, M. de Sarzec has found a library of more than thirty thousand 
 tablets, all neatly arranged, piled in order one on the other, and belonging to 
 the age of Gudea (b.c. 2700). Many more tablets of an early date have been 
 unearthed at Abu-Habba (Sippara) and Jokha (Isin) by Dr. Scheil, working 
 for the Turkish government. But the most important finds have been at 
 Niffer, the ancient ISTfppur, in Northern Babylonia, where the American ex- 
 pedition has at last brought to a close its long work of systematic excavation. 
 Here Mr. Haynes has dug down to the very foundations of the great temple 
 of El-lil, and the chief historical results of his labours have been published 
 by Professor Hilprecht (in The Bahjlonian Exf edition of the University of 
 Pennsylvania, vol. i. pt. 2, 1896). 
 
 About midway between the summit and the bottom of the mound, 
 Mr. Haynes laid bare a pavement constructed of huge bricks stamped with the 
 names of Sargon of Akkad and his son Naram-Sin. He found also the ancient 
 wall of the city, which had been built by Naratn-Sin, 13"75 metres wide. The 
 debris of ruined buildings which lies below the pavement of Sargon is as much 
 as 9"25 metres in deptli, while that above it, the topmost stratum of which 
 brings us down to the Christian era, is only 11 metres in height. We may 
 form some idea from this of the enormous age to which the history of 
 Babylonian culture and writing reaches back. In fact, Professor Hilprecht 
 quotes with approval Mr. Haynes's words: "We must cease to apply the 
 adjective ' earliest ' to the time of Sargon, or to any age or epoch within a 
 
EDITOR'S PBEFACE. 
 
 V 
 
 thousand years of his advanced civilization." "The golden age of Babylonian 
 history seems to include the reign of Sargon and of Ur-Gur." 
 
 Many of the inscriptions which belong to this remote age of human culture 
 have been published by Professor Hilprecht. Among them is a long inscription, 
 in 132 lines, engraved on multitudes of large stone vases presented to the 
 temple of El-lil by a certain Lugal-zaggisi. Lugal-zaggisi was the son of 
 Ukus, the ][)atesi or high priest of the " Land of the Bow," as i\resopotamia, 
 with its Bedawin inhabitants, was called. He not only conquered Babylonia, 
 then known as Kengi, " the land of canals and reeds," but founded an empire 
 which extended from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean. This was 
 centuries before Sargon of Akkad followed in his footsteps. Erech became the 
 capital of Lugal-zaggisi's empire, and doubtless received at this time its 
 Sumerian title of " the city " par excellence. 
 
 For a long while previously there had been war between Babylonia and 
 the " Land of the Bow," whose rulers seem to have established themselves in 
 tlie city of Kis. At one time we find the Babylonian prince En-sag(sag)-ana 
 capturing Kis and its king; at another time it is a king of Kis who makes 
 offerings to the god of Nippur, in gratitude for his victories. To this period 
 belongs the famous " Stela of the Vultures " found at Tello, on which is depicted 
 the victory of E-dingir-ana-gin, the King of Lagas (Tello), over the Semitic 
 hordes of the Land of the Bow. It may be noted that the recent discoveries 
 have shown how correct Professor Maspero has been in assigning the kings of 
 Lagas to a period earlier than that of Sargon of Akkad. 
 
 Professor Hilprecht would place E-dingir-ana-gin after Lugal-zaggisi, and 
 see in the Stela of the Vultures a monument of the revenge taken by the 
 Sumerian rulers of Lagas for the conquest of the country by the inhabitants of 
 the north. But it is equally possible that it marks the successful reaction of 
 Chaldsea against the power established by Lugal-zaggisi. However this may 
 be, the dynasty of Lagas (to which Professor Hilprecht has lately added a new 
 king, En-Khegal) reigned in peace for some time, and belonged to the same 
 age as the first dynasty of Ur. This was founded by a certain Lugal-kigub- 
 nidudu, whose inscriptions have been found at Niffer. The dynasty whicli 
 arose at Ur in later days (cir. B.C. 2700), under Ur-Gur and Dungi, which has 
 hitherto been known as " the first dynasty of Ur," is thus dethroned from its 
 position, and becomes the second. The succeeding dynasty, which also made 
 Ur its capital, and whose kings, Lie-Sin, Pur-Sin IL, and Gimil-Sin, were the 
 immediate predecessors of the first dynsisty of Babylon (to which Khammurabi 
 belonged), must henceforth be termed the third. 
 
 Among the latest acquisitions from Tello are the seals of tiie patesi, 
 
EDITORS PREFACE. 
 
 Lugal-usumgal, which finally remove all doubt as to the identity of " Sargani, 
 king of the city," with the famous Sargon of Akkad. The historical accuracy 
 of Sargon's annals, moreover, have been fully vindicated. Not only have the 
 American excavators found the contemporary monuments of him and his son 
 Naram-Sin, but also tablets dated in the years of his campaigns against " the 
 land of the Amorites." lu short, Sargon of Akkad, so lately spoken of as 
 " a half-mythical" personage, has now emerged into the full glare of authentic 
 history. 
 
 That the native chronologists had sufficient material for reconstructing 
 the past history of their couiitry, is also now clear. The early Babylonian 
 contract-tablets are dated by events which officially distinguished the several 
 years of a king's reign, and tablets have been discovered compiled at the close 
 of a reign which give year by year the events which thus characterised them. 
 One of these tablets, for example, from the excavations at Niffer, begins with 
 the words: (1) "The year when Pur-Sin (II.) becomes king. (2) The year 
 when Pur-Sin the king conquers Urbilium," and ends with "the year when 
 Gimil-Sin becomes King of Ur, and conquers the land of Zabsali" in the 
 Lebanon. 
 
 Of special interest to the biblical student are the discoveries made by 
 Mr. Pinches among some of the Babylonian tablets which have recently been 
 acquired by the British Museum. Four of them relate to no less a personage 
 than Kudur-Laghghamar or Chedor-laomer, " King of Elam," as well as to 
 Eri-Aku or Arioch, King of Larsa, and his son Dur-makh-ilani ; to Tudghula or 
 Tid'al, the son of Gazza[ni], and to their war against Babylon in the time of 
 Khammu[rabi]. In one of the texts the question is asked, " Who is the son of 
 a king's daughter who has sat on the throne of royalty ? Uur-makh-ilani, the 
 son of Eri-Aku, the son of the lady Kur . . . has sat on the throne of royalty," 
 from which it may perhaps be inferred that Eii-Aku was the son of Kudur- 
 Laghghamar's daughter ; and in another we read, " Who is Kudur-Laghghamar, 
 the doer of mischief? He has gathered together the Umman Manda, has 
 devastated the land of Bel (Babylonia), and [has marched] at their side." The 
 Ummau Manda were the " Barbarian Hordes " of the Kurdish mountains, on 
 the northern frontier of Elam, and the name corresponds with that of the 
 Goyyim or " nations " in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis. We here see 
 Kudur-Laghghamar acting as their suzerain lord. Unfortunately, all four 
 tablets are in a shockingly broken condition, and it is therefore difficult to 
 discover in them a continuous sense, or to determine their precise nature. 
 
 They have, however, just been supplemented by further discoveries made 
 by Dr. Scheil at Constantinople. Among t!ie tablets preserved there, he has 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 found letters from Khatnmurabi to his vassal Sin-idinuam of Larsa, from which 
 we leara that Sin-idinnam had been dethroned by the Elamites Kudur-Mabug 
 and Eri-Aku, and had fled for refuge to the court of Khammurabi at Babylon. 
 In the war which subsequently broke out between Khammurabi uiid Kudur- 
 Laghghamar, the King of Elam (who, it would seem, exercised suzerainty over 
 Babylonia for seven years), Sin-idinnam gave material assistance to tiie 
 Babylonian monarch, and Khammurabi accordingly bestowed presents upon 
 him as a "recompense for his valour on the day of the overthrow of Kudur- 
 Laghghamar." 
 
 I must not conclude this Preface without referring to a fine scarab — 
 found in the rubbish-mounds of the ancient city of Kom Ombos, in Upper 
 Egypt — which bears upon it the name of Sutkhu-Apopi. It shows us that the 
 author of the story of the Expulsion of the Hyksos, in calling the king 
 Ra-Apopi, merely, like an orthodox Egyptian, substituted the name of the god 
 of Heliopolis for that of the foreign deity. Equally interesting are the scarabs 
 brought to light by Professor Flinders Petrie, on which a liitherto unknown 
 Ya'aqob-hal or Jacob-el receives the titles of a Pharaoh. 
 
 A. H. SAYCE. 
 
TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 In presentino; to the public Professor Maspero's latest volume, the " Premieres 
 Mel(^es des Peuples," in its English form, I have little to add to the words 
 I prefixed to the first volume of the series. I have in tlie present, as in 
 the previous work, preserved Professor Maspero's spelling of the Egyptian 
 proper names, inserting in the Index the forms in general use among 
 English Egyptologists. With regard to such Syrian personal and place 
 names as occnr in the Bible, I have followed the spelling of the Revised 
 Version ; though here, as in the Assyrian portion of the work, the forms 
 represented on the monuments, whether cuneiform texts, Tel el-Amarna 
 tablets, or Egyptian hieroglyphs, are also given. 
 
 While this translation was passing through the press, fresh discoveries 
 were made which have thrown further light upon a few points dealt with 
 in the text, and in these cases the Editor or Translator has ventured to add 
 such short notes as seemed needful. As an example of these, I may call 
 attention to the notes on p. 29, in which Professor Hommel's unhesitating 
 identification of Khammnrabi with the Amraphel of Genesis xiv. 1 is given, 
 and also the true reading of Rim-Sin as determined by Mr. Pinches. 
 
 I have not referred in the notes to Professor Hommel's letter in the 
 Academy of October 17th last, dealing with the word " Arpachshad," which 
 he considers to be an Egypticised form of the territorial name " Ur Kasdim," 
 or "Ur of the Chaldees." This important elucidation of an ethnological 
 term occurring in Genesis x., in a passage ascribed by recent critics to 
 the time of the Exile, will doubtless receive the consideration it merits. 
 
 M. L IMcCLURE. 
 
 London, 
 
 November 14, 189G. 
 
KOIiDKK OK TIIK Fl'NKRAI. PALL OK yl EEX IshlKIIOlllt. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FIRST CHALD/EAN EMPIRE AND THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 Syria : The Part Played by it in the Asciest AVori-d— P>abylon and the 
 
 First Chaldean Empire — The Dominion of the Hyksos : Ahmosis ... A 
 
 CHAPTEK II. 
 
 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Nineveh and the First Coss.ean Kings — The Peoples ok Syria, theii: 'J'owns, 
 
 theih Civilization, their Religion — Pikenicia ... ... ... ill 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 ThCtmosis I. AND his Army— HATSHOPsiTu AND Thlt.mosis III.: The Organisa- 
 tion OF THE Syrian Provinces — AmenOthks III. : The Boval Worshiiteks 
 of Atonu ... ... ... • . ... ... 2"9 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 The XIX"" Dynasty : HarmhabI — The Hittite Empire in Syria and in Asia 
 Minor — Seti 1. and Ramses II. — The People of the Sea: Minephtah 
 and the Israelite E.xodus ... ... ... ... ;!41 
 
xii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 Eamses III. — The Thebas City under the Ramessides — Manners and 
 Customs — Population — The Predominance of Amon and his High Priests 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Phcenicia and the Northern Nations after the Death of Eamses III. — The 
 First Assyrian Empire : Tiglath-pileser I. — The Aram«ans and the 
 Khati ... 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES-DAMASCUS. 
 
 The Israelites in the Land of Canaan : The Judge.s — The Philistines and 
 the Hebrew Kingdom— Saul, David, Solomon, the Defection of the Ten 
 Tribes — The XXP' Egyptian Dynasty — Sheshonq — Damascus ... G73 
 
 Index ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 789 
 
THE FIRST CHALDiEAN EMPIRE 
 AND THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 SYRIA : THE PART PLAYED BY IT IN THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLD — BABYLON 
 AND THE FIRST CHALD;EAN EMPIRE — THE DOMINION OF THE HYKSOS: AHMOSIS. 
 
 Syria, owing to its geographical position, coiulemned to he mhject to neighbonring 
 powers — Lebanon, Anti-Lebanon, the valley of the Orontes and of Uie Litany, and surrounding 
 regions: the northern table-laiul, the country about Damascus, the Mediterranean coast, 
 the Jordan and the Dead Sea — Civilization and primitive inhabitants, Semites and Asiatics: 
 the almost entire absence of Egyptian influence, the predominance of that of Chaldtea. 
 
 Babylon, its ruins and its environs — It extends its ride over Mesopotamia; its earliest 
 dynasty ami its struggle with Centred Chaldxa — Elam, its geographical position, its peoples : 
 Kuiur-Ndkhunta conquers Larsam — Rimsin (Eri-Aku) ; KJiammurabi founds the first 
 Babylonian empire ; his victories, his buildings, his canals — The Elamites in Syria : Kudur- 
 lugamar — Syria recognizes the authority of Hammurabi and his successors. 
 
 The HyksCs conqwr Egypt at the end of tlve XIV"' dynasty; the founding of Avaris — 
 Uncertainty both of ancients and moderns with regard to the origin of the Hyke6s : probability 
 of their being the Khati — Tlixir kings adopt the manners and civilization of the Egyptians : 
 the monuments of Khiani and of Apophis I. and II. — The XV" dynasty. 
 
 Semitic incua-sions following the Hyks6s — The migration of the Phoenicians and the 
 Israelites into Syria : Terah, Abraham and his sojourn in the laml of Canaan — Isaac, Jacob, 
 Joseph: the Israelites go dotun into Egypt and settle in the land of Goshen. 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 Tliehes revolts against the Syksos : popular traditions as to the origin of the war, the 
 romance of Apophis and SaqnUnri — The Tliehan princesses and the last kings of the XVII''' 
 dynasty: TiUdgni Kamosis, Ahmosis I. — The lords of El-Kdb, and the part they played 
 dwing the war of independence — The taking of Avaris and the expulsion of the Hyksos. 
 
 The reorganization of Egypt — Ahmosis I. and his Nubian 'wars, the reopening of the 
 quarries of T4rah — Amenothes I. and his mother Nofrttari : the jewellery of Queen Ahhotpu 
 — The wars of Amenothes I. , the apotheosis of Nofritari — The accession of ThMmosis I. and 
 the re-generation of Egypt. 
 
A i A ^ 
 
 THE ENAMELLEIJ GOLD NECKLACE OF QUEEX AHHOTPO IN THE GIZEU MUSEUM.' 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FIRST CHALD/EAN EMPIRE AND THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 Syria : the part played by 
 
 ancient world — Babylon 
 of the Hyksus : Ahr 
 
 md the first Chaldajan empire— The 
 
 1 nOME countries seem destined from their 
 0 origin to become the battle-fields of the 
 contending nations which environ them. Into 
 such regions, and to their cost, neighbour- 
 ing peoples come from century to century to 
 settle their quarrels and bring to an issue the 
 questions of supremacy which disturb their 
 little corner of the world. The nations around 
 are eager for the possession of a country thus 
 situated ; it is seized upon bit by bit, and in 
 the strife dismembered and trodden underfoot : 
 at best the only course open to its inhabitants 
 is to join forces with one of its invaders, and 
 while helping the intruder to overcome the rest, 
 to secure for themselves a position of permanent 
 servitude. Should some unlooked-for chance relieve them from the presence 
 of their foreign lord, they will probably be quite incapable of profiting by the 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. The vignette, also by 
 Faucher-Qudiu, from a photograph by Ddveria taken in 1864, represents the gilded mask of tlio 
 coffin of Queen Ahhotpft I. Cf. p. 93, et seq., of the present volume. 
 
4 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 respite whicli fortune puts in their way, or of making any effectual attempt to 
 organize themselves in view of future attacks. They tend to become split up 
 into numerous rival communities, of which even the pettiest will aim at 
 autonomy, keeping up a perpetual frontier war for the sake of becoming 
 possessed of or of retaining a glorious sovereignty over a few acres of corn in 
 the plains, or some wooded ravines in the mountains. Year after year there 
 will be scenes of bloody conflict, in which petty armies will fight petty battles 
 on behalf of petty interests, but so fiercely, and with such furious animosity, 
 that the country will suffer from the strife as much as, or even more than, 
 from an invasion. There will be no truce to their struggles until they all fall 
 under the sway of a foreign master, and, except in the interval between two 
 conquests, they will have no national existence, their history being almost 
 entirely merged in that of other nations. 
 
 From remote antiquity Syria was in the condition just described, and thus 
 destined to become subject to foreign rule. Chaldgea, Egypt, Assyria, and 
 Persia presided in turn over its destinies, while Macedonia and the empires of 
 the West were only waiting their opportunity to lay hold of it. By its position 
 it formed a kind of meeting-place where most of the military nations of the 
 ancient world were bound sooner or later to come violently into collision. 
 Confined between the sea and the desert, Syria offers the only route of easy 
 access to an army marching northwards from Africa into Asia, and all 
 conquerors, whether attracted to Mesopotamia or to Egypt by the accumulated 
 riches on the banks of the Euphrates or the Nile, were obliged to pass through 
 it in order to reacli the object of their cupidity. It might, perhaps, have 
 escaped this fatal consequence of its position, had the formation of the country 
 permitted its tribes to mass themselves together, and oppose a compact body 
 to the invading hosts ; but the range of mountains which forms its backbone 
 subdivides it into isolated districts, and by thus restricting each tribe to a 
 narrow existence maintained among them a mutual antagonism. The twin 
 chains, the Lebanon and the Anti-Lebanon, which divide the country down the 
 centre, are composed of the same kind of calcareous rocks and sandstone, while 
 the same sort of reddish clay has been deposited on their slopes by the glaciers 
 of the same geological period.^ Arid and bare on the northern side, they 
 send out towards the south featureless monotonous ridges, furrowed here and 
 
 ' Drake remarked in the Lebanon several varieties of limestone (Bueton-Dkake, Unexplored 
 Syria, vol. i. pp. 90, 91), which have been carefully catalogued by Blanche and Lartet (Duo db 
 LuYNES, Voyage d' exploration a la mer Morte, vol. iii. pp. 40, 41, 49-58). Above these strata, which 
 belong to the Jurassic formation, come reddish sandstone, then beds of very hard yellowish limestone, 
 and finally marl. The name Lebanon, in Assyrian Libnana, would appear to signify "the white 
 mountain;" the Amorites called the Anti-Lebanon Saniru, Shenir, according to the Assyrian 
 texts (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? p. 104) and the Hebrew books (Deut. iii. 9; 1 Chron. 
 V. 23). 
 
6 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 there by short narrow valleys, hollowed out in places into basins or funnel- 
 shaped ravines, which are widened year by year by the down-rush of torrents. 
 These ridges, as they proceed southwards, become clothed with verdure and offer 
 a more varied outline, the ravines being more thickly wooded, and the summits 
 less uniform in contour and colouring. Lebanon becomes white and ice-crowned 
 in winter, but none of its peaks rises to the altitude of perpetual snows : the 
 highest of them. Mount Timarun, reaches 10,526 feet, while only three others 
 exceed 9000.^ Anti-Lebanon is, speaking generally, 1000 or 1300 feet lower than 
 its neighbour : it becomes higher, however, towards the south, where the triple 
 peak of Mount Hermon ^ rises to a height of 9184 feet. The Orontes and the 
 Litany drain the intermediate space. The Orontes rising on the west side of the 
 Anti-Lebanon, near the ruins of Baalbek,^ rushes northwards in such a violent 
 manner, that the dwellers on its banks call it the rebel — Nahr el-Asi.^ About a 
 third of the way towards its mouth it enters a depression, which ancient dykes 
 help to transform into a lake ; it flows thence, almost parallel to the sea-coast, as 
 far as the 36th degree of latitude. There it meets the last spurs of the Amanos, 
 but, failing to cut its way through them, it turns abruptly to the west, and then to 
 the south, falling into the Mediterranean after having received an increase to its 
 volume from the waters of the Afrin.^ The Litany rises a short distance from the 
 Orontes ; it flows at first through a wide and fertile plain, which soon contracts, 
 however, and forces it into a channel between the spurs of the Lebanon and 
 the Gralilsean hills." The water thence makes its way between two cliff's of 
 
 1 Borton-Drake, Unexplored Syria, vol. i. p. 88, attributed to it an altitude of 9175 English feet ; 
 others estimate it at 10,539 feet. The mountains which exceed 3000 metres are Dahr el-Kozib, 3046 
 metres ; Jebel-Miskiyah, 3080 metres ; and Jebel-Makhmal or Makmal, 3040 metres (Elisee Eecltjs, 
 Nouvelle Geographic universelle, vol. ix. pp. 693, 694). As a matter of fact, these heights are not yet 
 determined with the accuracy desirable. 
 
 " It was sometimes called in the plural, Hermonim, the Hermons (Ps. xlii. 6). 
 
 ' Pliny, Natural History, Bk. V. xviii. : " Amnis Orontes, natus inter Libanum et Antilibanum, 
 juxta Heliopolin." On the source of the Orontes, cf. Burton-Drake, Unexplored Syria, vol. i. pp. 58-66. 
 
 * The Egyptians knew it in early times by the name of Afinrati, or Araunti (E. de Eouge, Le 
 Poeme de Fen-ta-our, 1856, p. 8, whose opinion has since been adopted by all Egyptologists) ; it is 
 mentioned in Assyrian inscriptions under the name of Arantu (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das 
 Paradies 1 p. 274). All are agreed in acknowledging that this name is not Semitic, and an Aryan 
 origin is attributed to it, but without convincing proof; according to Strabo (xvi. ii. § 7, p. 750), it 
 was originally called Tyjihon, and was only styled Orontes after a certain Orontes had built the first 
 bridge across it. The name of Axios which it sometimes bears appears to have been given to it by 
 Greek colonists, in memory of a river in Macedonia (Sozomen, History, vii. 15). This is probably the 
 origin of the modern name of Asi, and the mesMing, rebellious river, which Arab tradition attaches to 
 the latter term, probably comes from a popular etymology which likened Axios to Asi : the identification 
 was all the easier since it justifies the epithet by the violence of its current (Pococke, Travels, 
 French trans. 1777, vol. iii. pp. 414, 415). 
 
 ^ The Afria is the Aprie of cuneiform inscriptions, at first confounded with one of the two rivers 
 of Damascus, the Baradah (Finzi, Ricerche per h Studio dell' Antichita Assira, p. 284), the exact 
 position of which was discovered by H. Rawlinson (G. Rawlinson, The Five Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 89). 
 
 " The Litany was identified by Eeland {Palxstina ex monumenUs veteribus illustrata, vol. i. pp. 
 290, 291) with the river of the Lion, Aiovros Trorafids of Ptolemy (v. 15), commonly called Leontes : 
 Strabo, who mentions the river, gives it no name at all (xvi. ii. § 24, p. 758). Eeland's hypothesis 
 has been strenuously opposed by Poulain de Bossay (Essais de restitution et d' interpretation d'un 
 
VaSLE-SYBIA AND THE NORTHERN TABLE-LAND. 
 
 7 
 
 perpendicular rock, the ravine being in several places so narrow, that the 
 branches of the trees on the opposite sides interlace, and an active man could 
 readily leap across it. Near Yakhmur some detached rocks appear to have been 
 arrested in their fall, and, leaning like flying buttresses against the mountain 
 face, constitute a natural bridge over the torrent.^ The basins of the two rivers 
 lie in one valley, extending eighty leagues in length, divided by an almost 
 imperceptible watershed into two beds of unequal slope. The central part of 
 the valley is given up to marshes. It is only towards the south that we find 
 cornfields, vineyards, plantations of mulberry and olive trees, spread out over 
 the plain, or disposed in terraces on the hillsides. Towards the north, the 
 alluvial deposits of the Orontes have gradually formed a black and fertile 
 soil, upon which grow luxuriant crops of cereals and other produce. Coele- 
 Syria, after having generously nourished the Oriental empires which had 
 preyed upon her, became one of the granaries of the Roman world, under the 
 capable rule of the Caesars. 
 
 Syria is surrounded on all sides by countries of varying aspect and soil. 
 That to the north, flanked by the Amanos, is a gloomy mountainous region, 
 with its greatest elevation on the seaboard : it slopes gradually towards the 
 interior, spreading out into chalky table-lands, dotted over with bare and 
 rounded hills, and seamed with tortuous valleys which open out to the 
 Euphrates, the Orontes, or the desert. Vast, slightly undulating plains succeed 
 the table-lands : the soil is dry and stony, the streams are few in number 
 and contain but little water. The Sajur flows into tlie Euphrates,^ the Afrin 
 and the Karasu when united yield their tribute to the Orontes,^ while the 
 others for the most part pour their waters into enclosed basins. The Khalus 
 of the Greeks sluggishly pursues its course southward, and after reluctantly 
 leaving the gardens of Aleppo, finally loses itself on the borders of the desert 
 in a small salt lake full of islets : * about halfway between the Khalus and the 
 
 pimage de Scylax, pp. 39, 40), and it ia now acknowledged that the Lion Biver and the Litftny have 
 nothing in common (Kiepeut, Uandbuch der Allen Geographic, p. 159, n. 2J. The Samaritan 
 Chronicles published by Nuubauer call it the Nahar Litah (Jounial Asiatique, 1869, vol. ii. p. 442). 
 The Anaatasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. sx. 1. 8, pi. xxi. 1. 8, mentions a watercourse between Tyre and Sidon, 
 -called the Nazana, which can only be the Nahr Kasimiyeh, that is to say, the lower stream of the 
 Litany (Maspero, Notes sur diff^renU points de gnimmaire et d'hittoire, § 13, in the Melanges 
 d'Archeblogie Egyptienne el Assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 140, 141). 
 
 ' The gorges of the Litany are described by Van des Velde, Reise durch Syrien und Palattina, 
 vol. i. p. 113; and the natural bridge at Yakhmur by Robinson, Later Biblical Researches, pp. 
 421, 423. 
 
 * The Sajur is the Sagurra of the cuneiform texts (Fr. Delitzsch, TFo lag dot Parodies'} p. 183). 
 ' For the Afrln, cf. p. 6 of this volume. The modem Karasu was called by the Assyrians 
 
 Saluara, the River of Eels, and it preserved this name until the Arab period (Halevy, Rechcrches 
 hibUques, § xii. p. 278 ; Saoiiav, Zur hislorisclien Geographic von Nordgyrien, in the Sitzuiigsherichte of 
 the Academy of Science at litrlin, vol. xxi. pp. 329-336). 
 
 * The Assyrian monuments have not yet given us the native name of this river ; Xonophon 
 {Anabasis, vol. 1, iv. 9) calls it Khalus, and says that it was full of large edible fish. 
 
8 
 
 TEE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Euphrates a second salt lake receives the Nahr ed-Dahab, the "golden river.^" 
 The climate is mild, and the temperature tolerably uniform. The sea-breeze 
 which rises every afternoon tempers the summer heat : the cold in winter is 
 never piercing, except when the south wind blows which comes from the 
 mountains, and the snow rarely lies on the ground for more than twenty-four 
 hours. It seldom rains during the autumn and winter months, but frequent 
 showers fall in the early days of spring. Vegetation then awakes again, and 
 the soil lends itself to cultivation in the hollows of the valleys and on the 
 table-lands wherever irrigation is possible. The ancients dotted these now 
 all but desert spaces with wells and cisterns ; they intersected them with 
 canals, and covered them with farms and villages, with fortresses and populous 
 cities. Primaeval forests clothed the slopes of the Amanos, and pinewood from 
 this region was famous both at Babylon and in the towns of Lower Chaldsea.^ 
 The plains produced barley and wheat in enormous quantities, the vine throve 
 there, the gardens teemed with flowers and fruit, and pistachio and olive trees 
 grew on every slope. The desert was always threatening to invade the plain, 
 and gained rapidly upon it whenever a prolonged war disturbed cultivation, 
 or when the negligence of the inhabitants slackened the work of defence : 
 beyond the lakes and salt marshes it had obtained a secure hold. At the present 
 time the greater part of the country between the Orontes and the Euphrates 
 is nothing but a rocky table-land, ridged with low hills and dotted over with 
 some impoverished oases, excepting at the foot of Anti-Lebanon, where two 
 rivers, fed by innumerable streams, have served to create a garden of marvellous 
 beauty. The Barada, dashing from cascade to cascade, flows for some distance 
 through gorges before emerging on the plain : ^ scarcely has it reached level 
 ground than it widens out, divides, and forms around Damascus a miniature 
 delta, into which a thousand interlacing channels carry refreshment and 
 fertility. Below the town these streams rejoin the river, which, after having 
 flowed merrily along for a day's journey, is swallowed up in a kind of elongated 
 chasm from whence it never again emerges. At the melting of the snows a 
 regular lake is formed here, whose blue waters are surrounded by wide grassy 
 niargins " like a sapphire set in emeralds." This lake dries up almost 
 completely in summer, and is converted into swampy meadows, filled with 
 gigantic rushes, among which the birds build their nests, and multiply as 
 unmolested as in the marshes of Chaldsea. The Awaj, unfed by any tributary, 
 
 ' The ancient native name of the Nahr ed-Dahab, like that of the Khalns, is unknown. 
 
 ^ On the transport of timber from the Amanos, and on the ancient use of it in the small states of 
 Chaldsea, cf. Maspeeo, Dawn of Civilization, p. 614. 
 
 * The Barada is the Abana or Amana, mentioned in the Hebrew books as one of the rivers which 
 watered the country round Damascus (2 Kings v. 12), the Bardines or Ohrysorrhoas of the Greeks. 
 
TEE COUNTRY OF DAMASCUS AND THE MEDITERRANEAN LITTORAL. 9' 
 
 fills a second deeper though smaller basin,^ while to the south two other 
 lesser depressions receive the waters of the Anti-Lebanon and the Hauran. 
 Syria is protected from the encroachments of the desert by a continuous 
 barrier of pools and beds of reeds : towards the east the space reclaimed 
 resembles a verdant promontory thrust boldly out into an ocean of sand. 
 The extent of the cultivated area is limited on the west by the narrow 
 strip of rock and clay which forms the littoral. From the mouth of 
 the Litany to that of the Orontes, the coast presents a rugged, precipitous, 
 and inhospitable appearance. There are no ports, and merely a few ill- 
 protected harbours, or narrow beaches lying under formidable headlands. One 
 river, the Nahr el-Kebir,^ which elsewhere would not attract the traveller's 
 attention, is here noticeable as being the only stream whose waters flow 
 constantly and with tolerable regularity ; the others, the Leon,'^ the Adonis,'* 
 and the Nahr el-Kelb,'^ can scarcely even be called torrents, being precipitated 
 as it were in one leap from the Lebanon to the Mediterranean. Olives, vines, 
 and corn cover the maritime plain, while in ancient times the heights were 
 clothed with impenetrable forests of oak, pine, larch, cypress, spruce, and 
 cedar. The mountain range drops in altitude towards the centre of the country 
 and becomes merely a line of low hills, connecting Gebel Ansarieh with the 
 Lebanon proper ; beyond the latter it continues without interruption, till at 
 length, above the narrow Phoenician coast road, it rises in the form of an 
 almost insurmountable wall. 
 
 Near to the termination of Coele-Syria, but separated from it by a range 
 of hills, there opens out on the western slopes of Hermon a valley unlike any 
 other in the world. At this point the surface of the earth has been rent in pre- 
 historic times by volcanic action, leaving a chasm which has never since closed 
 up. A river, unique in character — the Jordan — flows down this gigantic 
 
 ' The modern Awaj ia identified with the Pharpar of the Hebn!w text (2 Kings v. 12). 
 
 ' The Nahr el-Kebir is the Eleutheros of classical geographers (Strabo, xvi. ii., § 12, 15, pp. 
 754, 755; Pliny, Natural History, iv. 17), its Phoenician name Las not yet been discovered; it was 
 perhaps called Shabtuna or Sbabtun, from wlience the river-name Sabbaticus might be derived. 
 
 ' The Leon of Ptolemy (v. 15) is perhaps the river which the majority of Roman geographers call 
 Tamyras (Strabo, xvi. ii., § 22, p. 756), or Damuras (Polybids, v. 68, 69), the present Nahr- 
 Damur (Poulaim de Bossay, Essais de restitution et d' interpritation d'un passage de Scylax, pp. 
 39, 40). 
 
 * The Adonis of classical authors is now Nahr-Ibrahim. Wo have as yet no direct evidence as to 
 the Phoenician name of this river ; it was probably identical with that of the divinity worshipped on 
 its banks. The fact of a river bearing the name of a god is not surprising : the Belos, in the 
 neighbourhood of Acre, affords us a parallel case to the Adonis (Renan, MUsion de Phenicie, 
 p. 28S). 
 
 • The present Nahr el-Kelb is the Lykos of classical authors. The Due de Luynes (Foya^e 
 d'erploralion a la mer Morte, vol. i. p. 9, n. 1) thought he recognized a corruption of the Phoenician 
 name in that of Alcobilo, which is mentioned hereabouts in the Itinerary of the pilgrim of Bordeaux. 
 The order of the Itinerary does not favour this identification, and Alcobile is probably Jebuil (M. de 
 VoGt)£, Melanges d'Arck. Orientale, pp. 16, 17) : it is none the less probable that the original name of 
 the Nahr el Kelb contained from earliest times the Phoenician equivalent of the Arab word kelb, " dog."' 
 
10 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDJ^JAN EMPIRE. 
 
 THE MOST NORTHERN SOURCE OF THE JORDAN', THE NAHR EL-HASBANY.' 
 
 crevasse, fertilizing the valley formed by it from end to end.^ Its principal 
 source is at Tell el-Qadi, where it rises out of a basaltic mound whose summit 
 is crowned by the ruins of Laish.^ The water collects in an oval rocky basin 
 hidden by bushes, and flows down among the brushwood to join the Nahr 
 el-Hasbany, which brings the waters of the upper torrents to swell its stream ; * 
 a little lower down it mingles with the Banias branch,^ and winds for some 
 time amidst desolate marshy meadows before disappearing in the thick beds of 
 rushes bordering Lake Huleh." At this point the Jordan reaches the level of 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by the Due de Luynes, Voyage d' exploration a la mer 
 Morte, vol. iv. pi. 59. 
 
 2 The Jordan is mentioned in the Egyptian texts under the name of Yorduna (Anastasi Papyrus, 
 'No. 1, pi. xxiii. 1. ]) : the name appears to mean the descender, the down-flowing. 
 
 ' This source is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. Jad., V. iii. 1 ; VIII. viii. 4) as being that of the 
 Little Jordan, iKa.<raovos ^lopSdyov, tov /xiKpov 'lopSdvov. 
 
 * The ancient geographers do not appear to have considered the Nahr el-Hasbany as a source of 
 the Jordan. This is proved by the passage where S. Jerome (Comm. in Mathssum, xvi. 3), after his own 
 fashion, gives the etymology of the name : " Jordanes oritur ad radices Libanis, et habet duos fontes, 
 ■unum nomine Jor et alterimi Z>an ; qui simul mixti Jordanis nomen efHciunt." The two sources 
 which he indicates being those of Banias and Tell el-Qadi, the Nahr el-Hasbany is tlius excluded. 
 
 ' For the source of the Jordan at Banias, cf. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV. x. 3 ; and 
 Jewish War, I. xxi. 3 ; HI. xv. 7 ; for the difference between the ancient and present condition of the 
 place, see Guerin, Galilee, vol. ii. pp. 312-314. 
 
 * Lake Huleh is called the Waters of Merom, Me-Merom, in the Book of Joshua, xi. 5, 7 ; and 
 Lake Sammoehonitis in Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, V. v. 1 ; cf. Jewish War, III. x. 7 ; IV. i. 1. 
 The name of Ulatha, which was given to the surrounding country (Josephus, Jewish War, XV. x. 8), 
 shows that the modern word Huleh is derived from an ancient form, of which unfortunately the 
 original has not come down to us (Necbauer, La G^ographie du Talmud, p. 17). 
 
12 
 
 THE FIRST CEALDJEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 the Mediterranean, but instead of maintaining it, the river makes a sudden 
 drop on leaving the lake, cutting for itself a deeply grooved channel. It has 
 a fall of some 300 feet before reaching the Lake of Genesareth,^ where it is 
 only momentarily arrested, as if to gather fresh strength for its headlong 
 career southwards. Here and there it makes furious assaults on its right and 
 left banks, as if to escape from its bed, but the rocky escarpments which 
 hem it in present an insurmountable barrier to it ; from rapid to rapid it 
 descends with such capricious windings that it covers a course of more 
 than 62 miles before reaching the Dead Sea, nearly 1300 feet below the 
 level of the Mediterranean.^ Nothing could offer more striking contrasts than 
 the country on either bank. On the east, the ground rises abruptly to a 
 height of about 3000 feet, resembling a natural rampart flanked with towers 
 and bastions : behind this extends an immense table-land, slightly undulating 
 and intersected in all directions by the affluents of the Jordan and the Dead 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from several photographs brought back by Lortet. 
 
 2 Its most ancient name is the Sea of Kinnereth, Yam-Kinnereth {Numb, xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 27), 
 or Yam-Kineroth {Josh. xii. 3) ; from the time of the Greek period it was called the Lake of Gennesar 
 or Guinussar (1 Mace. xi. 67 ; Josephus, Jewish War, III. x. 7, 8 ; cf. Necbauee, G&)graphie du 
 Talmud, p. 255). 
 
 ' The exact figures are : the Lake of Huleh 7 feet above the Mediterranean ; the Lake of 
 Genesareth 682-5 feet, and the Dead Sea 1292-1 feet below the sea-level; to the south of the Dead 
 Sea, towards the water-parting of the Akabah, the ground is over 720 feet higher than the level of 
 the Bed Sea (Eliseb Reclus, Geographic universelle, vol. ix. pp. 730-735). 
 
TEE JOltDAN AND TEE DEAD SEA. 
 
 13 
 
 THE DEAD SEA AND TUE MOIXTAINS OF MOAB, SEEN FBOM THE HEIGHTS OF ENGEDl.' 
 
 Sea — the Yarmuk/ the Jabbok/^ and the Arnon.* The whole of this district 
 forms a little world in itself, whose inhabitants, half shepherds, half bandits, 
 live a life of isolation, with no ambition to take part in general history. West 
 of the Jordan, a confused mass of hills rises into sight, their sparsely covered 
 slopes affording an impoverished soil for the cultivation of corn, vines, and 
 olives. One ridge — Mount Carmel — detached from the principal chain near the 
 southern end of the Lake of Genesareth, runs obliquely to the north-west, and 
 finally projects into the sea. North of this range extends Galilee, abounding 
 in refreshing streams and fertile fields ; while to the south, the country falls 
 naturally into three parallel zones — the littoral, composed alternately of dunes 
 and marshes — an expanse of plain, a " Shephelah," * dotted about with woods 
 and watered by intermittent rivers, — and finally the mountains. The region 
 of dunes is not necessarily barren, and the towns situated in it — Gaza, Jaffa, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by the Due de Luvnes, Voyage d'exploiation ii la mer 
 Morte, vol. iii. pi. 26. 
 
 ' The Yarmuk does not occur in the Bible, but we meet with its name in the Talmud (Xeubavek, 
 La G^bgraphie du Talmud, p. 31), and the Greeks adopted it under the form Hieromax. 
 
 ' Gen. xxxii. 22; Numb. xxi. 24. The name has been Grucized under the forms lobacchos, 
 labacchos (Josephus, Ant. Jud., I. xx. 2 ; IV. v. 2), lambykes. It is the present Nahr Zerqa. 
 
 ♦ Numb. xxi. 13-26 ; Deut. ii. 24 ; the present Wady Mojib. 
 
 * [Shephelah = " low country," plain (Josh. xi. 16). With the article it means the plain along 
 the Mediterranean from Joppa to Gaza. Gk. f) 2e<f)j)Aa (1 Mace. xiL 49). — Tr.] 
 
14 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Ashdod, and Ascalon — are surrounded by flourishing orchards and gardens. 
 The plain yields plentiful harvests every year, the ground needing no manure and 
 very little labour. The higher ground and the hill-tops are sometimes covered 
 with verdure, but as they advance southwards, they become denuded and 
 burnt by the sun. The valleys, too, are watered only by springs, which are 
 dried up for the most part during the summer, and the soil, parched by the 
 continuous heat, can scarcely be distinguished from the desert. In fact, till 
 the Sinaitic Peninsula and the frontiers of Egypt are reached, the eye merely 
 encounters desolate and almost uninhabited solitudes, devastated by winter 
 torrents, and overshadowed by the volcanic summits of Mount Seir. The 
 spring rains, however, cause an early crop of vegetation to spring up, which 
 for a few weeks furnishes the flocks of the nomad tribes with food. 
 
 We may summarise the physical characteristics of Syria by saying that 
 Nature has divided the country into five or six regions of unequal area, isolated 
 by rivers and mountains, each one of which, however, is admirably suited to 
 become the seat of a separate independent state. In the north, we have the 
 country of the two rivers — the Naharaim — extending from the Orontes to the 
 Euphrates and the Balikh, or even as far as the Khabur ; ^ in the centre, between 
 the two ranges of the Lebanon, lie Coele-Syria and its two unequal neigh- 
 bours, Aram of Damascus and Phoenicia ; while to the south is the varied 
 collection of provinces bordering the valley of the Jordan. It is impossible 
 at the present day to assert, with any approach to accuracy, what peoples 
 inhabited these different regions towards the fourth millennium before 
 our era. Wherever excavations are made, relics are brought to light of 
 a very ancient semi-civilization, in which we find stone weapons and imple- 
 ments, besides pottery, often elegant in contour, but for the most part coarse 
 in texture and execution. These remains, however, are not accompanied by 
 any monument of definite characteristics, and they yield no information with 
 regard to the origin or affinities of the tribes who fashioned them.^ The study 
 
 ' The Naharaim of the Egyptians (of. for the pronunciation, Maspeeo, A travers la vocalisation 
 ggyptienne, in the Becueil des Travaux, vol. xv. pp. 189-192) was first identified with Mesopotamia 
 (Beugsch, GeograpMsche Inschriften, vol. ii. p. 30) ; it was located between the Orontes and the 
 Balikh or the Euphrates by Maspeeo (De Carchemis oppidi situ et Historid antiquissimd, map No. 
 2). This opinion is now adopted by the majority of Egyptologists, with slight differences in detail 
 (W. Max MijLLEE, Asien und Europa nach altdgyptischen Denkmdlern, p. 249, et seq.). Ed. Meyee 
 (GescMchte JEgyptens, p. 227) has accurately compared the Egyptian Naharaim with the Parapotamia 
 of the administration of the Seleucidse (Polyb., v. 69 : Sieabo, xvi. ii., § 11, p. 753). 
 
 2 Eesearches with regard to the primitive inhabitants of Syria and their remains have not as yet 
 been prosecuted to any extent. The caves noticed by Hedenborg at Ant-Elias, near Tripoli, and by 
 Botta at Nahr el-Kelb {Observations sur le Liban et VAntiliban in the M^moires de la SociAe g€ologique 
 de France, 1st series, vol. i. p. 135), and at Adlun by the Due de Luynes, have been successively 
 explored by Lartet (Doc de Luynes, Voyage d' exploration a la mer Morte, vol. i. p. 23; vol. iii. pp. 
 213-240), Tristram, Lortet, and Dawson {Notes on prehistoric Man in Egypt and the Lebanon, in the 
 Transactions of the Victoria Institute, vol. xviii. pp, 287-301). The grottoes of Palestine proper, at 
 
THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF SYRIA. 
 
 15 
 
 oif the geographical nomenclature in use about the VI''^ century B.C. reveals 
 the existence, at all events at that period, of several peoples and several 
 languages. The mountains, rivers, towns, and fortresses in Palestine and Coele- 
 Syria are designated by words of Semitic origin : it is easy to detect, even 
 in the hieroglyphic disguise which they bear on the Egyptian geographical 
 lists, names familiar to us in Hebrew or Assyrian.^ But once across the 
 Orontes, other forms present themselves which reveal no affinities to 
 these languages, but are apparently connected with one or other of the 
 dialects of Asia Minor.^ The tenacity with which the place-names, once given, 
 cling to the soil, leads us to believe that a certain number at least of those 
 we know in Syria were in use there long before they were noted down by the 
 Egyptians, and that they must have been heirlooms from very early peoples. 
 As they take a Semitic or non-Semitic form according to their geographical 
 position, we may conclude that the centre and south were colonized by Semites, 
 and the north by the immigrant tribes from beyond the Taurus. Facts are not 
 wanting to support this conclusion, and they prove that it is not so entirely 
 arbitrary as we might be inclined to believe. The Asiatic visitors who, under 
 a king of the XII"' dynasty, came to oHer gifts to Khnumhotpu, the Lord of 
 Beni-Hasan,^ are completely Semitic in type, and closely resemble the Bedouins 
 of the present day. Their chief — Abisha — bears a Semitic name,^ as too does 
 the Sheikh Ammianshi, with whom SinAhit took refuge.'' Ammianshi himself 
 
 Bethzur, at Gilgal near Jericho, and at Tibneh, Lave been the subject of keen controversy ever since 
 their discovery (Laktet, in the Bulletin de la SociM de Geologic, 2iid series, vol. xsii. p. 527 ; in the 
 Mat^riaux pour servir a I'histoire de I'homme, Ist series, 1809, vol. v. p. 237 ; cf. Duo db Li ynes, 
 Voyage d' exploration, vol. iii. pp. 221-22C ; AncELiN, VIndustrie primitive en Stjrie, Gitemeuts de 
 Beth-Saour, and I'Age de la pierre polie a Belh-Saour, in tlie Mat^riaux, Ist series, 1869, vol. v. j). 237, 
 etseq. ; 2nd series, 1874, vol. v. p. 19). The Abbe' Richard desired to identify the flints of Gilgal 
 and Tibneh with the stone knives used by Joshua for the circumcision of the Israelites after the, 
 passage of the Jordan (Josh. v. 2-9), some of which might have been buried in that hero's tomb 
 (BiCHAKD, Dicouvertes d'inttrumenls de pierre en ilgijpte, uu Sinai et dau$ le Toinbeau de Josutf, in the 
 Comptes renduB de V Academic des Sciencet, 1871, vol. Ixxii. p. 5-tO). 
 
 ' On the question of the transcription of Syrian geograpliical names into the hieroglyphs, 
 see Brugscii, Geogr. Ins., vol. i. pp. 5-15; E. de Rouge, Memoire sur I'origine fgyptienne de 
 V alphabet ph^aicien; and lastly, W. Max Mulleb, Asien und Europa nach altagyptiscl^en Denkmdlern, 
 pp. 58-109. 
 
 * The non-Semitic origin of the names of a number of towns in Northern Syria preserved 
 in the Egyptian lists, is admitted by the majority of scholars who have studied the question 
 (Lenormant, Les Origines de I'llistoire, vol. iii. p. 319, et seq. ; Max MuLi.£R,.is(enund Europa nach 
 ultdgyplischen Denkmalern, pp. 286-292 ; cf. for the question of Semitic origin, Halevt, Reclterches 
 bibliques, § 12, pp. 270-288). 
 
 ' See the representation of the whole scene iu the Daicn of Civilization, pp. 4G8, 469. 
 
 * His name has been shown to be cognate with the Hebrew Abishai (1 Sam. xxvi. G-9 ; 2 Sam. 
 ii. 18, 24 ; xxi. 17) and with the Chaldajo-Assyrian Abeshukh (cf. the list of Babylonian kings on 
 p. 27 of the present volume). 
 
 ' The namo Ammianshi at once recalls those of Ammisatana, Ammizadugga, and pi-rhaps 
 Ammurabi, or Kliammurabi, of one of the Babylonian dynasties ; it contains, with the element Ammi, 
 u final anshi (Masi'ero, Notes sur quelques points de grammaire et d'histoire, § T, in the Recueil de 
 Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 76 ; cf. Sayce, Patriarchud, Palestine, pp. 63, 64, 206). Chabas connects it with 
 two Hebrew words Am-ne»h, which he does not translate {Etudes tur I'antiquiti hislorique, 2nd edit., 
 pp. 105, 106). 
 
16 
 
 TEE FIEST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 reigned over the province of Kadima, a word which in Semitic denotes the 
 East.^ Finally, the only one of their gods known to us, Hadad, was a Semite 
 deity, who presided over the atmosphere, and whom we find later on ruling 
 over the destinies of Damascus.^ Peoples of Semitic speech and religion must, 
 indeed, have already occupied the greater part of that region on the shores of 
 
 the Mediterranean which we 
 find still in their possession 
 many centuries later, at 
 the time of the Egyptian 
 conquest.^ 
 
 For a time Egypt pre- 
 ferred not to meddle in their 
 affairs. When, however, 
 the "lords of the sands" 
 grew too insolent, the Pha- 
 raoh sent a column of light 
 troops against them, and in- 
 flicted on them such a severe 
 punishment, that the remembrance of it kept them within bounds for years. 
 Ofi'enders banished from Egypt sought refuge with the turbulent kinglets, 
 who were in a perpetual state of unrest between Sinai and the Dead Sea. 
 Egyptian sailors used to set out to traffic along the seaboard, taking to 
 piracy when hard pressed ; Egyptian merchants were accustomed to penetrate 
 by easy stages into the interior.^ The accounts they gave of their journeys 
 were not reassuring. The traveller had first to face the solitudes which 
 confronted him before reaching the Isthmus, and then to avoid as best 
 he might the attacks of the pillaging tribes who inhabited it. Should he 
 escape these initial perils, the Amu — an agricultural and settled people 
 inhabiting the fertile region — would give the stranger but a sorry recep- 
 tion : he would have to submit to their demands, and the most exorbitant 
 
 ■ Cf. the story relating to Prince Ammianshi in the Dawn of Civilization, pp. 472, 473. 
 
 ^ A seal aflSxed to contracts of the time of Khammurabi belonged to a "servant of the god of 
 Martu," who is none other than the god usually known as Eamman (cf. Dawn of Civilization, pp. 
 658-663). This fact was elucidated by Hommel {Geschiclite Bahyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 349, 
 412). Schrader (Die Namen Hadad, Hadadezer, in the Zeitschrift fur Keilforschung , vol. ii. pp. 366- 
 384) and Oppert {Adad, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. viii. pp. 310-314) have proved that 
 the god Eamman was also called Hadad. 
 
 ' Chabas (J^tude sur I'antiquitg historique, d'apres les sources ^gyptiennes et les monuments repute's 
 prehistoriques, 2nd edit., p. 99, et seq.) had already arrived at the same conclusions, which are also 
 those of W. Max MiiLLEK (Asien und Europa, p. 32, et seq.). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger ; cf. the whole scene from which these 
 two and the following figures are taken, in the Daion of Civilization, p. 469. 
 
 ' Persons banished from Egypt are mentioned in the Memoirs of Sinuhit, 11. 31-34 (cf. Maspero, 
 Les Conies populaires, 2nd edit., pp. 99, 100), and Sinfihit himself is an exile; for the navigation of 
 •the Syrian coast from the time of the ancient empire, cf. Dawn of Civilization, pp. 390-394. 
 
THE ABSENCE OF EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE IN SYRIA. 
 
 17 
 
 levies of toll did not always preserve caravans from their attacks.^ The 
 country seems to have been but thinly populated ; tracts now denuded were 
 then covered by large forests in which herds of elephants still roamed,^ and 
 wild beasts, including lions and leopards, rendered the route through them 
 dangerous.3 The notion that Syria was a sort of preserve for both big and 
 small game was so strongly 
 implanted in the minds of ~ 
 the Egyptians, that their 
 popular literature was full 
 of it:* the hero of their 
 romances betook himself 
 there for the chase, as a 
 prelude to meeting with 
 the princess whom he was 
 destined to marry or, as in 
 the case of Kazarati, chief \ 
 of Assur, that he might 
 encounter there a monstrous L 
 hyena with which to en- .j.,vo Asiatics from thk tomb of kunCmiioti-i 
 
 gage in combat.' These 
 
 merchants' adventures and explorations, as they were not followed by any mili- 
 tary expedition, left absolutely no mark on the industries or manners of the 
 primitive natives : those of them only who were close to the frontiers of 
 Egypt came under her subtle charm and felt the power of her attraction, but 
 this slight influence never penetrated beyond the provinces lying nearest to the 
 Dead Sea. The remaining populations looked rather to Clialda?a, and received, 
 though at a distance, the continuous impress of the kingdoms of the Euphrates. 
 The tradition which attributes to Sargou of Agade, and to his son Naramsin, the 
 subjection of the people of the Amanos and the Orontes, probably contains but 
 
 ' The merchant who sets out for foreign lands " leaves his possessions to his children — for fear of 
 lions and Asiatics " {Sallier Papyrus, No. 2, pi. vii. 11. G, 7 ; cf. Dawn oj Civilizalion, p. 470). 
 
 ' Thtttmosis III. went elcpluuit-hunting near the Syrian town of Nii {IntcripUan of Amewmhabi, 
 11. 22, 23; cf. Ciiabas, Melanges £'gyptologiquee, 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 286,287, 290-301). 
 
 • As to the extent of the forest which 8ei)arated Jaffa from Carmel, cf. Maspero, Entre Jopp€ et 
 Mageddo, in the Etudes historiques, linguistiques et archfologiqties d€di€e» a M. le D"^ C. Leemans, 
 pp. 3-{J; what was true under the XIX*'' dynasty would be still more likely to be the case in earlier 
 times. 
 
 * W. Max MijLLER, Asien und Europa nach allasgyplischen Denkmalem, p. 46. 
 
 ' As, for instance, the hero in the Slory of the Predestined. Prince, exiled from Egypt witii his 
 dog, pursues his way hunting till he reaches the confines of Naharaim, where he is to marry the 
 prince's daugliter ; cf. Maspero, Les Conies populaires de VJigypte ancienne, 2nd edit., p. 231. Petf-IE, 
 Egyptian Tales, 2nd series, p. 15, et seq. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fuucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insingcr. C/. p. 16 of this work, note 4. 
 
 ' Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xxiii. 11. 6, 7 ; cf. Chabas, Le Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 223-226. 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 THE FIRST CEALD^AN EMPIRE. 
 
 a slight element of truth ; ^ but if, while awaiting further information, we hesitate 
 to believe that the armies of these princes ever crossed the Lebanon or landed 
 in Cyprus, we must yet admit the very early advent of their civilization in 
 those western countries which are regarded as having been under their rule. 
 More than three thousand years before our era, the Asiatics who figure on the 
 tomb of Klmumhotpu clothed themselves according to the fashions of Uru 
 and Lagash, and affected long robes of striped and spotted stuffs." We may 
 well ask if they had also borrowed the cuneiform syllabary for the purposes of 
 their oflScial correspondence,^ and if the professional scribe with his stylus and 
 clay tablet was to be found in their cities. The Babylonian courtiers were, no 
 doubt, more familiar visitors among them than the Memphite nobles, while the 
 Babylonian kings sent regularly to Syria for statuary stone, precious metals, 
 and the timber required in the building of their monuments : * Urban and 
 Gudea, as well as their successors and contemporaries, received large convoys 
 of materials from the Amanos, and if the forests of Lebanon were more rarely 
 utilised, it was not because their existence was unknown, but because distance 
 rendered their approach more difficult and transport more costly. The 
 Mediterranean marches were, in their language, classed as a whole under one 
 denomination — Martu, Amurru,^ the West — but there were distinctive names 
 for each of the provinces into which they were divided. Probably even at that 
 date they called the north Kbati,*' and Coele-Syria, Amurru, the land of the 
 
 ' Cf. what iB said on the subject of these conquests in Maspeho, Bawn of Civilization, pp. 
 598-600. 
 
 * Cf. Maspero, Bawn of Civilization, for the Asiatics received by the Prince of Beni-Hasau, 
 pp. 468, 469 ; for the resemblance of their costume to that of the ChaldjBans, cf. ibid., p. 719, note 4. 
 
 ' The most ancient cuneiform tablets of Syrian origin are not older than the XIV"' century before 
 our era ; they contain the ofHcial correspondence of the native princes with the Pharaohs Amenothes 
 III. ai.d IV. of the XVIII"' dynasty, as will be seen later on in this volume ; they were discovered 
 in the ruins of one of the palaces at Tel el-Amarna in Egypt. 
 
 * This communication with Syria has been pointed out by Maspero in the Bawn of Civilization, 
 pp. 610, 614. It has been carefully described by Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 
 325-330. ■ 
 
 * Formerly read Akharru. For a general notice of these names, see Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das 
 Paradies ? pp. 271-273 ; and Scheader, Bie KeilinseJiriften und das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., pp. 90-92. 
 Martu would be the Sumerian and Akharru the Semitic form, Akharru meaning that which is lehind. 
 The discovery of the Tel el-Amarna tablets threw doubt on the reading of the name Akharru : some 
 thought that it ought to be kept in any case (Halevy, Notes g^ographiques, § 34, in the Bevue S^mi- 
 tique, vol. i. p. 185); others, with more or less certainty, think that it should be replaced by Amuru, 
 Amurru, the country of the Amorites (Delattee, Azirou, in the Proceedings of the Biblical Archxol. 
 Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 233, 234 ; cf. Morris Jasteow, On Palestine and Assyria in the Bays of 
 Joshua, in the Zeitsehrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. ii. p. 2, note 1 ; Bezold-Budge, The Tell el-Amarna 
 Tablets in the British Museum, p. xviii., note 2). But the question has now been settled by Babylonian 
 contract and law tablets of the period of Khammurabi, in which the name is written A-mu-ur-ri (-hi). 
 Hommel originated the idea that Martu might be an abbreviation of Amartu, that is, Amar with the 
 feminine termination of nouns in the Canaanitish dialect : Martu would thus actually signify the 
 country of the Amorites (Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 270; cf. Assyriological Notes, § 5, in 
 the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1893-94, vol. xvi. p. 212). 
 
 ^ The name of the Khati, Khatti, is found in the JBooh of Omens (Hommel, Bie Semitischen Yolker 
 und Sprache, p. 176, et seq.), which is supposed to contain an extract from the annals of Sargon and 
 
THE CITY OF BABYLON. 
 
 19 
 
 Amorites. The scattered references in their writings seem to indicate frequent 
 intercourse with these countries, and that, too, as a matter of course which excited 
 no surprise among their contemporaries : a journey from Lagash to the moun- 
 tains of Tidanum and to Gubin, or to the Lebanon and beyond it to Byblos,^ 
 meant to them no voyage of discovery. Armies undoubtedly followed the 
 routes already frequented by caravans and flotillas of trading boats, and 
 the time came when kings desired to rule as sovereigns over nations with 
 whom their subjects had peaceably traded. It does not appear, however, 
 that the ancient rulers of Lagash ever extended their dominion so far. 
 The governors of the northern cities, on the other hand, showed themselves 
 more energetic, and inaugurated that march westwards which sooner or later 
 brought the peoples of the Euphrates into collision with the dwellers on the 
 Nile: for the first Babylonian empire without doubt comprised part if not 
 the whole of Syria.^ 
 
 Among the most celebrated names in ancient history, that of Babylon 
 is perhaps the only one which still suggests to our minds a sense of vague 
 magnificence and undefined dominion. Cities in other parts of the world, 
 it is true, have rivalled Babylon in magnificence and power: Egypt could 
 boast of more than one such city, and their ruins to this day present to our 
 gaze more monuments worthy of admiration than Babylon ever contained in 
 the days of her greatest prosperity. The pyramids of Memphis and the 
 <;olossal statues of Thebes still stand erect, while the ziggurats and the 
 palaces of Chaldaea are but mounds of clay crumbling into the plain: but 
 the Egyptian monuments are visible and tangible objects ; we can calculate to 
 within a few inches the area they cover and the elevation of their summits, 
 and the very precision with which we can gauge their enormous size tends 
 to limit and lessen their effect upon us. How is it possible to give free rein 
 
 Naramsin (cf. Maspeuo, Dawn of Cicilizution, p. 599) ; as, however, the text which we possess of it 
 is merely a copy of the time of Assurbanipal, it is possible that the word Khati is merely the 
 translation of a more ancient term, perhaps Martu (Fn. Lenormaxt, Lee Origines de I'hittoire, vol. iii. 
 pp. 330, 337; Hojimel, Oeschichte Bdbylonient und Agsyrieru, p. 271, note 6). Winckler (.IWonen- 
 ialische Forachungen, p. 142, note 1) thinks it to be included in Lesser Armenia and the Melit6n6 
 of classical authors. 
 
 ' Gubin is probably the Kttpflnn, Kapnfl, of the Egyptians, Uie Byblos of PhoBuicia (IIommel, 
 Geschichte Babijloniens und Assyrieng, p. 229). Arainud {Sirpourla, pp. 11-13) had proposed a most 
 unlikely identification with Koptos in Egypt. In the time of Inc-Sin, King of Ur, mention is found 
 of Siraurru, Zimyra (Homjiel, Aus der Babylonigchen Altertumgkunde, in Die Aula, 1895, vol. i. p. 550). 
 
 ' It is only since tlie discovery of the Tel ol-Amarna tablets that the fact of the dominant 
 influence of Chaldsea over Syria and of its conquest has been definitely realized. It is now clear 
 that the state of things of which the tablets discovered in Egypt give us a picture, could only be 
 explained by the hypothesis of a Babylonish supremacy of long duration over the peoples situated 
 between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean (M. Jastrow, On Fahstine and Astyria in the Days of 
 Joshua, in the Zcitschrift fur Amjriologie, vol. vii. pp. 1-7 ; Winckleb, Babyloniens Eerrschaft in 
 Mesopotamien und seine Froberungen in PalUdina im zweiten Jahrtausend, in the Altorientalische 
 Forschungen, pp. 140-158, 224-220; and Geschichte Israels, vol. i. pp. 126-132; S\ycs, Patriarchal 
 Palestine, p. 55, et seq.). 
 
20 
 
 TEE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 to tlie imagination when the subject of it is strictly limited by exact and 
 determined measurements ? At Babylon, on the contrary, there is nothing 
 remaining to check the flight of fancy : a single hillock, scoured by the 
 rains of centuries, marks the spot where the temple of Bel stood erect in its 
 splendour ; another represents the hanging gardens, while the ridges running tO' 
 the right and left were once the ramparts. The vestiges of a few buildings 
 remain above the mounds of rubble, and as soon as the pickaxe is applied 
 to any spot, irregular layers of bricks, enamelled tiles, and inscribed tablets 
 are brought to light — in fine, all those numberless objects which bear witness 
 to the presence of man and to his long sojourn on the spot. But these vestiges 
 are so mutilated and disfigured that the principal outlines of the buildings 
 cannot be determined with any certainty, and afford us no data for guessing^ 
 their dimensions. He who would attempt to restore the ancient appearance 
 of the place would find at his disposal nothing but vague indications, from 
 which he might draw almost any conclusion he pleased. Palaces and temples 
 would take a shape in his imagination on a plan which never entered the 
 architect's mind ; the sacred towers as they rose would be disposed in more 
 numerous stages than they actually possessed ; the enclosing walls would 
 reach such an elevation that they must have quickly fallen under their 
 own weight if they had ever been carried so high : ^ the whole restoration,. 
 
 • Drawn by Boudier, from a drawing reproduced in Hgeper, L'Assyrie et la Chald€e, pi. 10. It 
 shows the state of the ruins in the first half of our century, before the excavations carried out at 
 European instigation. 
 
 ^ A very just criticism of the various proposed reconstructions of the walls of Babylon will be found 
 in DiECLAFOY, L'Acropole de Suse, pp. 191, 192 ; and also an explanation of the figures given by 
 Herodotus, which permits of their altitude being brought within possible limits. 
 
THE RUINS OF BABYLON. 
 
 21 
 
 accomplished without any certain data, embodies the concept of something 
 vast and superhuman, 
 well befitting the city of 
 blood and tears, cursed 
 by the Hebrew prophets. 
 Babylon was, however, 
 at the outset, but a poor 
 town, situated on both 
 banks of the Euphrates, 
 in a low-lying, flat dis- 
 trict, intersected by 
 canals and liable at 
 times to become marshy. 
 The river at this point 
 runs almost directly 
 north and south, between 
 two banks of black mud, 
 the base of which it is 
 perpetually undermining. 
 As long as the city exis- 
 ted, the vertical thrust 
 of the public buildings 
 and houses kept the river 
 within bounds, and even 
 since it was finally aban- 
 doned, the masses of 
 debris have almost every- 
 where had the effect of 
 resisting its encroach- 
 ment ; towards the north, 
 however, the line of its ancient quays has given way and sunk beneath the 
 waters, while the stream, turning its course westwards, has transferred to the 
 eastern bank the gardens and mounds originally on the opposite side.'* E-sagilla, 
 the temple of the lofty summit, the sanctuary of Merodach, probably occupied 
 
 ' Prepared by Thuillior, from a plan reproduced in G. Rawi-inson, Herodotiu, vol. ii. p. 473. 
 
 ' The first detailed description that we possess of the ruins of Babylon is that of J. C. Bich, 
 Voyage aux mines de Babylone, traduit et enrichi d^ohservatiotiB, avec det twUt explicative*, par J. 
 Raimond, amien consul de Bassora, Paris, 1818. They Lave been very carefully studied by Oppebt, 
 Expidilion en Mesopolamie, vol. i. pp. 135-254, who proposed identifications for the various divisions 
 of the ruins, all of which are not accepted at tlio present day. A very clear exposition of all the 
 facts relating to the subject is found in G. Rawlinson, On the Topography of Babylon {Herodotut, ii. 
 472-489). The difficulties raised could only be solved by systematic excavation, of which there is 
 
 plan op the BUINS of BABYLON.' 
 
22 
 
 TEE FIBST CEALB^AN EMPIRE. 
 
 the vacant space in the depression between the Babil and the hill of the Kasr.'' 
 In early times it must have presented much the same appearance as the 
 sanctuaries of Central Chaldaea : a mound of crude brick formed the sub- 
 structure of the dwellings of the priests and the household of the god, of the 
 shops for the offerings and for provisions, of the treasury, and of the apartments 
 for purification or for sacrifice, while the whole was surmounted by a ziggurat. 
 On other neighbouring platforms rose the royal palace and the temples of 
 lesser divinities,^ elevated above the crowd of private habitations. The houses 
 
 of the people were closely built around these stately piles, on either side of 
 narrow lanes. A massive wall surrounded the whole, shutting out the view on 
 all sides ; it even ran along the bank of the Euphrates, for fear of a surprise 
 from that quarter, and excluded the inhabitants from the sight of their own 
 river.* On the right bank rose a suburb, which was promptly fortified and 
 enlarged, so as to become a second Babylon, almost equalling the first in extent 
 and population. Beyond this, on the outskirts, extended gardens and fields^ 
 finding at length their limit at the territorial boundaries of two other towns, 
 
 no talk for the present : the little that has been undertaken in this direction has been accomplished 
 by HoEMUZD Eassam, Recent Discoveries of Ancient Babylonian Cities, in the Transactions of the 
 Biblical Arch. Soc, vol. viii. p. 184, et seq. 
 
 ' The temple of Merodach, called by the Greeks the temple of Belos, has been placed on the site 
 called Babil by the two Eawlinsons (On the Topography of Babylon, in G. Eawlinron, Herodotus, ii. 
 477-479 ; The Five Great Monarchies, 2nd edit., vol. iii., pp. 533-538) ; and by Oppert (Exp^ditimi en 
 M^sopotamie, vol. i. pp. 200-216) ; Hormuzd Eassam and Fr. Delitzsch locate it between the hill of 
 Junjuma and the Kasr, and consider Babil to be a palace of Nebuchadrezzar. 
 
 " As, for instance, the temple E-temenanki on the actual hill of Amra,n-ibn-Ali (Fe. Delitzsch, 
 Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 216), the temple of Shamash (Pognon, Les Inscriptions de I'Ouady Brissa, 
 pp. 15, 16), and others, which there will be occasion to mention later on in dealing with the second 
 Chaldsean empire. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from the engraving by Thomas in Perrot-Chipiez, Eistoire de I'Art, vol. 
 ii. pi. 1. 
 
 * The description of the walls of Babylon will be found hereafter when treating of the great 
 works undertaken by Nebuchadrezzar in the VI"" century B.C. 
 
 THE KASR SEEN FKOM THE SOtTH.^ 
 
THE ENVIRONS OF BABYLON. 
 
 23 
 
 Kutha and Borsippa, whose black outlines are visible to the east and south-west 
 respectively, standing isolated above the plain. Sippara on the north, Nippur 
 on the south, and the mysterious Agade, completed the circle of sovereign 
 states which so closely hemmed in the city of Bel.^ We may surmise with all 
 probability that the history of Babylon in early times resembled in the main • 
 that of the Egyptian Thebes.^ It was a small seigneury in the hands of petty 
 
 THE TELL OF BORSIPPA, THE PBESENT BIBS-NIMRUD.' 
 
 princes ceaselessly at war with petty neighbours : bloody struggles, with alter- 
 nating successes and reverses, were carried on for centuries with no decisive 
 results, until the day came when some more energetic or fortunate dynasty at 
 length crushed its rivals, and united under one rule first all the kiugdoms 
 of Northern and finally those of Southern Chaldaja.. 
 
 Tlie lords of Babylon had, ordinarily, a twofold function, religious 
 and military, the priest at first taking precedence of the soldier, but gra- 
 dually yielding to the latter as the town increased in power.* They were 
 merely the priestly representatives or administrators of Babel — shahannahu 
 
 " For these ueigbbouring towns of Babylon, cf. Maspebo, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 562, 503. 
 ' The history of Thebes is given, as far as is possible at present, in Maspkho, Dawn of 
 Civilization, p. 453. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after the plate published in Chesney, Tlie Expedition for the -Surrey 
 of the Ilivers Euphrates and Tigris, vol. ii. p. 25 ; Euphrates Expedition. 
 
 * The title of the kings of Babylon has been studied by Tiele, Babylonisch-Astyritche Geechichte, 
 pp. 491, 492, and by Winckler, Die Keilschrifltexte Sargons, p. xxxvi., note. Winokler believed 
 that tho title of sharru was only given, every year, to the sovereign of Babylon after " the taking 
 of the hands of Bel" (Getchichte Babyloniens und Assyriem, pp. 35, 36, 90, 127, 128): this belief 
 is correct only up to a certain point, as has been shown by Tiele {Zeilschrift fur Astyriologie, vol. viii. 
 p. 370). 
 
24 
 
 TEE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Bahili — and their authority was not considered legitimate until officially 
 confirmed by the god. Each ruler was obliged to go in state to the temple 
 of Bel Merodach within a year of his accession : there he had to take the 
 hands of the divine statue, just as a vassal would do homage to his liege, 
 •and those only of the native sovereigns or the foreign conquerors could 
 legally call themselves Kings of Babylon — sharru Bahili — who had not only 
 performed this rite, but renewed it annually.^ Sargon the Elder had lived 
 in Babylon, and had built himself a palace there ; hence the tradition of later 
 times attributed to this city the glory of having been the capital of the great 
 empire founded by the Akkadian dynasties.^ The actual sway of Babylon, 
 though arrested to the south by the petty states of Lower Chaldaea, had not 
 encountered to the north or north-west any enemy to menace seriously its 
 progress in that semi-fabulous period of its history. The vast plain extending 
 between the Euphrates and the Tigris is as it were a continuation of the 
 Arabian desert, and is composed of a grey, or in parts a whitish, soil impreg- 
 nated with selenite and common salt, and irregularly superimposed upon a 
 bed of gypsum, from which asphalt oozes up here and there, forming slimy pits. 
 Frost is of rare occurrence in winter, and rain is infrequent at any season ; the 
 sun soon burns up the scanty herbage which the spring showers have en- 
 couraged, but fleshy plants successfully resist its heat, such as the common 
 salsola, the salsola soda, the pallasia, a small mimosa, and a species of very 
 fragrant wormwood, forming together a vari - coloured vegetation which 
 gives shelter to the ostrich and the wild ass, and affords the flocks of the 
 nomads a grateful pasturage when the autumn has set in.^ The Euphrates 
 bounds these solitudes, but without watering them. The river flows, as far as 
 the eye can see, between two ranges of rock or bare hills, at the foot of which 
 a narrow strip of alluvial soil supports rows of date-palms intermingled here 
 and there with poplars, sumachs, and willows. Wherever there is a break 
 
 ■ The meaning of the ceremony in which the kings of Babylon "took the hands of Bel" has 
 been given by Winckler (Z>e inscriptione Sargonis regis Assyrise quas vacatur Annalium, thesis iv., and 
 Studien und Beitrdge zur Babylonisch-Assyrischen GescMcMe, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. 
 ii. p. 302, et seq., and Die Keilschrifltexte Sargons, p. xxxvi. ; cf. Lehmann, Schamaschsohumukin, 
 Konig von iJa%?ow(en, pp. 44-53); Tiele (Bahylonisch-Assyrisdlie GescMchte, -p^. 276, 516) compares 
 it very aptly with the rite performed by the Egyptian kings — at Heliopolis, for example, when they 
 entered alone the sanctuary of Ra, and there contemplated the god face to face. The rite was 
 probably repeated annually (Lehmann, Schamaschschumukin, pj). 51, 53; Winckler, Studien und 
 Beitrdge, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. ii. pp. 303, 304, and Untersuchungen zur Altorienta- 
 lischer GescMchte, p. 85), at the time of the Zakmuku, that is, the New Year festival. 
 
 ' Cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 597. According to Nabonidos and his contemporaries, 
 Sargon and Narainsin were kings of Babylon (Eawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 69, col. ii. 
 pp. 29, 30). 
 
 * This region, which comprises the second and third zones into which the country lying between 
 the Tigris and Euphrates may be divided, has been admirably depicted by Olivier, Voyage dans 
 I'Empire Othoman, VEgypte, la Perse, vol. ii. pp. 419-422 ; we are indebted to modern travellers for 
 precise details, but not any of them has studied the country with the method and power of 
 generalisation displayed by Olivier. 
 
THE EUPHRATES AND MESOPOTAMIA. 
 
 25 
 
 I K ATES AT ZULEIHEH.' 
 
 in the two cliffs, or where they recede from the river, a series of shadufs 
 takes possession of the bank, and every inch of the soil is brought under 
 cultivation.^ The aspect of the country remains unchanged as far as the 
 embouchure of the Khabur; but there a black alluvial soil replaces the 
 saliferous clay, and if only the water were to remain on the land in suffi- 
 cient quantity, the country would be unrivalled in the world for the abundance 
 and variety of its crops. The fields, which are regularly sown in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the small towns, yield magnificent harvests of wheat and barley : 
 while in the prairie-laud beyond the cultivated ground the grass grows so high 
 that it comes up to the horses' girths. In some places the meadows are so 
 covered with varieties of flowers, growing in dense masses, that the effect 
 produced is that of a variegated carpet ; dogs sent in among them in search 
 of game, emerge covered with red, blue, and yellow pollen.^ This fragrant 
 prairie-land is the delight of bees, which produce excellent and abundant 
 honey, while the vine and olive find there a congenial soil. The population 
 was unequally distributed in this region. Some half-savage tribes were 
 
 • Drawn by Boudier, from tlio plate in Chesney, The Expedition for tlie Survey of the Ilicers 
 Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i. p. i'J. 
 
 ' The description of the country bordering the Euphrates is given in detail by Oliviei:, Vot/uge 
 dans VEmpire Olhoman, vol. iii. p. 477, ct soq. Palm trees are numerous as far as Anuh (Chksnet, 
 Tlie Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i. p. 53); beyond that spot 
 they are only found in isolated groups as far as Deir, where they cease altogether (Ainsworth, 
 Researches in Aesyria, p. 72). 
 
 ' This fact was noticed in Assyria by Layard, Niruveh and its Remains, vol. i. p. 78 : more recent 
 travellers have assured me that it was equally true of the country bordering the Khabur. 
 
26 
 
 THE FIRST CEALD^AN EMPIRE. 
 
 accustomed to wander over the plain, dwelling in tents, and supporting life by 
 the chase and by the rearing of cattle ; but the bulk of the inhabitants were 
 concentrated around the affluents of the Euphrates and Tigris, or at the foot 
 of the northern mountains wherever springs could be found, as in Assur, 
 Singar, Nisibis, Tilli,^ Kharranu, and in all the small fortified towns and 
 nameless townlets whose ruins are scattered over the tract of country 
 between the Khabur and the Balikh. Kharranu, or Harran, stood, like an 
 advance guard of Chaldsean civilization, near the frontiers of Syria and Asia 
 Minor.2 To the north it commanded the passes which opened on to 
 the basins of the Upper Euphrates and Tigris; it protected the roads 
 leading to the east and south-east in the direction of the table-land of Iran 
 and the Persian Gulf, and it was the key to the route by which the commerce 
 of Babylon reached the countries lying around the Mediterranean. We have 
 no means of knowing what affinities as regards origin or race connected it 
 with Uru, but the same moon-god presided over the destinies of both towns, 
 and the Sin of Harran enjoyed in very early times a renown nearly equal to 
 that of his namesake. He was worshipped under the symbol of a conical 
 stone, probably an aerolite, surmounted by a gilded crescent,^ and the ground- 
 plan of the town roughly described a crescent-shaped curve in honour of 
 its patron.* His cult, even down to late times, was connected with cruel 
 practices; generations after the advent to power of the Abbasside caliphs, 
 his faithful worshippers continued to sacrifice to him human victims, whose 
 heads, prepared according to the ancient rite, were accustomed to give oracular 
 responses.^ The government of the surrounding country was in the hands of 
 princes who were merely vicegerents : ^ Chaldaean civilization before the 
 
 ' Tilli, the only one of these towns mentioned with any certainty in the inscriptions of the first 
 Chaldsean empire (cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civih'zaiion, p. 614, note 3), is tlie Tela of classical authors, 
 and probably the present Weraushaher, near the sources of the Balikh. 
 
 * Kharranu was identified by the earlier Assyriologists with the Harran of the Hebrews 
 {Gen. V. 12), the Carrhse of classical authors (Strabo, xvi. 1, § 23, p. 747 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist, v. 24), 
 and this identification is still generally accepted (Finzi, Ricerche per Jo studio dell' Antichita Assira, 
 pp. 268-270 ; Fb. Scheader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., pp. 134, 149) ; 
 cf., however, what is said on p. 65 of this work. 
 
 ^ Winokler (Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 83, 84) believes that the Sin of Harran is probably 
 a moon-god of the Semites, in contradistinction to Nannar of Uru, who would be more specially the 
 moon-god of the Sumerians. For the two Sins, cf. Sayce, The Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, 
 pp. 160-165, who gives his opinion with greater reserve. 
 
 * Sachau, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, p. 223 ; and Baal-Harrdii in einer Aliaramdischen 
 Inschrift auf einem Relief des Koniglichen Museums zu Berlin, p. 3. 
 
 * For the cultus of Sin at Harran, cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 658, 659. Without 
 seeking to specify exactly wliich were the doctrines introduced into Harranian religion subsequently 
 to the Christian era, we may yet affirm that the base of this system of faith was merely a very 
 distorted form of the ancient Chaldsean worship practised in the town. The information collected 
 with regard to their history by Chwolson, Die Ssabier, vol. i., has been completed by the text pub- 
 lished by DozY-GOEJE, Nouveaux Documents pour I'Aude de la religion des Harraniens, in the Actes 
 du 6" Congres des Orientalistes, tenu en 1883, a Leyde, 2nd part, sect. 1, pp. 281-366. 
 
 ^ Only one vicegerent of Blesopotamia is known at present, and he belongs to the Assyrian epocli. 
 His seal is preserved in the British Museum (Pinches, Guide to the Koyundjih Gallery, p. 128). 
 
THE FIRST BABYLONIAN DYNASTY. 
 
 27 
 
 beginnings of history had more or less laid hold of them, and made theia 
 willing subjects to the kings of Babylon.^ 
 
 These sovereigns were probably at the outset somewhat obscure personages, 
 without much prestige, being sometimes independent and sometimes subject to 
 the rulers of neighbouring states, among others to those of Agade. In later 
 times, when Babylon had attained to universal power, and it was desired ta 
 furnish her kings with a continuous history, the names of these earlier rulers were 
 sought out, and added to those of such foreign princes as had from time to time 
 enjoyed the sovereignty over them — thus forming an interminable list which 
 for materials and authenticity would well compare with that of the Thinite 
 Pharaohs.^ This list has come down to us incomplete, and its remains do not 
 permit of our determining the exact order of reigns, or the status of the 
 individuals who composed it. We find in it, in the period immediately subse- 
 quent to the Deluge, mention of mythical heroes, followed by names which are 
 still semi-legendary, such as Sargon the Elder ; the princes of the series were, 
 however, for the most part real beings, whose memories had been preserved 
 by tradition, or whose monuments were still existing in certain localities.^ 
 Towards the end of the XXV"' century before our era, however, a dynasty rose 
 into power of which all the members come within the range of history.* Th& 
 first of them, Sumuabim, has left us some contracts bearing the dates of one 
 
 " The importance of-Harran in the development of the history of the first Chaldwan empire was 
 pointed out by Winckleu, Geschichte Babyloniens und Astijrieiig, pp. 31, n. 2, H8-150, and AllorUn- 
 taliteher Forechungen, pp. 7i-'J7, 140, 230, 231 ; but tbo theory according to which this town was tl»e 
 capital of the kingdom, called by the Clialdwan and Assyrian scribes " the kingdom of the world " 
 (cf. Dawn of Civilization, p. 596, nolo 2), is justly combated by Tielo in the Zettichri/l fur 
 Aesyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 368-370. 
 
 ' For the composition of these dynasties, cf. Masi'ebo, Daicn of Civilization, pp. 236-242. 
 
 ' The kings subsequent to the Deluge are mentioned in the Dawnof Civiliziilion, p. 5'J2. 
 
 * This dynasty, wbicii is known to us in its entirety by the two lists of G. Smith {On Fragmentt 
 of an Inscription giving part of the Chronology from which the Canon of Berosus was copied, in the 
 Transactions of the Biblical Archajological Society, voL iii. pp. 365, 366, 372, 373) and by Pinches. 
 {The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in the Proceedings, 1883-84, p. 195), was legitimately 
 composed of only eleven kings, and was known as the Babylonian dynasty, although Sayce suspects 
 it to be of Arabian origin {Patriarchal Palestine, pp. vii., viii., 62-64). It is com|x>sed as follows :- 
 
 I. SumuabIm ... 15 2416-2401 VI. KuAMMi'iiABt . . 5.*) 2304-224:* 
 
 II. SuMULAiLU ... 35 2401-2366 VII. SamsuIluna. . . ;!5 2249-2214 
 
 III. Zabum 14 2366-2352 VIII. Abeshiku . 25 2214-2189 
 
 llmmeru'] < IX. Ammisataxa . . 25 2189-2164 
 
 IV. Abilsin 18 2352-2334 X. Ammizaduoga . 21 2164-2143 
 
 V. SiNMUBALLiT ... 30 2334-2304 XI. Samsusatana . . 31 2143-2112 
 
 The dates of this dynasty are not fixed with entire certainty. Uommel {Geschichte Babyloniens und 
 Assyriens, pp. 169, 173, 174, 351-353 ; cf. A Supplementary Note to Gibil-Gamish, in the Proceedings 
 of the Biblical Archteol. Soc, vol. xvi., 1893-94, p. 14) believes that the order of the dynasties has 
 been reversed, and that the first upon the lists we possess was historically the secoud; he thus places 
 the Babylonian dynasty between 2035 and 1731 B.C. His opinion has not been generally adopted, 
 but every Assyriologist dealing with this period proposes a different date for the reigns in this 
 dynasty ; to take only ono characteristic example, Khammurabi is placed by Oppert {The Heal 
 CliTonology and the True History of the Babylonian Dynasties, in the Babylonian and Oriental Becord, 
 vol. ii. 1). 108) in the year 2394-2339, by Delitzsch-Murdter {Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, 
 2nd edit., p. 85 and vol. i.) in 2287-2232, by Winckler {Untersuchungen zur Altorientalischen 
 
28 
 
 TEE FIRST CEALDJEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 or other of the fifteen years of his reign,^ and documents of public or private 
 interest abound in proportion as we follow down the line of his successors. 
 Sumulailu, who reigned after him, was only distantly related to his predecessor ; 
 but from Sumulailu to Samshusatana the kingly power was transmitted from 
 father to son without a break for nine generations, if we may credit the testi- 
 mony of the official lists.^ Contemporary records, however, prove that the course 
 of affairs did not always run so smoothly. They betray the existence of at least 
 one usurper — Immeru — who, even if he did not assume the royal titles, enjoyed 
 the supreme power for several years between the reigns of Zabu and Abilsin.^ 
 The lives of these rulers closely resembled those of their contemporaries of 
 Southern Chaldsea.* They dredged the ancient canals, or constructed new 
 ones ; ^ they restored the walls of their fortresses, or built fresh strongholds on 
 the frontier they religiously kept the festivals of the divinities belonging to 
 their terrestrial domain, to whom they annually rendered solemn homage.'' 
 They repaired the temples as a matter of course, and enriched them according 
 to their means ; we even know that Zabu, the third in order of the line of 
 sovereigns, occupied himself in building the sanctuary Bulbar of Anunit, in 
 Sippara.^ There is evidence that they possessed the small neighbouring 
 kingdoms of Kishu, Sippara, and Kuta, and that they had consolidated them 
 into a single state, of which Babylon was the capital. To the south their 
 
 GeschicMe, p. 35, and Geschiehte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, p. 60) in 2264-2210, and by Peiser (Zur 
 Babylonischen Clironologie, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. vi. p. 267) in 2139-2084, and by 
 Carl Niebuhr (Die Chronolocjie der Geichichte Israels, p. 74) in 2081-2026. 
 
 ' See the notice of some contracts of Sumuabim in Bruno Meissnek, Beifrdge zum altbahylonischen 
 Privatrecht, p. 4. 
 
 ^ Sumulailu, also written Samu-la-ilu, whom Mr. Pinches has found in a contract tablet associated 
 with Pungunila as king, was not the sou of Sumuabim, since the lists do not mention him as such ; 
 he must, however, have been connected by some sort of relationship, or by marriage, with his pre- 
 decessor, since both are placed in the same dynasty. A few contracts of Sumulailu are given by 
 Meissnek, Beitrdge zum altbahylonischen Privatrecht, p. 4. Samsuiluna calls him "my forefather 
 (d-gula-mu), the fifth king before me ' {Cyl. Sams. ii. 62-64). 
 
 ^ Bruno Meissnee, op. cit, p. 4. 
 
 ^ See the description given of these in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 617-619. 
 
 * Contract dated in " the year in which Immeru dug the canal Ashukhun " (Meissner, op, cit., 
 p. 22, n. 10) ; contract dated " the year of the canal Tutu-khegal " (Id., Hid., pp. 24, 25, 83, 84). The 
 exact site of Tutu-khegal is still unknown. 
 
 « Sumulailu had built six such large strongholds of brick, which were repaired by Samsuiluna 
 five generations later (Wincklek, Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Geschiehte, pp. 7, 142, and 
 Keilinschriftliche Bibliothelc, vol. iii. pp. 132, 133 ; Hommel, Geschiehte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, 
 p. 353). A fortress on the Elamite frontier, Kar-Dur-Abilsin, mentioned in a mutilated inscription 
 <Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. p. 38, No. 2, verso, 1. 64), had probably been built by Abilsin, 
 whose name it perpetuated (Fr. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossxer, pp. 67, 68 ; Hommel, Geschiehte 
 Bahyloniens und Assyriens, p. 355). A contract of Sinmuballit is dated the year in which he built 
 the great wall of a strong place, the name of which is unfortunately illegible on the fragment which 
 we possess (Meissnek, Beitrdge, etc., pp. 81, 82). 
 
 ' Contract of Sinmuballit, dated " the year of the throne of Sin " (Meissner, Beitrdge, etc., p. 70) ; 
 also " the year of Shamash and of Rammau " (Id., ibid., p, 72). 
 
 " Eawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 69, col. iii. 11. 28-31 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History of 
 Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Biblical Archaeological Society, vol. i. p. 34. Hommel, Ge- 
 schiehte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, p. 354, believes that the passage merely indicates the ruin of the 
 temple subsequent to the time of Zabu, and not by any means its restoration by that prince. 
 
KINGS ANTERIOR TO KHAMMURABL 
 
 2^ 
 
 possessions touched upon those of the kings of Uru, but the frontier was con- 
 stantly shifting, so that at one time an important city such as Nippur belonged 
 to them, while at another it fell under the dominion of the southern provinces. 
 Perpetual war was waged in the narrow borderland which separated the two 
 rival states, resulting apparently in the balance of power being kept tolerably 
 equal between them under the immediate successors of Sumuabim ^ — the- 
 obscure Sumulailu, Zabum, the usurper Immeru, Abilsin and Sinmuballit — 
 until the reign of Khammurabi (the son of Sinmuballit), who finally made it 
 incline to his side." The struggle in which he was engaged, and which, after 
 many vicissitudes, he brought to a successful issue, was the more decisive, 
 since he had to contend against a skilful and energetic adversary who had 
 considerable forces at his disposal. Rimsin ^ was, in reality, of Elamite race, 
 and as he held the province of Yamutbal in appanage, he was enabled to 
 muster, in addition to his Chaldaean battalions, the army of foreigners who had 
 conquered the maritime regions at the mouth of the Tigris and the Euphrates. 
 It was not the first time that Elam had audaciously interfered in the 
 
 ' None of these facts are as yet historically proved ; we may, however, conjecture with some- 
 probability what was the general state of things, when we remembtr that the first kings of Babylon 
 were contemporaries of the last independent sovereigns of Southern Chaldisa. 
 
 ' The name of this prince has been read in several ways— Hammurabi, Khammurabi, by the 
 earlier Assyriologists, subsequently Hamniuragash, Khnmmuragash, as being of Elamite or Cossseau 
 extraction: the reading Kliammurabi is at present the prevailing one. The bilingual list published 
 by Pinches {Notes on a New List of Early Babylonian Kings, in the Proceedings of the Biblical Archa;o- 
 logical Society, 1880-81, p. 38) makes Khammurabi an equivalent of the Semitic names Kimta-rapash- 
 tum. Henoo Halevy concluded that Khammurabi was a series of ideograms, and that Kimlarajjashtum 
 was the true reading of tlio name {Melanges de Critique et d'llistuire, p. 396 ; Ilecherchet bibliques, 
 pp. 254-258, 307-310; cf. Guyard, Lu QueMion Sumiro-Accadiinne, in ihe lieiue des Religiont, vol. v. 
 p. 274); his proposal, partially admitted by Hommel {Gishg<dlahi, Babylon, in the Proceedingt, 
 1892-93, vol. XV. p. 110; Assyriological Notes, in the Proceedings, 1893-94, vol. xvi. p. 212), furnishes 
 us with a mixed reading of Khammurapaltu, Amraphel. [llommel is now couvinced of the identity 
 of the Amraphel of Gen. xiv. 1 with Khammurabi. -Tn.] Sayce, moreover, adopts the reading 
 Khammurabi, and assigns to him an Arabian origin (Pa<riarc/ta/ Palestine, pp. vii.,viii., 62-64). The 
 part played by this prince was pointed out at an early date by Menant (^Inscriptions de Hammurabi, 
 roi de Bahylone, XVP siiclc avnnt J.-C, 1803). Recent discoveries have shown the important share 
 which ho had in developing the Ciiaidajan empire, and have increased his reputation with 
 Assyriologists (Tiele, Bahyloninch-Assyrische, pp.124, 127; UonnzL, Geschichte Babyloniens und 
 Assyriens, p. 407, et soq. ; DELiTZSCU-MiiuDTER, (leschiehte Bah. und Ass , 2nd edit., pp. 85-87 ; 
 WiNCKLER, Geschichte Bab. und Ass., pp. 60-65). 
 
 ' The name of this king has been the theme of heated discussions : it was at first pronounced 
 Aradsin, Ardusin, or Zikarsin (Opi ert, Expedition en M^sopotamie, vol. i. p. 261); it is now read in 
 several different ways — Rimsin (Delitzscu-Mlhdteb, Geschichte Bab. und Ass., 2nd edit., pp. 83, 84 ; 
 WiNCKLER, Geschichte Bab. und Ass., p. 48), or Eriaku, Riaku, Rimagu (Hommel, Gesch. Bab. u. Ass., 
 l>p. 362, 363; Die Semitischen Viilker und Sprache, p. 345; Halevy, Notes Sum€riennes, § 5, in the 
 Revue S^mitique, vol. ii. pp. 270-276 ; Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 65, et seq.). Others have 
 made a distinction between tho two forms, and have made out of them the names of two difien nt 
 kings (G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Biblical Arch. S(X'., vol. i. 
 pp. 42, 43, and 53-55, where tlie author preserves, side by side with Rimsin, Oppert's reading of 
 Ardusin, Aradsin; Fu. Delitzscu, Die Sprache der Kossxir, pp. 68, 69; Tiele, Bab. Astyrische Ge- 
 schichte, pp. 122-124). They are all variants of tho same name. I have adopted the form Rimsin, 
 which is preferred by a few Assyriologists. [The tablets recently discovered by Mr. Pinelie.-J, refer- 
 ring to Kudur-lagamar and Tudkhula, which he has published in a Paper read before the Victoria 
 Institute, Jan. 20, 1896, have shown that the true reading is Eri-Aku. The Elamite name Eri-Aku, 
 " servant of the moon-god," was clianged by some of his subjects into the Babylonian Rim-Sin, 
 " Have mercy, O Moon-god ! " just as Abcsukb, the Hebrew Abishu'a (" the father of welfare ") was 
 transformed into the Babylonian Ebisum (" the actor ").— Ed.] 
 
30 
 
 TEE FIRST CffALDJEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 affairs of her neighbours. In fabulous times, one of her mythical kings — 
 Khumbaba the Ferocious — had oppressed Uruk, and Gilgames with all his 
 valour was barely able to deliver the town.'^ Sargon the Elder is credited 
 with having subdued Elam ; the kings and vicegerents'of Lagash had measured 
 forces with Anshan as well as with Uru and Larsam, but with uncertain issue. 
 From time to time they obtained an advantage, and we find recorded in the 
 annals victories gained by Gudea, Ine-sin, or Bursin,^ but to be followed 
 only by fresh reverses ; at the close of such campaigns, and in order to seal 
 the ensuing peace, a princess of Susa would be sent as a bride to one of the 
 Chaldsean cities, or a Chaldaean lady of royal birth would enter the harem of a 
 king of Anshan.3 Elam was protected along the course of the Tigris and on 
 the shores of the Nar-Marratum by a wide marshy region, impassable except 
 at a few fixed and easily defended places.* The alluvial plain extending 
 behind the marshes was as rich and fertile as that of Chaldaea. Wheat and 
 barley ordinarily yielded an hundred and at times two hundredfold ; ^ the 
 towns were surrounded by a shadeless belt of palms ; ® the almond, fig, acacia, 
 poplar, and willow extended in narrow belts along the rivers' edge.' The 
 climate closely resembles that of Chaldaja : if the midday heat in summer is 
 more pitiless, it is at least tempered by more frequent east winds.® The ground, 
 however, soon begins to rise, ascending gradually towards the north-east. The 
 distant and uniform line of mountain-peaks grows loftier on the approach of the 
 traveller, and the hills begin to appear one behind another, clothed halfway 
 up with thick forests, but bare on their summits, or scantily covered with 
 meagre vegetation. They comprise, in fact, six or seven parallel ranges, 
 
 ^ Cf. what is said on this subject ia Maspeeo, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 579, 580. A much 
 mutilated text, published by A. Strong (Three Cuneiform Teats, in the Babylonian and Oriental 
 Record, vol. vi. pp. 4-9), appears to refer in the same way to some fabulous struggle between a very 
 ancient king of Chaldsea and a certain Khumbasitir, King of Elam. 
 
 Contract dated "the year in which the King Ine-Sin ravaged Anshan" (Scheil, Notes d'Jipig. 
 et d'ArcMologie Assyriennes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 37; cf. Constantinople, N. 394). 
 
 ' Contract dated "the year in which the king's daughter went to Anshan" (Soheil, Notes d'Epi- 
 -grapMe et d' Arckgologie Assyriennes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 38) ; an unpublished 
 contract of Constantinople is dated " the year in which the daughter of the King Ine-Sin became vice- 
 gerent in Anshan and in Markliasi," probably by marriage with the vicegerent of these countries. 
 The title of "vicegerent" used in this passage appears to denote that Anshan was subject to the 
 King Ine-Sin. 
 
 * The geography of Elam has been made the subject of minute study in the monograph by 
 BiLLEKBECK, Susa, eine Studie zur Alien GeschicMe Westasiens, pp. 1-23. 
 
 ' Stkabo, XV. 3, § 11, p. 731, who appears, however, to have taken his information in this case 
 from the stories of Aristobulus, which should always be received with caution. 
 
 " Strabo, XV. 3, § 10, p. 731 ; xvi. 1, § 5, p. 739. Assyrian sculptures show us that these grew 
 around the towns in the time of Assurbauipal as commonly as at the present day (Layard, Monu- 
 ments of Nineveh, vol. ii. pi. 49). 
 
 ' LoPTCS, Travels and Researches in Chaldasa and Susiana, pp. 270, 316. 
 
 * Stkabo, xv. 3, § 10, p. 731, again following Aristobulus, relates that in summer the heat at 
 midday is so excessive that snakes cannot cross the streets without running the risk of being literally 
 baked by the sun. Modern travellers have shown themselves less susceptible to a high temperature, 
 and have rarely left record of a day when the heat was unbearable (Loftus, Travels and Researches 
 in Chaldxa and Susiana, pp. 290, 307). 
 
THE CLIMATE AND RIVERS OF EL AM. 
 
 31 
 
 resembling natural ramparts piled up between the country of the Tigris and the 
 table-land of Iran. The intervening valleys were formerly lakes, having had 
 for the most part no communication v?ith each other and no outlet into the 
 sea. In the course of centuries they had dried up, leaving a thick deposit of 
 
 JIAl' or CHALD.EA AND ELAM. 
 
 mud in the hollows of their ancient beds, from which sprang luxurious and 
 abundant harvests.^ The rivers— the Uknu,'' the Ididi,^ and the Ulai* — 
 which water this region are, on reaching more level ground, connected by 
 
 ' Elisee Reclus, 0€ograpliie universelle, vol. ix. p. 1G8. 
 
 ' Tlie Uknu is the Kcrkhah of the present day, tlie Clioaspos of the Greeks (Fa. Delitzsch, Wo lag 
 dat Paradiesi pp. 193-196). 
 
 ' The IJidi was at first identified with the ancient Pasitigris (Finzi, Ricerche iiitonto all' Anti- 
 chita Assira, p. 281), which scholars then desired to distinguish from the Eulasos : it is now known 
 to be the arm of the Karun which runs to Dizful (Fit. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paraditsl p. 329), the 
 Koprates of classical times (Strabo, xv. 3, § 6, p. 729), which has sometimes been confounded with 
 ttie Eulffios. 
 
 * The Ulai, mentioned in the Hebrew texts {Dan. viiL 2, IG), the EuI»os of classical writers 
 
32 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIBE. 
 
 canals, and are constantly shifting their beds in the light soil of the Susian 
 plain : they soon attain a width equal to that of the Euphrates, but after a short 
 time lose half their volume in swamps, and empty themselves at the present 
 day into the Shatt-el-Arab. They flowed formerly into that part of the Persian 
 
 Gulf which extended as far as 
 p . " I Kornah, and the sea thus formed 
 
 i the southern frontier of the 
 
 \ I 
 
 . i kingdom.^ 
 
 j From earliest times this 
 ' 1 country was inhabited by three 
 
 ' distinct peoples, whose descen- 
 , / dants may still be distinguished 
 
 at the present day, and although 
 they have dwindled in numbers 
 and become mixed with elements 
 of more recent origin, the resem- 
 blance to their forefathers is still 
 very remarkable. There were, in 
 J ^ the first place, the short and robust 
 
 I people of well-knit figure, with 
 
 I i brown skins, black hair and eyes, 
 
 who belonged to that negritic 
 race which inhabited a consider- 
 able part of Asia in prehistoric 
 , , , . ^ times.^ These prevailed in the 
 
 lowlands and the valleys, where the 
 
 AN ANCIENT SUSIAN OF NEGRITIC EACE.^ xwvrxo, oiv ^ j , 
 
 warm, damp climate favoured their 
 development ; but they also spread into the mountain region, and had pushed 
 their outposts as far as the first slopes of the Iranian table-land. They there 
 came into contact with a white-skinned people of medium height, who were 
 probably allied to the nations of Northern and Central Asia— to the Scythians, 
 
 (Akrian, Anahasif, vii. 7 ; Diodorus Sicdlus, xix. 19), also called Pasitlgris (Arkian, Hist. Ind., xiii. ; 
 Stbabo, XV. 3, § 46, pp. 718-729 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat, vi. 31). It is the Karun of the present day (Fe. 
 Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 329), until its confluence with the Shaur, and subsequently the 
 Shaur itself, which waters the foot of the Susian hills. 
 
 ' For the ancient limits of the Persian Gulf and the alluvial deposits which have gradually filled 
 it from early times, cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 548, 549. 
 
 2 The connection of the negroid type of Susians with the negritic races of India and Oceania, 
 suspected by Quatrefages-Hamy, Crania Ethnica, pp. 152, 166, has been proved, in the course of 
 M. Dieulafoy's expedition to the Susian plains and the ancient provinces of Elam, by the researches 
 of Fe. Hotjssay, Les Eaees humaines de la Perse, pp. 28-45, 48 ; cf. Dieclafot, L'Acropole de Suse, 
 pp. 7, 8, 10, 11, 27-33, 30, 37. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief of Sargon II. in the Louvre. 
 
THE PEOPLES AND THE CITIES OF ELAM. 
 
 33 
 
 NATIVE OF MIXED NEGBITIC RACE FKOSI SUSFANA.* 
 
 for instance, if it is permissible to use a vague term 
 employed by the Ancients.^ Semites of the same 
 stock as those of ChaldDea pushed forward as far 
 as the east bank of the Tigiis, and settling mainly 
 among the marshes led a precarious life 
 by fishing and pillaging.^ The country 
 of the plain was called Anzan, or Anshan,^ 
 and the mountain region Numma, or 
 Ilamma, " the high lands : " these two 
 names were subsequently used to denote 
 the whole country, and Ilamma has sur- 
 vived in the Hebrew word Elam.* Susa, the 
 most important and flourishing town in the 
 kingdom, was situated between the Ulai and 
 the Ididi, some twenty-five or thirty miles from the nearest of the mountain 
 
 ' This last-mentioned people is, by some autliora, for reasons which, so far, can liardly be con- 
 sidered conclusive, connected with the so-called Sumerian race, which we lind settled in Chaldtea 
 (cf. Masfero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 550, 551). Tliey are said to have been the first to employ 
 horses and chariots in warfare (Billeiibeck, Susa, p. 24). 
 
 ' From the earliest times we meet beyond the Tigris with names like that of Durilu (cf. Maspebo, 
 Dawn of Civilization, p. 598), a fact which proves the existence of races speaking a Semitic dialect in 
 the countries under the suzerainty of the King of Elam : in the last days of the ChaldaBnn empire they had 
 assumed such importauce that the Hebrews made out Elam to be one of the sons of Shorn (Gfii. x. 22). 
 
 ' Anzau, Anslian, and, by assimilation of the nasal with the sibilant, Ashshan. This name has 
 already been mentioned in the inscriptions of the kings and vicegerents of Lagash (cf. Maspebo, Dawn 
 of Civilization, pp. G03, GIO) and in the Booh of Prophecies of the ancient Chaldajaii astronomers ; it 
 also occurs in the royal preamble of Cyrus and his ancestors (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. y. pi. 
 35,11. 12, 21), who like him were styled "kings of Ansh&n." It had been applied to the whole 
 country of Elam (Halevy, Melanges de Critique et d'Uisloire, pp. G, 7, 117-119, 129, 130), and after- 
 wards to Persia (Amiacd, Cyrus, roi de Perse, in the Mdanges Renter, pp. 243-260; Ofpebt, in the 
 Gettingische gelehrte Ameigen, 1881, No. 40, 1254-5G, where the author questions the identify of 
 /Vnshan with Anzan, regarding the latter word as the name of Elam, and the former as that of a 
 Persian town, Pasargadie or Marrhasion); others are of opinion that it was tlio name of a part of 
 Elam, viz. that inhabited by the Turanian Medes who spoke the second language of the Acliaame- 
 nian inscriptions (Delattbe, Le Peuple et la Langue des Perses, pp. 44, et seq.), tlie eastern half 
 (H. Rawlinson, Notes on a Clay Cylinder of Cyrus the Great, in the J. It. As. S., new series, vol. xii. 
 pp. 70-97, where the author connects the name with a town called Assan, mentioned as being in the 
 neighbourhood of Shuster ; Tiele, Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, p. 4G9), bounded by the Tigris 
 and the Persian Gulf, consisting of a flat and swampy land (Sayce, The Languages of the Cun. Inscr. 
 of Elam, in the Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. p. 475, and The Inscriptions of Mai-Amir, i)p. 4, 5). 
 These differences of opinion gave rise to a heated controversy; it is now, however, pretty generally 
 admitted that Anzftn-Anshan was really the plain of Elam, from the mountains to the sea, and one 
 set of authorities affirms that the word Anzftn may have meant " plain " in the language of the 
 country (Oppert, Les Inscriptions en langue susiemie, in the M^m. du Congres internal, des Orientalistes 
 de Paris, vol. ii. p. 194 ; cf. Fb. Deutzsch, Wo lag das Parodies 1 p. 326), while others hesitate as 
 yet to pronounce definitely on this point (Weissbacii, Anzanisehe Inschriften, in the Ahhandlungen of 
 the Sax. Academy of Sciences, vol. xii. p. 137; vol. xiv. p. 736). 
 
 * The meaning of "Numma," "Ilamma," "Ilamtu," in tlie group of words used to indicate Elam, 
 had been recognised even by the earliest Assyriologists; tlie name originally referred to the hilly 
 country on the north and east of Susa (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiesi p. 320). To the 
 Hebrews, Elam was one of the sons of Shem (Gen. x. 22). The Greek form of the name is Elymais, 
 and some of the classical geographers were well enough acquainted with the meaning of the word to 
 bo able to distinguish the region to which it referred from Susiana proper : 'EKvuai (var. 'ZKu/jiats), 
 Xupa 'Affavpiwv irpbi t»7 UtptriKyj rfj! iovaiSos iyyvt (STEPHEN OF Byzantii'M, s. v. I.). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph furnished by Marcel Dieulafoy. 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 TEE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 ranges. Its fortress and palace were raised upon the slopes of a mound which 
 overlooked the surrounding country : ^ at its base, to the eastward, stretched 
 the town, with its houses of sun-dried bricks.^ Further up the course of 
 
 THE TUMULU 
 
 the Uknu, lay the following cities : Madaktu, the Badaca of classical authors,* 
 rivalling Susa in strength and importance; Naditu,^ Til-Khumba,^ Dur- 
 Undash,'^ Khaidalu,** — all large walled towns, most of which assumed the title 
 of royal cities.^ Elam in reality constituted a kind of feudal empire, composed 
 
 ■ Susa, in the language of the country, was called Shushun (Oppert, Les Inscriptions en langue 
 susienne, Essai d' interpretation, in the M^moires du Congres international des Orientalistes de Paris, 
 vol. ii. p. 179); this name was transliterated into Chaldijeo- Assyrian, by Shushan, Shushi (Fb. 
 Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 326, 327). 
 
 2 On the site of the citadel, cf. M. Dieulafoy, L'Acropole de Suse, p. 117, et seq. Strabo (xv. 
 3, § 2, p. 728) tells us, on the authority of Polycletus, that the town had no walls in the time of 
 Alexander, and extended over a space two hundred stadia in length ; in the VII"' century B.C. it 
 was enclosed by walls with bastions, which are shown on a bas-relief of Assurbanipal, but it was 
 surrounded by unfortified suburbs (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. ii. pi. 49). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after a plate in Chesney's Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers 
 Tigris and Euphrates, vol. ii. p. 356. It represents the tumulus of Susa as it appeared prior to the 
 excavations of Loftus and the Dieulafoys. 
 
 * Madaktu, Mataktu, the Badaka of Diodorus (xix. 19), situated on tlie Eulseos, between Susa 
 and Ecbatana, has been placed by Eawlinson {The Five Great Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 173, No. 3) near 
 the bifurcation of the Kerkhah, either at Paipul or near Aiwan-i-Kherkah, where there are some 
 rather important and ancient ruins; Billerbeck (Susa, pp. 71, 72) prefers to put it at the mouth of 
 the valley of Zal-fer, on the site at present occupied by the citadel of Kala-i-Eiza. 
 
 ' Naditu is identified by Finzi (Ricerche intorno alio Studio dell' Antichita Assira, p. 298) with 
 the village of Natanzah, near Ispahan ; it ought rather to be looked for in the neighbourhood of Sarna. 
 
 * Til-Khumba, the Mound of Khumba, so named after one of the principal Elamite gods, was, per- 
 haps, situated among the ruins of Budbar, towards the confluence of the Ab-i-Kirind and Kerkhah, 
 or possibly higher up in the mountain, in the vicinity of Asmanabad (Billerbeck, Susa, p. 72). 
 
 ' Dur-Undash, Dur-Undasi, has been identified, without absolutely conclusive reason, with the 
 fortress of Kala-i-Dis on the Disful-Kud (Billerbeck, Susa, p. 72). 
 
 ^ Khaidalu, Khidalu, is perhaps the present fortress of Dis-Mulkan (Billerbeck, Susa, p. 72). 
 
 0 E.g. Madaktu (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pi. 5, 11. 13, 72, 81), Naditu (lD.,{bid., 1. 77), 
 Dur-Undasi (Id., ibid., 1. 94), Khidalu (Id., pi. 3, 1. 49). 
 
THE LANGUAGE AND THE GODS OF EL AM. 
 
 35 
 
 of several tribes — the Habardip, the Khushshi,^ the Umliyash, the people of 
 Yamutbal and of Yatbur ^ — all independent of each other, but often united under 
 the authority of one sovereign, who as a rule chose Susa as the seat of govern- 
 ment. The language is not represented by any idioms now spoken, and its 
 affinities with the Sumerian which some writers have attempted to establish, 
 are too uncertain to make it safe to base any theory upon them.^ The little 
 that we know of Eiamite religion reveals to us a mysterious world, full of strange 
 names and vague forms.^ Over their hierarchy there presided a deity who was 
 called Shushinak (the Susian), Dimesh or Saraesh, Dagbag, Assiga, Adaene, and 
 possibly Khumba and Umman, whom the Chaldaeans identified with their god 
 Ninip ; ■' his statue was concealed in a sanctuary inaccessible to the profane, but 
 it was dragged from thence by Assurbanipal of Nineveh in the VII"' century B.c.^ 
 
 ' Stbabo, xi. 13, § 3, (j, pp. 523, 524, on tlio authority of Nearchus, an admiral under Alexander, 
 divides the peoples of Susiana into four races of brigands— the Mardi, Uxiane, Eljuijeans, and 
 CosssBans. The Mardi or Amardians are the Habardip of the Assyro-Chaldsean inscriptions, the 
 Khapirti-Apirti of the Susian and Achajmenian texts, who inhabited the region to the north-east of 
 ^Susa, where are the monuments of Mai-Amir (Nomas, Scylhic Version of the Dehittun Inscription in 
 the Journ. H. As. Soc, vol. xv. pp. 4, 164; Sayce, The Languages of the Cuneiform Liscriptions of 
 Elam and Media, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archajology, vol. iii. p. 4G8, and Tfie 
 Inscriptions of Mai- Amir, pp. 0-9) ; the Uxians are the Khushshi (Oppert, Les InscriiAions en langue 
 lusienm, Essai d' interpretation, in the Memoires du Congres international des Orientalittes de Paris, 
 •vol. ii. p. 183), and the Elymojans are the Elaraites (cf. p. 33, note 3, of the present work). The 
 identity of the Cossoeans will be discussed at greater length on pp. 113-120 of this volume. 
 
 * The countries of Yatbur and Yamutbal extended into the plain between the marshes of the 
 Tigris and the mountain ; the town of Durilu was near the Yamutbal region, if not in that country 
 itself (Fk. Delitzscu, Wo lag das Paradies f p. 230; Hummel, Geschichle liabyloniens und Assyriens, 
 pp. 342, 354, who derives this name from that of Mutabil, governor of Durilu). Umliyash lay 
 between the Uknu and the Tigris (Fii. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies i pp. 230, 231). 
 
 ' A great part of the Susian inscriptions have been collected by Fu. Lenoumant, Choix de Texiei 
 cungi/ormes in^dits, pp. 115-141. They have been studied successively by Oppert, Les Inscriptions 
 en langue susienne, Essai ^interpretation (in the Memoires du Congres international de* Orientaliste* 
 de Paris, 1873, vol. ii. pp. 79-21G) ; by Sayce, Tlte Languagesof the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Elam (in 
 the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archasology, vol. iii. pp. 465-485), and Tlie Inscriptions of 
 Mai-Amir and the Language of the Second Column of the Achmmenian Inscriptions (in the Actes du 
 sixieme Congres des Orientalistes, tenu en 1SS3 a Leyde, vol. ii. pp. C37-75G); subscijuently by Weiss- 
 haoh, Amanische Inschrif ten (ia the Ahhandlungen der Kgl. Sdchsischen Gesellscliafl der Wissenschaften, 
 vol. xii. pp. 119-150), and Neue Beitrage zur Kunde der Susischen Inschriften (voL xiv. pp. 731-777 of 
 the same); by Qlentin, Textes Susiens (in the Journal Asiatique, 1891, vol. xvii. p. 150, et seq.) ; 
 and lastly by Winckler, Zu den altsmischen Inschriften (in the ZeiUchrift fur Assyriologie, vol. vi. 
 pp. 317-326). An attempt has been made to identify the language in which they are written with 
 ihe Sumero-accadian (Lenormant, La Magie chez les Clmldeens, pp. 322-328, and La Langue primitive 
 de la Chaldee, pp. 313-316), and authorities now generally agree in considering the Achtemenian 
 inscriptions of the second type as representative of its modern form, cf. Weissbach, Atuanische In- 
 schriften, pp. 149, 150. Hommel (Geschichle Babyloniens und Atsyriens, pp. 40, 47, 274, ot seq., and 
 Die Sumero-Akkadische Sprache, in the Zeitichrift fur Keilschriftforschung, vol. i. i)p. 330-340) 
 connects it with Georgian, and includes it in a great linguistic family, which comprises, besides 
 these two idioms, the Hittite, the Cappadocian, the ^\j-menian of the Van inscriptions, and the 
 Cosssean. Oppert claims to have discovered on a tablet in the British Museum a list of words 
 belonging to one of the idioms (probably Semitic) of Susiana, which differs alike from the Suso-Medic 
 and the Assyrian (ia Langue des Elamites, in the Eevue d' Assyriologie, vol. i. pp. 45-49). 
 
 * There arc only about twenty lines or so on the religion of the Elamites iu Fb. Lesormant's La 
 Magie chez les Chaldeens, p. 321, note 1, and a page in Fb. Delitzsch's Die Sprache derKossder, pp. 42,43. 
 
 ' H. Kawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. ii. pi. 57, 11. 46-50 ; Fr. Delitzscu, Die Sprache der 
 KostSer, p. 42, after the text published by Rawlinsou. 
 
 ' Shushinak is an adjective derived from the name of the town of Susa. The real name of the 
 god was probably kept secret and rarely uttered. The names which appear by the side of Shushinak 
 
36 
 
 TEE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 This deity was associated with six others of the first rank, who were divided into 
 two triads — Shumudu, Lagamaru, Partikira ; Ammankasibar, Uduran, and 
 
 f , — — -, 1 Sapak : of these names, the least repellent, 
 
 Ammankasibar, may possibly be the Memnon of 
 the Greeks.^ The dwelling of these divinities 
 was near Susa, in the depths of a sacred forest to 
 which the priests and kings alone had access j 
 their images were brought out on certain days 
 to receive solemn homage, and were afterwards 
 carried back to their shrine accompanied by a 
 devout and reverent multitude. These deities 
 received a tenth of the spoil 
 'j after any successful campaign — 
 the offerings comprising statues 
 of the enemies' gods, valuable 
 vases, ingots of gold and silver, 
 furniture, and stuffs.^ The 
 Elamite armies were well or- 
 and under a skilful 
 general became irresistible. In 
 other respects the Elamites 
 closely resembled the Chal- 
 daeans, pursuing the same indus- 
 A,N i^LAMiJi. ILLS , 'i.N,\\Lii\( lu iiiL II M 1 \ i.MiTAK. ^^^.^^ havlug thc saffic agrl" 
 
 cultural and commercial instincts. In the absence of any bas-reliefs and 
 inscriptions peculiar to this people, we may glean from the monuments of 
 Lagash and Babylon a fair idea of the extent of their civilization in its 
 earliest stages. 
 
 The cities of the Euphrates, therefore, could have been sensible of but little 
 change, when the chances of war transferred them from the rule of their native 
 princes to that of an Elamite. The struggle once over, and the resulting evils 
 
 in the text published by H. Eawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pi. 57, 11. 46-50, as equivalents of 
 the Babyloniaa Ninip, perhaps represent different deities ; we may well ask whether the deity may 
 not be the Khumba, Umma, Umman, who recurs so frequently in the names of men and places, and 
 who has hitherto never been met with alone in any formula or dedicatory tablet. As to the sanctuary 
 in which he resided, cf. Eawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pi. 6, 11. 30, 31. 
 
 • Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pi. 6, 11. 33-36 ; cf. G. Smith, History of Assurbanipal, 
 p. 228, and Jensen, Inschriften Aschurbanipal's, in the Keilinschriflliche Bibliotheh, vol. ii. p. 205. 
 Fr. Lenormant was inclined to think that Ammankasibar represented a solar god and Uduran a 
 lunar god (ia Magie ehez les Chalde'ens, p. 319, n. 1). 
 
 ^ Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pi. 6, 11. 65-69, describing the sack of Susa by Assurbanipal. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief in Layard's Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. 
 pi. 65. 
 
KUDUR-NAKEUNTA CONQUERS URUK AND LARSAM. 
 
 37 
 
 repaired as far as practicable, the people of these towns resumed their usual 
 ways, hardly conscious of the presence of their foreign ruler. The victors, for 
 their part, became assimilated so rapidly with the vanquished, that at the 
 •close of a generation or so the conquering dynasty was regarded as a 
 legitimate and national one, loyally attached to the traditions and religion 
 of its adopted country. In the year 2285 B.C., towards the close of the 
 reign of Nurramman, or in the earlier part of that of Siniddinam,^ a King 
 of Elam, by name Kudur-nakhunta,^ triumphantly marched through Chaldaea 
 from end to end, devastating the country and sparing neither town nor 
 temple : Uruk lost its statue of Nana, which was carried off as a trophy 
 find placed in the sanctuary of Susa. The inhabitants long mourned the 
 detention of their goddess, and a hymn of lamentation, probably composed 
 for the occasion by one of their priests, kept the remembrance of the disaster 
 fresh in their memories. " Until when, oh lady, shall the impious enemy 
 ravage the country ! — In thy queen-city, Uruk, the destruction is accom- 
 plished, — in Bulbar, the temple of thy oracle, blood has flowed like water, — 
 upon the whole of thy lands has he poured out flame, and it is spread abroad 
 like smoke. — Oh, lady, verily it is hard for me to bend under the yoke of 
 misfortune ! — Oh, lady, thou hast wrapped me about, thou hast plunged me, 
 in sorrow ! — The impious mighty one has broken me in pieces like a reed, — 
 and I know not what to resolve, I trust not in myself, — like a bed of reeds 
 I sigh day and night! — I, thy servant, I bow myself before thee!"^ It 
 would appear that the whole of Chaldaea, including Babylon itself, was 
 forced to acknowledge the supremacy of the invader;* a Susian empire thus 
 
 ' Cf. Maspisuo, Dawn of Civilization, p. 619, for a summary of the littlo we know iu regard to 
 the reigns of Nurramml,n and Siniddinam. 
 
 ' G. Smith, Ilintory of Jssurbanipal, pp. 249-251, where Assurbanipal tells how he recovered, at 
 Susa, the statue of Nanfi,, which King Kudurnankhundi had carried oil' 163o years (other copies of 
 the same text give 1535 years) before his time. This document, discovered by G. Smith {Egyptian 
 Campaigns of Etarhaddon and Asuur-lani-pal in the Zeittchri/l fiir Jigyplieche Sprache, 1808, pp. 
 115, 116), has enabled historians to establish approximately the chronology of the first Babylonian 
 empire. As we do not know the date of the capture of Susa by Assurbanipal, the possible error in 
 regard to the date of this Kudurnankhundi is about twenty years, more or less; the invasion of 
 <3haldasa falls, therefore, between 2275 and 2295 B.C. if we accept the figures 1635, or between 2175 
 and 2195 if wo take 1535 to be correct. Kudurnankhundi is a corruption of the name Kuduruakhuuta, 
 which occurs in the Susiun inscriptions. As Kudur, or rather Kutur, means nrvant (Sayck, The 
 Languages of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Elam, iu the Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
 Archaeology, vol. iii. p. 476), Kuduruakhuuta signifies " servant of the goddess Nakhunla." 
 
 ' Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 19, No. 3; cf. Fk. Lenohmant, Etudes Accadiennet, 
 vol. iL pp. 101-106, and vol. iii. pp. 36, 37 ; Hommel, Die Semitischen Vdlkcr, p. 225, and Geschichte 
 Babyloniens und Assyrians, p. 345. Another relic of this conquest has been discovered by Hilprecut, 
 Tho Babylonian Expedition, vol. i. p. 31 ; it is an agate tablet dedicated toNinft, for the life of Dungi, 
 King of Uru, by an unknown vicegerent, carried off into Elam, and recovered some time in the XV" 
 century by Kurigalzu. 
 
 * The submission of Babylon is evident from the title Adda Martu, " sovereign of the ^Ye8t," 
 assumed by several of the Elamite princes (cf. p. 47 of tho present work) : in order to extend his 
 authority beyond the Euphrates, it was necessary for the King of Elam to be first of all master of 
 
38 
 
 TEE FIB ST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 absorbed Chaldaea, reducing its states to feudal provinces, and its princes to 
 humble vassals. Kudur-nakhunta having departed, the people of Larsa 
 exerted themselves to the utmost to repair the harm that he had done, and 
 they succeeded but too well, since their very prosperity was the cause only 
 a short time after of the outburst of another storm. Siniddinam, perhaps, 
 desired to shake off the Elamite yoke. Simtishilkhak, one of the successors of 
 Kudur-nakhunta, had conceded the principality of Yamutbal as a fief to Kudur- 
 mabug, one of his sons. Kudur-mabug appears to have been a conqueror of 
 no mean ability, for he claims, in his inscriptions, the possession of the whole 
 of Syria.^ He obtained a victory over Siniddinam, and having dethroned him, 
 placed the administration of the kingdom in the hands of his own son Eimsin.^ 
 This prince, who was at first a feudatory, afterwards associated in the govern- 
 ment with his father, and finally sole monarch after the latter's death, married 
 a princess of Chaldsean blood,^ and by this means legitimatized his usurpation in 
 the eyes of his subjects. His domain, which lay on both sides of the Tigris 
 and of the Euphrates, comprised, besides the principality of Yamutbal, all the 
 towns dependent on Sumer and Accad — Uru, Larsa, Uruk, and Nippur. He 
 acquitted himself as a good sovereign in the sight of gods and men : h& 
 repaired the brickwork in the temple of Nannar at Uru ; * he embellished 
 the temple of Shamash at Larsa, and caused two statues of copper to be cast 
 in honour of the god ; he also rebuilt Lagash and Girsu.^ The city of TJruk 
 had been left a heap of ruins after the withdrawal of Kudur-nakhunta: he 
 set about the work of restoration, constructed a sanctuary to Papsukal, raised 
 the ziggurat of Nana, and consecrated to the goddess an entire set of temple 
 
 Babylon. In the early days of Assyriology it was supposed that this period of Elamite supremacy 
 coincided with the Median dynasty of Berosus (G. Eawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, vol. i.. 
 p. 159, et seq. ; Oppeet, Histoire des Empires de Chald^e et d'Assyrie, pp. 10-13). 
 
 ' His preamble contains the titles adda Marlu (Kawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 2, No. 3^ 
 1. 4), "prince of Syria; " adda lamuthal (Id., ibid., pi. 5, No. 16, 1. 9), "prince of Yamutbal." The 
 word adda seems properly to mean " father," and the literal translation of the full title would pro- 
 bably be '■'■father of Syria," "father of Yamutbal," whence the secondary meanings " master, lord, 
 prince" (G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
 Archseology, vol. i. p. 42), which have been provisionally accepted by most Assyriologists. Tiele 
 {Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschiehte,^^. 123, 124), and Winckler after him (JJntersuchungen zur altori- 
 entalischen Geschichte, p. 37, n. 2), have suggested that Martu is liere equivalent to Yamutbal, and 
 that it was merely used to indicate the western part of Elam ; Winckler afterwards rejected this 
 hypothesis, and has come round to the general opinion {Altorientalische Forschungen, p. 143, et seq.,. 
 and Geschichte Israels, vol. i. pp. 130, 131). 
 
 ' In regard to the reading of the word Eimsin, cf. p. 29, n. 3, of the present work. His preamble 
 contains the titles " Benefactor of Uru, King of Larsa, King of Shumir and of Accad " (Eawlinson,. 
 Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 5, No. 16, 11. 5-7), " mighty shepherd of Nippur " (Fe. Lenokmant, Ghoix 
 de Textes Cuneiformes in€dits, No. 70, p. 164, 1. 11). 
 
 ' "WiNCKLEK, Sumer und Accad, in the Mittheilungen des Ale. Orient. Vereins zu Berlin, vol. i. p. 17. 
 Her name, which has been mutilated, was compounded with that of the goddess Ninni (1. 13). 
 
 * Bricks bearing his name, brought from Mugheir, now in the British Museum (Kawlinson, Cun. 
 Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 2, No. 3; pi. 5, No. 16); stone plaque from the same source (Id., ibid., pi. 3^ 
 No. 10). 
 
 ' Kawlinson, Cun. Lis. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 26, Nos. 13, 14 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History cf Baby- 
 lonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archseology, vol. 1. p. 55. 
 
KIMSIN AND KEAMMURABI. 
 
 39 
 
 furniture to replace that carried off by the Elamites.^ He won the adhesion of 
 the priests by piously augmenting their revenues, and throughout his reign dis- 
 played remarkable energy.^ Documents exist which attribute to him the reduction 
 of Durilu, on the borders of Elam and the Chaldsean states ; ^ others contain dis- 
 creet allusions to a perverse enemy who disturbed his peace in the north, and 
 whom he successfully repulsed.* He drove Sinmuballit out of Ishin,^ and this 
 victory so forcibly impressed his contemporaries, that they made it the starting- 
 point of a new semi-official era ; twenty-eight years after the event, private con- 
 tracts still continued to be dated by reference to the taking of Ishin. Sinmu- 
 ballit's son, Khammurabi, was more fortunate. Kimsin vainly appealed for help 
 against him to his relative and suzerain Kudur-lagamar, who had succeeded 
 Simtishilkhak at Susa. Eirasin was defeated, and disappeared from the scene of 
 action, leaving no trace behind him, though we may infer that he took refuge in 
 his fief of Yamutbal." The conquest by Khammurabi was by no means achieved 
 at one blow, the enemy offering an obstinate resistance. He was forced to 
 destroy several fortresses, the inhabitants of which had either risen against him 
 or had refused to do him homage, among them being those of Meir ' and ^lalgu." 
 
 ' Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. A»., vol. iv. pi. 35, No. 6, 11. 16, 17 ; cf. Hommel, Geschichte Bahy- 
 loniens und Assyrieng, p. 359 ; Wikckleb, Imchriften von KSnigen von Sumer und Accnd, in tht> 
 Ketlingehriftliche Bihliothek, vol. iii. pp. 96-99, No. 0. 
 
 " Rawlinson, Cun. Ing. W. As., vol. i. pi. 3, No. 10 ; cf. Smith, Early Higtory of Babylonia, in the 
 Trangaclions, vol. i. p. 53; Fh. Lenormant, £ludeg Accadiennes, vol. ii. pp. 351-353; Winckleh. 
 Inschri/len von KSnigen von Sumer und Accad, in the Keilinschri/tliche Bibliotheh, vol. iii. pp. 94, 95. 
 
 » Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 18; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, 
 in the Proceedings, vol. i. p. 55; Homsiel, Oeschichie Bdbylonieng und Assyriens, p. 2G1. 
 
 * Contract dated "tho year in whicli King Rimain [vanquished] tlie perveisc, the enemies" 
 (Meissner, Beitrdge zwn allbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 17, 95, 9C); the scribe left the phrase in- 
 complete, the remainder of the formula being suflBciently familiar at the time for the reader 
 to supply it for liimsclf. A variant, indicating that it was a time of peace, is found on another 
 contract of tho same year (Rawlixson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 2; cf. G. Smith, Early 
 Higlory, in the Transacliong Bib. Arch. Soc, vol. i. p. 55; Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens, etc , 
 p. 361). Many Assyriologists regard this as indicating a defeat suflfered by Khammurabi (G. Smith, 
 Early History of Baln/lonia, in the Transactions, vol. i. pp. 55-57). The contract published by Meissnbb, 
 Beitrdge zum altbabyl. Privatrecht, pp. 32, 33, proves that the event took place under Sinmuballit. 
 This prince is there stated to have been then alive, an oath in the body of the document being sworn 
 by him and by the town of Sippar, but the date is that of " the year of tho taking of Ishin." 
 
 ' Contracts dated " tho taking of Ishin " (Meissneii, Beitrdge zum altljabyl. Privatrecht, pp. 32, 33), 
 the year V. (G. Smith, Early History, p. 51), the year VI. (Meissseu, Beitrdge, pp. 40, 41), the years VII., 
 VIII., XIII., XVIII., XXVIII. (G. Smith. Early History, p. 54, where the name is transcribed Karrak). 
 
 • This is a contract dated the year in which Khammurabi defeated Rinisin, tiianks to the help of Anu 
 and Bel (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 21 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, 
 in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archieology,vo\.i. p. 57; Hommel, Gesdtichle Babyloniens 
 U7id Assyriens, pp. 361, 362) ; Jensen (Inschriften aus der Zeit Hammurabi's, in tlio Keilinschriftliclie 
 Bibliotheh, vol. iii. p. 127, note) is, so far as I know, alone in believing that we cannot with any 
 certainty deduce from this passage that Rimsin was really defeated by Khammurabi. A notice of the 
 wars of Rimsin and Kudur-lagamar has been discovered by Pinches (Hommel, Aug der Babylonischen 
 Alterthumskunde, in Die Aula, 1705, vol. i. pp. 551, 552 ; Sayce, Recent Discoveries in Babylonian and 
 Egyptian History, in tho Academy, Sept. 7, 1895, p. 189, and Patriarchal Palestine, iip. v., vi., 61-70). 
 
 ' Mairu, Meir, has been identified with Shurippak (Fu. Delitzsch, TTo lag das Paradies i p. 224 : 
 Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyrieng, p. 414) ; but it is, rather, the town of Mar, now Tell-Id. 
 A and Lagamal, the Elamite Lagamar, were worshipped there. It was tho seat of a linen manu- 
 facture, and possessed largo shipping (Meissneii, Beitrdge zum altbabylonigchen Privatrecht, p. 18). 
 
 ' Contract dated "the year in which King Khamniurnbi, by order of Anu and Bel, destroyed the 
 
40 
 
 THE FIB ST GEALD^AN EMPIRE. 
 
 When the last revolt had been put down, all the countries speaking the 
 language of Chaldasa and sharing its civilization were finally united into 
 a single kingdom, of which Khammurabi proclaimed himself the head. 
 Other princes who had preceded him had enjoyed the same opportunities, but 
 their efforts had never been successful in establishing an empire of any dura- 
 tion ; the various elements had been bound together for a moment, merely to 
 be dispersed again after a short interval. The work of Khammurabi, on the 
 contrary, was placed on a solid foundation, and remained unimpaired under his 
 successors. Not only did he hold sway without a rival in the south as in the 
 north, but the titles indicating the rights he had acquired over Sumer and 
 Accad were inserted in his Protocol after those denoting his hereditary pos- 
 sessions, — the city of Bel and the four houses of the world. Khammurabi's 
 victory marks the close of those long centuries of gradual evolution during which 
 the peoples of the Lower Euphrates passed from division to unity. Before his 
 reign there had been as many states as cities, and as many dynasties as there 
 were states ; after him there was but one kingdom under one line of kings.^ 
 
 Khammurabi's long reign of fifty-five years has hitherto yielded us but a 
 small number of monuments — seals, heads of sceptres, alabaster vases, and 
 pompous inscriptions, scarcely any of them being of historical interest. He was 
 famous for the number of his campaigns, no details of which, however, have 
 come to light, but the dedication of one of his statues celebrates his good 
 fortune on the battle-field. " Bel has lent thee sovereign majesty : thou, what 
 awaitest thou ? — Sin has lent thee royalty : thou, what awaitest thou ? — Ninip 
 has lent thee his supreme weapon : thou, what awaitest thou ? — The goddess of 
 light, Ishtar, has lent thee the shock of arms and the fray : thou, what awaitest 
 thou? — Shamash and Ramman are thy varlets : thou, what awaitest thou? — 
 It is Khammurabi, the king, the powerful chieftain — who cuts the enemies in 
 pieces, — the whirlwind of battle — who overthrows the country of the rebels — 
 who stays combats, who crushes rebellions, — who destroys the stubborn like 
 images of clay, — who overcomes the obstacles of inaccessible mountains." ^ The 
 majority of these expeditions were, no doubt, consequent on the victory which 
 
 walls of Mairu and the walls of Malka " (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 43 ; cf. 
 G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 
 vol. i. p. 59, where Malka, Malgai, is called Malalnak ; Jensen, Inschriften aus der Eegierungszeit 
 Hammurabi's, in the KeilinschriftlicJie Bihlioiheh, vol. iii. pp. 128, 129; Meissneb, Beitrdge zum 
 altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 29, 30, 118, where the name is written E-alkaa, Bit-alka) ; contracts 
 dated simply from the taking of Mairu (Meissneb, Beitrdge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 51, 85). 
 
 ' DELiTZSCH-MiiEDTEE, GescUclite Babyloniens und Assyriens, 2nd edit, pp. 85-87 ; Tiele, Baby- 
 lonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, pp. 124-127 ; Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 406- 
 415 ; WiNCKLEE, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 60-65. 
 
 " Amiaud, Une Inscription bilingue de Hammourabi, roi de Babylone, du XV" au XX" siecle avant 
 J.-C, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. i. pp. 180-190, and L' Inscription bilingue de Hammourabi, in the 
 Revue d'Assyriologie,\o\. ii. p. 10; cf. Jensen, Inschriften aus der Regierungszeit Hammurabi's, in the 
 Keilinschriflliche BibliotheJc, vol. iii. pp. 110-117. 
 
THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF KHAMMURABI. 
 
 41 
 
 destroyed the power of Rimsin. It would not have sufficed merely to drive 
 back the Elamites beyond the Tigris ; it was necessary to strike a blow within 
 their own territory to avoid a recurrence of hostilities, which might have 
 endangered the still recent work of conquest. 
 Here, again, Khammurabi seems to have met 
 with his habitual success. Ashnunak was a border 
 district, and shared the fate of all the provinces 
 on the eastern bank of the Tigris, being held | 
 sometimes by Elam and sometimes by Chaldaea; ' 
 properly speaking, it was a country of Semitic 
 speech, and was governed by viceroys owning 
 allegiance, now to Babylon, now to Susa.^ Kham- 
 murabi seized this province,'-^ and permanently 
 secured its frontier by building along the river a line ^'^'^^ " 
 
 INO ^ 
 
 of fortresses surrounded by earthworks.'^ Following 
 the example of his predecessors, he set himself to restore and enrich the temples. 
 The house of Zamama and Ninni, at Kish, was out of repair, and the ziggurat 
 threatened to fall ; he pulled it down and rebuilt it, carrying it to such a 
 height that its sumnlit " reached the heavens." Merodach had delegated to him 
 the government of the faithful, and had raised him to the rank of supreme ruler 
 over the whole of Chaldoea. At Babylon, close to the great lake which served 
 as a reservoir for the overflow of the Euphrates, tlie king restored the sanctuary 
 of Esagilla, the dimensions of which did not appear to him to be proportionate 
 to the growing importance of the city. " He completed this divine dwelling 
 with great joy and delight, he raised the summit to the firmament," and then 
 
 ' PoGNON, Quelques Itoia du pays d'Achnounnah (in the Mus^on, 1892, pp. 249-253), discovered 
 inscriptions of four of the vicegerents of Ashnunak, which he assigns, with some hesitation, to the 
 time of Khammurabi, rather than to that of the kings of Telloh. Three of tliese names are Semitic, 
 the fourth Sumcrian ; tlie language of the inscriptions bears a resemblance to the Semitic dialect of 
 Chaldaoa (cf. Pinches, Discoveries in Ashnunuah; in the Vabylonian and Oriental Record vol vi 
 pp. 66-68). 
 
 ' Proof of his conquest of these two countries is afforded by inscriptions on contracts dated "the 
 year in which Ashnunak was inundated, under King Khammurabi " (Rawlinso.v, Gun. Ins W. As 
 vol. iv. pi. 36, Nos. 38, 39 ; cf. G. Smith, Earhj History of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the 
 Society of Biblical Arch a)ology, vol. i. pp. 58, 59; Meissneb, Beitriige zum altbahylonischen PriiatrecM, 
 pp. 30-47, 48, 69; Scueil, Notes d'Epigraphie et d' Arcli€ologie Asoynennes, in the Recueilde Travaux, 
 vol. xvii. p. 35). Ashnunak, or Ishuunak, is, according to some documents, the same country as 
 Umliyash (Fit. Delitzscu, Wo lag das Paradiesi pp. 230, 231); the probability is, however, that it 
 was originally an independent province, subsequently incorporated with Umliyash. 
 
 ' Contract dated «' the year of the great wall of Kar-Shamash " (G. Smith, Early HUtory of Baby- 
 Ionia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archfcology, vol. i. p. 59; Meissxek, Beitriige 
 zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 34, 35, 51, 56). 
 
 « Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a rapid sketch made at the British Museum. 
 
 » Rawluison, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 34; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, 
 in tiio Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. i. p. 58; Meissneh, Beilrage zum 
 altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 44-46 ; Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens and Assyriens, p. 411. The 
 temple was called Emitiursagga, " the house of the image of the god Ninip ; " Zamama of Kish, being 
 identified with Ninip (F«. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Parodies f). Ninni, like Nanft, is a form of I'shtar 
 
42 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EBIPIRE. 
 
 enthroned Merodach and his spouse, Zarpanit, within it, amid great festivities.^ 
 He provided for the ever-recurring requirements of the national religion 
 by frequent gifts ; the tradition has come down to us of the granary for wheat 
 which he built at Babylon, the sight of which alone rejoiced the heart of the 
 god.^ While surrounding Sippar with a great wall and a fosse, to protect its 
 earthly inhabitants,^ he did not forget Shamash and Malkatu, the celestial 
 patrons of the town. He enlarged in their honour the mysterious Ebarra, the 
 sacred seat of their worship, and " that which no king from the earliest times 
 had known how to build for his divine master, that did he generously for 
 Shamash his master." * He restored Ezida, the eternal dwelling of Merodach, 
 at Borsippa ; ^ Eturkalamma, the temple of Anu, Ninni, and Nana, the suzerains 
 of Kish ; ^ and also Ezikalamma, the house of the goddess Ninna, in the village 
 of Zarilab.'^ In the southern provinces, but recently added to the crown, — at 
 Larsa,^ Urnk, and Uru, — he displayed similar activity. He had, doubtless, a 
 political as well as a religious motive in all he did ; for if he succeeded in 
 winning the allegiance of the priests by the prodigality of his pious gifts, 
 
 ' Mutilated copy of an inscription of Khammurabi from the library of Assurbanipal (Kawlinson, 
 Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 18, No. I, in the Transactions, vol. i. pp. 56-59 ; see Hommel, GescMchte 
 Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 410, 411). 
 
 ^ Jensen, Inschriften aus der Begierungszeit Hammurabi's, in the Eeilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 
 vol. iii. pp. 120-123 ; it is a copy of an ancient text made by a scribe of the later Assyrian epoch. 
 
 ' Cylinder of Khammurabi, col. i. 11. 10-19. Contract dated " the year in which the foundations 
 of the wall of Sippara were laid " (Meissner, Beitrdge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 31, 32). 
 
 * Menant, Une Nouvelle Inscription de Hammourabi, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 73- 
 85 ; Pe. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossder, pp. 73, 74 ; Hojimel, GescMchte Babyloniens und 
 Assyriens, p. 410 ; Jensen, Inschriften aus der Begierungszeit Hammurabi's, in the Keilinschriftliche 
 Bibliothek, vol. iii. pp. 124-127. 
 
 ' Cylinders in the British Museum published and translated by Strassmaier-Wincklee, Einige 
 neuveroffentlichte Texte Hammurdbis, Nabopolassars und Nebuhadnezars, in the Zeitschrift fUr Assyrio- 
 logie, vol. ii. pp. 118-123, 174-176; cf. Jensen, Inschriften aus der Begierungszeit Hammurabi's, in 
 the Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, vol. iii. pp. 116-121. Mention is made of this restoration by 
 Nabonidus, who boasts that he found some of Khammurabi's cylinders among the foundations 
 (Bezold, Two Inscriptions of Nabonidus, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 
 1888-89, vol. xi. pp. 94, 95, 99, 100 ; cf. Peisee, Inschriften Nabonid's, in the Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 
 vol. iii. pp. 90, 91). 
 
 ^ Eawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, Nos. 35-37 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Baby- 
 lonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. i. p. 58 ; Hommel, GescMchte 
 Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 411 ; Meissner, Beitrdge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 88, 89. 
 
 ' Eawlinson, Gun. Lis. W. As., vol. i. pi. 4, No. 15, 1 ; cf. Menant, Inscriptions de Hammourabi, 
 roi de Babylone, pp. 72-79, and Babylone et la Ghaldg'e,p. 109; G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, 
 in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. i. p. 60 ; Fr. Lenormant, Etudes 
 Accadiennes, vol. ii. pp. 356-360 ; Amiaud, Une Inscription non-s^mitique de Hammourabi, in the 
 Journal Asiatique, 1883, vol. xx. pp. 231-244 : Jensen, Inschriften aus der Begierungszeit Hammu- 
 rabi's, in the Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, vol. iii. pp. 106-109. The ordinary reading of the name 
 of the town in which Khammurabi built this temple is Zarilab or Zerlab (cf. Maspeeo, Dawn of 
 Givilization, p. 562); a text mentioned by Zimmern {Einige Bemerkungen zu den Babylonischen 
 KSmgsinschriften, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. ii. p. 97) seems, however, to indicate Hallabi 
 as being the proper reading, and this has been adopted by Jensen. The town ought in that case to 
 be sought for in the neighbourhood of Sippara. 
 
 ^ Brick from Senkereh in the British Museum, Eawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 4, No. 
 XV. 2 ; cf. Oppert, Expedition en Mfyopotamie, vol. i. p. 257 ; Menant, Inscriptions de Hammourabi, 
 pp. 68-71 ; Fr. Lenormant, Etudes Accadiennes, vol. ii. pp. 355, 356 ; Jensen, Inschriften aus der 
 Begierungszeit Hammurabi's, in the Keilinichriftliohe Bibliothek, vol. iii. pp. 110, 111. 
 
KHAMMUEABI BEGULATES THE SYSTEM OF CANALIZATION. 43 
 
 he could count on their gratitude in securing for him the people's obedience, 
 and thus prevent the outbreak of a revolt. He had, indeed, before him 
 a difficult task in attempting to allay the ills which had been growing 
 during centuries of civil discord and foreign conquest. The irrigation 
 of the country demanded constant attention, and from 
 earliest times its sovereigns had directed the work 
 with real solicitude ; but owing to the breaking 
 up of the country into small states, their respec- 
 tive resources could not be combined in sucli 
 general operations as were needed for controlling 
 the inundations and effectually remedying the excess 
 or the scarcity of water. Khammurabi witnessed the 
 damage done to the whole province of Umliyash b' 
 one of those terrible floods which still sometimes ravage 
 the regions of the Lower Tigris,^ and possibly it may have 
 been to prevent the recurrence of such a disaster that he under- 
 took the work of canalization. He was the first that we know of 
 who attempted to organize and reduce to a single system the com- 
 plicated network of ditches and channels which intersected the; 
 territory belonging to the great cities between Babylon and the 
 sea.^ Already, more than half a century previously, Siniddinam had 
 enlarged the canal on which Larsa was situated,-' while Eimsin had 
 provided an outlet for the " River of the Gods " into the Persian Gulf: ''' by the 
 junction of the two a navigable channel was formed between the Euphrates and 
 the marshes, and an outlet was thus made for the surplus waters of the inun- 
 dation. Khammurabi informs us how Anu and Bel, having confided to him the 
 government of Sumer and Accad, and having placed in his hands the reins of 
 power, he dug the N^r-Khammurabi, the source of wealth to the people, which 
 brings abundance of water to the country of Sumir and Accad. " I turned both 
 
 ' Contracts dated the year of an inundation which laid waste Umliyash (Meissner, Beilrage 
 zum aUbahylonigohen Privatrecht, p. 30) ; cf. in our own time, the inundation of April 10, 1831, which 
 in a single night destroyed half the city of Bagdad, and in which fifteen thousand persons lost their 
 livee either by drowning or by the collapse of tlieir houses. 
 
 » P. Delattue, in Travaux hydrauUquet en Babylonie, pp. 33-37, was the first to estimate the 
 canal works of Khammurabi at their true value. 
 
 ' Rawunson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 5, Xo. x.\., 11. 1-19 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Baby- 
 lonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical ArchsBology, vol. u pp. 44, 45 ; Delattbe, Le» 
 Travaux hydrauliques en Babylonie, pp. 32, 33. Another passage referring to this canal is found on 
 a cylinder published and translated by Fb. Delitzsch, Ein Thonkegel Siniddinam's, in the BeitrSge 
 zur Aisyriologie, vol. i. pp. 301, 302. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph published by Hilpuecht, Tlie Babylonian] Expe- 
 dition of the University of Penmylvania, vol. i. pi. i.\., No. 20. 
 
 ' Contract dated " the year the Tigris, river of the gods, was canalized down to the sea " (Meissnkb, 
 Beiir&ge turn allbabylonischen Privatrecht, p. 44 ; cf. G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, in the 
 Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archmology, vol. i. p. 55) ; ».e. as far as the point to which 
 the sea then penetrated in the environs of Kornah. 
 
 FRAGMENT OF . 
 CLAY SEAL OF 
 KHAMMURABI.* 
 
44 
 
 THE FIBST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 its banks into cultivated ground, I heaped up mounds of grain and I furnished 
 perpetual water for the people of Sumir and Accad. The country of Sumer 
 and Accad, I gathered together its nations who were scattered, I gave them 
 pasture and drink, I ruled over them in riches and abundance, I caused them 
 to inhabit a peaceful dwelling-place. Then it was that Khammurabi, the 
 powerful king, the favourite of the great gods, I myself, according to the 
 prodigious strength with which Merodach had endued me, I constructed a high 
 fortress, upon mounds of earth ; i,ts summit rises to the height of the mountains, 
 at the head of the Nar-Khammurabi, the source of wealth to the people. This 
 fortress I called Dur-Sinmuballit-abim-ualidiya, the Fortress of Sinmuballit, 
 -the father who begat me, so that the name of Sinmuballit, the father who begat 
 me, may endure in the habitations of the world." ^ This caual of Khammurabi 
 ran from a little south of Babylon, joining those of Siniddinam and Eitnsin, and 
 probably cutting the alluvial plain in its entire length.^ It drained the stag- 
 nant marshes on either side along its course, and by its fertilising effects, the 
 ■dwellers on its banks were enabled to reap full harvests from the lands which pre- 
 viously had been useless for purposes of cultivation. A ditch of minor importance 
 pierced the isthmus which separates the Tigris and the Euphrates in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Sippar.^ Khammurabi did not rest contented with these ; a system 
 of secondary canals doubtless completed the whole scheme of irrigation which he 
 had planned after the achievement of his conquest, and his successors had merely 
 to keep up his work in order to ensure an unrivalled prosperity to the empire. 
 
 Their efforts in this direction were not unsuccessful. Samsuiluna, the son 
 of Khammurabi, added to the existing system two or three fresh canals, one at 
 least of which still bore his name nearly fifteen centuries later ; * it is men- 
 tioned in the documents of the second Assyrian empire in the time of 
 
 • Menant, Imcripttona de EammouraM, roi de Bahylone, pp. 13-66, and Manuel de la langue 
 Assyriemie, 2ud edit., pp. 306-313; Jensen, Inschriften aus der Eegierungszeit Hammurabi's, in the 
 Keilinschriftliche BiUiothelc, vol. iii. pp. 122-125. The inscription is now preserved in the Louvre. 
 TMany contracts are dated from the year in which this caual was finished (Meissnek, Beitrage zum 
 althabylmischen Privatrecld, pp. 23, 48, 86). 
 
 2 Delattee, Les Travaux liydrauliques en Bahylonie, pp. 35, 36, is of opinion that the canal dug 
 by Khammurabi is the Arakhtu of later epochs (Fe. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies 1 pp. 74-76), 
 ■which began at Babylon and extended as far as the Larsa canal. It must therefore be approxi- 
 mately identified with the Shatt-en-Nil of the present day, which joins Shatt-el-Kaher, the canal of 
 Siniddinam. 
 
 2 Cylindre de Rammourahi, col. i. 11. 20-23, in Wincklek-Stkassmaiek, Einige neuveroffentliche 
 Texte Hammurahis, Nahopolaisars, und Nebucadnezars, in the Zeitschri/t fur Assyriologie, vol. ii. 
 ipp. 118-123, wliere it is evidently not the Euphrates which is meant, as Winckler seems to think (of. 
 Ein Text Nahopolassars, in the Zeitschri/t fUr Assyriologie, vol. ii. p. 74). The canal which Kham- 
 murabi caused to be dug or dredged may be the Ni-r-Malka, or "royal canal" (Winckler, Ein Text 
 Nabopolassars, p. 70; Delattre, Les Travaux liydrauliques en Bahylonie, p. 36), which ran from the 
 Tigris to the Euphrates, passing Sippar on the way. The digging of this canal is mentioned in a 
 contract (Meissnee, Beitrage zum altbahylonischen Privatrecld, pp. 89, 90). 
 
 * Contracts dated " the year of the Nar-Samsuiluna-nagab-nukhshi," i.e. " Caual of Samsuiluna, 
 source of riches " (G. Smith, Early History of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical 
 Archaeology, vol. i. pp. 62, 63; Hommel, Gescliichte Babyloniens und Assyrians, p. 416; Meissnee, 
 Jieitrdge zum altbabylonisclien Privatrecld, pp. 53, 54 ; cf. Delattre, Les Travaux liydrauliques en 
 
THE LAST KINGS OF TEE BABYLONIAN BTNASTY. 45 
 
 Assurbanipal, and it is possible that traces of it may still be found at the 
 present day. Abieshukh,^ Ammisatana,^ Ammizadugga,^ and Samsusatana/ all 
 either continued to elaborate the network planned by their ancestors, or applied 
 themselves to the better distribution of the overflow in those districts where 
 cultivation was still open to improvement. We should know nothing of these 
 kings had not the scribes of those times been in the habit of dating the con- 
 tracts of private individuals by reference to important national events. They 
 appear to have chosen by preference incidents in the religious life of the 
 country ; as, for instance, the restoration of a temple, the annual enthronisation 
 of one of the great divinities, such as Shamash, Merodach, Ishtar, or Nana, as 
 the eponymous god of the current year,'' the celebration of a solemn festival,^ or 
 the consecration of a statue ; ' while a few scattered allusions to works of forti- 
 fication show that meanwhile the defence of the country was jealously watched 
 over.^ These sovereigns appear to have enjoyed long reigns, the shortest 
 extending over a period of five and twenty years; and when at length the death 
 
 Babylotiie, p. 37). The annalistic tablet S'. IG ia the museum of Constant inople gives, after the year 
 in which the king dug the canal, that in which " tlio canal gave abundance." The canal in question 
 is mentioned in a list of canals and rivers from the library of Assurbanipal (Rawlinson, Cun. Ini. 
 W. As., vol. ii. pi. 51, No. 2, recto, 1. 51 ; cf. Delitzscu, Wo la<j das Paradieii p. 190; Delattkk, 
 Le» Travaux hydrauKques en Babylonie, pp.37, 48). 
 
 ' Abishukh (the Hebrew Abishua) is the form of the name which wo find in contemporary 
 contracts (WiNCKLEn, Aliorientaluche Forschumjen, p. 284 ; Meissneh, Beitriije mm altbabylonischen 
 Privatrecht, pp. 4, 17, 18). The official lists contain the variant Ebishu, Eblshum. 
 
 * The name has been transcribed Aramiditana (Delitz.sch-Mukdteu, Geseh. Bab. uud Atsyrient, 
 2nd edit., p. 88; Homsiel, Geschichte Babyloniem uml Asgyriens, pp. 416, 417); others prefer 
 Ammisatana (Pinches, Text of Ammimtana, King of Babylon, in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, 
 vol. V. pp. 102-105 ; WiNCKLEU, Geschichte Babyloniem und Attyriens, p. 06). The N4r- Ammisatana 
 is mentioned in a Sippar contract (Meissneh, Beitrdge, etc., p. 28). Another contract is dated "the 
 year in which Ammisatana, the king, repaired the canal of Sanisuiluna " (Id., ibid., p. 59). 
 
 • This was, at first, read Ammididugga (Fr. Dehtzsoh, Die Sprache der KosfSer, p. 70, n. 6). 
 Ammizadugga is mentioned in the date of a contract as having executed certain works— of what 
 nature it is not easy to say — on the bunks of the Tigris (Meisssku, Beitrdge zum aWjabylonitchen 
 Priiatrccht, pp. 61, 02); another contract is dated "the year in which Ammizadugga, the king, by 
 supreme command of Shamash, his master, [dug] the Nar-Ainmizaditgga-nukhus-ni»hi (canal of Am- 
 mizadugga), prosperity of men" (Id, liiiJ., pp, 80. 87). In the Miuaeau inscriptions of Southern 
 Arabia tlie name is found under the form of Ammi-Zaduq. 
 
 ♦ Sometimes erroneously read Samdiusatana (but see Winckler, Geschichte Babyloniens und 
 Assyriens, p. 60) ; but, as a matter of fact, wo havo contracts of that time, in wliich a royal name 
 is plainly written as Samsusiitana (Meissneh, Beitrdge, etc., p. 45). 
 
 * Contracts of tho time of Ammizadugga, dated from the enthronement of Shamash and Merodiwli 
 (Meissner, Bntrdge, etc., pp. 18, 19), or from " the year in whicli ho proclaimeil, in tho temple at 
 Enamtila, a god" whose name is uncertain (Id., ibid., pp. 41. 42). 
 
 • Contract dated "the year in which Samsuiluna, tlio king, made the true light" (Meissneh, 
 Beitrdge, etc., pp. 80, 81). At present wo havo no e.\act knowledge of what this ceremony was. 
 
 ' Contracts dated the year in whicli Samsuiluna placed tho statues plated with gold before 
 Merodach, iu Esagilla at Babylon (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 36, Nos. 66, 67), or 
 in Ebabbara at Larsa, before Shamash (Id., ibid., pi. 36, No. 58); cf. G. Smith, Early History of 
 Babylonia, in tho Transactions of tho Society of Biblical ArchsBology, vol. i. pp. 63, 64). 
 
 " Samsuiluna repaired the fivo fortresses which his ancestor Sumulailu had built (Winckler 
 Samsuiluna, in the Keilinsohriflliche BMiolliek, vol. iii. pp. 130-133; cf. p. 28, n. 0. of tho present 
 work). Contract dated " the year in which Ammisatana, the king, built Dur- Ammisatana, near the 
 
46 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of any king occurred, lie was immediately replaced by his son,^ tlie notaries' 
 acts and the judicial documents which have come down to us betraying no 
 confusion or abnormal delay in the course of affairs. We may, therefore, 
 conclude that the last century and a half of the dynasty was a period of peace 
 and of material prosperity. Chaldaea was thus enabled to fully reap the advan- 
 tage of being united under the rule of one individual. It is quite possible 
 that those cities — Uru, Larsa, Ishin, Uruk, and Nippur — which had played 
 so important a part in the preceding centuries, suffered from the loss of their 
 prestige, and from the blow dealt to their traditional pretensions. Up to this 
 time they had claimed the privilege of controlling the history of their country, 
 and they had bravely striven among themselves for the supremacy over the 
 southern states; but the revolutions which had raised each in turn to the 
 zenith of power, had never exalted any one of them to such an eminence as to 
 deprive its rivals of all hope of supplanting it and of enjoying the highest 
 place. The rise of Babylon destroyed the last chance which any of them had 
 of ever becoming the capital ; the new city was so favourably situated, and 
 possessed so much wealth and so many soldiers, while its kings displayed 
 such tenacious energy, that its neighbours were forced to bow before it and 
 resign themselves to the subordinate position of leading provincial towns. 
 They gave a loyal obedience to the officers sent them from the north, and 
 sank gradually into obscurity, the loss of their political supremacy being some- 
 what compensated for by the religious respect in which they were always 
 held. Their ancient divinities — Nana, Sin, Anu, and Ea — were adopted, if we 
 may use the term, by the Babylonians, who claimed the protection of these 
 gods as fully as they did that of Merodach or of Nebo, and prided them- 
 selves on amply supplying all their needs. As the inhabitants of Babylon had 
 considerable resources at their disposal, their appeal to these deities might be 
 regarded as productive of more substantial results than the appeal of a merely 
 local kinglet. The increase of the national wealth and the concentration, 
 under one head, of armies hitherto owning several chiefs, enabled the rulers, 
 not of Babylon or Larsa alone, but of the whole of Chaldaea, to offer an 
 invincible resistance to foreign enemies, and to establish their dominion 
 in countries where their ancestors had enjoyed merely a precarious sove- 
 reignty. Hostilities never completely ceased between Elam and Babylon ; if 
 
 Sin river " (Meisskee, Beitrdge zum altlabylonischen Privatrecht, pp. 26, 27), and " the year in which 
 Ammisatana, the king, gave its name to Dur-Iskunsin, near the canal of Ammisatana" (Id., ibid., 
 p. 28). Contract dated " the year in which the King Ammisatana repaired Dur-Iskunsin " (Id., ibid., 
 p. 63). Contract dated the year in which Samsuiluna caused " the wall of Uru and Uruk " to be 
 built (Constantinople, unpublished, but communicated by Father Scheil). 
 
 • See p. 27, n. 4, of the present work for a table of the dynasty as preserved in the ofBcial lists ; 
 the reign of the usurper Immeru has beea interpolated between Zabum and Abilsin, this being the 
 place assigned to him by the contracts. 
 
THE ELAMITES IN SYRIA, KUDUli-LAGAMAR. 
 
 47 
 
 arrested for a time, they broke out again in some frontier disturbance, at times 
 speedily suppressed, but at others entailing violent consequences and ending 
 in a regular war. No document furnishes us with any detailed account of 
 these outbreaks, but it would appear that the balance of power was maintained on 
 the whole with tolerable regularity, both kingdoms at the close of each genera- 
 tion finding themselves in much the same position as they had occupied at its 
 commencement. The two empires were separated from south to north by the 
 sea and the Tigris, the frontier leaving the river near the present village of 
 Amara and running in the direction of the mountains. Durilu probably fell 
 ordinarily under Chaldaean jurisdiction. Umliyash was included in the original 
 domain of Khammurabi, and there is no reason to believe that it was evacuated 
 by his descendants.^ There is every probability that they possessed the plain 
 east of the Tigris, comprising Nineveh and Arbela, and that the majority of 
 the civilized peoples scattered over the lower slopes of the Kurdish mountains 
 rendered them homage. They kept the Mesopotamian table-land under their 
 suzerainty, and we may affirm, without exaggeration, that their power extended 
 northwards as far as Mount Masios, and westwards to the middle course of the 
 Euphrates. 
 
 At what period the Chaldaeans first crossed that river is as yet unknown. 
 Many of their rulers in their inscriptions claim the title of suzerains over Syria, 
 and we have no evidence for denying their pretensions. Kudur-mabug pro- 
 claims himself " adda " of Martu, Lord of the countries of the West,^ and we 
 are in the possession of several facts which suggest the idea of a great Elamite 
 empire, with a dominion extending for some period over Western Asia, the 
 existence of which was vaguely hinted at by the Greeks, who attributed its glory 
 to the fabulous Mcmnou.'' Contemporary records are still wanting which might 
 show whether Kudur-mabug inherited these disttint possessions from one of his 
 predecessors — such as Kudur-nakhunta, for instance ^ — or whether he won them 
 himself at the point of the sword ; but a fragment of an old chronicle, inserted 
 in the Hebrew Scriptures, speaks distinctly of another Elamite, who made war 
 in person almost up to the Egyptian frontier.^ This is the Kudur-lagamar 
 
 ' Cf. what has becu said in regard to Umliyash on p. 43 of the present work. 
 
 ' See remarks on this title and its probable meaning on p. 37 of the present work. 
 
 ' We know that to Herodotus (v. 55) Susa was the city of Meranon, and that Strnbo (xv. 3, § 2, 
 p. 728) attributes its foundation to Tithonus, father of Memnon. According to Oppert (7>«* Inscriptiout 
 «n langue eusienne, Essai d'interpr^ation, in the M^tnoiret du Congret international des Orieidalittef 
 a Paris, vol. ii. p. 179) the word Memnon is the equivalent of the Susian Umman-anin, " the house 
 •of the king:" Weissbach (Anzanische Imchriftcn, p. 136) declares that "anin" does not mean king, 
 and contradicts Oppert's view, though he does not venture to suggest a new explanation of the name. 
 
 ' In regard to Kudur-nakhunta, see what has been said above on pp. 36, 37 of the present work. 
 
 * Gen. xiv. From the outset Assyriologists liave never doubted the historical accuracy of this 
 chapter, and they have connected the facts which it contains with those which scum to bo revealed 
 ■by the Assyrian monuments. The two Rawlinsons {The Five Great Monarchies of the AitcietU Eastern 
 World, vol. i. p. 61, et seq.) intercalate Kudur-lagamar between Kudur-nakhunta and Kudur-mabug, 
 
48 
 
 THE FIRST CHALDEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 (Chedorlaomer) who helped Rimsia against Khammurabi, but was unable to 
 prevent his overthrow. In the thirteenth year of his reign over the East, the 
 cities of the Dead Sea — Sodom, Gomorrah, Adamah, Zeboim, and Bela — revolted 
 against him : he immediately convoked his great vassals, Amraphel of Chaldsea, 
 Arioch of Ellasar,^ Tida'lo the Guti, and marched with them to the confines of 
 his dominions. Tradition has invested many of the tribes then inhabiting 
 Southern Syria with semi-mythical names and attributes. They are represented 
 as being giants — Eephaim ; men of prodigious strength — Zuzim ; as having 
 a buzzing and indistinct manner of speech — Zamzummim ; as formidable 
 monsters ^— Emim or Anakim, before whom other nations appeared as grass- 
 hoppers ;^ as the Horim who were encamped on the confines of the Sinaitic desert, 
 and as the Amalekites who ranged over the mountains to the west of the Dead 
 Sea. Kudur-lagamar defeated them one after another — the Eephaim near to 
 Ashtaroth-Karnaim, the Zuzim near Ham,* the Emim at Shaveh-Kiriathaim, 
 and the Horim on the spurs of Mount Seir as far as El-Paran ; then retracing 
 his footsteps, he entered the country of the Amalekites by way of En-mish- 
 
 and Oppert places him about the same period {Eistoire des empires de Chald^e et d'Assyrie d'apres 
 les monuments, pp. 10, 11). Fr. Lenormant regards him as one of the successors of Kudur-mabug, 
 possibly his immediate successor (La Langue primitive de la Ghald^e et les idiomes touraniens, 
 pp. 375, 376). G. Smith does not hesitate to declare positively that the Kudur-mabug and Kudur- 
 nakhunta of the inscriptions are one and the same with the Kudur-lagamar (Chedor-laomer) of the 
 Bible (^Egyptian Campaign of Esarhaddon, in the Zeitsclirift fur yEgyptisclie Sprache, 1868, vol. i. 
 p. 116). Finally, Schrader, while he repudiates Smith's view, agrees in the main fact with the other 
 Assyriologists (Die Keilinschriften und das alle Testament, 2nd edit., pp. 136, 137). We find the 
 same view, with but slight modification, in Delitzsch-Mlirdter (Geschielite Babyloniens und Assyriens, 
 p. 83, note), in Ed. Meyer (GescMchte des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 165, 166), and in Hommel (GescJdcUe 
 Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 363, et seq.). On the other hand, the majority of modern Biblical 
 critics have absolutely refused to credit the story in Genesis, e.g. Reuss {L'Hisloire Saint et la Loi, 
 vol. i. pp. 845-350), Noldeke (JJniersuchungen zur Kritih des Alte Testament, p. 156, et seq.), Tiele 
 (Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, pp. 123, 124), Winckler (^GescMchte Babyloniens und Assyriem, 
 p. 48, where Kudur-lagamar is not noticed at all). Sayce (The Higher Criticism, etc., 3rd edit., 
 pp. 160-169) thinks that the Bible story rests on an historic basis, and his view is strongly confirmed 
 by Pinches' discovery of a ChaklsBan document which mentions Kudur-lagamar and two of his allies 
 (Hommel, Aus der Babylonische Alter tumskunde, in Die Aula, 1895, vol. i. p. 552 ; Sayce, Recent Dis- 
 coveries in Babylonian and Egyptian History, in the Academy, Sept. 7, 1895, p. 189, and Patriarchal 
 Palestine, pp. v., vi., 61-76). The Hebrew historiographer reproduced an authentic fact from the 
 chronicles of Babylon, and connected it with one of the events in the life of Abraham. The very 
 late date generally assigned to Gen. xiv. in no way diminishes the intrinsic probability of the facts 
 narrated by the Chaldsean document which is preserved to us in the pages of the Hebrew book. 
 
 ' Ellasar has been identified with Larsa since the researches of Rawlinson and Norris (Fr. 
 Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 224 ; Scheadee, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 
 2nd edit., pp. 135, 136); the Goim, over whom Tidal was king, with the Guti (Scheadee, Die 
 Keilinschriften, p. 137). 
 
 2 Sayce, The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments, 3rd edit., pp. 160, 161, considers 
 Zuzim and Zamzummim to be two readings of the same word Zamzum, written in cuneiform characterij 
 on the original document. The sounds represented, in the Hebrew alphabet, by the letters m and w, 
 are expressed in the Chaldsean syllabary by the same character, and a Hebrew or Babylonian scribe, 
 who had no other means of telling the true pronunciation of a race-name mentioned in the story of 
 this campaign, would have been quite as much at a loss as any modern scliolar to say whether he ought 
 to transcribe the word as Z-m-z-m oras Z-w-z-w; some scribes read it Zu2im,others preferred ZamzMmmim. 
 
 ^ Numb. xiii. 33. 
 
 * In Deut. ii. 20 it is stated that the Zamzummim lived in the country of Ammon. Sayce points out 
 that we often find the variant Am for the character usually read Ham oi Kham— the name Khammurabi, 
 
KEAMMURABI AND HIS SUCCESSORS IN SYRIA. 
 
 49 
 
 pat, and pillaged the Amorites of Hazazon-Taraar. In the mean time, the 
 kings of the five towns had concentrated their troops in the vale of Siddim, 
 and were there resolutely awaiting Kudur-lagamar. They were, however, 
 completely routed, some of the fugitives being swallowed up in the pits of 
 bitumen with which the soil abounded, while others with difficulty reached 
 the mountains. Kudur-lagamar sacked Sodom and Gomorrah, re-established 
 his dominion on all sides, and returned laden with booty, Hebrew tradition adding 
 that he was overtaken near the sources of the Jordan by the patriarch Abraham.^ 
 After his victory over Kudur-lagamar, Khammurabi assumed the title of 
 King of Martu,^ which we find still borne by Amraisatana sixty years later.'' 
 We see repeated here almost exactly what took place in Ethiopia at the time 
 of its conquest by Egypt : merchants had prepared the way for military occu- 
 pation, and the civilization of Babylon had taken hold on the people long before 
 its kings had become sufficiently powerful to claim them as vassals. The 
 empire may be said to have been virtually established from the day when the 
 states of the Middle and Lower Euphrates formed but one kingdom in 
 the hands of a single ruler. We must not, however, imagine it to have been 
 a compact territory, divided into provinces under military occupation, ruled by 
 a uniform code of laws and statutes, and administered throughout by functionaries 
 of various grades, who received their orders from Babylon or Susa, according 
 as the chances of war favoured the ascendancy of Chalda-a or Elara. It was in 
 
 for instance, is often found written Ainmurabi (cf p. 15, n. 5, of the present work); tbo Ham in the 
 narrative of Genesis would, tlicrefore, be identical with the land of Ammon in Deuteronomy, and the 
 difference between the spelling of the two would be due to the fact that the document reproduced in 
 the XIV"' chapter of Genesis had been originally copied from a cuneiform tablet in which the name 
 of the place was expressed by the sign Ham-Am (Sayce, The Higher Ci itici»m, 3rd edit., pp. IGO, ICl). 
 
 • ' An attempt has been made to identify the three vassuls of Kudur-lagamar with kings mentioned 
 on the Chaldwan monuments. Tidcal, or, if we adopt the Sepluiigint variant, Thorgal, has been 
 considered by some as the bearer of a Sumerian name, Tur-gal = " great chief," " great son " (Oppeut, 
 Histoire des Empires de Chaldge, p. 11), while others i)ut liim on one side as not having been a Baby- 
 lonian (Halevy, Recherches Bibliques, p. 2.^)4, and Notes Sumgriennet, in tiie Ueiue S^milique, vol. ii. 
 pp. 278-280); Pinclies, Sayce, and Ilommel identify him with Tudkhula, an ally of Kudur-lagamar 
 against Khammurabi (Hommel, Aus der Itahylonitchen AUerlumskunde, in Die Aula, 1895, vol. i. 
 p. 552; Sayce, Recent Discoveries, in the Academy, Sept. 7, 1895, p. 189, and Patriarchal Palestine, p. 70). 
 Arioch is Rimaku, Eri-Aku (cf. p. 29, n. 2, of the present work, and Fr. Lenobmant, La Langue primi- 
 tive de la Chald^e,pp. 378, 379; Scuradeh, Die Keilinschri/ten, 2nd edit., pp. 135, 13G; Hommel, 
 Die Semitische Vlilker, p. 48 ; Halevy, Recherches Bibliques, pp. 253, 254, and Notes Sumerienttes, in 
 the Revue S^mititjue, vol. ii. pp. 272-27C). Schrader was tlie first to suggest that Amraphel wng 
 really Khammurabi (Die Keilintchri/tliche Bahylonische Konigslisle, pp. 22-27), and emended the 
 Amraphel of the biblical text into Amraphi or Amrabi, in onier to support this identification. 
 Hale'vy, while on the whole accepting this theory, derives the name from the pronunciation Kim- 
 tarapashtum or Kimtarapaltum, wliich he attributes to the name generally read Khammurabi 
 (Recherches Bibliques, pp. 254-258, 303-315), and in this he is partly supported by Hommel, who 
 reads " Khammurapaltu " (Assyriological Notes, in the Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. xvi. p. 212). 
 
 ' It is, indeed, the sole title which ho attributes to himself oh a stone tablet now in the British 
 Museum ; cf. Winckleh, Allorientalische Forschungen, pp. 145, 140. 
 
 ' In an inscription by this prince, copied probably about the time of Nabonidus by the scribe 
 Bolushallim, he is called "king of the vast land of Martu" (Pinches, Text of Ammisalana, King of 
 Babylon, from about 2115 to Q090 B.C., in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. v. pp. 102-105). 
 
 £ 
 
50 
 
 TEE FIRST CEALDJEAN EMPIRE. 
 
 I 
 
 reality a motley assemblage of tribes and principalities, whose sole bond of union 
 was subjection to a common yoke. They were under obligation to pay tribute, 
 and furnish military contingents and show other external marks of obedience, but 
 their particular constitution, customs, and religion were alike respected : they 
 had to purchase, at the cost of a periodical ransom, the right to live in their 
 own country after their own fashion, and the head of the empire forbore all 
 interference in their affairs, except in cases where their internecine quarrels 
 and dissensions threatened the security of his suzerainty. Their subordination 
 lasted as best it could, sometimes for a year or for ten years, at the end of which 
 period they would neglect the obligations of their vassalage, or openly refuse 
 to fulfil them : a revolt would then break out at one point or another, and it 
 was necessary to suppress it without delay to prevent the bad example from 
 spreadhig far and wide.^ The empire was maintained by perpetual re-conquests, 
 and its extent varied with the energy shown by its chiefs, or with the resources 
 which were for the moment available. 
 
 Separated from the confines of the empire by only a narrow isthmus, Egypt 
 loomed on the horizon, and appeared to beckon to her rival. Her natural 
 fertility, the industry of her inhabitants, the stores of gold and perfumes which 
 she received from the heart of Ethiopia, were well known by the passage to 
 and fro of her caravans, and the recollection of her treasures must have fre- 
 quently provoked the envy of Asiatic courts.^ Egypt had, however, strangely 
 declined from her former greatness, and the line of princes who governed her had 
 little in common with the Pharaohs who had rendered her name so formidable 
 under the XIP" dynasty. She was now under the rule of the Xoites, whose 
 influence was probably confined to the Delta, and extended merely in name 
 over the Said and Nubia.^ The feudal lords, ever ready to reassert their 
 
 ' Cf. the account of the revolt of the kings of the valley of Siddim against Kudur-lagamar 
 (pp. 48, 49 of the present work), which, if not absolutely accurate in every detail, gives nevertheless 
 a very clear idea of what the Elamite or Chaldsean rule meant in these early epochs; we shall come 
 upon the same state of things later on at the time of the Egyptian conquest. 
 
 " As we proceed, we shall continually meet indications, in letters written by Asiatic princes, of 
 the existence of this idea that Egypt was a kind of El Dorado where gold was as plentiful as dust 
 upon the high-road (Delattre, Manages priuciers en Egypte, in the Rev. des Quest, hist, vol. 1. p. 231). 
 
 ' See what is said concerning the Xoites in Maspeeo, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 533, 534. I may 
 recall the fact that Lepsius placed the Hyksos invasion first at the end of the XII"' dynasty and 
 then at the beginning of the XIII"' (Konigshueh der Alten Mgypter, p. 21, et seq.), and that his 
 theory, at first adopted by Buusen (^Mgyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte, vol. iii. p. 9, et seq.), by 
 Lieblein (JEgypt. Chron., pp. 02-76, and Recherches sur la Chron. £gypt., pp. 84-135), was vigorously 
 contested by E. de Rouge' {Examen de V Ouvrage de M. de Bunsen, ii. pp. 35-59). It has gradually 
 been abandoned by most Egyptologists, and finally by Naville (Bubastis, pp. 15, 16). The history 
 of the Hyksos has been dealt with by Chabas {Les Pasteurs en Egypte, 1868) in a special monograph, 
 then by Padre Gesare di Cara {Gli Hylcsds di Egitto, 1889), who collected with much care and discussed 
 at great length all the references to them contained in the texts of ancient writers and in all the 
 Egyptian documents ; finally, Naville devotes a chapter in his Bubastis, pp. 16-29, to the history of 
 the shepherd kings. Here, as in the preceding pages, the materials are so scanty that we are obliged 
 to fall back on conjecture in endeavouring to interpret them and to work out the elements of a 
 connected narrative; from the various hypotheses I have chosen those which appeared to be the 
 simplest and best adapted to the scope of my work. 
 
TEE HYKSbs INVASION. 
 
 51 
 
 independence as soon as the central power waned, shared between them the 
 possession of the Nile valley below Memphis : the princes of Thebes, who were 
 probably descendants of Usirtasen, owned the largest fiefdom, and though some 
 slight scruple may have prevented them from donning the pschent or placing 
 their names within a cartouche, they assumed notwithstanding the plenitude 
 of royal power. A favourable opportunity was therefore offered to an invader, 
 and the Chaldfeans might have attacked with impunity a people thus divided 
 among themselves.* They stopped short, however, at the southern frontier 
 of Syria, or if they pushed further forward, it was without any important 
 result: distance from head-quarters, or possibly reiterated attacks of the 
 Elamites, prevented them from placing in the field an adequate force for such 
 a momentous undertaking. What they had not dared to venture, others more 
 audacious were to accomplish. At this juncture, so runs the Egyptian record, 
 " there came to us a king named Timaios.''^ Under this king, then, I know not 
 wherefore, the god caused to blow upon us a baleful wind, and in the face of 
 all probability bands from the East, people of ignoble race, came upon us 
 unawares, attacked the country, and subdued it easily aiid without fighting." ^ 
 It is possible that they owed this rapid victory to the presence in their armies 
 of a factor hitherto unknown to the African — the war-chariot— and before the 
 horse and his driver the Egyptians gave way in a body.^ The invaders appeared 
 
 ' The theory that tlie divisious of Ejrypt, under the XIV"' ilynnsty, auil the disconls between iU 
 feudatory princes, were one of the main causes of the success of the Sliepherds (MAsrKRO, llittoire 
 Ancienne des Peupleg de I'Orient, 4th edit, p. 1C2), i.s now admitted to be correct, amongst others, by 
 Ed. Meyku, Geechichte JEgyptem, p. 201, et seq., and by Navim.e, Bubatlis, pp. Id, 20. 
 
 " Fruin emended vfi'iv Tlfiaios in the text of Manetho into 'Aixaxiiaios or 'Antvfixijs (Maiitthonit 
 Sebennytx Reliq., pp. 53-55), and Lepsius first identified this new Amenemes witli the last Pharaoh 
 of the XII"' dynasty, Amenemhait IV., then with the third king of the XIII"', Ua-Amenemhait 
 (KSnigshuch, j). 24). Bunsen (JKgyptens Stelle, vol. iii. p. 42, note 5) suggeets the emendatiou 
 'Anoui/rttiaios ; as the sole object of this is to identify the name of the king defeated by the shepherds 
 with that of 'A/iovedpraios, mentioned by Eratosthenes, I do not think it worth accepting. We know 
 too little of Manetho's style to be able to decide a priori whether tiie phrase 'E-yfVfTo fiacriAfvs ri/iin 
 Ti'/xaio; 6vona ia Or is not in harmony with his manner of narrating historical facts; the phrase is 
 correct, and that should be enough to deter us from altering it, at any rate in our present stage of 
 knowledge. 
 
 ' Manetuo, in Mulleb-Didot, Fragmeida Historicorum Grxcorum, voL ii. p. 5CG. The apparent 
 contradiction between the terms in which Manetho explains the conquest of Egypt, ^aJi'oit d/taxi7Tl 
 TauTTji/ Kara Kpdros eiKov, has been noticed and cx)ilained by FuuiN, Mamthonit Sebennylx Reliquim, 
 J). 59 : Padre di Cara {Gli Bylctog o Re I'astori di Egitto, p. 2'.>3, et seq.) sees in it a proof that the 
 Ilyksos had not been guilty of the atrocities of which the Egyptians accused them. 
 
 * The horse was unknown, or at any rate had not been employed in Egypt prior to the invasion 
 (cf. Maspeuo, Daten of Civilization, p. 32, note 2); we find it, however, in general use immediately 
 after the expulsion of the Shepherds, see the tomb of Pihiri (Cha.mi>ollion, Monuments de VKgypte H 
 de la Nubie, pi. cxlv. 1, and vol. i. p. 2G8 ; Rosellini, Monuvwtiti Civili, pi. cxvi. 5, vol. iii. pp. 238- 
 240; Lepsius, Denkmdler, iii. 10 a'""). Moreover, all historians agree in admitting that it was 
 introduced into the country under the rule of the Shepherds (Prisse d'Avennes, Ve» Chevaux chez 
 let Anciens fjgyptiens, in Perron, Le. Nuffyi, vol. i. pp. 128-135; Fn. Lenormant, Les Premieres 
 Civilitatiom, vol. i. pp. 299-305; Pietremekt, Le« CAeraux dant les tempt antfhiitoriquetet hitloriquet, 
 p. 459, (!t seq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte JEgypient, pp. 210, 211). The use of the war-chariot in 
 (;halda;a at an epoch prior to the llyktos invasion, is proved by a fragment of the Vulture Stele (cf. 
 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 006,607,722); it is, therefore, natural to suppose that the Hyksue 
 used the chariot in war, and that the rapidity of their conquest was due to it. 
 
52 
 
 TEE ETKSbs IN EGYPT. 
 
 as a cloud of locusts on the banks of the Nile, Towns and temples were alike 
 pillaged, burnt, and ruined • they massacred all they could of the male popula- 
 tion, reduced to slavery those of the women and children whose lives they spared, 
 and then proclaimed as king Salatis, one of their chiefs.^ He established a 
 semblance of regular government, chose Memphis as his capital, and imposed 
 a tax upon the vanquished.^ Two perils, however, immediately threatened the 
 security of his triumph : in the south the Theban lords, taking matters into 
 their own hands after the downfall of the Xoites, refused the oath of allegiance 
 to Salatis, and organised an obstinate resistance ; ^ in the north he had to take 
 measures to protect himself against an attack of the Chaldaeans or of the 
 Elamites who were oppressing Chaldaea.* From the natives of the Delta, who 
 were temporarily paralysed by their reverses, he had, for the moment, little to 
 fear : restricting himself, therefore, to establishing forts at the strategic points in 
 the Nile valley in order to keep the Thebans in check, he led the main body 
 of his troops to the frontier on the isthmus. Pacific immigrations had already 
 introduced Asiatic settlers into the Delta, and thus prepared the way for 
 securing the supremacy of the new rulers : in the midst of these strangers, and 
 on the ruins of the ancient town of Hawarit-Avaris,^ in the Sethroite nome — 
 
 * The name Salatis (var. Saites) seems to be derived from a Semitic word, Shalit = " the 
 chief," " the governor ; " this was the title which Joseph received when Pharaoh gave him authority 
 over the whole of Egypt {Gen. xli. 43). Salatis may not, therefore, have been the real name of the 
 first Hyksos king, but his title, which the Egyptians misunderstood, and from which they evolved a 
 proper name : Uhlemann has, indeed, deduced from this that Manetho, being familiar with the 
 passage referring to Joseph, had forged the name of Salatis (Israeliten und Hyhsus in JEgypten, p. 76). 
 Ebers imagined that he could decipher the Egyptian form of this prince's name on the Colossus of 
 Tell-Mokdam (^gypten und die Bucher Moses, p. 202; cf. Ed. Meyer, Set-Typlwn, p. 56; Lauth.^ms 
 JEgijptens Vorzeit, p, 229), where Naville has since read with certainty the name of a Pharaoh of the 
 XIII"> and XIV" dynasties, Nahsiri {LeBoi Neliasi, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xv. pp. t) 7-101). 
 
 ^ Manetho, in Mullek-Didot, Fragmenta Eistoricorum Greecorum, vol. ii. pp. 560, 567. 
 
 ' The test of Manetho speaks of taxes which he imposed on the high and low lauds, rVjc re &vu 
 Kal Kara) x'^P""') which would seem to include the Thebaid in the kingdom; it is, however, stated in 
 the next few pages that the successors of Salatis waged an incessant war against the Egyptians, 
 which can only refer to hostilities against the Thebans. We are forced, therefore, to admit, either 
 that Manetho took the title of lord of the high and low lands which belonged to Salatis, literally, or 
 that the Thebans, after submitting at first, subsequently refused to pay tribute, thus provoking a war. 
 
 * Manetho here speaks of Assyrians ; this is an error which is to be explained by the imperfect 
 state of historical knowledge in Greece at the time of the Macedonian supremacy. We need not 
 for this reason be led to cast doubt upon the historic value of the narrative (Wiedemann, Mgyptische 
 Geschiclde, p. 298) : we must remember the suzerainty which Ihe kings of Babylon exercised over 
 Syria (cf. p. 47, et seq., of the present work), and read Chaldseans where Manetho has written Assyrians. 
 In Herodotus " Assyria " is the regular term for " Babylonia," and Babylonia is called " the laud of 
 the Assyrians " (ii. 193). 
 
 * The manuscripts of Josephus placed this town in the Saite nome ; this error of a copyist is easily 
 corrected from the royal lists, where the Sethroite nome is indicated (Manetho, in MiiLLER-DiDOT, 
 Frag. Eist. Grasc, vol. ii. p. 567). The first commentators on Manetho placed Avaris on the site of 
 Pelusium (Marsham, Can. C/tron., Lipsiae, 1676, pp. 107, 108; Zoega, De Origine OfteZ/sc, pp. 577, 
 578), relying on the fact that Chseremon (Fragm. 1, in Muller-Didot, Frag., vol. iii. p. 495) names 
 Pelusium as the town which Manetho and Ptolemy of Mendes (Fragm. 1, in MijLLER-DiDOT, Frag., 
 vol. iv. p. 485) call Avaris. I/archer identified it with Heroopolis, and ChampoUion (L'Egypie sous 
 les Pharaons, vol. ii. pp. 87-92) endeavoured to support this view by evidence derived from Egyptian 
 mythology ; finally Lepsius connected Avaris with the name of the Hebrews, and tried to make out 
 that it had been occupied by that people during their sojourn in Egypt (Chron. der JEgypter, p. 341). 
 
TEE ENTRENCHED CAMP AT AVARIS. 
 
 53 
 
 a place connected by tradition with the myth of Osiris and Typhon — fSalatis 
 constructed an immense entrenched camp, capable of sheltering two hundred 
 and forty thousand men. He visited it yearly to witness the military man- 
 ceuvres, to pay his soldiers, and to preside over the distribution of rations. This 
 permanent garrison protected him from a Chalda3an invasion, a not unlikely 
 event as long as Syria remained under the supremacy of the Babylonian kings ; 
 it furnished his successors also with an inexhaustible supply of trained soldiers, 
 thus enabling them to complete the conquest of Lower Egypt. Years elapsed 
 before the princes of the south would declare themselves vanquished, and five 
 kings — Bnon, Apachnas, ApOphis I., launas, and Asses — passed their lifetime 
 " in a perpetual warfare, desirous of tearing up Egypt to the very root." ^ These 
 Theban kings, who were continually under arms against the barbarians, were sub- 
 sequently classed in a dynasty by themselves, the XV"' of Manetho, but they at 
 last succumbed to the invader, and Asses became master of the entire country. 
 His successors in their turn formed a dynasty, the XVI"', the few remaining 
 monuments of which are found scattered over the length and breadth of the 
 valley from the shores of the Mediterranean to the rocks of the first cataract.^ 
 Til* Egyptians who witnessed the advent of this Asiatic people called 
 
 Tiie hieroglyphic name for the town of Taiiis was added by Champollion {Diet. Eifr., p. IIG); then 
 E. do Rouge read it as "Zan," which seemed to confirm the assimilation theory; then the same 
 scholar discovered tlie true reading, Hiwarit, and at once proposed to recognise in this name the 
 original of Avaris, while still continuing to identify the site with that of Tanis (Summary of a 
 lecture : see the Ath€nxum Frangais, 1854, p. 532). This conjecture found general acceptance, but 
 doubts were expressed in regard to the identity of the two cities, and it was rightly pointed out that 
 in the text of Manetho Avaris is described as an entrenched camp. Lopsius, returning to the old 
 theory, proposed to look for the site in the environs of Pelusium {KOnig$buch, p. 45, note 1), and was 
 not long in locating it among the ruins of Tell-H6r, the name of which city would probably hr 
 derived from that of Hawaret {Enldeckung eines bilingues Dehretes. in the Zeittchri/l, 18G6, pp. 31, .32). 
 Ebers (fiurch Go«en, etc., pp. 73, 74) recognised evenTelu8ium,and consequently Avaris, in Tell HOr. 
 This hypothesis, approved by Chabas {Let Pasteurs en Egypte, p. 42), does not seem to be in favour 
 at present; the only person who appears to support it is Padre di Cara (Gli Eykt6$, p. 332, et seq.). 
 HiXwarit is placed either at Tunis (Bi!UG.sch, lieilrSge iiber Tanis, in the Zeit»chri/l, 1872, pp. 10, 20, 
 Did. ggog., pp. 143, 144), or in the neighbourhooil of Daphntn (Ed. Metek, Ge$ch. JEgyptcns, p. 207), 
 or at Migdol Tell-es-Semflt (Biiugsch, Die /Egyptologie, p. 36). 
 
 ' None of these five kings have left monuments which can be identified with certainty, unless, 
 indeed, we agree with Naville in supposing that Kliiani (cf. pp. 59, 60 of the present work) represents 
 Annas or lannas (Bubastis, pp. 23-26). Deve'ria (Leilre ii M-Aiigufle Marietle, etc., in the i?ei;M€ Arch/o!., 
 1861, vol. iv. pp. 253-256) thought he could recognise three of them— Bnon, Apakhna8,and Ap<>|)hi8— 
 in the three half-effaced names on fragment No. 112 of the royal canon at Turin (Lepsius, Autwahl, etc., 
 pi. viii.) ; he connected fragment No. 150, on whicli he made out tlie name of the god Sit, with the same 
 series. His hypothesis was accepted by Pleyte (La ReligUm des Pr^-hraelites, p. 35), and Lautii, who 
 had made the same suggestion almost simultaneously with Deve'ria, adiled to the two fragments 112- 
 150 fragment 144, on which he thought ho could deciplu r traces of the name Salati.s (Manetho und der 
 Turiner Kunigspapyi us, p. 247) ; the theory is now only accepted with large reserves. Lauth ha<l also 
 found the name of Bnon on the Saltier Papyrus, No. 1, pi. ii. 1. 7, but Erman proved that in this passage 
 the correct reading was Alt = ''sovereign," and not a proper name at all {Varia, in the Zeilschri/l, 
 1877, p. 37). Finally, Erman, in the same article in which he pointed out Lauth's mistake, proposed 
 to recognise Apakhnas in the Sit-dpahiti Nubiti of the stele of the year 400 (Ibid., p. 37) ; it appears 
 to me, however, that this refers not to a mortal king, but to the god Sit, described by his ethnical 
 title Nubiti, the man of Ombos, and considered as king of the divine dynasties. 
 
 ' Monuments of Susirniri Khiani and of Ausirri Apopi II. at Gebelein, in Dabessy, Notes el 
 Itemarques, §§ xxs., Isxxviii., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. p. 26; xvi. p. 42. 
 
54 
 
 Tee HYKsbs in eqtpt. 
 
 them by the general term Amuu, Asiatics,^ or Monatiu, the men of the desert.^ 
 They had already given the Bedouin the opprobrious epithet of Shaiisu — 
 pillagers or robhers — which aptly described them ; ^ and they subsequently 
 applied the same name to the intruders — Hiq Shausu — from which the Greeks 
 derived their word Hyksos, or Hykoussos, for this people.* But we are without 
 any clue as to their real name, language, or origin. The writers of classical 
 times were unable to come to an agreement on these questions : some con- 
 founded the Hyksos with the Phoenicians, others regarded them as Arabs.^ 
 
 ' GoLENiscuEFF, Notice sur un texte de Stdbl-Antar, in the Recueil, vol. iii. pp. 2, 3, and vol. vii. 
 pi. i. 1. 37. Ed. Meyer thinks that these princes extended their rule over a part of Syria; he points out 
 in this connection, though he admits the hypothesis to be a bold one, the identity of date established by 
 the Jewish chronicler (Numb. xiii. 22) for the foundations of Tanis and Hebron {Gesch. JEgypt, p. 210). 
 
 ^ The meaning of the term Monili was discovered by E. de Rouge', who translated it Shepherd, 
 and applied it to the Hyksos (Examen de I'Ouvrage de M. de Bunsen, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42; Me'm. sur 
 I'Inscrip. d'Ahmes, p. 171); from thence it passed into the works of all the Egyptologists who con- 
 cerned themselves with this question (Beugsch, JEgypt. Stud., vol. ii. pp. 19, 20, and Gesch. Mgypt., 
 pp. 217, 218; Chabas, Melanges ligyptolog., 1st series, pp. 33-35, and Les Pasteurs en ^gypte, pp. 24, 
 25), but Shepherd has not been universally accepted as the meaning of the word. It is generally agreed 
 that it was a generic term, indicating the races with which their conquerors were supposed to be con- 
 nected, and not the particular term of which Manetho's word Uoi^Kvis would be the literal translation. 
 
 ' The name seems, in fact, to be derived from a word which meant " to rob," " to pillage." The 
 name Shausu, Shosu, was not used by the Egyptians to indicate a particular race. It was used of 
 all Bedouins, and in general of all the marauding tribes who infested the desert or the mountains. 
 The Shausu most frequently referred to on the monuments are those from the desert between Egypt 
 and Syria, but there is a reference, in the time of Ramses II., to those from the Lebanon and the 
 valley of Orontes. Krall finds an allusion to them in a word (Shosim) in Judges ii. 14, which is 
 generally translated by a generic expression, "the spoilers" (^Studien zur Geschichte des Allen 
 M'gyptens II., aus demotischen TJrlcunden, p. 69). 
 
 * Manetho (MiiLLER-DicoT, Frag. Hist. Grxc, vol. ii. p. 567) declares that the people were 
 called Hyksos, from Eyh, which means "king" in the sacred language, and s6s, which means 
 " shepherd " in the popular language. As a matter of fact, the word Hyhu means " prince " in the 
 classical language of Egypt, or, as Manetho styles it, the sacred language, i.e. in the idiom of the 
 old religious, liiatorical, and literary texts, which in later ages the populace no longer understood. 
 Shos, on the contrary, belongs to the spoken language of the later time, and does not occur in the 
 ancient inscriptions, so that Manetho's explanation is valueless ; there is but one material fact to he 
 retained from his evidence, and that is the name HyJc-Shos or Ryku-Shos given by its inventors to 
 the alien kings. Champollion (Lettres a M. de Blacas, relatives au Musg'e Royal de Turin, 1"" Lettre, 
 p. 57) and Rosellini {Monumenti Storici,y(A. i. pp. 175-178) were the first to identify these Shos with 
 the Shaflsft whom they found represented on the monuments, and their opinion, adopted by some 
 (Beugsch, flistozVe d'£gypte,y. 77, and Geschichte JUgyptens, p. 216; Wiedemann, JEgyptiache Ge- 
 schichte, pp. 288, 289; Ed. Meyek, Geschichte Mgyptens, p. 205), contested by others (Chabas, 
 Mdanges Hgyptologiques, 1st series, p. 33, and Voyage d'un Hgyptien, p. 116), seems to me an ex- 
 tremely plausible one : the Egyptians, at a given moment, bestowed the generic name of Shausfl on 
 these strangers, just as they had given those of Amuu and Monatifl. The texts or writers from whom 
 Manetho drew his information evidently mentioned certain kings hyqu-fsh&ta^ ; other passages, or 
 the same passages wrongly interpreted, were applied to the race, and were rendered %X;M-Shausil = 
 " the prisoners taken from the Shaflsu," a substantive derived from the root haha — " to take " being 
 substituted for the noun %2tt = " prince." Josephus {Contra Apionem, i. 14) declares, on the 
 authority of Manetho, that some manuscripts actually suggested this derivation— a fact which is easily 
 explained by the custom of the Egyptian record offices (Krall, Stud, zur Gesch. der Alten Mgyptens 
 11, aus demot. TJrh., p. 69). I may mention, in passing, that Mariette {Extrait d'un Mgmoire intituU: 
 Questions relatives aux nouvelles fouilles a faire en ilgypte, p. 41) recognised in the element " S8s " 
 an Egyptian word s7td« — " soldiers," and in the name of King Mirmashafi, which he read Mirshosft, 
 an equivalent of the title Hyq-Shosft (cf. Maspeko, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 531-533, in regard 
 to Mirmashafi). 
 
 ' Manetho (MiiLLEE-DiDOT, Frag. Hist. Grxc, Vol. ii. p. 567) takes them to be Phoenicians, 
 
THEIR UNCERTAIN ORIGIN. 
 
 55 
 
 Modern scholars have put forward at least a dozen contradictory hypotheses 
 on the matter. The Hyksos have been asserted to have been Canaanites/ 
 Elamites,^ Hittites,'' Accadians, Scythians.* The last opinion found great 
 favour with the learned, as long as they could believe that the sphinxes dis- 
 covered by Mariette represented Apophis or one of his predecessors. As a 
 matter of fact, these monuments present all the characteristics of the Mongoloid 
 type of countenance — the small and slightly oblique eyes, the arched but some- 
 what flattened nose, the pronounced cheek-bones and well-covered jaw, the 
 salient chin and full lips slightly depressed at the corners."' These peculiarities 
 are also observed in the three heads found at Damanhur," in the colossal 
 torso dug up at Mit-Fares in the Fayum,'' in the twin figures of the Nile 
 removed to the Bulaq Museum from Tanis,** and upon the remains of a 
 statue in the collection at the Villa Ludovisi in Kome.'' The same foreign 
 
 but he adds that certain writers thought them to be Arabs : Tivts Ktyovaiv avrous "'Kpafias that. 
 Brugsch favours this latter view (Geschiehte Mgyptens, pp. 214-217), but tiie Arab legend of a 
 conquest of Egypt by Sbeddful and the Adites is of recent origin, and was inspired by traditions in 
 regard to the Hyksos current during the Byzantine epoch; wo cannot, therefore, allow it to influence 
 us (Wiedemann, JEgyptische Oeschichte, p. 288). We must wait before expressing a definite opinion 
 in regao(l to the facts wliich Glnser believes he lias obtained from the Miuican inscriptions which 
 date from the time of the Hyksos. 
 
 ' The theory of the Cananseo-Kushito origin has been defended by liCpsius {Nub. Oram. Einhilnng, 
 pp. cxiii.-cxv.) and by Maspero (ZZjsi. Anc. des Peuples de I'Orienl, 4th edit., pp. IGl, 162), who 
 base their argument on the tradition that tiic riioonicians came from the shores of the Erythrasan 
 Sea (cf. infra, pp. 62-64), and on the Phoenician origin attributed to the Shepherd kings by one of 
 Manetho's authorities ; cf. Ed. Meyeb, Geich. JEgypl., p. 206, and G. STEiNDOnrF, Zur Getchichte dcr 
 Hyksos, pp. 3-7. 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des Allerth., vol. i. pp. 166, 167 ; lie bus since rejected this view {Gesch. AJtjypl., 
 p. 206, note 1), which has been taken up again by Winckler, Geich. Israels, vol. i. pp. l.W, 131. 
 
 ' Mariette, Aperfu de Vllistoire d'Egypte, 1824, p. 50, et seq , and Padre Cesare di Cara, Gli 
 Hyksos di Kgitlo, pp. 175-177, and Gli Hethei-Pelasgi, vol. i. pp. 5, 6, who take tliem to have been 
 Semites, while I. Taylor, Conder, and others, regarding the Hittites as Mongolians or Scythians, 
 incline to the theory of a Mongolo-Hittite origin. 
 
 * RosELUNi, Mon. Storici, vol. i. pp. 173-180, and in our own time Fb. Lexormant, FrammenUi 
 di Stalua di tino de' Re Paslori di Egilto, p. 15, with, however, considerable reserve, and fully 
 admitting a large admixture of Phoenician aud Cnnaanitish elements ; cf. Brcgsch, Die AllirgypI 
 VSlkertafel, in the Ahhandlungen dts '>"■" Internal. Orieut.-Congr. zu Berlin, A/rir. Sekt. pp. 78, 7'J. 
 
 ' Mariette, who was tlie first to describe these curious monuments, recognised in them all the 
 incontestable characteristics of a Semitic type {Letlre a M. le Vicomte de Uongi sur let fouillet dv 
 Tanis, pp. 9, 10), and the correctness of his view was, at first, universally admitted (Fr. Lenormant, 
 Manuel de VHistoire Ancienne des Peuples de VOrient, 3rd edit., vol. i. p. 365). Later on Hamy 
 imagined that he could distinguish traces of Mongolian influences, and Fr. Lenormant (Lc* Premiires 
 Civilisations, vol. i. p. 207; Frammeuto di statua di una de' lie Paslori di Egitto, pp. 13, 14; and 
 Histoire Ancienne, 9th edit., vol. ii. p. 145), and then Mariette himself (Pietbement, Le$ Chevaux 
 dans Ics temps prihistoriques et historiqucs, pp. 474, 475) came round to this view ; it has recently 
 been supported in England by Flower, and in Germany by Virchow. 
 
 • ViREY, Notice des Principauz Monuments exposes an Mus€e de Gizeh, p. 45, No. 138. 
 
 ' Mariette, Notice des Principaux Monuments, 1864, p. 64, No. 9, and Monuments divers, pi. 39a, 
 Texle, p. 11 ; Maspeuo, Guide du Visiteur au Mus€e de lioulaq. No. 109, pp. 65, 66. 
 
 ' Mariette, Deuxieme Letlre ti M. le Vicomte de Rouge sur les fouilles de Tunis, pp. 5-7, pis. v., vi., 
 and Notice sur les Principaux Monuments, 1864, No. 14, pp. 264, 265. The group really belongs to 
 the XXI"' dynasty (Maspero, Arch^ologie Egyptienne, p. 217), aud in many respects reminds us of 
 a number of specimens of Cypriot art. 
 
 " Fb. Lenormant, Frammento di Statua di uno de' Re Pastori di Egilto (extract from the Bollettino 
 Aroheologico Comunale di Roma, 1877, vol. v., 2nd series). 
 
56 
 
 THE ETKSbs IN EGYPT. 
 
 type of face is also found to exist among the present inhabitants of the 
 villages scattered over the eastern part of the Delta, particularly on the 
 shores of Lake Menzaleh, and the conclusion was drawn that these people 
 were the direct descendants of the Hyksos.^ This theory was abandoned, 
 however, when it was ascertained that the sphinxes of San had been 
 carved, many centuries before the invasion, for Amenemhait III.,^ a king of 
 the XIP'^ dynasty. In spite of the facts we possess, the problem therefore 
 still remains unsolved, and the origin of the Hyksos is as mysterious as ever. 
 We gather, however, that the third millennium before our era was repeatedly 
 disturbed by considerable migratory movements. The expeditions far afield of 
 Elamite and Ohaldaean princes could not have taken place without seriously 
 perturbing the regions over which they passed. They must have encountered 
 by the way many nomadic or unsettled tribes whom a slight shock would easily 
 displace. An impulse once given, it needed but little to accelerate or increase 
 the movement : a collision with one horde reacted on its neighbours, who either 
 displaced or carried others with them, and the whole multitude, gathering 
 momentum as they went, were precipitated in the direction first given.^ A 
 tradition, picked up by Herodotus on his travels, relates that the Phoenicians 
 had originally peopled the eastern and southern shores of the Persian Gulf ; ^ it 
 was also said that Indathyrses, a Scythian king, had victoriously scoured the 
 whole of Asia, and had penetrated as far as Egypt.^ Either of these invasions 
 may have been the cause of the Syrian migration. In comparison with the 
 meagre information which has come down to us under the form of legends, it 
 is provoking to think how much actual fact has been lost, a tithe of which 
 would explain the cause of the movement and the mode of its execution. 
 The least improbable hypothesis is that which attributes the appearance of 
 the Shepherds about the XXIIP'^ century B.C., to the arrival in Naharaim 
 of those Khati who subsequently fought so obstinately against the armies 
 both of the Pharaohs and the Ninevite kings. They descended from the 
 
 * MarieTte, Lettre a M. le Vicomte de Boug€ sur les fouilles de Tanis, pp. 10, 11, and Note sur les 
 Biahmites et les Baschmourites, in the Melanges d'Arch^ologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 91-93. 
 
 * GoLENiscHEFF, Amenemhd III et les Sphinx de San, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xv. pp. 131- 
 136 ; cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 502, 503. 
 
 ' The Hyksos invasion has been regarded as a natural result of the Elamite conquest, by Maspkro, 
 Eietoire Ancienne des Peuples de V Orient, 1st edit., p. 173; later by Fk. Lenormant, Frammento di 
 un Statua di uno de' Be Pastori di Egitto, p. 14, and Eistoire Ancienne des Peuples de I'Orient, 9th 
 edit., vol. ii. pp. 144; by Ed. Meyek, GescMchle des AUerthums, vol. i. pp. 166, 167; by Hommel, 
 Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 370, 371 ; and by Naville, Buhastis, pp. 18, 19, 28, 29. 
 
 * Herodotus, I. i., VII. Ixsxix. It was to the exodus of this race, in the last analysis, that I 
 have attributed the invasion of tlie shepherds (Eistoire ancienne, 4th edit., pp. 161, 162). 
 
 * Megasthbnes, fragm. 2, in MOller-Didot, Frag. Eist. Grxc, vol. ii. p. 416; cf. Strabo, 
 XV. 1, § 6, p. 687, and Arrianus, Indica, v. § 6; Justinus, i. 1. A certain number of commen- 
 tators are of opinion that the wars attributed to Indathyrses have been confounded with what 
 Herodotus tells of the exploits of Madyes (IV. ciii., et seq.), and' are nothing more than a distorted 
 remembrance of the great Scythian invasion which took place in the latter half of the VIl"" century B.C. 
 
PROBABLE IDENTIFICATION WITH THE KHATL 
 
 57 
 
 mountain region in which the Halys and the Euphrates take their rise, 
 and if the bulk of them proceeded no further than the valleys 
 of the Taurus and the Amanos, some at least must have pushed 
 forward as far as the provinces on the western shores of the Dead 
 Sea. The most adventurous among them, reinforced by the Canaanites 
 and other tribes who had joined them on their southward course, 
 crossed the isthmus of Suez, and finding a people weakened by 
 discord, experienced no difficulty in replacing the native dynasties 
 by their own barbarian chiefs.^ Both their name and origin were 
 doubtless well known to the Egyptians, but the latter nevertheless 
 disdained to apply to them any term but that of " shemau,"^ strangers, 
 and in referring to them used the same vague appellations which 
 they applied to the Bedouin of the Sinaitic peninsula, — Monatiu, the 
 shepherds, or Satiu, the archers. They succeeded in hiding the 
 original name of their conquerors so thoroughly, that in the end they 
 themselves forgot it, and kept the secret of it from posterity. 
 
 The remembrance of the cruelties with which the invaders sullied 
 their conquest lived long after them ; it still stirred the anger of 
 Manetho after a lapse of twenty centuries.^ The victors were known as 
 the " Plagues " or " Pests,"* and every possible crime and impiety was 
 attributed to them. But the brutalities attending the invasion once 
 past, the invaders soon lost their barbarity and became raj)idly civi- 
 lized. Those of them stationed in the encampment at Avaris retained a hvksu» 
 the military qualities and characteristic energy of their race; 
 the remainder became assimilated to their new compatriots, and were soon 
 
 ' Makiette, Aperpt, de V Hhloirc de Vhqypte, 1874, pp. 49-54, 172-17"), deliberately coinmitteil him- 
 self to this view, and I'adre Cesahe di Caha, Gli Uyhtot di Egitlo, has written in support of it. At 
 the present time, those scholars who admit the Turanian origin of the llyksos are of opinion that only 
 tiie nucleus of the race, tiie royal tribe, was composed of Mongols, while the main bmly consisted of 
 elements of all kinds — Canaanitish, or, more generally, Semitic (Xavii.le, /iufc(i»<io, pp. 18,28). 
 
 ' The term shamamu, variant of themau, is applied to them by Queen Ililtflhopsttu (Golkmsi hefk, 
 Notice 8ur un texte de Stabl-Antar, in the Recueil, vol. iii. p. 3) : the same term is employed shortly 
 afterwards by Thutmosis III., to indicate the enemies whom he had defeated at Megiddo (BnroscH, 
 Recueil de Mon., vol. i. pi. xliii. 1. 1, where tlie text is defective). 
 
 ' He speaks of them in contemptuous terms as men of iynoble race, dyBpiDirot t<) ytyos iannoi 
 (MiiLLER-DiDOT, Frag. Hiit. Grxc., vol. ii. p. 5G6). 
 
 ' The epitiiet AUi, laiti, ladlli, was applied to the Nubians by the writer of the inscription of 
 Ahmosi-si-Abina (1. 21), and to the Shejjherds of tiie Delta by the author of the Saltier Papyrus, 
 No. 1, pi. 1, 1. 1. Brugsch explained it as "the reljels," or "disturbers" {Jigypt. Stud., § ii. p. 10), 
 and Goodwin translated it "invaders" (ffier. Pap., in the Cand). Etmys, 1858, p. 243); Chabas 
 rendered it by " plague-stricken," an interpretation which was in closer conformity with its etymo- 
 logical meaning {Mel. Jilgyptohg., Ist series, pp. 35^1), and Qroflf pointed out that the malady called 
 Ait, or Adit in Egyptian, is the malignant fever still frequently to be met with at the present day 
 in the marshy cantons of the Delta, and furnished the proper rendering, which is "The Fever- 
 stricken " (Etudes Archeolog. : la Malaria). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by M. do Mertens. It is the palette of a scribe, 
 now in the Berlin Museum, and given by King Apopi II. Ausirri to a scribe named Atu (Eiseslohr, 
 An Hidorical Morntment, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical ArchaBology, 1881, pp. 97, 98). 
 
58 
 
 THE HTKSbs IN EGYPT. 
 
 recognisable merely by their long liair, thick beard, and marked features. 
 Their sovereigns seem to have realised from the first that it was more to 
 their interest to exploit the country than to pillage it ; as, however, none of 
 them was competent to understand the intricacies of the treasury, they 
 
 were forced to retain the 
 services of the majority 
 of the scribes, who had 
 managed the public ac- 
 counts under the native 
 kings.^ Once schooled 
 to the new state of affairs, 
 they readily adopted the 
 refinements of civilized 
 life. The court of the 
 Pharaohs, with its pomp 
 and its usual assemblage 
 of officials, both great 
 and small, was revived around the person of the new sovereign ; ^ the titles of 
 the Amenemhaits and the Usirtasens, adapted to these "princes of foreign 
 lands,"* legitimatised them as descendants of Horus and sons of the Sun.^ 
 They respected the local religions, and went so far as to favour those of the gods 
 whose attributes appeared to connect them with some of their own barbarous 
 divinities. The chief deity of their worship was Baal, the lord of all,^ a cruel and 
 
 • The same thing took place on every occasion when Egypt was conquered by an alien race : the 
 Persian Achsemenians and Greeks made use of the native employes, as did tlie Romans after them; 
 and lastly, the Mussulmans, Arabs, and Turks (cf. Ed. Meyer, OescMchte jEgyptens, pp. 206, 207). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger. The Hyksos, whom I think I can 
 identify here, is represented among the slaves of Pihiri at El-Kab (Maspero, Notes sur quelques 
 points de Gram., in the Zeitschri/t, 1879, p. 59; cf. Ed. Meter, GescMchte Mgyptens, p. 219, note 2); 
 his is the second figure on the right, holding the hilts of the plough. 
 
 ^ The narrative of the Saltier Papyrus, No. 1, shows us the civil and military chiefs collected round 
 the Shepherd-king Apopi, and escorting him in the solemn processions in honour of the gods (pi. i. 1. 4). 
 They are followed by the scribes and magicians, who give him advice on important occasions (pi. ii. 1. 2). 
 
 * Hiqu Situ : this is the title of Abisha at Beni-Hassan (cf. Maspero, D. of Civiliz., p. 468), which 
 is also assumed by Khiani on several small monuments (cf. Petrie, Hist. Scarabs, pi. 25, No. 729) ; 
 Steindorfif (Zur Gesch. der Hyksos, pp. 4, 5) has attempted to connect it with the name of the Hyksos. 
 
 ^ The preamble of the two or three Shepherd-kings of whom we know anything, contains 
 the two cartouches, the special titles, and the names of Horus, which formed part of the title of 
 the kings of pure Egyptian race; thus Apophis II. is proclaimed to be the living Horus, who joins the 
 two earths in peace, the good god, Aqnunri, son of the Sun, Apopi, who lives for ever, on the statues of 
 Mirmashau, which he had appropriated (E. and J. de Eouge, Inscrip. hi^rogl. en Egypte, pi. Ixxvi., 
 where the proper name has been misread), and on the pink granite table of offerings in the Gizeh 
 Museum (Makiette, Notice des Princip. Mon., 1876, p. 299, No. 1001, and Mon. divers, pi. 38, 
 pp. 10, 11). V 
 
 « The name of Baal, transcribed Ba^lu, is found on that of a certain Peteba^lu, "the Gift of 
 Baal," who must have flourished in the time of the last shepherd-kings, or rather under the Theban 
 kings of the XVII* dynasty, who were their contemporaries (Lieblein, Recherches sur la Chronologic 
 ^gyptienne, pp. 129-132, whose conclusions have been adopted by Buugsch, Gesch. JEgijpt., pp. 238, 239). 
 
THEIR ASSIMILATION TO THE EGYPTIANS. 
 
 59 
 
 savage warrior ; his resemblance to Sit, the brother and enemy of Osiris, was 
 so marked, that he was identified with the Egyptian deity, with the emphatic 
 additional title of Sutkhu, the 
 Great Sit.^ He was usually repre- 
 sented as a fully armed warrior, 
 wearing a helmet of circular form, 
 ornamented with two plumes ; but 
 he also borrowed the emblematic 
 animal of Sit, the fennec, and the 
 winged griffin which haunted the 
 deserts of the Thebaid.^ His 
 temples were erected in the cities 
 of the Delta, side by side with 
 the sanctuaries of the feudal gods, 
 
 both at Bubastis* and at Tanis.= Tanis, now made the capital, reopened 
 its palaces, and acquired a fresh impetus from the royal presence within 
 its walls. Apophis AqnAnri,^ one of its kings, dedicated several tables of 
 offerings in that city, and engraved his cartouches upon the sphinxes and 
 standing colossi of the Pharaohs of the XIP" and XIIP" dynasties. He was, 
 however, honest enough to leave the inscriptions of his predecessors intact, 
 and not to appropriate to liimself the credit of works belonging to the 
 Amenemhaits or to Mirmasbau.^ Khiani, who is possibly the lannas of 
 
 ' Sutikhfl, SutkhA, are lengthened forms of SiitQ, or SUA ; and Chabas, who had at first denied 
 the existence of the final khu {MAangeg Egypt., 2nd series, pp. 187-91, and Voyage d'un Egyptn n, p. 293), 
 afterwards himself supplied the philological arguments which proved the correctness of the reading 
 {Le>i Pasteur s, p. 35): he rightly refused, however, to rocogniso in Sutikhtt or Sutkhtt— the name 
 of the conquerors' god — a transliteration of the Phooiiician Sydyk, and would only see in it that of the 
 nearest Egyptian deity. This view is now accepted as the right one, and Sutkhd is regarded ns thu 
 indigenous equivalent of the great Asiatic god, elsewhere called Baal, or supreme lord. [Professor 
 Petrie found a scarab bearing the cartouche of " Sutekh " Apepi I. at Koptos. — Tii.] 
 
 * For the aspect of the god Sit, cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 102, 103, 132-135. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by E. Brugsch ; cf. Mariette, Monuments divi m, 
 pi. 38. 
 
 ♦ Fragment of an inscription which states that Apophis raised columns and had a metal door 
 made for liis god (Naville, Buhaslis, pis. 22, 23, pis. xxii. A, xxxv. B, C), i.e. for Sutikhft. 
 
 ' As to the restoration or building of temples at Tanis, cf. Mariette, Leltre a M. le Vicomte ile 
 Rouge sur lea fouilles de Tani», p. 8, etseq. ; and Fi.inder.s Petrik, Tanii, i. pp. 7, 8, 9, and ii. pp. 16, 3;i. 
 
 " The cartouche name of this king, wrongly deciphered at first by Mariette {Deuxiemc Lettn it 
 M. le Vicomte de Roug€, p. 4) and by E. de Rouge' (E. and J. i>e Rouoii, Imcrip. Hig'rogl. recueillies 
 en iSgypte, pi. Ixxvi. ; Eomou, Lemons de M. dc Roug^, in tiie Melanges d'Arch. fCgypt. et Assyriennc, vol. 
 ii. p. 283), was afterwards restored to its true form by Mariette himself (Miller-Mariette, £tudr 
 sur une Inscription grecque, in the Melanges d' ArcMologie, vol. i. p. 56), and liis reading A(inunri, 
 adopted by Brugsch {Geschichte JSgyptens, p. 824), has since been accepted by all subsequent writers. 
 The old reading still reappears in the work of Padre Cesare di Cara {Gli Hyhtos di Egitlo, p. 312) side 
 by side with the true reading. 
 
 ' Table of offerings discovered at Cairo, and brought thither from Heliopolis or Memphis, or 
 perhaps from Tanis (Mariette, Momments divers, pi. 38) ; statues and sphinx usurped at Tanis 
 itself (Burton, Excerpla hieroglyphica, pi. 40 ; Mariette, Notice des Princip. Mon., 1876, p. 262, No. 6, 
 264, Nos. 11-13); sphinx usurped at Tell el-Maskhtttah (Maspero, Sur deux monuments nouveaux 
 
60 
 
 THE EYKSbs IN HQYPT. 
 
 Manetho, was not, however, so easily satisfied.^ The 
 statue bearing his inscription, of which the lower part 
 was discovered by Naville at Bubastis, appears to 
 have been really carved for himself or for one of 
 his contemporaries. It is a work possessing 
 -^^ -V . no originality, though of very commend- 
 
 ^ able execution, such as would render it 
 - acceptable to any museum ; the artist 
 
 who conceived it took his inspiration 
 
 THE BAGDAD LION, IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.^ 
 
 with considerable cleverness from the 
 best examples turned out by the schools of the Delta under the Sovkhotpus and 
 the Nofirhotpus. But a small grey granite lion, also of the reign of Khiani, 
 which by a strange fate had found its way to Bagdad, does not raise our estima- 
 tion of the modelling of animals in the Hyksos period. It is heavy in form, 
 and the muzzle in no way recalls the fine profile of the lions executed by the 
 sculptors of earlier times. The pursuit of science and tlie culture of learning 
 appear to have been more successfully perpetuated than the fine arts ; a treatise 
 on mathematics, of which a copy has come down to us, would seem to have been 
 recopied, if not remodelled, in the twenty-second year of Apophis II. Ausirri.^ 
 
 du regne de Eamses II., pp. 1, 2, where the sphinx is given, thougli attention is not called to the fact 
 that it had been usurped) ; usurped sphinx in the Louvre (Deveeia, Lettre a M. A. Mariette sur 
 quelques mon. relatifs aiix Hyq-Sos, in the Eevue Arch., 2nd series, vol. iv., 1861, pp. 260, 261). 
 
 ' Naville, Bubastis, pi. xii., xxxv. A, and pp. 23-26, who reads the name Eayan or Yanra, and 
 thinks that this prince must be the Annas or lannas mentioned by Manetho (MijLLER-DiDOT, Frag. 
 Hist. Grxc, vol. ii. p. 567) as being one of the six shepherd-kings of the XV'" dynasty. Mr. Petrie 
 proposed to read Khian, Khiani, and the fragment discovered at Gebelein confirms this reading 
 (Daressy, Notes et Bemarques, in the Mecueil, vol. xvi. p. 42, § Ixxxviii.), as well as a certain number of 
 cylinders and scarabs (Fl. Petrie, Hist. Scarabs, pi. 25). Mr. Petrie prefers to place this Pharaoh in 
 the VIII'" dynasty {Hist, of Egypt, vol. i. pp. 117-121), and makes him one of the leaders in the 
 foreign occupation to which he supposes Egypt to have submitted at that time (as to this point, cf. 
 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 440, 441) ; but it is almost certain that he ought to be placed 
 among the Hyksos of the XVI"' dynasty (Steindorff, Zur Gesch. der Hijlcsos, pp. 4, 5). The name 
 Khiani, more correctly Khiyani or Kheyaui, is connected by Tomkins (.Irl. Anthropological Institute, 
 1889, p. 185), and Hilprecht {Assyriaca, vol. i. p. 130, note 2) with that of a certain Khayanft or 
 Khayan, son of Gabbar, who reigned in Amanos in the time of Salmanasar II., King of Assyria. 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from a sketch made in the British Museum. This miniature lion was 
 first brought into notice by Deve'ria {Lettre a M. Auguste Mariette sur quelques monuments relatifs 
 aux Hyq-Sos, in the Eevue ArcMologique, new series, vol. iv. pp. 256, 257), who read the cartouche 
 Ea-sit-nUb; it was reproduced by Pleyte (La Religion des Pr€-Israelile», pi. i. fig. 9), from De'veria's 
 sketch, and was bought for the British Museum by G. Smith, who believed he could detect on it the 
 name of Salatis {Assyrian Discoveries, p. 420). Mr. Tomkins made a new drawing of it, and published 
 it in his Studies on the Times of Abraham, pi. xi. pp. 140-142. The discovery of the true reading of 
 the cartouche, Susiruiri, and its identification with the cartouche-prenomen of Khiani, are due to 
 Griflath (Naville, Bubastis, pp. 24, 25). Ed. Meyer {Geschichte des AUerthums, vol. i. p. 136) con- 
 siders this lion not to be Egyptian work at all, but pseudo-Egyptian, and that it was executed in 
 Asia; the head, which had been mutilated, has been restored at a much later date, and has thus 
 lost its ancient character, but the body shows it to have been of pure Egyptian origin. 
 
 ' The cartouche-name Ausirri, which is only to be found in the papyrus, was pointed out by 
 Birch {Geometric Papyrus, in the Zeitschrift, 1868, p. 109), who did not classify it; Eisenlohr recog- 
 nised the fact that it must date from the time of the XVII"" dynasty {Ueber altagyptische Maasse, 
 in the Zeitschrift, 1876, p. 4<1, and Ein Mathemaiisches Handbuch der Alten .SSgypter, pp. 7, 8), and 
 
THE MONUMENTS OF KHIANI. 
 
 61 
 
 If we only possessed more monuments or documents treating of this period, 
 we should doubtless perceive that their sojourn on the banks of the Nile 
 was instrumental in causing a speedy change in the appearance and character 
 of the Hyksos. The 
 strangers retained to a 
 certain extent their 
 coarse countenances and 
 rude manners : they 
 showed no aptitude for 
 tilling the soil or sowing 
 grain, but delighted in 
 the marshy expanses of 
 the Delta, where they 
 gave themselves up to 
 a semi-savage life of 
 hunting and of tending: 
 cattle. The nobl( s 
 among them, clothed ami 
 schooled after tlie Egyii- 
 tian fashion, and holding 
 fiefs, or positions at court, 
 differed but little from 
 the native feudal cliiefs. 
 We see here a case of 
 wliat generally happens 
 when a horde of bar- 
 barians settles down in a 
 highly organised country 
 
 which by a stroke of fortune they may have conquered : as soon as the Hyksos 
 had taken complete possession of Egypt, Egypt in her turn took possession 
 of them, and those who survived the enervating effect of her civilization 
 were all but transformed into Egyptians. 
 
 If, in the time of the native Pharaohs, Asiatic tribes had been drawn 
 towards Egypt, where they were treated as subjects or almost as "slaves," 
 
 finally showed, ou the evidence of Stern, that it helouged to one of the Apophis {An Histoxical .Vonu- 
 ment, in the Froceedingtot the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., 1881, pp. 97, 98). It is thus placed in the XVI"' 
 dynasty (WiEDKMANN, jEgyptisehe Geschichle, pp. 293, 294), and the hypothesis is confirmed by a monu- 
 ment of Apophis II. iu the 8o\ith of Egypt, at (iebclein (Daisessy, Notes et Remarques, § sxx., in the 
 Recueil de Travaux, vol. xii. p. 26). The treatise had been composed under Amcnomhuit III. (Gkif- 
 FiTU, The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, in the Proceedings of the f<oc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. xiv., 1891, 
 pp. 36, 37). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Naville ; of. Naville, Bubaslis, pi. xii. 
 » Of. in regard to these Asiatic emigrants, Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 468-471. 
 
62 
 
 TEE HTKSbs IN EGYPT. 
 
 the attraction which she possessed for them must have increased in inten- 
 sity under the shepherds. They would now find the country in the hands of 
 men of the same races as themselves — Egyptianised, it is true, but not to such 
 an extent as to have completely lost their own language and the knowledge of 
 their own extraction. Such immigrants were the more readily welcomed, 
 since there lurked a feeling among the Hyksos that it was necessary to 
 strengthen themselves against the slumbering hostility of the indigenous 
 population. The royal palace must have more than once opened its gates to 
 Asiatic counsellors and favourites. Canaanites and Bedouin must often have 
 been enlisted for the camp at Avaris. Invasions, famines, civil wars, all seem 
 to have conspired to drive into Egypt not only isolated individuals, but whole 
 families and tribes. That of the Beni-Israel, or Israelites, who entered the 
 country about this time, has since acquired a unique position in the world's 
 history. They belonged to that family of Semitic extraction which we know 
 by the monuments and tradition to have been scattered in ancient times along 
 the western shores of the Persian Gulf and on the banks of the Euphrates. 
 Those situated nearest to Chaldaia and to the sea probably led a settled exist- 
 ence ; they cultivated the soil, they employed themselves in commerce and 
 industries, their vessels — from Dilmun, from Magan, and from Milukhkha — 
 coasted from one place to another, and made their way to the cities of 
 Sumer and Accad. They had been civilized from very early times, and some 
 of their towns were situated on islands, so as to be protected from sudden 
 incursions.^ Other tribes of the same family occupied the interior of the con- 
 tinent ; they lived in tents, and delighted in the unsettled life of nomads. 
 There appeared to be in this distant corner of Arabia an inexhaustible reserve 
 of population, which periodically overflowed its borders and spread over the 
 world. It was from this very region that we see theKashdim, the true Chaldaeans, 
 issuing ready armed for combat, — a people whose name was subsequently used 
 to denote several tribes settled between the lower waters of the Tigris and the 
 Euphrates.^ It was there, among the marshes on either side of these rivers, 
 that the Aramaeans established their first settlements after quitting the desert.^ 
 There also the oldest legends of the race placed the cradle of the Phoenicians ; ^ 
 it was even believed, about the time of Alexander, that the earliest ruins 
 attributable to this people had been discovered on the Bahrein Islands, the 
 
 ' E.g. the ancient town of Dilmun (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradtes? p, 229). 
 
 2 As to tlie position occupied by the Chaldseans in the marshes, at the mouths of the Euphrates 
 and Tigris, on the shores of the Persian Gulf, of. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 134, et seq. 
 
 ' The Assyrian inscriptions show that there were Aramaeans in this region also (Fb. Delitzsch, 
 Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 257, 258). The tendency to trace all the Aramaeans who settled in Syria 
 to the marshy regions which border on the lower Euphrates has become very pronounced of late: 
 cf., amongst others, Halevy, Melanges, pp. 29-31; Becherches Bib., pp. 57, 58, 165, 287, 288; and 
 Renan, Hist, du Peuple d'Israel, vol. i. p. 10. 
 
 * Cf. p. 55 of the present work for a passing allusion to this legend. 
 
THE PECENICIAN IMMIGRATION INTO SYRIA. fiS 
 
 largest of which, Tylos and Arados, bore names resembling the two great ports 
 of Tyre and Arvad.^ We are indebted to tradition for the cause of their emigra- 
 tion and the route by which they reached the Mediterranean. The occurrence 
 of violent earthquakes forced them to leave their home; they travelled as 
 far as the Lake of Syria, where they halted for some time; then resuming their 
 march, did not rest till they had reached the sea, where they founded Sidon.^ 
 The question arises as to the position of tlie Lake of Syria on whose shores 
 they rested, some believing it to be the Bahr-i-Nedjif and the environs of 
 Babylon;'' others, the Lake of Bambykes near the Euphrates,^ the emigrants 
 doubtless having followed up the course of that river, and having approached 
 the country of their destination on its north-eastern frontier. Another 
 theory would seek to identify the lake with the waters of Merom, the Lake 
 of Galilee, or the Dead Sea ; in this case the horde must have crossed the 
 neck of the Arabian peninsula, from the Euphrates to the Jordan, through 
 one of those long valleys, sprinkled with oases, which afforded an occasional 
 route for caravans.^ Several writers assure us that the Phoenician tradition of 
 this exodus was misunderstood by Herodotus, and that the sea which they 
 remembered on reaching Tyre was not the Persian Gulf, but tiie Dead Sea. If 
 this had been the case, they need not have hesitated to assign their departure 
 to causes mentioned in other documents. The Bible tells us that, soon 
 after the invasion of Kudur-lagamar, the anger of Gofl being kindled by the 
 wickedness of Sodom and Gomorrah, He resolved to destroy the five cities 
 situated in the valley of Siddim. A cloud of burning brimstone broke over 
 them and consumed them ; when the fumes and smoke, as " of a furnace," had 
 passed away, the very site of the towns had disappeared." Previous to their 
 destruction, the lake into which the Jordan empties itself had had but a re- 
 stricted area : the subsidence of the southern plain, which had been occupied 
 by the impious cities, doubled the size of the lake, and enlarged it to its present 
 
 ' STnABO, xvi. 3, § 4, p. 76G, according to the misBing narrative of Androsthenes, one of 
 Alexander's admirals. A place on the Persian CJ ulf named Dora (Stkabo, #. v. ) is also mentioned : 
 it was known to Ptolemy (vi. 7) by the uamo of Tharo, idapiL: 
 
 ' Ju.-<TINU8, xviii., iii. 2-4 : " Tyriorum gens conditu a Phcouicibus fuit, qui terra) raotu vexati relicto 
 patria3 solo ad Syrium staguum primo, mox nmri proximutu litus incoluerunt, oondita ibi nrbe, quara 
 a piscium ubertnto Sidona appellaverunt : nam piscus Phasnicos «i(foi» vocant." The ancient editions 
 read " Assyrium stagnum primo, mox mari proximum litus incoluerunt." 
 
 ' 6. Rawlinson, Herod., vol. iv. p. 201, and IliH. of I'liaeuicia, pp. 53, 54, from the reading 
 "Assyrium." 
 
 * A. VON CJuTscHMii), Beitriigi: zur Geschivhle des Alien OrienU, p. 30, note. Gutschmid afterwards 
 abandoned this view (Fliwnicia, in the Encyclopedia BrilaiiiUcn, 9th edit., vol. xviii. p. 803 B; cf. 
 Kleine Schri/ten, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, 8G, 87). 
 
 ' They would thus have arrived at tlie shores of Lake Merom (IIitzig, Urgesch. der Phitislxer, 
 pp. 181-184), or at the shores either of the Dead Sia or of the Lake of Gennesareth (Kenkick, 
 riiosnicia, p. 47); the Arab traditions speak of an itinerary which would have led the emigrants 
 across the desert (0. de Peucevai,, UUtoire des Arahes, vol. i. p. 38, et seq.), but th. y possess no 
 historic value in so far aa these early epochs are concerned (Noldeke, Ueber die Amalehiler, p. 34). 
 
 " Oen. xix. 24-29 ; the whole of this episode belongs to the Jehovistio narrative. 
 
64 
 
 THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 dimensions.^ The earthquake which caused the Phoenicians to leave their 
 ancestral home may have been the result of this cataclysm, and the sea on 
 whose shores they sojourned would thus be our Dead Sea. One fact, however, 
 appears to be certain in the midst of many hypotheses, and that is that the 
 Phoenicians had their origin in the regions bordering on the Persian Gulf.^ 
 It is useless to attempt, with the inadequate materials as yet in our possession, 
 to determine by what route they reached the Syrian coast, though we may 
 perhaps conjecture the period of their arrival. Herodotus asserts that the 
 'J'yrians placed the date of the foundation of their principal temple two thou- 
 sand three hundred years before the time of his visit,^ and the erection of a 
 sanctuary for their national deity would probably take place very soon after 
 their settlement at Tyre : this would bring their arrival there to about the 
 XXVIIF" century before our era. The Elamite and Babylonian conquests 
 would therefore have found the Phoenicians already established in the country, 
 and would have had appreciable effect upon them. 
 
 The question now arises whether the Beni-Israel belonged to the group ol 
 tribes which included the Phoenicians, or whether they were of Chaldaean race. 
 Their national traditions leave no doubt upon that point. They are regarded 
 as belonging to an important race, which we find dispersed over the country of 
 Padan-Aram, in Northern Mesopotamia, near the base of Mount Masios, and 
 extending on both sides of the Euphrates.* Their earliest chiefs bore the names 
 of towns or of peoples, — Nakhor, Peleg, and Serug : all were descendants of 
 Arphaxad,'' and it was related that Terakh, the direct ancestor of the Israelites, 
 had dwelt in Ur-Kashdim, the Ur or Uru of the Chaldgeans.'' He is said to have 
 
 ' The theory which endeavours to prove that the southern part of the Dead Sea was originally a 
 plain covered with cities, has been vigorously opposed by Lartet (Due de Luynes, Voyage d'Explora- 
 tion a la mer Morte, vol. iii. p. 241, et seq. ; cf. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 177-179). 
 
 - This opinion was, I believe, first put forward by Bunsen (^jr. Stelle, yo\.i\. pp. 291, 292); at first 
 rejected by Gutschmid {Gesch. des Allen Orients, pp. 26, 27), was afterwards accepted by him (Kleine 
 Schri/t.,vol ii. ])^. 41,42,86,87), and from him passed into Pietschmann, Ges.derPhonizier, pp. 114-116. 
 
 ' Herodotus, II. xliv. ; cf. Wiedemann's commentary on Herodois zweites Buck, pp. 207-211. 
 
 * The country of Padan-Aram is situated between the Euphrates and the upper reaches of the 
 Khabur, on both sides of the Balikh, and is usually explained as the " plain " or " table-land " of Aram, 
 though the etymology is not certain ; the word seems to be preserved in that of Tell-Faddan, near Harran. 
 
 * Niikhor has been associated with the ancient village of Khaura, or with the ancient village of 
 Haditha-en-Naura, to the south of Anah ; Peleg probably corresponds with Phalga or Phaliga, which 
 was situated at the mouth of the Khabur ; Serug with the present Sarudj in the neighbourhood of 
 Edessa, and the other names in the genealogy were probably borrowed from as many different localities. 
 
 " The site of Arphaxad is doubtful, as is also its meaning : its second element is undoubtedly the 
 name of the Chaldc-eans, but the first is interpreted in several ways—" frontier of the Chald?eans," 
 "domain of the Chalda;ans." The similarity of sound was the cause of its being for a long time 
 associated with the Arrapakhitis of clasBical times; the tendency is now to recognise in it the 
 country nearest to the ancient domain of the Chaldreans, i.e. Babylonia proper (Ffi. Delitzsch, Wo 
 lag das Parodies? pp. 264, 265; Schrader, Die Eeilinschri/ten, 1888, pp. 112, 113; Budde, Die Bib. 
 Vrgesch., p. 444, note). 
 
 ' Ur-Kashdim has long been sought for in the north, either at Orfa, in accordance with the 
 tradition of the Syrian Churches still existing in the East, or in a certain Ur of Mesopotamia, placed 
 by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxxv. 8, 7) between Nisibis and the Tigris (cf. for a very clear summary 
 of these early opinions, Vigouroux, La Bible et les D€couvertes modernes, 1884, vol. i. pp. 33.'5-394) ; 
 
THE MIGRATION OF THE ISRAELITES FROM OHALDJEA INTO SYRIA. 65 
 
 had three sons — Abraham, Nakhor, and Haran, Harau begat Lot, but died 
 before his father in Ur-Kashdim, his own country ; Abraham and Nakhor both 
 took wives, but Abraham's wife remained a long time barren. Then Terakh, 
 with his son Abraham, his grandson Lot, the son of Haran, and his daughter- 
 in-law Sarah,^ went forth from Ur-Kashdim (Ur of the Chaldees) to go into 
 the land of Canaan; and they came unto Kharan, and dwelt there, and 
 Terakh died in Kharan.^ It is a question whether Kharan is to be identified 
 with Harran in Mesopotamia, the city of the god Siu ; or, which is more pro- 
 bable, with the Syrian town of Hauran,^ in the neighbourhood of Damascus.* 
 The tribes who crossed the Euphrates became subsequently a somewhat im- 
 portant people. They called themselves, or were known by others, as the 'Ibrim, 
 or Hebrews, the people from beyond the river ;^ and this appellation, which we 
 are accustomed to apply to the children of Israel only, embraced also, at the 
 time when the term was most extended, the Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, 
 Ishmaelites, Midianites, and many other tribes settled on the borders of the 
 desert to the east and south of the Dead Sea." These peoples all traced their 
 descent from Abraham, the son of Terakh, but the children of Israel claimed the 
 privilege of being the only legitimate issue of his marriage with Sarah, giving 
 naive or derogatory accouats of the relations which connected the others with 
 
 •at the present day Hale'vy still looks for it on the Syrian bank of the Euiihratea, to the south-east of 
 Thapsacus {Mdanges d' Itpigraphie et d'ArcMologie S^iniliques, p. 84, and Recherches Bibliques, p. 715, 
 note 1). Kawlinson's proposal to identify it with the town of Uru has been successively accepted by 
 uearly all Assyriologists ; by Oppert (Leg Inscripliont de Dur-Sarkayan, in Place's Xinioe et VAstyrit, 
 vol. ii. p. 289, note 1), by Schrader (Die Keilimchriften und das alle Testament, 1872, pp. 283, 284, and 
 latterly in the article, Ur-Kasdim, in the HandwSrterhuch de» liiblischen Altertunu, 1894, pp. 1729, 
 1730). Sayce remarks that the worship of Sin, which was common to both towns, established a 
 natural link between them, and that an inhabitant of Uru would have felt more at home in Harr&n 
 than in any other town {The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments, 3rd edit., p. 159, 
 and Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 16G, 167). 
 
 ' The names of Sarah and Abraham, or rather the earlier form, Abram, have been found, the 
 latter under the form Abirftmu, in the contracts of the lirst Chaldwan empire (IIalevy, Rtcherches 
 Bibliques, p. 270 ; Sayce, Tlie Higher Criticism, etc., p. 159). For the explanation of Sari in Chaldsaan 
 use, of. Meissneu, Buitrdge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht, p. 213. 
 
 ' Gen. xi. 27-32. In the opinion of most critics, verses 27, 31, 32 form part of the docameut 
 which was the basis of the various narratives still traceable in the Bible ; it is thought that the 
 remaining verses bear the marks of a later redaction, or that they may be additions of a later date. 
 The most important part of the text, that relating the migration from Ur-Kashdim to Khar&n, 
 belongs, therefore, to the very oldest part of the national tradition, and maybe regarded as expressing 
 the knowledge which the Hebrews of later times possessed concerning the origin uf their race. 
 
 • Kenan, Histoire du Peuple d'lsra&, vol. i. pp. 91, 92, where the name of Terakh is compared 
 with that uf Trachonitis, and the Biblical Kharftn identified with the modem Haur&n. 
 
 * Halevt, Melanges d'^pigraphie et d' Archgologie S^initiquei, pp. S2-S4, where Khar&n is con- 
 nected with Spelunca, a Roman station in Central Syria; cf. Recherches Bibliques, 715, note 1. 
 
 ^ The most ancient interpretation identified this nameless river with the Euphrates ; an identifi- 
 cation still admitted by most critics (Budde, Die Biblische Vrgeschichte, p. 505, note 1 ; Renan, 
 Histoire du Peuple d'lsracl, vol. i. p. 91); others prefer to recognise it as being the Jordan (Ed. 
 Meveu, Geschichte des Alterthmm, vol. i. p. 215; Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 110, 
 1 13). HaMvy {Melanges d' K pigraphie, etc., p. 81) prefers to identify it with one of the rivers of 
 Damascus, probably the Abana (cf. p. 8 of the present volume). 
 
 " For the way in which Hebrew historians have taken cognisance of the relationship which con- 
 nected them with neighbouring peoples, cf. Wellhauskn, Prolegomena zur Gesch. Israels, p. 336, seq. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 THE EYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 their common ancestor ; Ammon and Moab were, for instance, the issue of the 
 incestuous union of Lot and his daughters.^ Midian and his sons were descended 
 from Keturah, who was merely a second wife,^ Ishmael was the son of an Egyptian 
 slave,^ while the " hairy " Esau had sold his birthright and the primacy of the 
 Edomites to his brother Jacob, and consequently to the Israelites, for a dish of 
 lentils.* Abraham left Kharan at the command of Jahveh, his God, receiving 
 from Him a promise that his posterity should be blessed above all others. 
 Abraham pursued his way into the heart of Canaan till he reached Shechem, and 
 there, under the oaks of Moreh, Jahveh, appearing to him a second time, 
 announced to him that He would give the whole land to his posterity as an 
 inheritance. Abraham virtually took possession of it, and wandered over it 
 with his flocks, building altars at Shechem, Bethel, and Mamre,^ the places where 
 God had revealed Himself to him, treating as his equals the native chiefs, 
 Abimelech of Gerar and Melchizedek of Jerusalem,^ and granting the valley 
 of the Jordan as a place of pasturage to his nephew Lot, whose flocks had 
 increased immensely.' His nomadic instinct having led him into Egypt, he 
 was here robbed of his wife by Pharaoh.^ On his return he purchased the 
 field of Ephron, near Kirjath-Arba, and the cave of Machpelah, of which he made 
 a burying-place for his family.^ Kirjath-Arba, the Hebron of subsequent times, 
 
 ' Gen. six. 30-38. For the origin of this account, cf. Eeuss, L'Hist. Sainte et la Loi, vol. i. p. 363, 
 n. 3 : it appears from the passage in Deut. ii. 9, 19, which speaks of the Moabites and Ammonites, that 
 the writer did not then know of this tradition, or did not choose to take it into consideration, and con- 
 fined himself to stating the descent of the two peoples without connecting it with any incestuous origin . 
 
 ' Gen. XXV. 1-6. Other Hebrew documents prefer to classify the Midianites among the descendants 
 of Ishmael (Gen. xsxvii. 25, 27, 28 ; Judges viii. 24). 
 
 * Gen. xvi., xxi. 9-21, xxv. 12-18, where we have two different forms of the narrative, the first 
 Jehovistic (ch. xvi.), the second Elohistic (xxi. 9-21) ; cf. Keuss, L'Histoire Sainte et la Loi, vol, i. 
 p. 127, note 78, for the comparison of the two versions. 
 
 * Gen. xxvii. For Wellhausen's theory of the probable date of this episode, cf. his Prolegomena 
 zur GescMchte Israels, p. 328, et seq. 
 
 ' Gen. xii. 1-4, 6-8. The mention of these three places would indicate, as far as the redaction ia 
 concerned, that it was made at a period anterior to that when all other localities for worship except 
 the temple at Jerusalem were proscribed by the law. 
 
 " Cf. the meeting with Melchizedek after the victory over the Elamites (Gen. xiv. 18-20) and the 
 agreement with Abimelech about the well (Gen. xxi. 22-34). The mention of the covenant of 
 Abraham with Abimelech belongs to the oldest part of the national tradition, and is given to us in the 
 Jehovistic narrative (Eeuss, L'Histoire Sainte et la Loi, vol. i. pp. 368, 369). Many critics have 
 questioned the historical existence of Melchizedek, and believed that the passage in which he is 
 mentioned is merely a kind of parable intended to show the head of the race paying tithe of the spoil to 
 the priest of the supreme God residing at Jerusalem (Reuss, L'Histoire Sainte et la Loi, vol. i. p. 349) ; 
 the information, however, furnished by the Tel-el-Amarua tablets about the ancient city of Jerusalem 
 (Zimmeen, Die Keilschrifthriefe aus Jerusalem, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. vi. pp. 245-263) and 
 the character of its early kings have determined Sayce to pronounce Melchizedek to be an historical per- 
 sonage (The Higher Criticism and the Monuments, pp. 174-178, and Patriarchal Palestine, p. 71, et seq.). 
 
 ' Gen. xiii. 1-13. Lot has been sometimes connected of late with the people called on the Egyptian 
 monuments Eotanu, or Lotanu, whom we shall have occasion to mention frequently further on : he 
 is supposed to have been their eponymous hero (Eenan, Histoire du Peuple Hebreu, vol. i. pp. 12, 115). 
 Lotan, which is the name of an Edomite clan (Gen. xxxvi. 20, 29), is a racial adjective, derived from 
 Lot (Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israels, vol. i. pp. 118, 119). 
 
 * Ge7i. xii. 9-20, xiii. 1. Abraham's visit to Egypt reproduces the principal events of that of 
 Jacob (Eeuss, L'Histoire Sainte et la Loi, vol. i. p. 342, note 5). 
 
 ' Gen. xiii. 18, xxiii. (Elohistic narrative). The tombs of the patriarchs are believed by the 
 
ABRAHAM IN THE LAND OF CANAAN. 67 
 
 became from henceforward his favourite dwelliug-place, and he was residing 
 there when the Elamites invaded the valley of Siddim,^ and carried 
 off Lot among their prisoners. Abraham set out in pursuit of them, and 
 succeeded in delivering his nephew/^ God (Jahveh) not only favoured him on 
 every occasion, but expressed His will to extend over Abraham's descendants 
 His sheltering protection. He made a covenant with him, enjoining the use 
 on the occasion of the mysterious rites employed among the nations when effect- 
 ing a treaty of peace. Abraham offered up as victims a heifer, a goat, and a 
 three-year-old ram, together with a turtle-dove and a young pigeon ; he cut 
 the animals into pieces, and piling them in two heaps, waited till the evening. 
 " And when the sun was going down, a deep sleep fell upon Abraham ; and lo, an 
 horror of great darkness fell upon him," and a voice from on high said to him : 
 " Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, 
 and shall serve them ; and they shall atttict them four hundred years ; and also 
 that nation, whom they shall serve, will I judge : and afterward shall they come 
 out with great substance. ... And it came to pass, that when the sun went 
 down, and it was dark, behold a smoking furnace, and a burning lamp that passed 
 between those pieces," Jahveh sealed the covenant by consuming the offering.* 
 Two less important figures fill the interval between the Divine prediction of 
 
 MoUammedaDB to exist to the present day iu the cave which is situated within the enclosure of the 
 mosque at Hebron, and the tradition on whicli this belief is based goes back to early Christian times; 
 cf. ViQODiiOLX, La Bible tt let D€couvertes modernes, 1884, vol. i. pp. 512-518, where we find summed 
 up the results of the most recent researches on the subject. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph brouglit home by Lortet. 
 
 ' On the subject of this invasion, cf. pp. 47, 48 of the present work. 
 
 ' Gen. xiv. 12-24. 
 
 ' Gen. XV., Jehovistio narrative. 
 
68 
 
 TEE EYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 servitude and its accomplishment. The birth of one of them, Isaac, was ascribed 
 to the Divine intervention at a period when Sarah had given up all hope of be- 
 coming a mother, Abraham was sitting at his tent door in the heat of the day, 
 when three men presented themselves before him, whom he invited to repose 
 under the oak while he prepared to offer them hospitality. After their meal, 
 he who seemed to be the chief of the three promised to return within a year, 
 when Sarah should be blessed with the possession of a son. Tlie announce- 
 ment came from Jahveh, but Sarah was ignorant of the fact, and laughed to 
 herself within the tent on hearing this amazing prediction ; for she said, " After 
 I am waxed old shall I have pleasure, my lord being old also ? " The child 
 was born, however, and was called Isaac, " the laugher," in remembrance of 
 Sarah's mocking laugh.^ There is a remarkable resemblance between his life 
 and that of his father.^ Like Abraham he dwelt near Hebron,^ and departing 
 thence wandered with his household round the wells of Beersheba. Like him he 
 was threatened with the loss of his wife ; like him, also, he renewed relations 
 with Abimelech of Gerar.* He married his relative Rebecca, the granddaughter 
 of Nakhor and the sister of Laban,^ After twenty years of barrenness, his 
 wife gave birth to twins, Esau and Jacob, who contended with each other from 
 their mother's womb, and whose descendants kept up a perpetual feud.^ We 
 know how Esau, under the influence of his appetite, deprived himself of 
 the privileges of his birthright, and subsequently went forth to become the 
 founder of the Edomites.'' Jacob spent a portion of his youth in Padan-Aram ; 
 here he served Laban for the hands of his cousins Rachel and Leah ; then, 
 owing to the bad faith of his uncle, he left him secretly, after twenty years' 
 service, taking with him his wives and innumerable flocks.^ At first he 
 wandered aimlessly along the eastern bank of the Jordan, where Jahveh re- 
 vealed Himself to him in his troubles. Laban pursued and overtook him, and, 
 acknowledging his own injustice, pardoned him for having taken flight. Jacob 
 
 * Gen. xviii. 1-16, according to the Jeliovistic narrative. Gen. xvii. 15-22 gives another account, 
 in which the Elohistic writer predicts the birth of Isaac in a different way. The name of Isaac, " the 
 laugher," possibly abridged from Isaak-el, " he on whom God smiles " (Renan, Hietoire du Peuple 
 Israel, vol. i. p. 107), is explained in three different ways : first, by the laugh of Abraham (ch. xvii. 
 17); secondly, by that of Sarah (xviii. 12) when her son's birth was foretold to her ; and lastly, by 
 the laughter of those who made sport of the delayed maternity of Sarah (xxi. 6). 
 
 2 Many critics see in the life of Isaac a colourless copy of that of Abraham, while others, on the 
 contrary, consider that the primitive episodes belonged to the former, and that the parallel portions of 
 the two lives were borrowed from the biography of the son to augment that of his father (Well- 
 HATJSEN, Prolegomena zur GeschicMe Israels, p. 338). 
 
 ^ Gen. xxxY. 27., Elohistic narrative. 
 
 * Gen. XX vi. 1-31, Jehovistic narrative. In Gen. xxv. 11 an Elohistic interpolation makes Isaac 
 also dwell in the south, near to the " "Well of the Living One Who seeth me." 
 
 ' Gen. xxiv., where two narratives appear to have been amalgamated ; in the second of these, 
 Abraham seems to have played no part, and Eliezer apparently conducted Kebecca direct to her 
 husband Isaac (vers. 61-67). 
 
 « Gen. xxv. 20-26. 
 
 ' Gen. xxv. 29-34 ; cf. what is said of this descent on pp. 65, 66 of the present volume. 
 ' Gen. xxvii. 41-46, xxviii., xxxi., xxxii. 1. 
 
ISAAC, JACOB, AND JOSEPH. 
 
 69 
 
 raised a heap of stones on the site of their encounter, known at Mizpah to 
 after-ages as the " Stone of Witness " — Gal-Ed (Galeed).^ This having been 
 accomplished, his difficulties began with his brother Esau, who bore him no 
 good will. One night, at the ford of the Jabbok, when he had fallen behind 
 his companions, "there wrestled a man with him until the breaking of the day," 
 without prevailing against him. The stranger endeavoured to escape before day- 
 break, but only succeeded in doing so at the cost of giving Jacob his blessing. 
 " What is thy name ? And he said, Jacob. And he said. Thy name shall be 
 called no more Jacob, but Israel : for thou hast striven with God and with men, 
 and hast prevailed." Jacob called the place Peniel, " for," said he, " I have 
 seen God face to face, and my life is preserved." The hollow of his thigh was 
 " strained as he wrestled with him," and he became permanently lame.'- Im- 
 mediately after the struggle he met Esau, and endeavoured to appease 
 him by his humility, building a house for him, and providing booths for his 
 cattle, so as to secure for his descendants the possession of the land. From 
 this circumstance the place received the name of Succoth — the " Booths " — by 
 which appellation it was henceforth known.-"* Another locality where Jahveh 
 had met Jacob while he was pitching his tents, derived from this fact the 
 designation of the " Two Hosts " — Mahanaim.* On the other side of the river, 
 at Shechem,^ at Bethel," and at Hebron, near to the burial-place of his family,"^ 
 traces of him are everywhere to be found blent with those of Abraham. By 
 his two wives and their maids he had twelve sons. Leah was the mother of 
 Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, and Zabulon ; Gad and Asher were 
 the children of his slave Zilpah ; while Joseph and Benjamin were the only 
 sons of Rachel — Dan and Naphtali^ being the offspring of her servant Bilhah. 
 The preference which his father showed to him caused Joseph to be hated 
 by his brothers; they sold him to a caravan of Midianites on their way to 
 Egypt, and persuaded Jacob that a wild beast had devoured him. Jahveh 
 was, however, with Joseph, and "made all that he did to prosper in his hand." 
 
 ' Gen. xxxi. 45-54, where the writer evidently traces the origin of the word Gilead to Gal-Ed. 
 We gather from the context that the narrative was connected with the aiirn at Mizpah which 
 aeparatcd the Hebrew from the Araineean speaking peoples. 
 
 * Gen. xxxii. 22-32. This is tlie account of the Jehovislic writer. The Elohist gives a different 
 version of the circumstances which led to the change of name from Jacob to Israel ; he places the 
 scene at Bethel, and suggests no precise etymology for the name Israel (£ren. xxxv. 9-15). 
 
 ' Gen. xxxiii. 1-17. [The Hebrew states that Jacob built the house, etc., for himself and not for 
 Esau.— Ed.] 
 
 * Gen. xxxii. 2, 3, where the theophany is indicated rather than directly stated. 
 
 * Gett. xxxiii. 18-20. Here should bo placed the episode of Dinah seduced by an Amorite prince, 
 and the consequent massacre of the inhabitants by Simeon and Levi (Gen. xxxiv.). The almost com- 
 plete dispersion of the two tribes of Simeon and Levi is attributed to this massacre ; cf. Gen. xlix. 5-7- 
 
 ° Gen. xxxv. 1-15, where is found the Elohistic version (9-15) of the circumstimccs which led 
 to the change of name from Jacob to Israel. 
 ' Gen. xxxv. 27-29. 
 
 » The enumeration of all tlie sous is given in Gen. xxxv. 23-26 ; the details of the births of the 
 children of Leah are found in Gen. xxix. 31-35, xxx. 14-21 ; those of the children of Rachel in Gen. 
 XXX. 22-24, xxxv. 16-19 ; and those of the children of Bilhah and Zilpah in Gen. xxx. 1-1.3. 
 
70 THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 He was bought by Potiphar, a great Egyptian lord and captain of Pharaob's 
 guard, who made him his overseer ; his master's wife, however, " east her eyes 
 upon Joseph," but finding that he rejected her shameless advances, she accused 
 him of having oifered violence to her person/ Being cast into prison, he 
 astonished his companions in misfortune by his skill in reading dreams, and 
 was summoned to Court to interpret to the king his dream of the seven lean 
 kine who had devoured the seven fat kine, which he did by representing the 
 latter as seven years of abundance, of which the crops should be swallowed up 
 by seven years of famine. Joseph was thereupon raised by Pharaoh to the rank 
 of prime minister. He stored up the surplus of the abundant harvests, and 
 as soon as the famine broke out, distributed the corn to the hunger-stricken 
 people in exchange for their silver and gold, and for their flocks and fields. 
 Hence it was that the whole of the Nile valley, with the exception of the 
 lands belonging to the priests, gradually passed into the possession of the royal 
 treasury. Meanwhile his brethren, who also suffered from the famine, came 
 down into Egypt to buy corn. Joseph revealed himself to them, pardoned the 
 wrong they had done him, and presented them to the Pharaoh. "And Pharaoh 
 said unto Joseph, Say unto thy brethren, This do ye ; lade your beasts, and go, 
 get you unto the land of Canaan ; and take your father and your household, 
 and come unto me : and I will give you the good of the land of Egypt, and ye 
 shall eat the fat of the land." Jacob thereupon raised his camp and came to 
 Beersheba, where he offered sacrifices to the God of his father Isaac; and 
 Jahveh commanded him to go down into Egypt, saying, " I will there make 
 of thee a great nation : I will go down with thee into Egypt : and I will also 
 surely bring thee up again : and Joseph shall put his hand upon thine eyes." 
 The whole family were installed by Pharaoh in the province of Goshen, as far 
 as possible from the centres of the native population, " for every shepherd is 
 an abomination unto the Egyptians." ^ 
 
 In the midst of these stern yet touching narratives in which the Hebrews of 
 later times delighted to trace the history of their remote ancestors, one im- 
 portant fact arrests our attention : the Beni-Israel quitted Southern Syria and 
 settled on the banks of the Nile. They had remained for a considerable time 
 in what was known later as the mountains of Judah. Hebron had served as 
 their rallying-point ; the broad but scantily watered wadys separating the cul- 
 tivated lands from the desert, were to them a patrimony, which they shared 
 
 ' For the resemblance which has been remarked between this episode and a passage in the " Tale 
 of the Two Brothers," where the wife of Anupu endeavours to corrupt her young brother-in-law 
 Bitifi, but finds that he repulses her advances, cf. Ebers, ^gypten und die BUcher Moses, pp. 314, 
 315; and Maspero, Les eontes populaires de l'£gypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. xii.-xiv. 
 
 ^ The history of Joseph is contained in Gen. xxxvii., xxxix.-xlvi. The commentary of Vigotikoux, 
 La Bible et les D^couvertes modernes, vol. ii. pp. 1-227, and that of Beogsch, Steinschrift und Bihelwort, 
 pp. 77-103, give an idea of the manner in which orthodox commentators and Egyptologists can defend 
 the authenticity of the narrative by references to the ancient monuments. 
 
THE BENI-ISRAEL AND THE LAND OF GOSHEN. 
 
 71 
 
 with the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns. Every year, in the spring, 
 they led their flocks to browse on the thin herbage growing in the bottoms of 
 the valleys, removing them to another district only when the supply of fodder 
 was exhausted. The women span, wove, fashioned garments, baked bread, 
 cooked the viands, and devoted themselves to the care of the younger children, 
 whom they suckled beyond the usual period. The men lived like the Bedouin — 
 periods of activity alternating regularly with times of idleness, and the daily 
 routine, with its simple duties and casual work, often gave place to quarrels 
 for the possession of some rich pasturage or some never-failing well.^ 
 
 A comparatively ancient tradition relates that the Hebrews arrived in 
 Egypt during the reign of Aphobis, a Hyksos king, doubtless one of the Apopi, 
 and possibly the monarch who restored the monuments of the Theban Pharaohs, 
 and engraved his name on the sphinxes of Amenemhait III. and on the colossi 
 of Mirmashau.^ The land which the Hebrews obtained is that which, down to 
 the present day, is most frequently visited by nomads, who find there an uncertain 
 hospitality. The tribes of the isthmus of Suez are now, in fact, constantly 
 shifting from one continent to another, and their encampments in any 
 place are merely temporary. The lord of the soil must, if he desire to keep 
 them within his borders, treat them with the greatest prudence and tact. 
 Should the government displease them in any way, or appear to curtail their 
 liberty, they pack up their tents and take flight into the desert. The district 
 occupied by them one day is on the next vacated and left to desolation.^ 
 Probably the same state of things existed in ancient times, and the border 
 Homes on the east of the Delta were in turn inhabited or deserted by the 
 Bedouin of the period. The towns were few in number, but a series of forts 
 protected the frontier. These were mere village-strongholds perched on the 
 summit of some eminence, and surrounded by a strip of cornland. Beyond the 
 frontier extended a region of bare rock, or a wide plain saturated with the ill- 
 regulated surplus water of the inundation. The land of Goshen was bounded by 
 
 ' Compare the picture of the Semitic nomads traced by Ken.\n, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel, vol. i. 
 pp. 13-25, with that oftlie Bedouin furnished by the Memoirs of Siiiuhil (cf. Maspebo, Daton nf Civiliia- 
 iion, pp. 471-473) ; the narrative of Genesis bears witness to a state of things analogous to that 
 revealed by the Egyptian text as existing in the ago of the XII"' and XIII"" dynasties. 
 
 ' The year XVII. of Apophis has been pointed out as the date of their arrival (Qkobgics Syncellcs, 
 Chronography, Dindorf's edit., p. 201), and this combination, probably proposed by some learned Jew 
 of Alexandria, was adopted by Christian chroniclers. It is unsupported by any fact of Egyptian 
 history, but it rests on a series nf calculations founded on the information contained in the Bible. 
 Starting from the assumption that the Exodus must have taken place under Ahmosis, and that the 
 children of Israel had been fiKir hundred and thirty years on the banks of the Nile, it was found that 
 thobeginniug of their sojourn fell under the reign of the Apophis mentioned by Josephus, and, to 
 be still more correct, in the XVII"' year of that prince (Ehjiax, Zur Chroiwlogie der Uyheof, in the 
 Zeitschri/t, 1880, pp. 125-127). 
 
 ' In the last century, and even in our own times, we have examples of several migrations of tribes 
 established on the isthmus in the eastern districts of the Delta, who passed from Egypt into Syria or 
 from Syria into Egypt, to escape the exactions of Egyptian or Turkish governors. 
 
THE EYKSOS IN EGTPT. 
 
 the cities of Heliopolis on the south, Bubastis on the west, and Tanis and Mendes 
 on the north : the garrison at Avaris could easily keep watch over it and maintain 
 order within it, while they could at the same time defend it from the incursions 
 of the Monatiu and the Hirii-Shaitu.^ The Beni-Israel throve in these sur- 
 roundings so well adapted to their traditional tastes. Even if their subsequent 
 importance as a nation has been over-estimated, they did not at least share 
 the fate of many foreign tribes, who, when transplanted into Egypt, waned 
 and died out, or, at the end of two or three generations, became merged in 
 the native population.^ In pursuing their calling as shepherds, almost within 
 sight of the rich cities of the Nile valley, they never forsook the God of 
 their fathers to bow down before the Enneads or Triads of Egypt ; whether 
 He was already known to them as Jahveh, or was worshipped under the 
 collective name of Elohim, they served Him with almost unbroken fidelity 
 even in the presence of Ka and Osiris, of Phtah and Sutkhu.^ 
 
 The Hyksos conquest had not in any way modified the feudal system of 
 the country.* The Shepherd-kings must have inherited the royal domain just 
 as they found it at the close of the XIV'" dynasty, but doubtless the whole 
 Delta, from Avaris to Sais, and from Memphis to Buto, was their personal 
 appanage.^ Their direct authority probably extended no further south than 
 the pyramids, and their supremacy over the fiefs of the Said was at best 
 
 ' The limits of the land of Goshen are not clearly defined : I have adopted those indicated by 
 Ebers, Darch Gosen zum Sinai, pp. 73, 74, 488-513, and Naville, Goshen and the Shrine of Saft el 
 Henneh, pp. 14-20; also BKnGSCH, Steininsohrift wnd Bibelwort, pp. 116, 117. Goshen comprised the 
 provinces situated on the borders of the cultivable coruland, and watered by the infiltration of the 
 Nile, which caused the growth of a vegetation sufiScient to support the flocks during a few weeks ; and 
 it may also have included the imperfectly irrigated provinces which were covered with pools and reedy 
 swamps after each inundation ; cf the description of the districts frequented by the Bedouin in Jomard, 
 Observations sur les Arabes de I'Egypte Moyenne, in the Description de I'ilgypte, vol. xii. pp. 310, 311. 
 
 ' We are told that when the Hebrews left Eamses, they were "about six hundred thousand on 
 foot that were men, beside children. And a mixed multitude went up also with them ; aud flocks 
 and herds, even very much cattle" (Exod. xii. 37, 38). 
 
 ' Eenan, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel, vol. i. pp. 142-153, where exception must be taken to what 
 the author says with regard to the pernicious influence of Egypt. If any Egyptian influence took 
 effect, it is impossible to say at the present time whether it were good or bad ; every definite trace 
 of it has disappeared from the Biblical narrative. 
 
 * This is evident from the very passage iu which Manetho describes the expulsion of the HyksSs : 
 Mero TavTo. Se twu 4k t!)s QrifiatSos Kal rijs &AAr]S Aiyu-KTOV ySatriAeW yiveaSai <pT](rlv M roiis Uotfievas 
 kTravdcr-raffiv (MiiLLEE-DiDOT, Fragmeuta Historicorum Grsecorum, vol. ii. p. 567). Hence the docu- 
 ment of which Manetho made use inferred that not only the Theban princes but those of the whole 
 of Egypt were subject to the Shepherds, since it describes them as rebelling against their masters. 
 
 ' The monuments found at Tanis and Bubastis (cf. pp. 58, 59 of the present work) sufiiciently 
 prove that the eastern part of the Delta was under the immediate authority of the Shepherd-kings. 
 As for the remainder of the country, there is adequate proof aiforded by a passage of the inscription 
 in the Stabl-Antar, in which Queen Hatshopsittt relates that she "raised up the monuments 
 destroyed in the times when the Amfifl reigned over the country of the north" (Golenischeff, Notice 
 sur un Texte hiiroglyphique du Stabl-Antar, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. iii. pp. 2, 3). The frag- 
 ment of tlie text in which Minejahtah speaks " of the kings of Lower Egypt who possetsed the whole 
 land " (DiiMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, vol. i. pi. 4, 11. 39, 40 ; Mariette, Earnalc, pi. 53, 11. 39, 
 40) refers to the same period, but it recalls the fact of their suzerainty over the entire valley (E. de 
 EotiGE, Md'moire sur les Attaques dirigges contre I'Egypte par les peuples de la Mer, p. 7). 
 
THEBES REVOLTS AGAINST THE EYKSOS. 
 
 precarious. The turbulent lords who shared among them the possession of the 
 valley had never lost their proud or rebellious spirit, and under the foreign as 
 under the native Pharaohs regulated their obedience to their ruler by the energy 
 he displayed, or by their regard for the resources at his disposal. Thebes had 
 never completely lost the ascendency which it obtained over them at the fall of 
 the Memphite dynasty. The accession of the Xoite dynasty, and the arrival of 
 the Shepherd-kings, in relegating Thebes unceremoniously to a second rank, had 
 not discouraged it, or lowered its royal prestige in its own eyes or in those of 
 others : the lords of the south instinctively rallied around it, as around their 
 natural citadel, and their resources, combined with its own, rendered it as 
 formidable a power as that of the masters of the Delta. If we had fuller 
 information as to the history of this period, we should doubtless see that the 
 various Theban princes took occasion, as in the Heracleopolitan epoch, to pick 
 a quarrel with their sovereign lord, and did not allow themselves to be dis- 
 couraged by any check.^ The centuries of rule attributed by the chronicles 
 to the Hyksos of the XVI"' dynasty were not probably, as far as they were 
 concerned, years of perfect tranquillity, or of undisputed authority. In 
 inscribing their sole names on the lists, the compilers denoted merely the 
 shorter or longer period during which their Theban vassals^ faileil in their 
 rebellious efforts, and did not dare to assume openly the title or ensigns of 
 royalty. A certain Apophis, probably the same who took the prsenomen of 
 Aqntlnri, was reigning at Tanis when the decisive revolt broke out, and 
 Saqnunri Tiuaa I., who was the leader on the occasion, had no other title of 
 authority over the provinces of the south ^ than that of hiqu, or regent. 
 
 ' Tho length of time during wliich Egypt waa subject to Asiatic rule is not fully known. 
 Historians aro agreed iu recognising tlio three epochs referred to in the narrative of Munetho 
 (MijLLER-DiDOT, Frag. Hisloricorum Grxcorum, vol. ii. pp. 56(5-568) as corresponding with (1) tho 
 conquest and tho six first Hyksos kings, including the XV"' Theban dynasty ; (2) tho oomplcto sub- 
 mission of Egypt to the XVl'" foreign dynasty; (3) the war of independence during tho XVII'" 
 dynasty, wiiich consisted of two parallel series of kings, the one Shepherds (Pharaohs), the other 
 Thebans (Maspeho, Uw Enquetejudiciaire a Thebes, pp. 79, 80, and llcvue Critique, 1870. vol. ii. pp. 
 118, 119). There has been considerable discussion as to tho duration of tlie oppression. The best 
 solution is still that given by Erman (Zur Chronologic der Uijksot, in tho Zeitschrift, 1879, pp. 125-127), 
 according to whom tho XV"" dynasty lasted 284, tlio XVI'" 234, and the XVII'" 143 years, or, in all, 
 661 years. The invasion must, therefore, have taken place about 2340 B.C., or about the time when 
 the Elamite power was at its highest. Ths advent of the XVI'" dynasty would fall about 2062 b.c , 
 and the commencement of the war of independence between 1730 and 1720 b.o. 
 
 ' The supremacy of Thebes over tho other principalities is proved by the title of "Theban" 
 dynasty, which Munetho attributed to the indigenous Pliaraohs who contended with the lust of tho 
 Shepherds (Mulleu-Didot, Frag. Eist. Grxcorum, vol. ii. pp. 567, 568), as well as by the account 
 given iu the Sallier Papyrus, No. 1, wliich makes tho " Regent of Thebes " tiie rival of the Sovereign 
 of Avaris (pi. i. 11. 1, 2). 
 
 * Sallier Papyrus, No. 1, pi. i. 1. 1 ; cf. Maspeuo, Eludes Kgypliennei, vol. i. pp. 19S, 199. The 
 early Egyptologists who studied tiiis period thought that tho founder of the XVII"' Theban dynasty 
 was the king mentioned at El-Kab, Saqntturi Tiaaqni (E. de Rocge, Exanien de I'Ouvrage 
 de M. le Chev. de Bunsen, ii. p. 31, and Ath^na:um Fratijais, 1852, p. 432 ; Bmoscu, Jigypiisclie Studien, 
 § ii. p. 12). Chabas says that this must be the first of the two Satiniinris mentioned in the Abbott 
 Papyrus (pi. iii. 11. 8-11), who bore the name of Tiiiaa (Les Pasteurs en Egypte, pp. 37-40). The proof 
 that the Apophis of the Sallier Papyrus is probably Apopi AqnOnrl is furnished by the form of the 
 
74 
 
 TEE EYKSds IN EGYPT. 
 
 We are unacquainted with the cause of the outbreak or with its sequel, and 
 the Egyptians themselves seem to have been not much better informed 
 on the subject than ourselves. They gave free flight to their fancy, and 
 accommodated the details to their taste, not shrinking from the introduction 
 of daring fictions into the account. A romance, which was very popular with 
 the literati four or five hundred years later, asserted that the real cause of 
 the war was a kind of religious quarrel.^ " It happened that the land of 
 Egypt belonged to the Fever-stricken, and, as there was no supreme king at 
 that time, it happened then that King Saqnunri was regent of the city of the 
 south, and that the Fever-stricken of the city of Ea were under the rule of 
 Ea-Ap6pi in Avaris.^ The Whole Land tribute to the latter in manu- 
 factured products, and the north did the same in all the good things of the 
 Delta. Now, the King Ea-Ap6pi took to himself Sutkhu for lord, and he did 
 not serve any other god in the Whole Land except Sutkhu, and he built a 
 temple of excellent and everlasting work at the gate of the King Ea-Ap6pi, 
 and he arose every morning to sacrifice the daily victims, and the chief vassals 
 were there with garlands of flowers, as it was accustomed to be done for the 
 temple of Phra-Harmakhis." ^ Having finished the temple, he thought of 
 imposing upon the Thebans the cult of his god, but as he shrank from employ- 
 ing force in such a delicate matter, he had recourse to stratagem. He took 
 counsel with his princes and generals, but they were unable to propose any plan. 
 
 cartouche praenomeu, as Brugsch saw as soon as Mariette had given the true reading of the name 
 (GescMchte Mgyptens, p. 824, where the prsenomen of one of the two Tiuaas is mistakenly read 
 Aqnftnri, like that of the Shepherd-king) : the two epithets, Saqnunri, Aqnunri, are formed on the 
 same model, and as Apopi reigned before his rival, it was evidently Tiuaa who derived his prsenomen 
 Saqnflnri from that of Aqnunri. 
 
 ' The Sallier Papyrus, No. 1, was written in the year X., probably in the reign of Minephtah ; 
 ia any case, under the rule of a Pharaoh who is to be placed in the second half of the XIX"" dynasty. 
 The value of the document forming its first pages was recognised by E. de Eouge {Ath^nxum 
 Frangais, 1854, p. 532), and the interpretatioi/ of a few lines attempted shortly after by Brugsch 
 {^gyptische Studien, vol. i. pp. 8-21). It has since been translated by Goodwin (Hieratic Papyri, 
 in the Cambridge Essays, 1858, pp. 243-245), by Chabas (Les Pasteurs en Egypte, pp. 16-19), by 
 Brugsch (Histoire d'Egypte, p. 78 ; GescMchte Mgyptens, pp. 222-226), by Ebers (^gypten und die 
 Biicher Moses, p. 204, et seq.), by Lushington {Frag, of the 1st Sallier Pap., in the Becords of the Past, 
 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 1-4) ; by Maspero (Eludes Egyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 198-214). The results 
 were at iirst received as historical, except by Goodwin (cf. Bunsen, Egypt's Place, vol. iv. p. 671). The 
 true nature of the document was indicated at length by Maspero (^Etudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 195- 
 216, and Les Contes populaires de I'Egypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. xxviii.-xxxi.), and the majority 
 of Egyptologists have since fallen in with this opinion (Wiedemann, GescMchte ^gyptens, p. 71, and 
 Mgyptische GescMchte, pp. 299, 300 ; Erman, Neuxgyptische Grammatik, p. 2, and Mgypten und 
 Mgyptisches Lehen, p. 502; Ed. Meyeb, GescMchte des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 135, 256, and GescMchte 
 .Mgyptens, p. 212), without, however, accepting my view that the Egyptian story belongs to the class 
 of wager and riddle narratives. 
 
 " The text is here uncertain, and Piehl, Varia, § xiv., in the Zeitschrift, 1885, p. 60, as well as 
 Lefebure, TJn des Noms de la Boyaute septentrionale, in the Zeitschrift, 1893, vol. xxxi. p. 116, has 
 propounded readings of it different from miue. Lefe'bure renders it, " The scourge of the towns, 
 Apepi-Ka, was chief of the north in Avaris, while Sekenen-Ka was chief of the south at Thebes," 
 but " there was no king in that day." 
 
 ' Sallier Papyrus, No. 1, pi. i. 11. 1-4 ; cf. Maspero, Etudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 198-203, 
 •and Conies populaires de I'Egypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. 278, 279. 
 
THE ROMANCE OF APOPI AND OF SAQNUNBI. 
 
 75 
 
 The college of diviners and scribes was more complaisant : " Let a messenger 
 go to the regent of the city of the South to tell him : The King Ra-Ap6pi 
 commands thee : ' That the hippopotami which are in the pool of the town are 
 to be exterminated in the pool, in order that slumber may come to me by day 
 and by night.' He will not be able to reply good or bad, and thou 
 shalt send him another messenger : The King Ra-Ap6pi commands 
 thee : ' If the chief of the South does not reply to my message, let 
 him serve no longer any god but Sutkhu. But if he replies to it, and 
 will do that which I tell him to do, then I will impose nothing 
 further upon him, and I will not in future bow before any other god 
 of the Whole Land than Amonra, king of the gods ! ' " Another 
 Pharaoh of popular romance, Nectanebo, possessed, at a much later 
 date, mares which conceived at the neighing of the stallions of 
 Babylon, and his friend Lycerus had a cat which went forth every 
 night to wring the necks of the cocks of Memphis : ^ the hippopo- 
 tami of the Theban lake, which troubled the rest of the King of Tanis, 
 were evidently of close kin to these extraordinary animals. The 
 sequel is unfortunately lost. We may assume, however, without 
 much risk of error, that Saqnunri came forth safe and sound from the 
 ordeal ; that Apopi was taken in his own trap, and saw himself driven 
 to the dire extremity of giving up Sutkhu for Amonra or of de- 
 claring war. He was likely to adopt the latter alternative, and the 
 end of the manuscript would probably have related his defeat. 
 
 Hostilities continued for a century and a half from the time when 
 Saqnunri Tiuaa declared himself son of the Sun and king of the two Egypts. 
 From the moment in which he surrounded his name with a cartouche, the princes 
 of the Said threw in their lot with him, and the XVII'" dynasty had its begin- 
 ning on the day of his proclamation.^ The strife at first was undecisive and 
 without marked advantage to either side :* at length the Pharaoh whom the 
 
 * Found iu a popular story, which came in later times to be associated with the traditions con- 
 nected witli iEsop: cf. La Vie d'Esope le Phrygien, translated by La Fontaine (Fablet, ed. Lemerrc, 
 vol. i. pp. 41, 42, 45). The correctness of this interpretation is called in question by Piehl, Varia. 
 in the Zeitschrift, 1885, p. GO, note 2. 
 
 * Drawn from the original by Faucher-Gudin ; cf. Cuampollion, Monumtnlt de l'£gypte, etc.. 
 pi. cxci. A, 3, and Pieubet, Catalogue de hi Salle llislorique de la Galerie £gyptienne, p. 153, No! 
 614 bis. This small object, which was attributed to Saqnaiiii III. Tiflaqni, has been restored to 
 Tiflaa by Maspeho, Une Enquele judiciaire a Thibes, p. 78. 
 
 ' Maspero, Une Enquete judiciare, pp. 79, 80; cf. lievue Critique, 1870, vol. ii. pp. 119, 120. Ir. 
 this, as in many other cases, a change of dynasty in the lists of Manetbo does not indicate the 
 accession of a new family, but a change in the condition of the reigning family. 
 
 * Manetho says so formally : r£,v (k Tijs @T)0atSos xal t^j Saatjs AlyiiKTov fia<n\iwv ytviaOat <p-n<r\v 
 im Tous iroififvas iitavaaraatv, (tal TrSKftiov avroh (rv^paynvai ntycw Ka\ iroXvxpdytov (MClLEB-DidOT, 
 Frag. Eist. Grxcorum, vol. ii. p. 567). Erman thinks, on the contrary, tliat TiQua found no support 
 among the petty princes, but that they preferred to continue vassals of a foreigner rather than 
 recognise the sovereignty of one of their equals {^gypUn und jEgyptischet Lehen, p. 152). 
 
76 
 
 TEE EYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 Greek copyists of Manetho call Alisphragmoutliosis, defeated the barbarians, 
 drove them away from Memphis and from the western plains of the Delta, 
 and shut them up in their entrenched camp at Avaris,^ between the 
 Sebennytic branch of the Nile and the Wady Tumilat. The monuments 
 bearing on this period of strife and misery are few in number, and it is 
 a fortunate circumstance if some insignificant object turns up which 
 would elsewhere be passed over as unworthy of notice. One of 
 the officials of Tiuaa I. has left us his writing palette, on which 
 the cartouches of his master are incised with a rudeness baffling 
 description. We have also information of a prince of the blood, 
 a king's son, Tuau, who accompanied this same Pharaoh in his 
 expeditions; and the Gizeh Museum is proud of having in its pos- 
 session the wooden sabre which this individual placed on the mummy 
 of a certain Aqhoru, to enable him to defend himself against the 
 monsters of the lower world. A second Saqnunri Tiuaa succeeded 
 the first, and like him was buried in a little brick pyramid on the 
 border of the Theban necropolis.^ At his death the series of rulers 
 was broken, and we meet with several names which are difficult to 
 classify — Sakhontinibri, Sanakhtu-niri,* Hotpuri, Manhotpfiii, 
 
 ' Manetho, in Muller-Didot, Frag. Hist. Grxc, vol. ii. pp. 567, 568. The variant 
 readings Mephramouthosis and Misphramouthosis are found in the MSS., and 
 much labour' has been expended in the effort to identify the disfigured name with one 
 of the known kings. Unger sees in it that of Ahmassipiri (cf. p. 94 of the present 
 work), one of the sons of Ahmosis who did not reign {Chronologie des Manetho, pp. 
 155, 156), but the majority of Egyptologists have identified it with the name of 
 Thutmosis III., following Lepsius in assuming that the Hyksos were not expelled 
 until the reign of that prince, which is incorrect, as we shall see later on; others are 
 of opinion that the Hyksos were expelled in the reign of Ahmosis, but consider 
 Manetho's account to be a romance in which facts and names are jumbled together 
 without any regard to truth (Wiedemann, .Silgyptische Geschichte, p. 302). 
 
 ^ The two Ti&aas and their pyramids were made known by the Abbott Papyrus, 
 pi. iii. 11. 8-11, where TiMa is called Tiuaa-aa, i.e. Tiu, the twice great. Their true 
 place in the series was determined by Chabas, Les Pasteurs en Egypte, pp. 38-40. It 
 is worth considering whether Tiuaa-aa is not the same person as Tiuaqni, whose 
 name is sometimes written in the short form Tiiiaa (Boueiant, Notes de Voyage, § 6, 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xi. p. 159), and that there were, therefore, only two 
 instead of the usually assumed three Tiuaas. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken by Emil Brugsch-Bey ; 
 cf. Mariette, Notice des Principaux Monuments, 1864, p. 210, and Maspero, Une 
 Enquete judiciaire a Thebes, pp. 77, 78. The object is reproduced by Makiette, 
 Monuments divers, pi. 51 b, and p. 16 ; Album Photographique du Mus€e de Boulag, 
 pi. 37. 
 
 * No contemporary monument of Sakhontinibri or Sanakhtuniri has yet been found. 
 The first is mentioned, as far as I know, only in the series of Theban kings to whom 
 the official of the Necropolis, Khabokhni, rendered homage in the time of the XX"" 
 dynasty (Burton, Excerpta Hieroglyphica, pi. 35 ; Wilkinson, Extracts from several 
 Eieroglyphical Subjects, pi. v. 2; Champollion, Monuments de 1' Egypte et de la Nubie, 
 vol. ii. p. 866 ; Prisse d'Avennes, Monuments, pi. iii. p. 1 ; Lepsios, Denkmdler, iii. 2 a). 
 TUAtf's The second is mentioned on the table of offerings in the Marseilles Museum (E. de 
 SABRE. Sadlcy, Etudes sur la serie des rois inscrits a la Salle des Ancetres de Touthmes III., p. 47, 
 
THE TEEBAN PRINCESSES. 
 
 77 
 
 Rahotpu.^ As we proceed, however, information becomes more plentiful, and the 
 list of reigns almost complete. The part which the princesses of older times 
 played in the transmission of power had, from the XIP" dynasty downward, con- 
 siderably increased in importance, and threatened to overshadow that of the 
 princes.^ The question presents itself whether, during these centuries of per- 
 petual warfare, there had not been a moment when, all the males of the family 
 having perished, the women alone were left to perpetuate the solar race on 
 the earth and to keep the succession unbroken. As soon as the veil over this 
 period of history begins to be lifted, we distinguish among the personages 
 emerging from the obscurity as many queens as kings presiding over the 
 destinies of Egypt. The sons took precedence of the daughters when both 
 were the offspring of a brother and sister born of the same parents, and when, 
 consequently, they were of equal rank ; but, on the other hand, the sons for- 
 feited this equality when there was any inferiority in origin on the maternal 
 side, and their prospect of succession to the throne diminished in proportion to 
 their mother's remoteness from the line of Ra. In the latter case all their 
 sisters, bori^ of marriages which to us appear incestuous, took precedence of 
 them, and the eldest daughter became the legitimate Piiaraoh, who sat in the 
 seat of Horus on the death of her father, or even occasionally during his 
 lifetime. The prince whom she married governed for her, and discharged 
 those royal duties which could be legally performed by a man only, — such as 
 offering worship to the supreme gods, commanding the army, and administering 
 justice; but his wife never ceased to be sovereign, and however small the 
 intelligence or firmness of which she might be possessed, her husband was 
 obliged to leave to her, at all events on certain occasions, the direction of 
 affairs. At her death her children inherited the crown : their father had 
 
 No. 3 ; Masfkuo, Catalogue du Mus^e iSgyptien de Marieille, p. 4), and ou oue of the valU of tbo 
 Hall of Anceetora at Kamak (Piiisse d'Avennes, Monuments £gyptient, pi. ii. ; E. de Saclcy, £:tude 
 sur la serie des rots, pp. 35, 30, in such a position as to associate him with the end of the XVII"* 
 dynasty, and more especially with the group of SaqnQnri III., Tifl&qni, and Kamosft. They might, 
 strictly speaking, bo called secondary kings, who were contemporaneous wiih the Saqni^nrij or Ahmosis 
 (Maspero, Lts Momies royales de Deir-el-Bahari, in the M^moires publiit par let membres de la Mistion 
 du Caire, vol. i. pp. G38. 039. 
 
 ' Hotpflri and Maniiotpftri are both mentioned in the fragments of a fantastic story (copied during 
 the XX"' dynasty), bits of which are found in most European museums (MA:ji>Eito, Lt» Conlet pupu- 
 laires de I'Egypte ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. 287-290). In one of these fragments, preserved in the Louvre, 
 mention is made of Hotpflri's tomb, certainly situated at Thebes (Id., ibid., pj). 291, 292); we possess 
 scarabs of this king, and Potrie discovered at Coptos a fragment of a btelo bearing his name 
 and titles, and describing the works which ho executed in the temples of the town (^History of 
 Egypt, pp. 240, 247). The XIV"' year of ManhotpOri is mentioned in a passage of the story, 
 as being the date of the death of a personage born under UotpilrJ (Maspeko, Lcs Contes popu- 
 laires de l'£gypte ancienne, 2nd edit., p. 293). These two kings belong, as far as we are able 
 to judge, to the middle of the XVII'" djniasty ; I am inclined to place beside them the Pharaoh 
 Nftbhotpfiri, of wliom we possess a few rather coarse scarabs (Flinders Petkie, Historical Scarabs, 
 pi. 26). 
 
 * On the subject of these queens, see Maspkiio, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 258, 259, 270-276. 
 
78 
 
 THE ETKSdS IN EGYPT. 
 
 formally to invest the eldest of them with royal authority in the room of the 
 
 deceased, and with him he shared the 
 externals, if not the reality, of power.^ 
 It is doubtful whether the third 
 Saqnunri Tiuaa known to us — he 
 who added an epithet to his name, 
 and was commonly known as Tiuaqni, 
 " Tiuaa the brave " ^—united in his 
 person all the requisites of a Pharaoh 
 qualified to reign in his own right. 
 However this may have been, at all 
 events his wife, Queen Ahhotpu, 
 possessed them. His eldest son 
 Ahmosu died prematurely; the two 
 younger brothers, Kamosu and a 
 second Ahmosu, the Amosis of the 
 Greeks, assumed the crown after him. 
 It is possible, as frequently happened, 
 that their young sister Ahmasi- 
 Nofritari entered the harem of both 
 brothers consecutively. We cannot 
 be sure that she was united to Kamosu, 
 but at all events she became the wife 
 of Ahmosis, and the rights which she 
 possessed, together with those which 
 her husband had inherited from their mother Ahhotpu, gave him a legal 
 claim such as was seldom enjoyed by the Pharaohs of that period, so many of 
 them being sovereigns merely de facto, while he was doubly king by right,* 
 Tiuaqni, Kamosu, and Ahmosis quickly succeeded each other. Tiuaqni 
 
 ' Thus we find Thatmosis I. formally enthroning his daughter Hatshopsitii, towards the close of 
 his reign (E. de Eouge, Etudes des Monuments du Massif de Karnak, in the Mdanges d'Archeologie 
 EgijlMenne et Assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 47, 48 ; Naville, The Temple of Beir-el-Bahari, pp. 15, 16). 
 
 ^ It would seem that the epithet Qeni (= the brave, the robust) did not form an indispensable 
 part of his name, any more than Ahmosi did of the names of members of the family of Ahmosis, the 
 conqueror of the Sheiiherds (Maspebo, Les Momies royales de Beir-el-Bahari, in the Memoires de la 
 Mission frangaise, vol. i. p. 622). It is to him that tlie Tiuaa cartouche refers, which is to be found 
 on the statue mentioned by Daninos-Pasha, published by Bouriant {Notes de Voyage, § 6, in the 
 Becueil de Travaux, vol. xi. p. 159), and on which we find Ahmosis, a princess of the same name, 
 together with Queen Ahhotpil I. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Flinders Petrie. 
 
 ■* I have attempted to construct a genealogy of this family in Les Momies royales de Beir-el-Bahari 
 (Me'moire de la Mission de Caire, vol. i. pp. 620-637). One part of it is certain : (1) the marriage of 
 Ahhotpu I. with Tiuaa III. (Boueiakt, Notes de Voyage, § 6, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xi. p. 
 159), where a deceased elder son, named Ahmosis, is mentioned together with his mother Ahhotpu 
 
 JT-, 
 
 NOrRITAKI, FROM THE WOODEN STATUETTE IN THE 
 TDEIN MUSEUM.' 
 
TJUAQNI AND KAMOSU. 
 
 79 
 
 very probably waged war against the Shepherds, and it is not known whether 
 he fell upon the field of battle or was the victim of some plot ; the appearance 
 of his mummy proves that he died a violent death when 
 about forty years of age.^ Two or three men, 
 whether assassins or soldiers, must have 
 surrounded and despatched him before help 
 was available. A blow from an axe must 
 have severed part of his left cheek, exposed 
 the teeth, fractured the jaw, and sent him 
 senseless to the ground ; another blow must 
 have seriously injured the skull, and a dagger 
 orjavelin has cut open the forehead on the right 
 side, a little above the eye. His body must have 
 remained lying where it fell for some time : when 
 found, decomposition had set in, and the embalming 
 had to be hastily performed as best it might. The thk head of sAQxCNui m.- 
 hair is thick, rough, and matted ; the face had been 
 
 shaved on the morning of his death, but by touching the cheek we can 
 ascertain how harsh and abundant the hair must have been. The mummy 
 is that of a fine, vigorous man, who might have lived to a hundred years, 
 and he must have defended himself resolutely against his assailants; his 
 features bear even now an expression of fury. A flattened patch of exuded 
 brain appears above one eye, the forehead is wrinkled, and the lips, which 
 are drawn back in a circle about the gums, reveal the teeth still biting 
 into the tongue. Kamosu did not reign long;^ we know nothing of the 
 
 and bis sister Ahmosis, probably tbe future Queen Abmasi-Nofrltari. Tbo otber sous are not named 
 on this monument, which is dedicated to the deceased by his father, his mother, and the sister who 
 would have reigned witli hiiu had he lived ; (2) the parentage of Ahhotptt L and of Ahmosis (Stele 
 of Edfa, published by U. Boukiant, PeliU MonumenU et I'etiti Texies, in the liecueil de Travaux, vol. ix. 
 pp. 92, 93 ; cf. Maspeko, Leg Momies royales, pp. 625-628) ; (3) tiio fact that Xofritari was her husband's 
 sister, both on the father's side, as is shown by the words "royal sister " on lier protocol between the 
 titles " daughter " and " wife of a king " (Lig Momies royales, p. 535), aud aUo on the mother's side, 
 as is proved by the place which she occupies by the side of Abhotpft on Daninos-Pasha's statue 
 (BovRiAKT, Notes de Foyaje, § 6, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. i. p. 159). The order in which 
 KamosCi should be placed is not quite certain ; the probability is, however, tliat he ought to come 
 between TiOaqni and Ahmosis, and tiiat he was a brother of tlie latter. 
 
 ' All these details as to the king's appearance and the manner of his death are furnislied by thr 
 mummy which is at present in the museum at Gizeh (Maspeiio, Les Momies royales de Deir-el-Bahari. 
 in the M^moires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. pp. 526-529). The name Taaaten, which Wiedemaun 
 assigns to this prince {JEgyplische Geschichte, p. 301), is merely a misspelling of the name Tiuaqui, 
 duo to the engraver who executed the inscription on the cotliu (Masi-eiio, Les Momies royata. 
 pp. 526, 527). The worship of Tia&qni was continued down to tlie XX"' dynasty (LEPSiUj, Dtukm., 
 iii. 2 a, d). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1886. 
 
 ' With regard to KamosCl, we possess, in addition to the miniature bark which was discovered on 
 the sarcophagus of Queen Ahhotpfl, and which is now in the museum at Gizeh (Viuey, Notice det 
 Principaux Monuments exposes au Miuie de Gizeli, pp. 213, 214, No. 955), a few scattered references 
 to his worship existing on the monuments, on a stele at Gizeh (Lieblein, Dictionnaire des Noin» 
 
TEE HYKSOS IN EOTPT. 
 
 -events of his life, but we owe to him one of the prettiest examples of the 
 Egyptian goldsmith's art — the gold boat mounted on a carriage of wood and 
 bronze, which was to convey his double on its journeys through Hades. This 
 boat was afterwards appropriated by his mother Ahhotpu. Ahmosis^ must 
 have been about twenty-five years of age when he ascended the throne; he 
 -was of medium height, as his body when mummied measured only 5 feet 6 inches 
 in length, but the development of the neck and chest indicates extraordi- 
 nary strength. The head is small in proportion to the bust, the forehead 
 low and narrow," the cheek-bones project, and the hair is thick and wavy. 
 The face exactly resembles that of Tiuaqni, and the likeness alone would 
 proclaim the affinity, even if we were ignorant of the close relationship which 
 united these two Pharaohs.^ Ahmosis seems to have been a strong, active, 
 warlike man ; he was successful in all the wars in which we know him to 
 have been engaged, and he ousted the Shepherds from the last towns occupied 
 "by them. It is possible that modern writers have exaggerated the credit 
 due to Ahmosis for expelling the Hyksos. He found the task already half 
 accomplished, and the warfare of his forefathers for at least a century 
 must have prepared the way for his success ; if he appears to have played 
 the most important role in the history of the deliverance, it is owing to 
 our ignorance of the work of others, and he thus benefits by the oblivion 
 into which their deeds have passed. Taking this into consideration, we must 
 still admit that the Shepherds, even when driven into Avaris, were not adver- 
 saries to be despised. Forced by the continual pressure of the Egyptian armies 
 into this corner of the Delta, they were as a compact body the more able to make 
 a protracted resistance against very superior forces. The impenetrable marshes 
 of Menzaleh on the north, and the desert of the Ked Sea on the south, com- 
 pletely covered both their wings ; the shifting network of the branches of the 
 Nile, together with the artificial canals, protected them as by a series of moats 
 in front, while Syria in their rear offered them inexhaustible resources for 
 revictualling their troops, or levying recruits among tribes of kindred race. 
 As long as they could hold their ground there, a re-invasion was always possible ; 
 
 m^roglypMques, p. 750, No. 1922), on a table of offerings in the Marseilles Museum (E. de Saulcy, 
 Etude sur la serie des rois inscrits a la Salle des Ancetres de Tlioutlimes 111., pp. 48, 96, 97), and in the list 
 of princes -worshipped by the " servants of the Necropolis " (Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 2 a, d). His pyramid 
 was at Drah-Abu'l-Neggah, beside those of Tittaa and Amenothes I. iAbhott Papyrug, 1. iii. 1. 12). 
 
 > The name Ahmosu or Ahmosi is usually translated " Child of the Moon-god " (Brdgsch, 
 GescJiichte JEgyptens, p. 254) ; the real meaning is, " the Moon-god has brought forth," " him " or 
 "her" (referring to the person who bears tbe name) being understood (Maspero, in the Bevue 
 Critique, 1880, Tol. i. p. 106). 
 
 ^ Here again my description is taken from the present appearance of the mummy, which is now in 
 the Gizeh Museum (Maspeeo, Les Momies royales de Deir-el-Baliari, in the M^moires de la Mission 
 du Caire, vol. i. pp. 533-535). It is evident, from the inspection which I have made, that Ahmosis 
 was about fifty years old at the time of his death, and, allowing him to have reigned twenty-five 
 years, he must have been twenty-five or twenty-six when he came to the throne. 
 
A HMO SIS I. 
 
 81 
 
 one victory would bring them to Memphis, and the whole valley would again 
 fall under their suzerainty. Ahmosis, by driving them from their last strong- 
 hold, averted this danger. It is, therefore, not without reason that the official 
 chroniclers of later times separated him from his ancestors and made him 
 the head of a new dynasty. His predecessors had in reality been merely 
 Pharaohs on sufferance, ruling in the south within the confines of their 
 Theban principality, gaining in power, it is true, with every generation, but 
 never able to attain to the suzerainty of the whole country. They were reckoned 
 
 THE SMALL (iOLD VOTIVE BARQUE OF I'UAHAOII KAMUsC, IX THE gIzEU MUSEUM.' 
 
 in the XVIP'' dynasty together with the Hyksos sovereigns of uncontested 
 legitimacy, while their successors were chosen to constitute the XVIII"', 
 comprising Pharaohs with full powers, tolerating no competitors, and uniting 
 under their firm rule the two regions of which Egypt was composed — the 
 possessions of Sit and the possessions of Horus.'^ 
 
 The war of deliverance broke out on the accession of Ahmosis, and continued 
 during the first five years of his reign.^ One of his lieutenants, the king's 
 
 • Drawn by Faticher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1878. 
 
 ' Manctho, or his abridgers, call the king who drove out the Sliephenls Amosis or Tethmosis 
 (MijLLER-DiDOT, Fragmenta Ilistoricorum Grxcorinn, vol. ii. pp. 572-578). Lepsius thought he saw 
 grounds for preferring the second reading, and identified this Tethmosis with Thfltnioai Manakhpirri, 
 the Thatmosis III. of our lists ; Ahmosis could only have driven out the greater part of the nation. 
 This theory, to which Navillc still adheres (Bubattis, pp. 2!l, 30), as also does Steindorff (Zur (?«- 
 schichte der Hyhfos, pp. 7, 8), was disputed nearly fifty years ago by E. de Rouge' {Examen de I'ouvrage 
 de M. le Chevalier de Bunseii, ii. pp. 3G-43) : nowadays we are obliged to admit that, subsequent to 
 tlie V"' year of Ahmosis, there were no longer Shepherd-kings in Egypt, even though a part of the 
 conquering race may have remained in the country in a state of slavery, as we shall soon have occasion 
 to observe (cf. pp. 88, 89 of the present work). 
 
 ' This is evident from a passage in the biography of Ahmosi-si-Abina (1. 14), where it is stated 
 that, after the taking of Avaris, the king passed into Asia in the year VI. (cf. p. 88 of the present 
 work). The first few lines of the Great Inscription of El-Kab (11. 5-15) teem to refer to four succes- 
 sive campaigns, i.e. four years of warfare up to the taking of Avaris, and to a fifth year spent ia 
 pursuing the Shepherds into Syria. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 THE EYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 namesake — Ahmosi-si-Abina — who belonged to the family of the lords of 
 Nekhabit, has left us an account, in one of the inscriptions in his tomb, of the 
 
 numerous exploits in which he 
 
 took part side by side with his royal mastei-, 
 and thus, thanks to this fortunate record 
 of his vanity, we are not left in complete 
 ignorance of the events which took place 
 during this crucial struggle between the 
 Asiatic settlers and their former subjects.^ 
 Nekhabit had enjoyed considerable pros- 
 perity in the earlier ages of Egyptian his- 
 tory, marking as it did the extreme southern 
 limit of the kingdom, and forming an out- 
 post against the barbarous tribes of Nubia.^ 
 As soon as the progress of 
 conquest had pushed the 
 frontier as far south as the 
 first cataract, it declined 
 ia importance, and the 
 remembranceof its former 
 greatness found an echo 
 only in proverbial ex- 
 pressions or ia titles used 
 at the Pharaonic court.^ 
 The nomes situated to 
 the south of Thebes, unlike those of Middle Egypt, did not comprise any ex- 
 tensive fertile or well-watered territory calculated to enrich its possessors or 
 to afford sufficient support for a large population : they consisted of long strips 
 of alluvial soil, shut in between the river and the mountain range, but above 
 
 ' The inscriptions on the tomb of Ahmosi-si-Abina (Ahmosis, son of Abina) were cojiied by 
 Chajifollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nuhie, vol. i. pp. 655-658 ; afterwards by Lepsius, 
 Denkm., iii. 12 a-d, and by Eeinisch, ^gyptische Chrestomathie, vol. i. pi. 6. The principal inscription 
 was hastily examined by Champollion, Lettres ^crites d'Egypte, 2nd edit., pp. 194, 195 (cf. Cham- 
 POLLioN-FifiEAC, L'£gypte Ancienne, pp. 168, 300.); it was then made use of by E. deEouge, Examen 
 de I'ouvrage de M. le Chevalier de Bunsen, ii. pp. 31-42, and particularly in the Mgmoire sur 
 I'inscription dti tombeau d'Ahmes, the conclusions in which treatise were used by Brugsch, Histoire 
 d'Egypte, pp. 80, 81, 86, 90. It has been translated in full by Bkugsch, Reiseherichte aus Mgypterm, 
 pp. 217-220, and afterwards in Geschiclite Mgyptens, pp. 230-235; by Chabas, Les Pasteurs en igypte, 
 pp. 19-22 ; by Lepage-Eenouf, in Eecordsof the Past, 1st series, vol. vi. pp. 5-19 ; and lastly, by Padre 
 Cesare di Cara, Gli Hyksos o Re Pastori di Egitto, pp. 324-328. 
 
 - Cf. Maspero, Bawn of Civilization, p. 74. 
 
 ^ The vulture of Nekhabit is used to indicate the south, while the urseus of Buto denotes the 
 extreme north ; the title Ea-Nekhnit, " Chief of Nekhnit," which is, hypothetically, supposed 
 to refer to a judicial function (Brugsch, Bietionnaire hi^roglyphique. Supplement, pp. 391-398 ; 
 Erman, Commentar zur Inschri/t des Una, in the Zeitschrift, p. 5; and Mgypten und JEgyptisches 
 Lehen, p. 134), is none the less associated with the expression, " Nekhabit-Nekhnit," as an indication 
 of the south, and, therefore, can be traced to the prehistoric epoch when Nekhabit was the primary 
 designation of the south. 
 
THE PRINCIPALITY OF EL-KAB. 
 
 83 
 
 the level of the inundation, and consequently diflScult to irrigate. These nomes 
 were cultivated, moreover, by a poor and sparse population. It needed a for- 
 tuitous combination of circumstances to relieve them from their poverty-stricken 
 condition — either a war, 
 which would bring into pro- 
 minence their strategic posi- 
 tions; or the establishment 
 of markets, such as those 
 of Syene and Elephantine, 
 where the commerce of neigh- 
 bouring regions would natu- 
 rally centre ; or the erection, 
 as at Ombos or Edfil, of a 
 temple which would periodi- 
 cally attract a crowd of pil- 
 grims.^ The principality of 
 the Two Feathers comprised, 
 besides Nekhabit,at least two 
 such towns — Anit,^ on its 
 northern boundary, and 
 Nekhnit almost facing Nek- 
 babit on the left bank of the 
 river.^ These three towns 
 
 Tin; WALLS UF UL-KAB SEEN KROU THE I'^M 
 
 sometimes formed separate , 
 
 estates for as many independent lords : ° even when united they constituted a 
 fiefdom of but restricted area and of slender revenues, its chiefs ranking below 
 those of the great feudal princes of Middle Egypt. The rulers of this fiefdom 
 led an obscure existence during the whole period of the Memphite empire, and 
 when at length Thebes gained the ascendancy, they rallied to the latter and 
 acknowledged her suzerainty. One of them, Sovkiinakhiti, gained the favour 
 •of Sovkhotpu III Sakhemuaztaiiiri, who granted him lands which made the 
 
 ' In regard to the markets of Elephantine and Syene, and the profits derived from them by the local 
 magnates, cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 424, et seq. ; the greatness of Edlfl and Ombos dates 
 principally from the Greek era, when the Ptolemies rebuilt and enlarged tlie temples of these two cities. 
 
 ' AnJt is one of the most frequently occurring names of Esneh (Bkugsoh, Dictionnaire <jiographique, 
 pp. 39, 40, 352, 353). 
 
 ' Nekhnit (Bruosch, Die JEgyptologie, p. 441) is the Hieraconpolis of Greek and Roman times, 
 Hait-Bailkfl, the modern name of whicli is Kom-el-Ahmar (Brugsoh, Dictionnaire G^graphique, 
 p. 210). A summary description has been given of it by Bolriant. Les Tombeaux de Ili^racditpolis, 
 in the Eludes Arch^ologiquef, Uittoriques et Linguistiques, dedi€e» h M. le D"" C. Leemans, pp. 35-40. 
 
 * Drawn by Finicher-Qudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bcy, taken iik 1882. 
 
 * Pihiri was, therefore, prince of Nekliabit and of Anit at one and the same time (Tylou-Griffith, 
 The Tomb of Paheri at El-Kab, pi. iii.), whereas the town of Nekhnit had its own special rulers, 
 several of whom are known to us from the tombs at Kom-el-Ahmar (Bouriant, Let Tombeaux de 
 Hieracdnpolit, pp. 39, 40). 
 
84 
 
 THE HYKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 fortune of his house ;^ another of them, Ai, married Khonsu, one of the 
 daughters of Sovkumsauf I. and his Queen Nubkhas,^ and it is possible that 
 the misshapen pyramid of Qulah, the most southern in Egypt proper, was 
 built for one of these royally connected personages. The descendants of 
 Ai attached themselves faithfully to the Pharaohs of the XVII"' dynasty, 
 and helped them to the utmost in their struggle against the invaders. Their 
 capital, Nekhabit, was situated between the Nile and the Arabian chain, at 
 the entrance to a valley which penetrates some distance into the desert, and 
 leads to the gold-mines on the Eed Sea. The town profited considerably from 
 the precious metals brought into it by the caravans, and also from the extraction 
 of natron, which from prehistoric times was largely employed in embalming * 
 It had been a fortified place from the outset, and its walls, carefully repaired 
 by successive ages, were still intact at the beginning of this century. They 
 described at this time a rough quadrilateral, the two longer sides of which 
 measured some 1900 feet in length, the two shorter being about one-fourth 
 less. The southern face was constructed in a fashion common in brick build- 
 ings in Egypt, being divided into alternate panels of horizontally laid courses, 
 and those in which the courses were concave ; on the north and west fapades 
 the bricks were so laid as to present an undulating arrangement running unin- 
 terruptedly from one end to the other.* The walls are 33 feet thick, and their 
 average height 27 feet ; broad and easy steps lead to the foot-walk on the top. 
 The gates are unsymmetrically placed, there being one on the north, east,, 
 and west sides respectively ; while the southern side is left without an open- 
 ing. These walls afforded protection to a dense but unequally distributed 
 population, the bulk of which was housed towards the north and west side?, 
 where the remains of an immense number of dwellings may still be seen. 
 The temples were crowded together in a small square enclosure, concentric 
 with the walls of the enceinte, and the principal sanctuary was dedicated to 
 Nekhabit, the vulture goddess, who gave her name to the city.^ This 
 enclosure formed a kind of citadel, where the garrison could hold out when 
 
 ' Champollion, Monuments de V^gypte et de la Nubie, vol. i. pp. 273, 658, 659; Lepsius, Derikni.r 
 iii. 13, h, c. 
 
 * Tomb No. ix. of Kansonbi, at El-Kab (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 62 a), interpreted for the first time by 
 LiEBLEiN, Beclierches sur la Chronologie Egyptienne, pp. 134, 135 ; cf. Brogsch, GescMchte JSgyptens, 
 p. 180, and the genealogical table appended thereto. 
 
 ^ In regard to this Nekhabit natron and the use to which it was put, cf. Maspeko, Etudes suv 
 quelques Papyrus du Louvre, p. 50, and DiiiiiCHEN, Der Grahpalast des Petuamenemapt, pp. 15-18. 
 
 * Cf. what is said in regard to these arrangements in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 450. 
 
 ^ A part of the latter temple, that which had been rebuilt in the Saite epoch, was still standing at 
 the beginning of the present century, with columns bearing the cartouches of Hakori (Saint-Genis, 
 Description des ruines d'El-Kdb, in the Description de VJEgypte, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 346-350, and 
 Antiquites, vol. i. pi. 66) ; it was destroyed about the year 1825, and Champollion found only the 
 foundations of the walls (Letlres Sorites d'Egypte, 2nd edit., pp. 109, 194, 195, 382). Cf. in regard 
 to these buildings, Brugsch, Dictionnaire G^ographique, pp. 353-355. 
 
THE LORDS OF EL-KAB. 
 
 85 
 
 THE RUINS OF THE FTBAIIID OF qOlAII, M AI; >K)II.\MM] 
 
 the outer part had fallen into the enemy's hands.^ The times were troublous ; 
 the open country was repeatedly wasted by war, and the peasantry had more 
 than once to seek shelter behind the protecting ramparts of the town, leaving 
 their lands to lie fallow. Famine constantly resulted from these disturbances, 
 and it taxed all the powers of the ruling prince to provide at such times for 
 his people. A chief of the Commissariat, Bebi by name, who lived about this 
 period, gives us a lengthy account of the number of loaves, oxen, goats, and 
 pigs, which he allowed to all the inhabitants both great and little, down even to 
 the quantity of oil and incense, which he had taken care to store up for them : his 
 prudence was always justified by the issue, for " during the many years in which 
 the famine recurred, he distributed grain in the city to all those who hungered." * 
 Babai, the first of the lords of El-Kab whose name has come down to us, 
 was a captain in the service of Saqnunri Tiuaqni.* His sou Ahmosi, having 
 approached the end of his career, cut a tomb for himself in the hill which 
 overlooks the northern side of the town. He relates on the walls of his 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudiu, from ii photograph by Eruil Brugach-Bey, taken in 1882. 
 
 2 The description of the town of Nekhabit is borrowed from S.\int-Genis, Detcription des ruinei 
 d'El-Kab ou EMhyia, in tlie Description de I'Egypte, 2ad edit., vol. i. pp. 311-356. 
 
 ' Tomb No. 10, El-Kab (Champollion, Monuments de V Egyple et de la Nuhie, vol. i. pp. 273, 274, 
 659). The iuscriptiou has been copied and translated several times by Urugsch {Becueil de Monu- 
 ments, vol. i. pi. Ixxii. 3 ; Geschicht-e yEgyplens, pp. 244-247 ; Thesaurus Inscriptionum JEgyptiacarum, 
 pp. 1527, 1528), who thought it might refer to the seven years of famine described in Gen. xli., et seq. 
 
 * Great Inscription of El-Kab, 1. 4. There are still some doubts as to the descent of this 
 Ahmosi. Some authorities hold that Babai was the name of liis father and AbJna that of his grand- 
 father (E. DE RouGK, Memoire sur Vinscription d'Alimes, pp. 125, 126); others think tiiat Bubai was 
 his father and Abiiia his mother (Tylou-Griffith, Tlie Tomb of PaJteri at El-Kab, p. 7 ; Eisexlour, 
 Axis einem Briefe an JD"" L. Stern, in tlie Zeilschri/t, 1885, p. 57); others, again, make out Babai and 
 Abina to be variants of the same name, probably a Semitic one, borne by the father of Ahmosi 
 (Bkugsch, Geschichte ^Jgyptens, p. 227, et seq. ; Kuall, ^gyptische Studien, i)p. 70, 71) ; the majority 
 of modern Egyptologists (including myself) regard this last hypothesis as being the most probable one. 
 
86 
 
 THE EYES OS IN EGYPT. 
 
 sepulchre, for the benefit of posterity, the most praiseworthy actions of his 
 long life. He had scarcely emerged from childhood when he was called upon 
 to act for his father, and before his marriage he was appointed to the command 
 of the barque The Calf. From thence he was promoted to the ship The North, 
 and on account of his activity he was chosen to escort his namesake the king 
 on foot, whenever he drove in his chariot. He repaired to his post at the 
 moment when the decisive war against the Hyksos broke out.^ The traditioa 
 current in the time of the Ptolemies reckoned the number of men under the 
 command of King Ahmosis when he encamped before Avaris at 480,000. This 
 immense multitude failed to bring matters to a successful issue, and the siege 
 dragged on indefinitely. The king at length preferred to treat with the 
 Shepherds, and gave them permission to retreat into Syria safe and sound, 
 together with their wives, their children, and all their goods.^ This account, 
 however, in no way agrees with the all too brief narration of events furnished 
 by the inscription in the tomb. The army to which Egypt really owed its 
 deliverance was not the undisciplined rabble of later tradition, but, on the con- 
 trary, consisted of troops similar to those which subsequently invaded Syria, some 
 15,000 to 20,000 in number, fully equipped and ably officered, supported, more- 
 over, by a fleet ready to transfer them across the canals and arms of the river in 
 a vigorous condition and ready for the battle.^ As soon as this fleet arrived at 
 the scene of hostilities, the engagement began. Ahmosi-si-Abina conducted the 
 manoeuvres under the king's eye, and soon gave such evidence of his capacity, 
 that he was transferred by royal favour to the Rising in Memphis — a vessel with 
 a high freeboard. He was shortly afterwards appointed to a post in a division 
 told off for duty on the river Zadiku, which ran under the walls of the enemy's 
 fortress.* Two successive and vigorous attacks made in this quarter were barren 
 of important results. Ahmosi-si-Abina succeeded in each of the attacks in 
 killing an enemy, bringing back as trophies a hand of each of his victims, and 
 his prowess, made known to the king by one of the heralds, twice procured for 
 him " the gold of valour," probably in the form of collars, chains, or bracelets.^ 
 
 ' Great Inscription of El-Kah, 11. 5-7. 
 
 2 Manetho, iu MuLLER-DiDOT, Fragmenta Historicorum Grxcorum, vol. ii. pp. 567, 568. 
 
 ^ It may be pointed out that Ahmosi, son of Abina, was a sailor and a leader of sailors ; that he 
 passed from one vessel to another, until he was at length appointed to the command of one of the 
 most important ships in the royal fleet. Transport by water always played considerable part in the 
 wars which were carried ou in Egyptian territory ; I have elsewhere drawn attention to campaigns 
 conducted in this manner under the Heracleopolitan dynasties (Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 
 456-458), and we shall see that the Ethiopian conquerors adopted the same mode of transit in the 
 course of their invasion of Egypt. 
 
 * The name of this canal was first recognised by Brugsch (Beiseberichte aus JSgypien, p. 218), then 
 misunderstood and translated " the water bearing the name of the water of Avaris " (Histoire d'Egypte, 
 p. 81 ; cf. Chabas, Les Pasteurs en Egypte, p. 19). It is now read " Zadikd," and, with the Egyptian 
 article, Pa-zadiku, or Pzadiku (Brugsch, Diet. G^ogr., p. 1006; C. di Cara, Gli Hyksos o Be Pastor i 
 di Egitto, p. 325). The name is of Semitic origin, and is derived from the root meaning " to be just ; " 
 we do not know to which of the watercourses traversing the east of the Delta jt ought to be applied. 
 
 ' Inscription of El-Kah, 11. 4-10. The fact that the attacks from this side were not successful ia 
 
TEE TAKING OF AVARIS. 
 
 87 
 
 The assault having been repulsed in this quarter, the Egyptians made their 
 way towards the south, and came into conflict with the enemy at the village of 
 Taqimit.^ Here, again, the battle remained undecided, but Ahmosi-si-Abina 
 had an adventure. He had taken a prisoner, and in bringing him back lost 
 himself, fell into a muddy ditch, and, when he had freed himself from the 
 dirt as well as he could, pursued his way by mistake for some time in the 
 
 THE TOMBS OP THE PRINCES OK NEKHABJt, IN THE HILLSIDE ABOVE EL-KAB.- 
 
 dii'ection of Avaris, He found out his error, however, before it was too late, came 
 back to the camp safe and sound, and received once more some gold as a reward 
 of his brave conduct.^ A second attack upon the town was crowned with complete 
 success ; it was taken by storm, given over to pillage, and Ahmosi-si-Abina suc- 
 ceeded in capturing one man and three women, who were afterwards, at the dis- 
 tribution of the spoil, given to him as slaves.* The enemy evacuated in haste the 
 last strongholds which they held in the east of the Delta, and took refuge 
 in the Syrian provinces on the Egyptian frontier. Whether it was that they 
 assumed here a menacing attitude, or whether Ahmosis hoped to deal them a 
 
 proved by the sequel. If they had succeeded, as is usually supposed, the Egyptians would not have 
 fallen back on another point further south in order to renew the struggle. 
 
 ' The site of Taqiniit is unknown (Bruosch, Diclionnaire G^ographique, p. 841). Piehl questions 
 the existence of this place (Notes de Philologie li'gyplienne, in the Proceedingt of the Society of 
 Biblical Archeoology, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 256, 257). 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Eniil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1884. 
 
 ' Inscription of El-Kab, 11. 10-12; tlie text is not very explicit, but I can see no other possible 
 interpretation of it than that liere adopted (cf. a different explanation in Piehl, Notes de Fhilologie 
 J^gyptienne, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 257, 258). 
 
 * Inscription of El-Kab, 11. 12, 13. The prisoner who was given to Ahmosis after the victory, is 
 probably Paamd, the Asiatic, mentioned in the list of his slaves which he had engraved on one of 
 the walls of his tomb (Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 12, c, 1. 12). 
 
88 
 
 THE ETKSOS IN EGYPT. 
 
 crushing blow before they could find time to breathe, or to rally around them 
 sufficient forces to renew the offensive, he made up his mind to cross the frontier, 
 which he did in the 5th year of his reign.'^ It was the first time for centuries that 
 a Pharaoh had trusted himself in Asia, and the same dread of the unknown which 
 had restrained his ancestors of the XII"' dynasty, doubtless arrested Ahmosis also 
 on the threshold of the continent. He did not penetrate further than the border 
 provinces of Zahi, situated on the edge of the desert, and contented himself with 
 pillaging the little town of Sharuhana.^ Ahmosi-si-Abina was again his com- 
 panion, together with his cousin, Ahmosi-Pannekhabit, then at the beginning 
 of his career, who brought away on this occasion two young girls for his 
 household.^ The expedition having accomplished its purpose, the Egyptians 
 returned home with their spoil, and did not revisit Asia for a long period. If 
 the Hyksos generals had fostered in their minds the idea that they could 
 recover their lost ground, and easily re-enter upon the possession of their 
 African domain, this reverse must have cruelly disillusioned them. They 
 must have been forced to acknowledge that their power was at an end, and to 
 renounce all hope of returning to the country which had so summarily ejected 
 them. The majority of their own people did not follow them into exile, but re- 
 mained attached to the soil on which they lived, and the tribes which had suc- 
 cessively settled down beside them — including the Beni-Israel themselves — no 
 longer dreamed of a return to their fatherland. The condition of these people 
 varied according to their locality. Those who had taken up a position in the 
 plain of the Delta were subjected to actual slavery, Ahmosis destroyed the camp 
 at Avaris, quartered his officers in the towns, and constructed forts at strategic 
 points, or rebuilt the ancient citadels to resist the incursions of the Bedouin. The 
 
 ' Cliampollion's copy is dated in the year V. {Monuments de V^Jgypte et de la Nubie, vol. i. p. 656, 
 1. 14, as also that of Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 12, d, 1. 14); Brugsch {Beiseberichten am Mgypten, p. 218, 
 and GescMchte ^gypten, p. 282) has read "year VI." According to Piehl (Notes de Pliilologie 
 iJgyptienne, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. p. 258), we ought to assume, not tliat Sharuhana 
 was taken in the year V., but that the Egyptians besieged it for five years. 
 
 2 Sharuhana, which is mentioned again under Thutmosis III. (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 31 6, 1. 12), 
 is not the plain of Sharon, as Birch imagined (The Annals of Thotmes III., as derived from the Hiero- 
 glypMcal Inscriptions, p. 38), but the Sharuhen of the Biblical texts, in the tribe of Simeon {Josli. 
 xix. 6), as Brugsch recognised it to be (Geograpliische Inschriften, vol. ii. p. 32). It is probably 
 identical with the modern Tell-esh-Sheriah, which lies north-west of Beersheba. 
 
 ' Inscription of El-Kah, 11. 13-15 ; Inscription of the statue of Ahmosi Pannekhahit, face A, 11. 3, 4. 
 Ahmosi Pannekhabit lay in tomb No. 2, at El-Kab (Champollion, Monuments de I'lJgtjpte et de la 
 Nuhie, pi. cxlv. 4). His histery is briefly told on one of the walls (Epheem Poitevin, Notice sur 
 Ahmes, dit Pensouvan, in the Revue Arch^ologique, 1st series, vol. xi. pp. 65-73; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 
 43 a, 6), and on two sides of the pedestal of his statues. We have one of these, or rather two plates 
 from the pedestal of one of them, in the Louvre (Peisse d'Avennes, Monuments l!gyptiens, pi. iv. 2, 3 ; 
 Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, pi. xiv. A, B ; cf. Biech, The Annals of Thoutmes III., as 
 derived from the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions, pp. 33, 34; Chabas, Mgmoire sur Us Pasteurs,pp. 22, 23; 
 Beugsch, GescMchte Mgyptens, pp. 235, 236 ; C. di Cara, Gli Eyksos, pp. 328-330) ; the other is in a 
 good state of preservation, and belongs to Mr. Finlay (Maspebo, Notes sur quelques Points de Grammaire, 
 ■ etc., § xliv., in the Zeitschrift, 1885, pp. 77, 78). The inscription is found in a mutilated condition on 
 the wall of the tomb (Lepsius, fenAim., iii. 43), but the three monuments which have come down to us are 
 sufficiently complementary to one another to enable us to restore nearly the whole of the original text. 
 
THE WARS OF AHMOSIS I. IN NUBIA. 
 
 89 
 
 vanquished people in the Delta, hemmed in as they were by a network of 
 fortresses, were thus reduced to a rabble of serfs, to be taxed and subjected to 
 the corvee without mercy. But further north, the fluctuating population which 
 roamed between the Sebennytic and Pelusiac branches of the Nile were not 
 exposed to such rough treatment. The marshes of the coast-line afforded them 
 a safe retreat, in which they could take refuge at the first threat of exactions 
 on the part of the royal emissaries. Secure within dense thickets, upon islands 
 approached by interminable causeways, often covered with water, or by long 
 tortuous canals concealed in the thick growth of reeds, they were able to defy 
 with impunity the efforts of the most disciplined troops, and treason alone 
 could put them at the mercy of their foes. Most of the Pharaohs felt that the 
 advantages to be gained by conquering them would be outweighed by the diffi- 
 culty of the enterprise ; all that could result from a campaign would be the 
 destruction of one or two villages, the acquisition of a few hundred refractory 
 captives, of some ill-favoured cattle, and a trophy of nets and worm-eaten 
 boats. The kings, therefore, preferred to keep a close watch over these un- 
 disciplined hordes, and as long as their depredations were kept within reason- 
 able limits, they were left unmolested to their wild and precarious life. 
 
 The Asiatic invasion had put a sudden stop to the advance of Egyptian 
 rule in the vast plains of the Upper Nile. The Theban princes, to whom 
 Nubia was directly subject, had been too completely engrossed in the wars 
 against their hereditary enemy, to devote much time to the continuation of 
 that work of colonization in the south which had been carried on so vigorously 
 by their forefathers of the XII'" and XIIF" dynasties.^ The inhabitants 
 of the Nile valley, as far as the second cataract, rendered them obedience, but 
 without any change in the conditions and mode of their daily life, which 
 appear to have remained unaltered for centuries. The temples of Usirtasen 
 and Amenemhait were allowed to fall into decay one after another,- the towns 
 waned in prosperity, and were unable to keep their buildings and monuments 
 in repair ; the inundation continued to bring with it j)eriodically its fleet of 
 boats, which the sailors of Kush had laden with timber, gum, elephants' tusks, 
 and gold dust : from time to time a band of Bedouin from Uauait or Mazaiu 
 would suddenly bear down upon some village and carry ofl' its spoils ; the nearest 
 garrison would be called to its aid, or, on critical occasions, the king himself, 
 at the head of his guards, would fall on the marauders and drive them back 
 into the mountains. Ahmosis, being greeted on his return from Syria by 
 the news of such an outbreak, thought it a favourable moment to impress 
 
 ' In regard to Nubia, see what is said in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 391-39S, 478, et seq., 
 .532,533. 
 
 = As will be seen later on, the temples of Semneh and Wudy-IIalfah were rebuilt under 
 Thfltmosis HI. 
 
90 THE BEGINNING OF THE XVIIP" DYNASTY, 
 
 upon the nomadic tribes of Nubia the greatness of his conquest.^ On this 
 occasion it was the people of Khonthanunofir, settled in the wadys east of the 
 Nile, above Semneh, which required a lesson. The army which had just 
 expelled the Hyksos was rapidly conveyed to the opposite borders of the 
 country by the fleet, the two Ahmosi of Nekhabit occupying the highest 
 posts. The Egyptians, as was customary, landed at the nearest point to the 
 enemy's territory, and succeeded in killing a few of the rebels. Ahmosi- 
 si-Abina brought back two prisoners and three hands, for which he was 
 rewarded by a gift of two female Bedouin slaves, besides the " gold of valour." 
 This victory in the south following on such decisive success in the north, 
 filled the heart of the Pharaoh with pride, and the view taken of it by 
 those who surrounded him is evident even in 'the brief sentences of the narra- 
 tive. He is described as descending the river on the royal galley, elated in 
 spirit and flushed by his triumph in Nubia, which had followed so closely 
 on the deliverance of the Delta. But scarcely had he reached Thebes, when 
 an unforeseen catastrophe turned his confidence into alarm, and compelled him 
 to retrace his steps. It would appear that at the very moment when he was 
 priding himself on the successful issue of his Ethiopian expedition, one of 
 the sudden outbreaks, which frequently occurred in those regions, had cul- 
 minated in a Sudanese invasion of Egypt. We are not told the name of 
 the rebel leader, nor those of the tribes who took part in it. The Egyptian 
 people, threatened in a moment of such apparent security by this inroad 
 of barbarians, regarded them as a fresh incursion of the Hykso?, and applied 
 to these southerners the opprobrious term of " Fever-stricken," already used to 
 denote their Asiatic conquerors. The enemy descended the Nile, committing 
 terrible atrocities, and polluting every sanctuary of the Theban gods which 
 came within their reach. They had reached a spot called Tentoa,^ before 
 they fell in with the Egyptian troops. Ahmosi-si-Abina again distinguished 
 himself in the engagement. The vessel which he commanded, probably the 
 Rising in Memphis, ran alongside the chief galliot of the Sudanese fleet, and 
 took possession of it after a struggle, in which Ahmosi made two of the enemy's 
 sailors prisoners with his own hand. The king generously rewarded those 
 whose valour had thus turned the day in his favour, for the danger had 
 appeared to him critical ; he allotted to every man on board the victorious 
 
 ' Inscription of El-Kab, 11. 15-17. As to the position of the land of Konthanunolir, cf. what is said 
 in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 490. 
 
 * The name of this locality does not occur elsewhere ; it would seem to refer, not to a village, but 
 rather to a canal, or the branch of a river, or a harbour somewhere along the Nile. I am unable to 
 locate it definitely, but am inclined to think we ought to look for it, if not in Egypt itself, at any 
 rate in that part of Nubia which is nearest to Egypt. M. Revillout, taking up a theory which had 
 been abandoned by Chabas {M€moire sur les Pasteurs, pp. 45, 46), and recognising in this expedition an 
 offensive incursion of the Shepherd?, suggests tliat Tantoa may be the modem Tantah in the Delta 
 (JRevue Egyptologique, vol. vii. p. 82, n. 1). 
 
THE RESUMING OF BUILDING WORKS. 
 
 91 
 
 vessel five slaves, and five arura of land situated in his native province of 
 each respectively.^ The invasion was not without its natural consequences to 
 Egypt itself. A certain Titianu, who appears to have been at the head of a 
 powerful faction, rose in rebellion at some place not named in the narrative, 
 but in the rear of the army. The rapidity with which Ahmosis repulsed the 
 Nubians, and turned upon his new enemy, completely baffled the latter's 
 plans, and he and his followers were cut to pieces, but the danger had for the 
 moment been serious,^ It was, if not the last expedition undertaken in 
 this reign, at least the last commanded by the Pharaoh in person. By his 
 activity and courage Ahmosis had well earned the right to pass the remainder 
 of his days in peace. 
 
 A revival of military greatness always entailed a renaissance in art, followed 
 by an age of building activity. The claims of the gods upon the spoils of war 
 must be satisfied before those of men, because the victory and the booty obtained 
 through it were alike owing to the divine help given in battle. A tenth, there- 
 fore, of the slaves, cattle, and precious metals was set apart for the service of 
 the gods, and even fields, towns, and provinces were allotted to them, the 
 produce of which was applied to enhance the importance of their cult or to repair 
 and enlarge their temples. The main body of the building was strengthened, 
 halls and pylons were added to the original plan, and the impulse once given 
 to architectural work, the co-operation of other artificers soon followed. 
 Sculptors and painters whose art had been at a standstill for generations 
 during the centuries of Egypt's humiliation, and whose hands had lost their 
 cunning for want of practice, were now once more in demand. They hadi 
 probably never completely lost the technical knowledge of their caUing, and 
 the ancient buildings furnished them with various types of models, which they 
 had but to copy faithfully in order to revive their old traditions. A few years 
 after this revival a new school sprang up, whose originality became daily more 
 patent, and whose leaders soon showed themselves to be in no way inferior to 
 
 ' Inscription of El- Kab,U. 17-21. 
 
 » Inscription of El-Kab, 11. 21-23. The wording of tlio text is 60 much condensed that it is difBcult 
 to be sure of its meaning. Modern scholars agree with Brugsch (Reiseberichte aui ^gypten, pp. 2\'J, 
 220, and Geschichte ,T-:gyptens, p. 233) that Titiinu is the name of a man, but several ^Egyptologists 
 believe its bearer to have been chief of the Ethiopian tribes (Wiedemann, jEgyptiiche Geschichte, pp. 
 309, 310), while others think him to have been a rebellious Egyptian prince (Ebmax, JEgypten unit 
 Mgyptisches Lehen, p. 152; Maspebo, Uisloire Ancienne des Peuples de VOrient,\t\\ edit., p. 170), or a 
 king of the Shepherds (Revillout, Revue £'gyplologique, vol. vii. p. 82, note 1), or give up the task of 
 identification in despair (Chabas, M^noire sur les Pasteurs en Egyple, p. 46). The tortuous wording 
 of the text, and the expressions which occur in it, seem to indicate that the rebel was a prince of the 
 royal blood, and even that the name ho bears was not his real one. Later on we shall find that, on a 
 similar occasion, the official documents refer to a prince who took part in a plot against Ramses III. 
 by the fictitious name of Pentauirit (Devebia, Le Papyrus judiciare de Turin, pp. CO-63, 155, 156) ; 
 Titi&nu was probably a nickname of the same kind inserted in place of the real name. It seems that,, 
 in cases of high treason, the criminal not only lost liis life, but his name was proscribed both in this 
 world and in the next. 
 
92 
 
 TEE BEGINNING OF THE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 the masters of tlie older schools. Ahraosis could not be accused of ingratitude 
 to the gods ; as soon as his wars allowed him the necessary leisure, he began 
 his work of temple-building. The accession to power of the great Theban 
 families had been of little advantage to Thebes itself. Its Pharaohs, on 
 assuming the sovereignty of the whole valley, had not hesitated to abandon 
 their native city, and had made Heracleopolis, the Fayum or even Memphis, 
 their seat of government, only returning to Thebes in the time of the XIII"' 
 dynasty, when the decadence of their power had set in. The honour of 
 furnishing rulers for its country had often devolved on Thebes, but the city had 
 reaped but little benefit from the fact ; ^ this time, however, the tide of fortune 
 was to be turned. The other cities of Egypt had come to regard Thebes as 
 their metropolis from the time when they had learned to rally round its 
 princes to wage war against the Hyksos. It had been the last town to lay 
 down arms at the time of the invasion, and the first to take them up again in 
 the struggle for liberty. Thus the Egypt which vindicated her position 
 among the nations of the world was not the Egypt of the Memphite dynasties. 
 It was the great Egypt of the Amenemhaits and the Usirtasens, still further 
 aggrandised by recent victories. Thebes was her natural capital, and its 
 kings could not have chosen a more suitable position from whence to command 
 effectually the whole empire. Situated at an equal distance from both frontiers, 
 the Pharaoh residing there, on the outbreak of a war either in the north or 
 south, had but half the length of the country to traverse in order to reach the 
 scene of action. Ahmosis spared no pains to improve the city, but his 
 resources did not allow of his embarking on any very extensive schemes ; he 
 did not touch the temple of Amon, and if he undertook any buildings in 
 its neighbourhood, they must have been minor edifices. He could, indeed, 
 have had but little leisure to attempt much else, for it was not till the XXII™' 
 year of his reign that he was able to set seriously to work.^ An opportunity 
 then occurred to revive a practice long fallen into disuse under the foreign 
 kings, and to set once more in motion an essential part of the machinery of 
 Egyptian administration. The quarries of Turah, as is well known, enjoyed 
 the privilege of furnishing the finest materials to the royal architects ; 
 nowhere else could be found limestone of such whiteness, so easy to cut, or so 
 calculated to lend itself to tlie carving of delicate inscriptions and bas-reliefs.^ 
 The commoner veins had never ceased to be worked by private enterprise, 
 
 ' Cf. what is said in regard to this neglect of Thebes in Maspero, Bawn of Civilization, jip. 464, 528. 
 E. DE EouGE, Etude des Monuments du Massif de Earnah, in the Mdanges d'ArcMologie £gyptienne 
 et Assyrienne, vol. i. p. 41. In the inscription of the year XXII., Ahmosis expressly states that he 
 opened new chambers in the quarries of Tfirah for the works in connection with the Theban Amon, 
 as well as for those of the temple of the Memphite Phtah (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 3 a, 11. 3, 4). 
 
 ' Cf. what is said in regard to the Turah limestone in Maspeko, Bawn of Civilization, pp. 383, 384. 
 
THE BE OPENING OF THE QUAE MIES OF TOR AH. 
 
 95 
 
 gangs of quarrymen being always employed, as at the present day, in cutting 
 small stone for building purposes, or in ruthlessly chipping it to pieces to 
 burn for lime in the kilns of the neighbouring villages ; but the finest veins 
 were always kept for State purposes. Contemporary chroniclers might have 
 formed a very just estimate of national prosperity by the degree of activity 
 shown in working these royal preserves ; when the amount of stone extracted 
 was lessened, prosperity was on the wane, and might be pronounced to be at its 
 lowest ebb when the noise of the quarryman's hammer finally ceased to be 
 heard. Every dynasty whose resources were such as to justify their resumption 
 of the work proudly recorded the fact on stelae which lined the approaches to 
 
 the masons' yards. Ahmosis reopened the Tiirah quarry-chambers, and pro- 
 cured for himself "good stone and white" for the temples of Amou at Thebes 
 and of Phtah at Memphis. No monument has as yet been discovered to throw 
 any light on the fate of Memphis subsequent to the time of the Amenemhaits. 
 It must have suffered quite as much as any city of the Delta from the Shepherd 
 invasion, and from the wars which preceded their expulsion, since it was 
 situated on the highway of an invading army, and would offer an attraction 
 for pillagers. By a curious turn of fortune it was the " Fankhui," or Asiatic 
 prisoners, who were set to quarry the stone for the restoration of the 
 monuments which their own forefathers had reduced to ruins.* The bas-reliefs 
 sculptured on the stela) of Ahmosis show them iu full activity under the corvee ; 
 we see here the stone block detached from the quarry being squared by the 
 chisel, or transported on a sledge drawn by oxen.^ 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Vyse-Perrino, Tlie Pyramids of Gizeh, vol. iii., 
 plate facing p. 99 ; cf. Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 3 o. 
 
 ' The Fanhhui are, properly speaking, all white prieoneis, without distinction of race. Their 
 name is derived from the root f61ihu,fanhhu = to bind, press, carry oflf, steal, destroy (Masi'eho, Lt» 
 Contea Populaires de VEgyple Ancienne, Ist edit., p. 126, note 2 ; Max Muller, Atien und Europu 
 nach Altxgyplischen Denkmdlern, pp. 208-212); if it is sometimes used in the sense of rhoBuicians 
 (BuuGSOH, Geschichte JEgyptem, pp. 242, 258, 6G3 ; Wiedemann, Jigyptisclie Geechichtt, p. 310), it 
 is only in the Ptolemaic epoch, by assonance with the Greek tolvMts. Here the term "Funkhai" 
 refers to the Shepherds and Asiatics made prisoners in the campaign of the year V. against 
 Sharuhana. 
 
 ' Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, vol. ii. p. -188 ; Roseluni, Monumenli 
 Storici, vol. i. pi. xv., and pp. 195, 196; Lei'sius, Denkm., iii. 3 a,b; Vyse-Periuno, The Pyramids 
 of Oizeh, vol. iii. p. 94, et seq. ; of. Brugsoh, Das Mjyptische Troja, in the Zeitschri/t, 1867, p. 92. 
 
^4 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIII'" DYNASTY. 
 
 Ahmosis had several children by his various wives; six at least owned 
 Nofritari for their mother and possessed near claims to the crown, but 
 «he may have borne him others whose existence is unrecorded. The 
 eldest appears to have been a son, Sipiri ; he received all the honours 
 due to an hereditary prince, but died without having reigned,^ and his 
 second brother, Amenhotpu — called by the Greeks Amenothes^ — took his 
 place. Ahmosis was laid to rest in the chapel which he had prepared for 
 himself in the cemetery of Drah-abu'l-Neggah, among the modest pyramids 
 of the XI*'', XIII"', and XVII"^ dynasties.^ He was venerated as a god, 
 and his cult was continued for six or eight centuries later, until the in- 
 creasing insecurity of the Theban necropolis at last necessitated the removal 
 of the kings from their funeral chambers.^ The coffin of Ahmosis was found 
 to be still intact, though it was a poorly made one, shaped to the contours of 
 the body, and smeared over with yellow ; it represents the king with the false 
 beard depending from his chin, and his breast covered with a pectoral ornament, 
 the features, hair, and accessories being picked out in blue. His name has 
 been hastily inscribed in ink on the front of the winding-sheet, and when the 
 lid was removed, garlands of faded pink iiowerswere still found about the neck, 
 laid there as a last offering by the priests who placed the Pharaoh and his 
 compeers in their secret burying-place.^ Amenothes I. had not attained his 
 majority when his father " thus winged his way to heaven," leaving him as heir 
 
 ^ As to Sipiri, cf. Birch, Mude sur le Papyrus Abbott, in the Bevue Arch€ologique, 1st series, vol. xvi. 
 pp. 272, 273 ; Chabas, Melanges ^gtjptologiqes, 3rd series, vol. i. p. 69 ; Masfebo, Vne Enquete judiciaire 
 ■a Thebes au tempi de la XX' dynastic, p. 80, and Leg Monies royales de Deir-el-Bahari, in the M^moires 
 de la Mission Fran^aise, vol. i. pp. 630, 637 ; Wiedemann, The King Ahmes-Sa-pa-ar, in the Proceed- 
 ings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. viii., 1886, pp. 220-225. 
 
 ' The form Amenophis, which is usually employed, is, properly speaking, the equivalent of the 
 name Amenemaupitu, or Amenaupiti, which belongs to a king of the XXP' Tanite dynasty (Wiede- 
 mann, Zur XXIdynastie Manetho' s, in the Zeitschrift, 1882, pp. 86-88); the true Greek transcription 
 of the Ptolemaic epoch, corresponding to the pronunciation Amenhotpe, or Amenhopte, is Amenothes 
 <Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Sistoire, § xxxvi., in the Zeitschrift, 1882, pp. 
 128, 129). Under the XVlir" dynasty the cuneiform transcription of the tablets of Tel-el Amarna, 
 Amankhatbi, seems to indicate the pronunciation Amanhautpi, Amanliatpi, side by side with the 
 pronunciation Amanhautpu, Amenhotpu. 
 
 ^ The precise site is at present unknown : we see, however, that it was in tliis place, when we 
 observe that Ahmosis was worshipped by the Servants of the Necropolis, amongst the kings and 
 princes of his family who were buried at Drah-abu'l-Neggah (Lepsius, Denhm-, iii. 2 a, b). 
 
 * His priests and the minor employes of his cult are mentioned on a stele in the museum at Turin 
 <No. 85, Obcurti, Catalogo lllustrato dei Monumenti Egizii, vol. ii. pp. 42, 43), and on a brick in the 
 Berlin Museum (Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 25, bis E). He is worshipped as a god, along with Osiris, Horus, 
 and Isis, on a stele in the Lyons Museum (Deveeia, Notices sur les Antiquit^s Egyptiennes du Musge 
 de Lyon, pp. 12, 13, and pi. ii.. No. 85), brought from Abydos : he had, probably, during one of his 
 journeys across Egypt, made a donation to the temple of that city, on condition that he should be 
 worshipped there for ever ; for a stele at Marseilles shows him offering homage to Osiris in the bark 
 of the god itself (Maspero, Catalogue du Mus^e Egyptien de Marseille, No. 32, pp. 20, 21), and another 
 stele in the Louvre informs us that Pharaoh Thatmosis IV. several times sent one of his messengers 
 to Abydos for the purpose of presenting land to Osiris and to his own ancestor Ahmosis (C 53, in 
 PiERRET, Eecueil d' Inscriptions in^dites du Mus^e Egyptien du Louvre, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15). 
 
 ^ Maspero, Les Mamies royales de Deir-el-Bahari, in the M^moire de la Mission, vol. i. pp. 533, 535. 
 
AMENOTEES I. AND NOFRITABI. 
 
 95 
 
 to the throne.^ Nofritari assumed the authority ; after having shared the 
 royal honours for nearly twenty-five years with her husband, she resolutely 
 refused to resign them.^ She was thus the first of those queens by divine 
 right who, scorning the inaction of the harem, took on themselves the right to 
 fulfil the active duties of a sovereign, and claimed the recognition of the 
 equality or superiority of their titles to those of their husbands or sons. The 
 
 COFFIN OF AUMOSIS IN THE (JIzEU MUt-EUM/" 
 
 aged Ahhotpu, who, like Nofritari, was of pure royal descent, and who might 
 well have urged her superior rank, had been content to retire in favour of her 
 children ; * she lived to the tenth year of her grandson's reign, respected by all 
 lier family, but abstaining from all interference in political affairs.^ When at 
 length she passed away, full of days and honour, she was embalmed with 
 special care, and her body was placed in a gilded mummy-case, the head of 
 which presented a faithful copy of her features." Beside her were piled the 
 
 > The last date known is that of the year XXII. at Tftrah ; cf. pp. 92, 93 of the present work. 
 Manetho's lists give, in one place, twenty-five years and four months after the expulsion ; in another, 
 twenty-six years in round numbers, as the total duration of his reign (MClleii-Didot, Fragmenla 
 Ilittoricorum Grxcorum, vol. ii. p. 572, it seq.), which has every appearance of probability. 
 
 ' Tliere is no direct evidence to prove that Ameuothes I. was a minor when he came to the throne ; 
 still the presumptions in favour of tiiis hypothesis, afforded by the monuments, are so strong that many 
 historians of ancient Egypt have accepted it (Brigsch, Uistoire d'l-Jgypte, p. 80, and Getchichte 
 /Egyptens, pp. 2G0, 261; Wiedemann, JEgypiitche Getchichte, p. 313). Queen Nofritari is represented 
 as reigning, side by side with her reigning son, on some few Theban tombs which can be attributed to 
 their epoch (Ltrsius, Dtnkm., iii. 1, 4 e). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1882. 
 
 • Masi'ero, Les Momies royales de Deir-el-Bahari, in the Mimoiret dt la Miuion Franfaite, vol. i. 
 p. 627, where the true condition of this Ahhotpu has been presented for the first time. 
 
 ' The liigh position which she occupied is clearly shown by tlio inscriptions on the tomb of her 
 steward Karasa, published by Bouriant, Fetitg Monuments, in the llecucil de Travaux, vol. ix. 
 pp. 94, 95; then by Pieul, Varia, § Iviii., in the Zeittchrift, 1888, pp. 117, 118. 
 
 " Her portrait is given above on p. 3 of the present work, in tlie form of an initial letter. For au 
 
96 THE BEGINNING OF THE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 jewels she had received in her lifetime from her husband and son. The 
 majority of them are for feminine use ; a fan with a handle plated with gold, a 
 mirror of gilt bronze with ebony handle, bracelets and ankle-rings, some of solid 
 and some of hollow gold, edged with fine chains 
 of plaited gold wire, others formed of beads of 
 gold, lapis-lazuli, cornelian, and green felspar, 
 many of them engraved with the cartouche of 
 Ahmosis. Belonging also to Ahmosis we have 
 a beautiful quiver, in which figures of the king 
 and the gods stand out in high relief on a gold 
 plaque, delicately chased with a graving tool ; 
 the background is formed of small pieces of lapis 
 and blue glass, cunningly cut to fit each other. 
 One bracelet in particular, found on the queen's 
 wrist, consisted of three parallel bands of solid 
 gold set with turquoises, and having a vulture 
 with extended wings on the front. The queen's 
 hair was held in place by a gold circlet, scarcely 
 as large as a bracelet ; a cartouche was affixed 
 to the circlet, bearing the name of Ahmosis in 
 blue paste, and flanked by small sphinxes, one 
 on each side, as supporters. A thick flexible 
 chain of gold was passed several times round 
 her neck, and attached to it as a pendant was 
 a beautiful scarab, partly of gold and partly of 
 blue porcelain striped with gold. The breast 
 ornament was completed by a necklace of several 
 rows of twisted cords, from which depended 
 antelopes pursued by tigers, sitting jackals, 
 hawks, vultures, and the winged urseus, all attached to the winding-sheet by 
 means of a small ring soldered on the back of each animal.^ The fastening 
 of this necklace was formed of the heads of two gold hawks, the details of 
 the heads being worked out in blue enamel. Both weapons and amulets 
 
 account of its discovery, of. Dr. Maunier's letter, Deux Documents relatifs auxfouilles de Mariette, in 
 the Eecueil de Travaux, vol. xii. pp. 216-218 ; and Deveria, (Euvres,\ol. i. p. 380, et seq. The objects 
 have been described and reproduced by Birch, On Gold-jewelled Ornaments found at Thebes in 1859, 
 in the Archseological Journal, vol. xx. p. 166, and Facsimiles of the Egyptian Belies discovered at 
 Thebes in the Tomb of Queen Aah-hotep, 4to, 1863 ; Mariette, Notice des Principaux Monuments, 1864, 
 pp. 218-227. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the photograph by M. de Mertens taken in the Berlin Museum. 
 ^ This necklace has been reproduced on p. 3 of the present work, -where it serves as a frontispiece 
 to the chapter. 
 
THE JEWELS OF QUEEN AEEOTPO. 97 
 were found among the jewels, including three gold flies suspended by a 
 
 THE JEWELS AND WEAPONS OF. QCEEN AIlIlOTPf I. IN THE tiiZEH JII SEL JI.' 
 
 thin chain, nine gold and silver axes, a lion's liead in gold of most minute 
 
 ' Drawu by Faucher-Gudin, from a ijliotogrnph by Bt'cbard, in Mauiette, Allium yhoUigtapUiquc 
 du Mw€e de lloidaq, pi. 3. The dagger is reproduced by itself on p. 204 of tlie |)rcsent volume, side 
 by side with a Mycenaean dagger of similar form and ornamentation. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIIF" DYNASTY. 
 
 workmanship,^ a sceptre of black wood plated with gold, daggers to defend 
 the deceased from the dangers of the unseen world, boomerangs of hard 
 wood, and the battle-axe of Ahmosis. Besides these, there were two boats, 
 one of gold and one of silver, originally intended for the Pharaoh Kamosu — 
 models of the skiff in which his mummy crossed the Nile to reach its last 
 resting-place, and to sail in the wake of the gods on the western sea.^ 
 
 Nofritari thus reigned conjointly with Amenothes, and even if we have 
 no record of any act in which she was specially concerned, we know at least 
 that her rule was a prosperous one, and that her memory was revered by 
 her subjects. While the majority of queens were relegated after death to 
 the crowd of shadowy ancestors to whom habitual sacrifice was offered, the 
 worshippers not knowing even to which sex these royal personages belonged, 
 the remembrance of Nofritari always remained distinct in their minds, and 
 her cult spread till it might be said to have become a kind of popular 
 religion. In this veneration Ahmosis was rarely associated with the queen, 
 but Amenothes^ and several of her other children shared in it — her son 
 Sipiri, for instance,* and her daughters Sitamon,'' Sitkamosi,^ and Maritamon ; 
 Nofritari became, in fact, an actual goddess, taking her place beside Amon, 
 Khonsu, and Maut,*^ the members of the Theban Triad, or standing alone as 
 an object of worship for her devotees.'' She was identified with Isis, Hathor, 
 and the mistresses of Hades, and adopted their attributes, even to the black or 
 blue coloured skin of these funerary divinities.^^ Considerable endowments 
 
 ' It is reproduced, as nearly as possible full size, as a tail-piece on p. 108 of the present volume. 
 The drawing is by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
 - See the drawing of the gold skiff and its carriage on p. 81 of the present volume. 
 
 ^ A list of the monuments on which she is represented as being worshipped in conjunction with her 
 son Amenothes I. has been very carefully compiled by Wiedemann, JSgyptische GescMcMe, pp. 313, 314. 
 
 * Stele from Karnak in Maeiette, Monuments divers, pi. 89; stele at Turin in Champollion- 
 FiGEAc, ligypte Aneienne, pi. 67, and Maspeeo, Bapport sur une Mission en Italie, in the Reoueil, vol, 
 iii. p. 113; coffin of Biitehamon in Schiapakelli, II Lihro dei Funerali, pp. 17, 18; of. for these 
 representations collectively, Maspero, Les Momics royales de Deir-el-Baliari, p. 630. 
 
 * Sitamon is mentioned, with her mother, on the Karuak stele (Maeiette, Monuments divers, p. 89) 
 and on the coffin of Butehamon (Schtaparelli, ibid., pp. 17, 18) ; for the position to be assigned to 
 this princess, of. Maspero, Les Mamies royales, etc., p. 621. 
 
 " Arcndale-Bonomi-Birch, Gallery of Antiquities selected from the Brit. Mus., pt. i. p. 75, pi. 30, 
 fig. 142; and Prisse d'Avennes, Notice sur les Antiquity's Egyptiennes du Mus€e Britanniqne, pp. 16, 
 17 ; cf. Maspero, Les Mamies, etc., pp. 440-543, 623, 624. 
 
 ' Coffin of Butehamon in Schiapakelli, II Lihro dei Funerali, pp. 17, 18; tomb of Qoni at Deir 
 el-Medineh, in Wiedemann, Tombs of the XIX"' Dynasty at Der el-Medineh in the Proceedings of the 
 Bibl. Archseol. Soc, 1886, vol. viii. p. 231. 
 
 » She is worshipped with the Tlieban Triad by Hrihor, at Karnak, in the temple of Khonsu 
 (Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nubie, vol. ii. p. 227 ; Lepsics, Denhu., iii. 246 a). 
 
 ^ Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, etc., vol. ii. p. 52, where her sacred bark is represented, 
 and Seti I. in adoration before her. 
 
 Her statue in the Turin Museum represents her as having black skin (Champollion, 
 Lettres a M.le due de Blacas, i. pp. 21, 22). She is also painted black standing before Amenothes 
 (who is white) in the Deir el-Medineh tomb, now preserved in the Berlin Museum (Lepsius, 
 Denhm., iii. 1 ; cf. Ermas, Ausfuhrliches Yerzeichniss der Mgyptischen Altertlmmer, 1894, pp. 149, 150, 
 Nos, 2060, 2061), in that of NibnMrli (Champollion, Monuments, etc, vol. i. p. 525, and pi. clxx. 1), 
 
THE APOTHEOSIS OF NOFRITARI. 
 
 99 
 
 were given for maintaining worship at her tomb, and were administered by a 
 special class of priests.^ Her mummy reposed among those of the princes of her 
 family, in the hiding-place at Deir-el-Bahari : it was enclosed in an enormous 
 
 THE TWO COFFINS OF AHHOTPU II. AND NOFBItARI STANDING IN THE VESTIBCI.F. OK THE OLD 
 bOlaK MI SEUM.- 
 
 wooden sarcophagus covered with linen and stucco, the lower part being shaped 
 to the body, while the upper part representing the head and arms could be lifted 
 off in one piece. The shoulders are covered with a network in relief, the meshos 
 
 and ill that of iJnnofir, ut Sheikh Abd cl-(iArnah (Id., ilM., p. 524). He r faco is painted bhu' in 
 the tomb of Ivasa (Wiedkmann, Tombs of the XIX"' Dyn. at Der d-MeiUmh, in tlie Proceedings of the 
 Arch. Soc, 188G, vol. viii. p. 220). The reprcsoutntion.s of this qiieon with a black skin have 
 caused her to be taken for a negrcss, the daughter of an Ethiopian Pharaoh (Uoski.lini, Monumenti 
 Storici, vol. iii. I, p. 92; Auundale-Bonomi-Uihoh, Oallery of Antiquities, ii. p. 74; Bri o.scii, Hist, 
 d'f^gypte, pp. 85, 80 ; Lepsius, Briefe aus ^gypten, p. 208 ; Wiedemann, JEgyptische Genchichte, p. 3(>9), 
 or at any rate the daughter of a chief of some Nubian tribe (Ed. Meykk, Geschichte JEgyptens, p. 224, 
 note 1); it was thought that Ahinosis must have married her to secure the help of the negro tribes 
 in his wars, and that it was owing to this alliance that he succeeded in exindling the Hyksos. Later 
 discoveries have not confirmed tiiese hypotheses. Nofrltari was most probably an Egyptian of 
 unmixed race, as we have seen, and daughter of Ahliotpfl I. (si e p. 77 of this volume), and the black or 
 blue colour of her skin is merely owing to her identification with the goddesses of the dead (Bri osch, 
 Gesch. JEgyptens, pp. 259, 200 ; Lauth, Aus Jlujyptens Vorzeit, pp. 245, 240). 
 
 ' The monuments connected with her priests, her cultus, an<l the appanage of her torab are enume- 
 rated exhaustively in Wiedemann, JEgypt. Gesch., p. 315. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Erail Brugsch-Bey, taken in 18S2. 
 
100 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 of which are painted blue on a yellow background. The Queen's hands are 
 crossed over her breast, and clasp the crux ansata, the symbol of life. The whole 
 mummy-case measures a little over nine feet from the sole of the feet to the 
 top of the head, which is furthermore surmounted by a cap, and two long ostrich- 
 feathers. The appearance is not so much that of a coffin as of one of those 
 enormous caryatides which we sometimes find adorning the front of a temple.^ 
 We may perhaps attribute to the influence of Nofritari the lack of zest 
 evinced by Amenothes for expeditions into Syria. Even the most energetic 
 kings had always shrunk from penetrating much beyond the isthmus. Those 
 who ventured so far as to work the mines of Sinai had nevertheless felt a secret 
 fear of invading Asia proper — a dread which they never succeeded in overcoming. 
 When the raids of the Bedouin obliged the Egyptian sovereign to cross the 
 frontier into their territory, he would retire as soon as possible, without 
 attempting any permanent conquest.^ After the expulsion of the Hyksos, 
 Ahmosis seemed inclined to pursue a less timorous course. He made an 
 advance on Sharuhana and pillaged it, and the booty he brought back ought 
 to have encouraged him to attempt more important expeditions ; but he never 
 returned to this region, and it would seem that when his first enthusiasm had 
 subsided, he was paralysed by the same fear which had fallen on his ancestors. 
 Nofritari may have counselled her son not to break through the traditions 
 which his father had so strictly followed, for Amenothes I. confined his 
 campaigns to Africa, and the traditional battle-fields there. He embarked for 
 the land of Kush on the vessel of Ahmosi-si-Abina " for the purpose of enlarging 
 the frontiers of Egypt." It was, we may believe, a thoroughly conventional 
 campaign, conducted according to the strictest precedents of the XIP" dynasty. 
 The Pharaoh, as might be expected, came into personal contact with the enemy, 
 and slew their chief with his own hand ; the barbarian warriors sold their 
 lives dearly, but were unable to protect their country from pillage, the victors 
 carrying off whatever they could seize — men, women, and cattle. The pursuit 
 of the enemy had led the army some distance into the desert, as far as a halting- 
 place called the " Upper cistern " — KhnfmU h'rU ; instead of retracing his 
 steps to the Nile squadron, and returning slowly by boat, Amenothes resolved 
 to take a short cut homewards. Ahmosi conducted liim back overland in 
 two days, and was rewarded for his speed by the gift of a quantity of gold, 
 and two female slaves.^ An incursion into Libya followed quickly on the 
 
 ' Maspeeo, Les Momies royales de Beir-el-Bahari, in the Memoires de la Mission Frangaise, etc., 
 vol. i. pp. 535, 536. 
 
 ^ Cf. wliat is said on this subject in Maspeeo, Daiun of Civilization, pp. 394, 408, et seq., and pp, 
 16, 17, and 88 of the present volume. 
 
 ' Great Inscription of El-Kah, 11. 23-28. A monument at Vienna informs us that Amenothes I. 
 was worshipped iu the Ethiopian district of Kara or Kari (Bergmans, Inschriftliche Denlmaler, in the 
 Recueil de Travaux, vol. ix. p. 50; cf. Wiedemann, ^gyptische Geschichte, p. 321). 
 
THE WARS OF AMENOTEES I. 
 
 101 
 
 Ethiopian campaign. The tribe of the Kihaka, settled between Lake Mareotis 
 and the Oasis of Amon, had probably attacked in an audacioiis manner the 
 western provinces of the 
 Delta ; ^ a raid was organ- 
 ized against them, and the 
 issue was commemorated by 
 a small wooden stele, on 
 which we see the victor 
 represented as brandishing 
 his sword over a barbarian 
 lying prostrate at his feet.^ 
 The exploits of Araenothes 
 appear to have ended with 
 this raid, for we possess no 
 monument recording any 
 further victory gained by 
 him. This, however, has not 
 prevented his contemporaries 
 from celebrating him as a 
 conquering and victorious 
 king. He is portrayed stand- 
 ing erect in his chariot ready 
 to charge, or as carrying oil" 
 two barbarians whom he holds 
 half suffocated in his sinewy 
 arms,^ or as gleefully smiting 
 the princes of foreign lands.° He acquitted himself of the duties of the cliase as 
 became a true Pharaoh, for we find him depicted in the act of seizing a lion by 
 the tail and raising him suddenly in mid-air previous to despatching him.'' 
 
 ' Statue of Alimosi Pan-neklmbit, A, 11. 5, G. The name is written Amd Kilmka, and the com- 
 bination of these two terms appears to mc to designate the part of the tribe living near Arail (cf., for 
 a parallel construction, Piehl, Varia, § Ixii., in the Zeitschri/t, vol. sxviii. p. IG), the capital of the 
 Libyan nomo (PiixniE, Naucratis, i. p. 94, and pi. xxvii. 2). Brugsch identifies them with the loliacclii, 
 the Libyans mentioned by Ptolemy (IV. v. 2;J ; cf. Vivien ue Saint-Mautin, Le Nord de VA/rique, 
 p. 445 ; Brugsch, Geschichte Aigyptens, pp. 261, 262). Wiedemann would look for them on the Asiatic 
 side {JEgyptuclie Ge/chichte, pp. 317, 318). 
 
 ' KosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 1, pp. 108, 109, and pi. ii. 1$. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph supplied by Flinders Petrie. 
 
 * Small wooden stele in the I3ritish Museum, probably belonging to the same find as the stela) in 
 the Louvre (Akundale-Bonomi-Bircii, GalUry of Antiquities, ii. p. 74, and pi. 30, fig. 143. 
 
 ' Small wooden etelto in the Louvre, Nos. 331t, 340, 341 (Piebket, Catalogue de la Salle 
 hislorique, pp. 81, 82), published in Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 1, pp. 108-110, and 
 pi. ii. A, D. 
 
 « Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 1, p. 110, and pi. ii. E. 
 
102 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 are, indeed, but conventional pictures 
 war, to which we must not attach an 
 undue importance. Egypt had need 
 of repose in order to recover from the 
 losses it had sustained during the 
 years of struggle with the invaders. 
 If Amenothes courted peace from 
 preference and not from political 
 motives, his own generation profited 
 as much by his indolence as the pre- 
 ceding one had gained by the energy 
 of Abmosis. The towns in his reign 
 resumed their ordinary life, agriculture 
 flourished, and commerce again fol- 
 lowed its accustomed routes. Egypt 
 increased its resources, and was thus 
 able to prepare for future conquest. 
 The taste for building bad not as yet 
 sufficiently developed to become a drain upon the public treasury. We have, 
 however, records showing that Amenothes excavated a cavern in the mountain 
 of Ibrim in Nubia, dedicated to Satit, one of the goddesses of the cataract.^ It 
 is also stated that he worked regularly the quarries of Silsileh, but we do not 
 know for what buildings the sandstone thus extracted was destined.^ Karnak 
 was also adorned with chapels, and with at least one colossus,* while several 
 chambers built of the white limestone of Tiirah were added to Ombos.^ Thebes 
 had thus every reason to cherish the memory of this pacific king. As Nofritari 
 had been metamorphosed into a form of Isis, Amenothes Avas similarly 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from the wooden stele No. 342 in tlie Louvre (Piereet, Cata- 
 logue de la Salle historique, p. 82); cf. Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 1, p. 109, and 
 pi. ii. C. 
 
 ' Eosellini, ibid., vol. iii. 1, pp. 73-79, and pi. xxviii. 1. 
 
 ' A bas-relief on the western bank of the river represents him deified (Champollion, Monuments 
 de I'Egypte et de la Nuhie, vol. i. p. 249, and pi. cii. 1 ; Eosellini, Mon. Storici, vol. iii. 1, pp. 79, 80, 
 and pi. i. 19 of the same volume) : Panaiti, the name of a superintendent of the quarries who lived 
 in his reign, has been preserved in several grafBti (Eisenlohb, An Historical Monument, in the 
 Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Sec, 1881, p. 101 ; Flinders Peteie, A Season in Egypt, pi. xv., No. 
 476), while another gratHto gives us only the protocol of the sovereign, and indicates that the quarries 
 were worked in his reign (Flinders Petrie, ibid., pi. xvi., No. 480). 
 
 * The chambers of white limestone are marked I, K, on Mariette's plan (Karnah, pi. v.) ; it is 
 possible that they may have been merely decorated under Thfitmosis III., whose cartouches alternate 
 with those of Amenothes I. (Mariette, Earnalt, pp. 31, 37). The colossus is now in front of the 
 third Pylon, and Wiedemann concluded from this fact that Amenothes had begun extensive works 
 for enlarging the temple of Amon (^gyptische GescUchte, p. 318) ; Mariette believed, with greater 
 probability, that the colossus formerly stood at the entrance to the XII"" dynasty temple, but was 
 removed to its present position by Thiitmosis III. (Karnah, pp. 27, note 3, 60). 
 
 " Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Gram, et d'Eist., in the Zeitschrift, 1883, p. 78; the 
 fragments have since disappeared (Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments, vol. ii. p. 1). 
 
THE CULTUS OF AMENOTEES I. AND HIS MUMMY. 
 
 103 
 
 THE COI'PIN AND MUMMY OF AMIiNoTUliS I. IN THE GIZEII MUSEUM.' 
 
 represented as Osiris, the protector of the Necropolis, and he was depicted as 
 such with the sombre colour of the funerary divinities ; ^ his image, moreover, 
 together with those of the other gods, was used to decorate the interiors of 
 coffins, and to protect the mummies of his devotees.^ One of his statues, now 
 in the Turin Museum, represents him sitting on his throne in the posture of a 
 king giving audience to his subjects, or in that of a god receiving the homage 
 of his worshippers. The modelling of the bust betrays a flexibility of handling 
 which is astonishing in a work of art so little removed from barbaric times ; the 
 head is a marvel of delicacy and natural grace. We feel that the sculptor 
 has taken a delight in chiselling the features of his sovereign, and in repro- 
 ducing the benevolent and almost dreamy expression which characterised them.^ 
 The cult of Amenothes lasted for seven or eight centuries, until the time 
 when his coffin was removed and placed with those of the other members of his 
 family in the place where it remained concealed until our own times.'' It is 
 
 ' Drawn by Fiiucher-Gudiii, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1882. 
 
 ■ The cult of Amcnotlics I. and the principal monuments which are as yet known connected 
 with it arc given in Wikdkmann, JUgyptigche GeBchichte, pp. 319, 320. A black Amenotlug, followed 
 by his son Sipiri, is reproduced in Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 1, pp. 9S-10C, pi. xxis. 3. 
 
 ' Wiedemann (Aigyptische GetcldclUe, p. 319) has collected several examples, to whicli it would be 
 easy to add others. Tlie names of tlie king are in this case constantly accompanied by unusual 
 epithets, which arc enclosed in one or other of his cartouches : Mons. Rcvillout, deceived by these un- 
 familiar forms, has made out of one of these variants, on a painted cloth in the Louvre, a new Amendthcs, 
 whom he styles Amenothes V. (Le Roi Amenophis V.,\n the Bulletin des Musses, vol. i. pp. 112-114). B'or 
 " Pa-abiti-ni-Amon," a suiniime of the deified Amenothes I., frequently met with, and signifying " the 
 intimate friend or imago of Amon," sec Lepsius, Detthm., iii. 2 6, c ; and cf. A. B. Edwakds, On a 
 Fragment of Mummy-Case, in the Actes du Congrcg des Orientalistes de Leyden, sect. 3, pp. 173-175. 
 
 * Champollion, Lettres a M. le due de Blacas, vol. i. pp. 20, 21 ; Oiicuuxi, Catalogo Illuttrato, vol. 
 ii. p. 71, No. 37. Another statue of very fine workmanship, but mutilated, is preserved in tlio Gizeh 
 Museum (Mariette, Notice dcs principaux Munuments, 1874, p. 2G0, No. 870, and Monuments divers, 
 pi. 101, Texte, p. 29; Maspero, Guide du Visiteur, p. 241, No. 4434; Virey, Notice des principaux 
 Monuments, p. 172, No. G95); this statue is of the time of Seti I., and, as is customary, represents 
 AmenOthes in the likeness of the king then reigning. 
 
 » We know, from the Abbott Papyrus, pi. ii. 11. 2-7,7-1 1 (c(. Maspeuo, Une Enquete judiciaire a Thibet, 
 pp. 13, 15, 71, 72 ; Chadas, Une Spoliation des Hypogeetde Thibet, in the M^anges Egyptologiquetf 3rd 
 
iOi iHS BEGINNING OF THE XVIW" DYNASTY. 
 
 shaped to correspond with the form of the human body and painted white ; 
 the face resembles that of his statue, and the eyes of enamel, touched with 
 kohl, give it a wonderful appearance of animation. The body is swathed in 
 orange-coloured linen, kept in place by bands of brownish linen, and is further 
 covered by a mask of wood and cartonnage, painted to match the exterior of 
 the coffin. Long garlands of faded flowers deck the mummy from head to 
 foot. A wasp, attracted by their scent, must have settled upon them at the 
 moment of burial, and become imprisoned by the lid; the insect has been 
 completely preserved from corruption by the balsams of the embalmer, and 
 its gauzy wings have passed uncrumpled through the long centuries.^ 
 
 Amenothes had married Ahhotpu 11., his sister by the same father and 
 mother;^ Ahmasi,the daughter born of this union, was given in marriage to Thut- 
 mosis, one of her brothers, the son of a mere concubine, by name Sonisonbu.^ 
 Ahmasi, like her ancestor Nofritari, had therefore the right to exercise all the 
 royal functions, and she might have claimed precedence of her husband. Whether 
 i'rom conjugal affection or from weakness of character, she yielded, however, the 
 priority to Thutmosis, and allowed him to assume the sole government. He was 
 crowned at Thebes on the 21st of the third month of Pirit ; and a circular, 
 addressed to the representatives of the ancient seignorial families and to the 
 officers of the crown, announced the names assumed by the new sovereign. 
 "This is the royal rescript to announce to you that my Majesty has arisen 
 king of the two Egypts, on the seat of the Horus of the living, without equal, 
 for ever, and that my titles are as follows : The vigorous bull Horus, beloved 
 of Mait, the Lord of the Vulture and of the Urseus who raises itself as a flame, 
 most valiant, — the golden Horus, whose years are good and who puts life into 
 all hearts, king of the two Egypts, AKHOPiKKERt, son of the Sun, Thutmosis, 
 living for ever.^ Cause, therefore, sacrifices to be offered to the gods of the 
 
 series, vol. i. pp. 60, Gl), that the pyramid of Amenothes I. was situated at Drah Abou'l-Neggah, 
 among those of the Pharaohs of the XI"', XII"', and XVII"' dynasties. The remains of it have not 
 yet been discovered. 
 
 ' Maspeeo, Les Momies royales, in the M^moire» de la Mission Fran^aise, vol. i. pp. 536, 537. 
 Ahhotpft II. may be seen beside her husband on several monuments given by Wiedemann, 
 ^gypt. GescMchte, pp. 316, 317. The proof that she was full sister of Amenothes I. is furnished by 
 the title of "hereditary princess" which is given to her daughter Ahmasi; this princess would not 
 have taken precedence of her brother and husband Thfttmosis, who was the son of an inferior wife, 
 had she not been the daughter of the only legitimate spouse of Amenothes I. The marriage had 
 already taken place before the accession of ThCitmosis I., as Ahmasi figures in a document dated the 
 first year of his reign (Eeman, Bundsclireiben Thutmosis' I an die Behorden mit der Anzeige seines 
 Begierungsantrittes, in the Zeitschri/t, vol. xxix. p. 117). 
 
 ' Eeman, ibid., in the Zeitschri/t, vol. xxix. pp. 117-119. The absence of any cartouche shows 
 that Sonisonbft did not belong to the royal family, and the very form of the name points her out to have 
 been of the middle classes, and merely a concubine. The accession of her son, however, ennobled her, 
 and he represents her as a queeu on the walls of the temple at Deir el-Bahaii (Naville, The Temple 
 of Deir el-Bahart, etc., pp. 12-14); even then he merely styles her "Eoyal Mother," the only title she 
 could really claim, as her inferior position in the harem prevented her from using that of " Royal Spouse." 
 
 ♦ This is really the protocol of the king, as we find it on the monuments (Lepsius, Eonigshuch, 
 pi. xxiv.), with his two Horus names and his solar titles. 
 
ACCESSION OF THUTMOSIS L 
 
 105 
 
 south and of Elephantine,^ and hymns to be chanted for the well-being of the 
 King Akhopirkeri, living for ever, and then cause the oath to be taken in 
 the name of my Majesty, born of the royal mother Sonisonbu, who is in good 
 health. — This is sent to 
 
 thee that thou mayest know |j ; • " "" ^ '^^ -'---iT-rv--7^. ^ 
 
 that the royal house is 
 prosperous, and in good 
 health and condition, the 
 1st year, the 21st of the 
 third month of Pirit, the 
 day of coronation."^ The 
 new king was tall in sta- 
 ture, broad-shouldered, well 
 knit, and capable of en- 
 during the fatigues of war 
 without flagging. His sta- 
 tues represent him as hav- 
 ing a full, round face, long 
 nose, square chin, rather 
 thick lips, and a smiling 
 but firm expression. Thiit- 
 mosis brought with him 
 on ascending the throne 
 the spirit of the younger 
 generation, who, born shortly 
 after the deliverance from 
 the Ilyksos, had grown up 
 in the peaceful days of xhCtuosis i., from a st.^tii: in th.; oizm mislisi.^ 
 Amenothes, and, elated by 
 
 the easy victories obtained over the nations of the suutli, were inspired by 
 ambitions unknown to the Egyptians of earlier times. To this younger race 
 Africa no longer offered a sufficiently wide or attractive field ; the whole country 
 was their own as far as the confluence of the two Niles, and the Theban gods were 
 worshipped at Napata no less devoutly than at Thebes itself.* What remained to 
 
 » The copy of the letter which has como down to us Is addressed to the commander of Elcphantind : 
 hence the mention of the gods of that town. The names of the divinities must have been altered to 
 suit each district, to which the order to offer sacrifices for the prosperity of the new sovereign 
 was sent. 
 
 ' Oatracon from the Qizeh Museum, published by Eruan, Rundschreiben TliutmotW I an die 
 Behordcn mit der Anxeige seines Regientmj»antriUe», in the ZeiUchrift, vol. xxix. pp. llC-118. 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the photograph taken iu 1882 by Emil Brugach-Boy. 
 * A misinterpreted passage of Gazzera (Descrizione dei Monumenti Egiti del liegio Museo, p. 23, 
 
106 
 
 TEE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 be conquered in that direction was scarcely worth the trouble of reducing to 
 a province or of annexing as a colony ; it comprised a number of tribes hope- 
 lessly divided among themselves, and consequently, in spite of their renowned 
 bravery, without power of resistance. Light columns of troops, drafted at 
 intervals on either side of the river, ensured order among the submissive, or 
 despoiled the refractory of their possessions in cattle, slaves, and precious stones. 
 Thutmosis I. had to repress, however, very shortly after his accession, a revolt 
 of these borderers at the second and third cataracts, but they were easily over- 
 come in a campaign of a few days' duration, in which the two Ahmosis of 
 El-Kab took an honourable part. There was, as usual, au encounter of the 
 two fleets in the middle of the river : the young king himself attacked the 
 enemy's chief, pierced him with his first arrow, and made a considerable 
 number of prisoners. Thutmosis had the corpse of the chief suspended as a 
 trophy in front of the royal ship, and sailed northwards towards Thebes, where, 
 however, he was not destined to remain long.^ An ample field of action 
 presented itself to him in the north-east, affording scope for great exploits, 
 as profitable as they were glorious.^ Syria offered to Egyptian cupidity a 
 virgin prey in its large commercial towns inhabited by an industrious popu- 
 lation, who by maritime trade and caravan traffic had amassed enormous 
 wealth. The country had been previously subdued by the Chaldreans, who still 
 exercised an undisputed influence over it, and it was but natural that the 
 conquerors of the Hyksos should act in their turn as invaders. The incursion 
 of Asiatics into Egypt thus provoked a reaction which issued in an Egyptian 
 invasion of Asiatic soil. Thutmosis and his contemporaries had inherited 
 none of the instinctive fear . of penetrating into Syria which influenced 
 Ahmosis and his successor : the Theban legions were, perhaps, slow to advance, 
 but once they had trodden the roads of Palestine, they were not likely to 
 
 and pi. 1, No. 8) has caused Wiedemann {Mgyptisclie Oeechichte,]>. 317) to believe that a small stele in 
 the museum at Turin was found at Meroe, and proves the presence of Egyptian armies in that town. 
 Gazzera does not say that the object in question was discovered at Meroe, but only that the wood out 
 of which it is cut is wood from Meroe, " un pezzetto di legno duro di Meroe, tagliato in forma di stele." 
 The date of " I'anno ventisei," attributed to this monument, is not in reality traced on it, but the 
 Italian author, applying an erroneous hypothesis of ChampoUiou's, counted the spikes on the palm 
 stems surrounding the stele ; as there are twenty -six on each side, he thought that the Egyptian 
 draughtsman intended to notify in this manner the twenty-sixth year of the king's reign. 
 
 ' Inscription of Ahmosi-si-Ahina, 1. 28, et seq. : cf. Lepsius, Deiikm., iii. 12 d. ; Chabas, Les 
 Pasteurs en Egypte, pp. 21, 22, 23, 48, 49 ; Brdgsch, OescUchte ^gyptens, p. 268. That this expe- 
 dition must be placed at the beginning of the king's reign, in his first year, is shown by two 
 facts: (1) It precedes the Syrian campaign in the biography of the two Ahmosis of El-Kab; (2) 
 the Syrian campaign must have ended in the second year of the reign, since Thfltmosis I., on the 
 stele of Tombos which bears that date (Lepsius, DenJcm., iii. 5 a, 11. 13, 14), gives particulars of 
 the course of the Euphrates, and records the submission of the countries watered by that river (E. 
 DE EouGE, i^tude des Monuments du Massif de Karnak, in the Melanges dArchi'ologie iJgyptienne et 
 Assyrienne, vol. i. p. 541). 
 
 ^ It is impossible at present to draw tip a correct table of the native or foreign sovereigns who 
 reigned over Egypt during the time of the Hyks6s. I have given (Maspero, Dawn of Civiliiation, 
 
TEE NEW GENERATION OF EGYPTIANS. 107 
 
 forego the delights of conquest. From that time forward there was perpetual 
 warfare and pillaging expeditions from the plains of the Blue Nile to those 
 of the Euphrates, so that scarcely a year passed without bringing to the city 
 of Amon its tribute of victories and riches gained at the point of the sword. 
 One day the news would be brought that the Amorites or the Kliati had 
 taken the field, to be immediately followed by the announcement that their 
 forces had been shattered against the valour of the Egyptian battalions. 
 Another day, Pharaoh would re-enter the city with the flower of his generals 
 and veterans ; the chiefs whom he had taken prisoners, sometimes with his own 
 hand, would be conducted through the streets, and then led to die at the foot 
 
 pp. 789, 790) the list of the kings of the XIII'" and XIV"' dynasties which are known to us from 
 tlic Turin Papyrus. I here append tliat of the Pharaohs of the following dynasties, who arc 
 mentioned cither in tiic fragments of Manetho or on the monuments : 
 
 XV" DYNASTY. 
 
 The Shepherds in the Delta. 
 
 The Thebans in tlic Said. 
 
 I. [ShalitJ, Salatis, SaitJis. 
 
 I. AmOntimaios. 
 
 II. ? Bnun. 
 
 
 III. ? Al'AKHNAN, ApAKIINAS. 
 
 
 IV. [Ai'Opi I.], Apophis, Aphobis. 
 
 
 V. ? Staan, Iannas, Annas. 
 
 
 VI. ? Asses, Asseth. 
 
 
 XVI'" DYNASTY. 
 
 The Shepherds over the whole of Egypt. 
 
 SCsirnib! KhianI. 
 
 Apopi 11. ACsiiiiii. 
 
 XVII"' DYNASTY. 
 
 The Shepherds in the Delta. 
 
 The Thebans in the Said. 
 
 I. Apopi III. AqnOnkL 
 
 I. TiCaa I. SaqnCnrI I. 
 
 
 11. TiCaa II. SaqnOnbI II. 
 
 
 AxisfhbagmOtuOsis 'i 
 
 
 Tethmosis ? 
 
 
 SAKHONTINIUIli 
 
 
 SanakhtCb! ? 
 
 
 HotpOb! ? 
 
 
 ManhotfCri ? 
 
 
 NCbhotpObi 
 
 
 Tii^AQNi SaqnCnrI III. 
 
 
 UAZKHopiiuii KamosC. 
 
 
 NEBPEUTUii AIIMOSC I. 
 
 The date of the invasion may be placed between 2300 and 2250 b.o. ; if we count GGl years for the 
 three dynasties together, ns Erman proposes (Zur Chronologic der Hyksot, in the Zcilfchri/t, 1879, pp. 
 125-127), we find that the accession of Ahraosis would fall between 1G40 and 1590 (see p. 73, note 1, 
 of the present volume). I should place it provisionally in the year ICOO, in order not to leave the 
 position of the succeeding reigns uncertain ; I estimate the possible error at about half a century. 
 
108 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TEE XVIIP" DYNASTY. 
 
 of the altars, while fantastic processions of richly clothed captives, beasts led 
 by halters, and slaves bending under the weight of the spoil would stretch in 
 an endless line behind him. Meanwhile the Timihu, roused by some unknown 
 cause, would attack the outposts stationed on the frontier, or news would come 
 that the Peoples of the Sea had landed on the western side of the Delta ; the 
 Pharaoh had again to take the field, invariably with the same speedy and 
 successful issue. The Libyans seemed to fare no better than the Syrians, and 
 before long those who had survived the defeat would be paraded before the 
 Theban citizens, previous to being sent to join the Asiatic prisoners in the mines 
 or quarries; their blue eyes and fair hair showing from beneath strangely 
 shaped helmets, while their white skins, tall stature, and tattooed bodies excited 
 for a few hours the interest and mirth of the idle crowd. At another time, one 
 of the customary raids into the land of Kvish would take place, consisting of a 
 rapid march across the sands of the Ethiopian desert and a cruise along the 
 coasts of Puanit. This would be followed by another triumphal procession, in 
 which fresh elements of interest would appear, heralded by flourish of trumpets 
 and roll of drums ; Pharaoh would re-enter the city borne on the shoulders of 
 his officers, followed by negroes heavily chained, or coupled in such a way that 
 it was impossible for them to move without grotesque contortions, while the 
 acclamations of the multitude and the chanting of the priests would resound 
 from all sides as the cortege passed through the city gates on its way to the 
 temple of Amon. Egypt, roused as it were to warlike frenzy, liurled her armies 
 across all her frontiers simultaneously, and her sudden appearance in the heart 
 of Syria gave a new turn to human history. The isolation of the kingdoms 
 of the ancient world was at an end ; the conflict of the nations was about to 
 begin. 
 
SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 
 EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 NINEVEH AND THE FIRST CCSS^.AN KINGS — THE PEOPLES OF SYPIA, THEIR TOWNS, 
 THEIR CIVILIZATION, THCTR RELIGION — PHdCNICIA. 
 
 T/te (hjuastii of Urna-agga—The Cossmois: their couutrij, their gods, thtir coHgnest of 
 Chaldaia — Tlie first sovereigns of Assyria, and the first Coascfoh L ings : Agnvikakrimr. 
 
 The Egyptian names for Syria: Khar A, Zahi, LotanA, Ktfutin—The military highway 
 from the Nile to the Euphrates: first section from Zalu to Oaza — The Canaanites: their 
 fortresses, their agricultural character : the forest between Jaffa and Muu)tt Carmel, Megiddo 
 — The three routes beyond Megiddo: Qodshu — Alasia, Naharaim, Carchcmish ; Mitauni and 
 the cmiutries beyond the Euphrates. 
 
 Disintegration of the Syrian, Canaaniie, Amorife, and Khdti populations; obliteration of 
 types— Influence of Babylon on costumes, customs, and religion— Baalim and Astarte, plant- 
 gods and stone-gods— Religion, human sacrifices, festivals ; sacred stones— Tombs and the fate 
 of man after death — Pha-nician cosmogony. 
 
 Phoenicia— Arad, Marathus, Simyra, Botrys—Byblos, its temple, its goddess, the myth of 
 Adonis: Aphaka and the valley of the Nahr-IbraMm , the fcstirals of the death and resurrec- 
 tion of Adonis —Berytus and its god El ; Sidou and Us subnrbs—Tiire : its foundation, its gods, 
 its necropolis, its domain in the Lebanon. 
 
( no ) 
 
 Isolation of the Phoenicians mth regard to the other nations of Syria : their love of the sea 
 and the causes which developed it — Legendary accounts of the beginning of their colonization — 
 Their commercial proceedings, their hanks and factories; their ships — Cyprus, its wealth, its 
 occupations — The Phoenician colonies in Asia Minor and the ^gean Sea: purple dye — The 
 nations of the ^gea n. 
 
THE MOUERS VILLAGE OF ZERIN, IN GALILEE,' SEEN FROM THE SOUTH.' 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Nineveh and the first Cossasan kings — The peoples of Syria, their towns, 
 their civilization, their religion— Phosnicia. 
 
 rpiIE world beyond the Arabian desert presented to the eyes 
 of the enterprising Pharaohs an active and bustling 
 .scene. Babylonian civilization still maintained its hold 
 there without a rival, but Babylonian rule had ceased 
 to exercise any longer a direct control, having probably 
 disappeared with the sovereigns who had introduced it. 
 When Ammisatana died, about the year 2099, the line of 
 Khammurabi became extinct, and a family from the Sea-lands 
 came into power.^ This unexpected revolution of affairs did 
 not by any means restore to the cities of Lower Chaldavi tiie 
 supremo authority which they once possessed. Babylon had 
 made such good use of its centuries of rule that it had gained 
 , upon its rivals, and was not likely now to fall back 
 into a secondary place. Henceforward, no matter what 
 dynasty came into power, as soon as the fortune of war had placed it upon 
 the throne, Babylon succeeded in adopting it, and at once made it its own. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudicr, from a photograph ; tho vignette, by Faucher-Gudin, represents an Asiatic 
 draped with a blue and a red shawl ; cf. Chasipollion, MonumenU de I'^gypte et de la Nubie, pi. 
 cclxvii. 2 ; Ro.'^ellini, MonumetUi Storici, pi. chii. 
 
 ' The origin of this second dynasty and the reading of its name still aflTord matter for discussion. 
 The name was provisionally written Shishku, Sisku, by Pinches, who was the first to discover it 
 {Notes on a New List of Early Babylonian Kings, in the Proceediiign of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1880-81, 
 vol. iii. pp. 21, 22) ; it was at once connected by Lauth {Remarks on the Name Shishku, ibid., 1880-81*, 
 vol. iii. pp. 46-48) with the name Sheshach, which signifies Babylon in Jeremiah (ch. xxv. 26 and 
 
112 STRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 The new lord of the country, Ilumailu, having abandoned his patrimonial 
 inheritance, came to reside near to Merodach.^ He was followed during 
 the four next centuries by a dynasty of ten princes, in uninterrupted suc- 
 cession. Their rule was introduced and maintained without serious oppo- 
 sition. The small principalities of the south were theirs by right, and 
 the only town which might have caused them any trouble — Assur — was de- 
 pendent on them, being satisfied with the title of vicegerents for its princes, — 
 Khallu, Irishum, Ismidagan and bis son Samsiramman I., Igurkapkapu and 
 his son Samsiramman 11.^ As to the course of events beyond the Khabur, 
 and any efforts llumailu's descendants may have made to establish their 
 authority in the direction of the Mediterranean, we have no inscriptions to 
 inform us, and must be content to remain in ignorance. The last two of these 
 princes, Melamkurkurra and Eagamil, were not connected with each other, 
 and had no direct relationship with their predecessors.^ The shortness of their 
 
 li. 41). But Sheshacli is only an indirect way of writing Babel by athash, and Pinches had observed 
 that the group might be read Shishazag, Uruazag, or Uruku, as well as Shishku : the reading 
 Uruku even inclined H. Kawlinson to make XJruk-Erech the cradle of the Babylonian dynasty 
 (Proceedings, 1880-81, vol. iii. pp. 48, 49). Eastlake endeavoured to prove by means of philology 
 what excellent grounds there were for this comparison (JJruhu versus Shishku, ibid., 1881-82, vol. iv. 
 pp. 36-40), which Tiele declares improbable (Bahjlonisch-Assyrische GescMchte, p. 104); while 
 Hommel, after having inclined for a short time to the reading Uruazagga (Geschichte Bahyloniens 
 und Assyriens, pp. 169, 352), now declares Uruku to be nearly certain (4 Supplementary Note to 
 Gibil-Gamish, in the Proceedings, 1893-94, vol. xvi. pp. 13-15). Fr. Delitzsch accepts the reading 
 Uruazagga and recognizes Babylon in it, but Winckler {GescMchte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 
 67, 68, 327, 328) believes it to be merely the name of a district of Babylon, where the dynasty may 
 have originated. Finally, Hilprecht (Assyriaca, vol. i. pp. 25-28, 101-108) asserts, from Knudtzon's 
 copy {Assyritche Geheie an den Sonnengott, vol. i. p. 60), that the second sign in the name is the 
 syllable hha; and while recognizing the attractiveness of H. Kawlinson's and Hommel's hypothesis, 
 declares himself unable to affirm anything concerning the value and the true signification of the 
 group written Shish-Mia. Among these conflicting opinions, it behoves us to remember that 
 Gulkishar, the only prince of this dynasty whose title we possess, calls himself King of the Country 
 of the Sea, that is to say, of the marshy country at the mouth of the Euphrates (Hilpeecht, Bahyl. 
 Exped. of University of Pennsylvania, vol. i. pi. 30, 11. 3, 6) : this simple fact directs us to seek the cradle 
 of the family in those districts of Southern Chaldsea (Hilpeecht, J ssj/rzaca, vol. i. pp. 24-29). Sayce 
 rejects this identification on philological and chronological grounds, and sees in Gulkishar, " King 
 of the Sea-lands," a vassal Kalda prince {Academy, March 2, 1895). 
 
 ' The name has been read An-ma-an or Anmau by Pinches {Notes on a Neiv List of Early Babylonian 
 Kings, in Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, 1880-81, vol. iii. pp. 43-45 ; cf. Hilpeecht, Assyriaca, vol. i. pp. 101-106), 
 subsequently Ilumailu (in Fe. Delitzsch-Murdter, Gesch. Bab. und Assy r. ,2nd ed.. Table), Mailu (by 
 WiNCKLEE, Gesch. Bah. und Assyr., p. 68), finally Anumailu and perhaps Humailu (by Hommel, Suppl. 
 Note to Gibil-Gamish, in Proceedings, 1893-94, vol. xvi. p. 14). The true reading of it is still unknown. 
 Hommel believed he had discovered in Hilprecht's book {Bah. Exp. of Univ. of Pennsylv., voL i. jjI. 15, 
 No. 26) an inscription belonging to tlie reign of this prince ; but Hilprecht {Assyriaca, vol. i. pp. 
 101-106) has shown that it belonged to a king of Erech, An-a-an, anterior to the time of An-ma-an. 
 
 ' Inscription of Irishum, son of Khallu, on a brick found at Kalah-Shergat, published in Eaw- 
 LiNSON, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 6, No. 2 (cf. Winckler, Studien und Beitrdge zur Babylonisrh- 
 Assyrisclien GescMchte, in the Zeitschrlft fiir Assyriologie, xo\. ii. pi. iii. 10; and Scurabee, ^Ifeste 
 Assyrische Inschriften, in the Keilinschriftliche Bibliothelc, vol. i. pp. 2, 3, No. 3), and an inscription of 
 Samsiramman II., son of Igurkapkapu, on another brick from the same place, in Eawlinson, Cun. Ins. 
 W. As., vol. i. pi. 6, No. 1 (cf. Winckler, Stud, und Beit., pi. iii. 4 ; and Schradee, Mlteste Assyr. Inschrift., 
 pp. 2, 3, No. 1). Samsirammau I. and his father Ismidagan are mentioned in the great inscription of 
 Tiglath-pUeser II. (col. vii. 11. 60-69, col. viii. 11. 1-4, 47-49), as having lived 641 years before King 
 Assurdan, who himself had preceded Tiglath-pileser by sixty years : they thus reigned between 1900 and 
 1800 years before our era, according to tradition, whose authenticity we have no other means of verifying. 
 
 ' The name of the last is read Eugamil, for want of anything better : Oppert makes it Eagil {The 
 
TEE COSS^ANS AND THEIR COUNTRY. 
 
 113 
 
 reigns presents a striking contrast with the length of those preceding them, 
 and probably indicates a period of war or revolution. When these princes 
 disappeared, we know not how or why, about the year 1714 B.C., they were 
 succeeded by a king of foreign extraction ; and one of the semi-barbarous race 
 of Kashshu ascended the throne which had been occupied since the days of 
 Kliammurabi by Chaldaeans of ancient stock.^ 
 
 These Kashshu, who spring up suddenly out of obscurity, had from the 
 earliest times inhabited the mountainous districts of Zagros, on the confines 
 of Elymais and Media, where the Cossoeans of the classical historians flourished 
 in the time of Alexander.^ It was a rugged and unattractive country, protected 
 by nature and easy to defend, made up as it was of narrow tortuous valleys, 
 of plains of moderate extent but of rare fertility, of mountain chains whose 
 grim sides were covered with forests, and whose peaks were snow-crowned during 
 half the year, and of rivers, or, more correctly speaking, torrents, for the 
 rains and the melting of the snow rendered them impassable in spring and 
 
 Sacred Field of the Goddess Nina, p. 9), simply transcribing the signs ; and Uilprecht (Astyriaca, vol. i. 
 p. 102, note), who took up tlie question again after him, has no reading to propose. 
 
 ' I give here tlie list of the kings of the second dynasty, from the documents discoTered by 
 I'iNCUES, Notes on a New List of Early Babylonian Kings, in the Proceedings, 1880-81, vol. iiL pp. 
 22, 42, 43, and The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in tlie Proceedings, 1883-84, vol. vi. p. 195 ; 
 cf. the corrections of Fa. Delitzscii, Assyrische Miscellen, in tlic Uerichte of the Saxony Academy of 
 Science, 1893, vol. ii. p. 184, and of Knudtzon, Assyrisclie Gebete an den Sonnengott, vol. i. p. CO: 
 Anman [Ilumailh] . . . 2082-2022 B.C. ; Kcbgalalamma, his son . . 1834-1780 b.c. 
 KiANNiBi [iTTi-ii.u-NiBi] . 2022-1967 Adabakalama, his son. . . 1780-175G 
 
 Damkillsiiu 19C7-1931 j Ekdrulanna 1750-1730 
 
 ISHKIBAL ....... 1931-1910 I Melamkubkdiii!A[Mi:lamma- 
 
 Suusiisiii, his brother . . 1916-1889 ' tati] 1730-1723 
 
 GuLKisiiAit 1889-1834 EAaAMiL [Kaga] .... 1723-1714 
 
 No monument remains of any of these princes, and even the reading of their names is merely pro- 
 visional : those placed between brackets represent Delitzsch's readings. A Gulkishar is mentioned 
 in an inscription of Belnadinabal (Hii.rRECiiT, Tlie Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, vol. i. pi. 30, 11. 3, 6, and Assyriaca, vol. i. pp. 23-32); but Jensen is doubtful if tho 
 Gulkishar mentioned in this place is identical with the one in tho lista (Gulkisehar—Muabbit- 
 Kischschati—Konig von Babylon aus der Dynastic von Sis-azag und Gulkischar, Kiinig det Meerlaudci, 
 in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. viii. pp. 220-224). 
 
 ' The Kashshu are identified with tho Cossaeans by Sayco (The Languages of the Cuneiform In- 
 scriptions of Elam and Media, in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc., vol. iii. pp. 475, 476), by 
 Sehrader (Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung, pp. 17(;, 271), by Fr. Delitzsch (If'o lag das 
 Paradiesi pp. 31, 32, 124, 128, 129, and Die Sprache der Kosmer, pp. 1-4), by llaU'vy (Notes 
 Assyriologiques, § 24, Les Coss^ens et leur Langue, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. iv. pp. 208, 
 209), by Tiele (Babylonisch-Assyrisehe Gcschichte, pp. 02, 63, 67-71), by Hommel (Geschichte Babylo- 
 niensnnd Assyriens, pp.275-278), and by Jensen(tf«/Ai«cAar — MuaUnt-Kischschnli—Konigvon Babyhm 
 aus derDyiMstie von Sis-azag und Gulkischar, Kdnig des Meerlamh s, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriolvgie, 
 vol. viii. p. 222, note 1). Oppert maintains that they answer to tho Kissians of Herodotus (HI. xci.,' 
 VII. Ixii.) and of Strabo (XV. iii., § 2, p. 728), that is to say, to the inhabitants of the district of which 
 Susa is tlic capital (La Langue Cissimne on Cassite non Coss^e nne, in tho Zeit. fiir Assyriologie, yol. iii. 
 pp. 421-423). Lehmann supports this opinion (SchaviaschchumuMn, KSnig von Babylonien, p. 63, 
 n. 2, ami Noch einmal Kassu : KWior, nicht Koaaaios, Zeitschrift, vol. vii. pp. 328-334). Winckler gives 
 none (Gesch. Jlahyl. und Assyr., pp. 78, 79), and several Assyriologists incline to that of Kiepert 
 (Lehrhuch der Allen Giogr., p. 139), according to which the Kissians are identical with the Cossasans. 
 
 ' Cf. the description of it given by Sennacherib in his second campaign (G. Smith, History of 
 Sennacherib, pp. 43, 44, 11. 3-69), which can be completed by tliat given by E. RErLr.i, Nourelle 
 G^ographie Vniverselle, vol. ix. pp. 167, 168, from the accounts of modem travellers. 
 
114 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 autumn. The entrance to this region was by two or three well-fortified passes : 
 if an enemy were unwilling to incur the loss of time and men needed to carry 
 these by main force, he had to make a detour by narrow goat-tracks, along 
 which the assailants were obliged to advance in single file, as best they could, 
 exposed to the assaults of a foe concealed among the rocks and trees. 
 The tribes who were entrenched behind this natural rampart made frequent 
 and unexpected raids upon the marshy meadows and fat pastures of 
 Chaldaea : they dashed through the country, pillaging and burning all that 
 came in their way, and then, quickly regaining their hiding-places, were 
 able to place tlieir booty in safety before the frontier garrisons had re- 
 covered from the first alarm.^ These tribes were governed by numerous 
 chiefs acknowledging a single king — ianzi — whose will was supreme over 
 nearly the whole country:^ some of them had a slight veneer of Chaldaean 
 civilization, while among the rest almost every stage of barbarism might 
 be found. The remains of their language show that it was remotely allied 
 to the dialect of Susa, and contained many Semitic words.^ What is recorded 
 of their religion reaches us merely at second hand, and the groundwork of it 
 has doubtless been modified by the Babylonian scribes who have transmitted 
 it to us.* They worshipped twelve great gods, of whom the chief — Kashshii, 
 the lord of heaven — gave his name to the principal tribe, and possibly to the 
 whole race : ^ Sliumalia, queen of the snowy heights, was enthroned beside 
 
 ' It was thus in the time of Alexander and his successors (Polybius, V. xliv. 7 ; Diodorus 
 SiCTJLUS, viii. Ill ; Steabo, XI. xiii.,§ 6, p. 524, and XVI. i., § 13, 18, pp. 742,744 ; Akrian, Anabcms, 
 VII. XV. 1), and the information given by the classical historians about this period is equally 
 applicable to earlier times, as we may conclude from the numerous passages from Assyrian inscrip- 
 tions which have been collected by Pr. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossxer, pp. 2, 3, 30-33. 
 
 2 Delitzsch conjectures that Ianzi, or lanzu, had become a kind of proper name, analogous to the 
 term Pharaoh employed by the Egyptians (Id., ibid., pp. 25, 29-38). 
 
 3 A certain number of Cossaean words has been preserved and translated, some in one of the 
 royal Babylonian lists (Rawlinson, Can. Ins. W. As., vol. ii. pi. 45, No. 2, verso; Pinches, Notes on a 
 Nnv List of Early Babylonian Kings, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1880-81, vol. iii. pp. 
 38, 41), and some on a tablet in the British Museum, discovered and interpreted by Fr. Delitzsch 
 (Die Sprache der Eossaser, pp. 23-29). Several Assyriologists think that they show a marked affinity 
 with the idiom of the Susa inscriptions, and with that of the Achsemenian inscriptions of the second 
 type (Sayce, The Languages of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Elam and Media, in the Transactions of 
 the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 475, 476 ; Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 
 275-278) ; others deny the proposed connection (Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossxer, pp. 39-50), 
 or suggest that the CosssBan language was a Semitic dialect, related to the Chaldseo-Assyrian 
 (Oppert, La Langue des Elamites, in the Revue d' Assyriologie, vol. i. pp. 45-49 ; Halevt, Notes 
 Assyriologiques, § 24. Les Coss^ens et leur Langue, in the Zeitschrift far Assyriologie, vol. iv. pp. 
 207-222 ; cf. Revue Critique, 1884, vol. i. pp. 482-486). Oppert, who was the first to point out the 
 existence of this dialect, thirty years ago, believed it to be the Elamite (Expedition de MtTsopotamie, 
 vol. i. p- 275) ; he still persists in his opinion, and has published several notes in defence of it, the 
 principal of which is La Langue Cissiemie ou Cassite non Coss^enne (Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. iii. 
 pp. 421-423; cf. vol. v. pp. 106, 107), besides his memorandum on the Langue des Elamites. 
 
 * It has been studied by Fr. Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossxer, pp. 51-54, who insists on the 
 influence which daily intercourse with the Chaldseans had on it after the conquest ; Hale'vy (Revue 
 Critique, 1884, vol, i. pp. 482-484), in most of the names of the gods given as Cossoean, sees merely 
 the names of ChaldsBan divinities slightly disguised in the writing. 
 
 * The existence of Kashshu is proved by the name of Kashshunadinakhe (Fr. Delitzsch, Die 
 Sprache der Kossxer, pp. 29, 51) ; Ashshur also bore a name identical with that of his worshippers. 
 
TEE GODS OF THE CO SS JEANS. 
 
 115 
 
 him/ and the divinities next in order were, as in the cities of the Euphrates, 
 the Moon, the Sun (Sakh or Shuriash), the air or the tempest (Ubriash), and 
 Khudkha.- Then followed the stellar deities or secondary incarnations of the 
 sun, — Mirizir, who represented both Istar and Beltis;^ and Khala, answering 
 to Gula.^ The Chaldasan Ninip corresponded both to Gidar and Maruttash, Eel 
 to Kliarbe and Turgu, Merodach to Shipak, Nergal to Shugab."^ The Cossajan 
 kings, already enriched by the spoils of their neighbours, and supported by a 
 warlike youth, eager to enlist under their banner at the first call," must have 
 been often tempted to quit their barren domains and to swoop down on the rich 
 country which lay at their feet. We are ignorant of the course of events which, 
 towards the close of the XVIII"' century li.C, led to their gaining possession 
 of it. The Cossfcan king who seized on Bcibylon was named Gandish, and the few 
 inscriptions we possess of his reign are cut with a clumsiness that betrays the 
 barbarism of the conqueror. They cover the pivot stones on which Sargon of 
 Agado or one of the Bursins had hung the doors of the temple of Nippur, but 
 which Gandish dedicated afresh in order to win for himself, in the eyes of 
 posterity, the credit of the work of these sovereigns.' Bel found favour in the 
 
 ' Sl)e is mentioned in a rescript of Nebuclmdrezzar I., at the head of the gods of Naniar, that is 
 to say, the Cossajan deities, as " the lady of the shiiiin<j mountains, the inliabitaut of the summits, the 
 frequenter of peaks " (Rawlinson, Can. Ins. IV. As., vol. v. pi. 57, col. ii. 11. 40, 47 ; cf. Pe pf.u, Inichrijlen 
 Nebuhadnezar's J., in Soiirader, Keilinschri/tUche Dibliothelt, vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 17(1, 171). Slie is 
 called Sliiinalia in Rawlinson, Can. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 59, 1. 23, where Delitzsch has restored 
 her name, w liich was slightly mutilaled {Die Sprache der KoMmer, p. 28, note 1) ; one of her statuea 
 was taken by Samsiramman III., King of Assyria, in one of that sovereign's campaigns against 
 Clialdsea (Peiser-Wincklek, Die sogenannle synchronialiche Geschichte, in Schiiader, Keiliiisehri/Uiche 
 lUbliothck, vol. i. pp. 202, 203, col. iv. 1. 8). 
 
 ^ All these identifications are furnished by the glossary of Delitzsch (Die Sprache der Kofsxer, 
 ]). 25). Ubriasli, under the form of Buriash, is met with in a largo number of proper names, IJurna- 
 buriash, Shagiisinltiburinsii, Ulamburiash, Kadafihmanburiash, where the Assyrian scribe translates 
 it lid-maU'ili, lord of the world : Buriash is, therefore, an epithet of the go<l who was called Kamniln 
 in Chaldaja (Id., ibid., pp. 22, 23, 27). The name of the )noon-god is mutilated, and only the initial 
 syllable Shi . . . remains, followed by an indistinct sign : it has not yet been restored. Hale'vy 
 (Noles Assijriologtques, § 24. Les Cossgens et Icur Langue, in the ZeiUchri/l fiir Atsyriotogie, vol. iv. 
 p. 210) reads Khulakhkha instead of Khudkha. 
 
 ' On the double character of Mirizir, cf. what is said by Fu. DEi.iTZjCii, Die Sprarhe der Kwiter, 
 
 * Id., i6jVi., pp. 21, 23, 25, 53. Ualevy (iVo/< « Assyriologiqiifs,^ 24. . Leg Cost^ens el leiir L(ingHe, in 
 tiie Zeilschrift fiir Asmjriologie, vol. iv. p. 210) considers Khalo, or Khali, as a harsh form of Gula (of. 
 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. CG5) : if this is tiie case, the Cossa3ans must have borrowed the 
 name, and perhaps tiie goddess herself, from their Chaldasan neighbours. 
 
 » Fr. Delitzs( H, Die Sprache der Koss.i er, pp. 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 39, 52, 53; for the reading 
 Murudas, Muruttash, already proposed by O. Smith (Assyrian Discoveries, p. 250), cf. Hii-precht, 
 Die Votiv-Inschrift eines nicht erhannten Kassitcnhonigs, in the Zeitsrhri/t Jiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. 
 pp. 307-311. Hilprecht has established the identity of Turgu with Bel of Nippur (Hilprecht, Die 
 Votiv-Inschrift, p. 316, note 3); for Shipak-Merodach, cf. Rawlinson, Cun. Int. 11'. As., vol. v. 
 pi. 4G b, 1. 28. 
 
 " Strabo relates, from some forgotten historian of .\lexander, that the Cossmans " had formerly 
 been able to place as many as thirteen thousand archers in line, in the wars which they waged with 
 the help of the Elymroans against the inhabitants of Susa and Babylon " (XI. xiii., § C, p. 524). 
 
 ' The full name of this king, Gandish or Gandash, which is furnished by the royal lists (Finches, 
 The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vi., 1883-84, 
 |). 195), is written Qaddash on a monument in the British Museum discovered by Finches (Ba6i/?(m/on 
 
116 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TSE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 eyes of the Cossseans who saw in him Kharbe or Turgii, the recognised patron 
 of their royal family : for this reason Gandish and his successors regarded Bel 
 with peculiar devotion. These kings did all they could for the decoration and 
 endowment of the ancient temple of Ekur, which had been somewhat neglected 
 by the sovereigns of purely Babylonian extraction, and this devotion to one 
 of the most venerated Chaldsean sanctuaries contributed largely towards 
 their winning the hearts of the conquered people.^ 
 
 The Cossaean rule over the countries of the Euphrates was doubtless 
 similar in its beginnings to that which the Hyksos exercised at first over the 
 nomes of Egypt. The Cossaean kings did not merely bring with them an 
 army to protect their persons, or to occupy a small number of important posts ; 
 they were followed by the whole nation, who spread themselves over the entire 
 country.^ The bulk of the invaders instinctively betook themselves to districts 
 where, if they could not resume the kind of life to which they were accustomed 
 in their own land, they could at least give full rein to their love of a free and 
 wild existence. As there were no mountains in the country, they turned to the 
 marshes, and, like the Hyksos in Egypt, made themselves at home about the 
 mouths of the rivers, on the half-submerged low lands, and on the sandy islets 
 of the lagoons which formed an undefined borderland between the alluvial 
 region and the Persian Gulf. The covert afforded by the thickets furnished 
 scope for the chase which these hunters had been accustomed to pursue in the 
 depths of their native forests, while fishing, on the other hand, supplied them 
 with an additional element of food. When their depredations drew down upon 
 them reprisals from their neighbours, the mounds occupied by their fortresses, 
 and surrounded by muddy swamps, offered them almost as secure retreats as 
 their former strongholds on the lofty sides of the Zagros. They made 
 alliances with the native Aramaeans — with those Kashdi, properly called Clial- 
 dseans, whose name we have imposed upon all the nations who, from a very 
 early date, bore rule on the banks of the Lower Euphrates. Here they formed 
 themselves into a State — Karduniash — whose princes at times rebelled against 
 all external authority, and at other times acknowledged the sovereignty of the 
 
 Notes, I. Gaddash, an Early Babylonian King, and Additional Note on the Name of the Babylonian 
 King Gaddash, in the Babylonian and Oriental Becord, vol. i. pp. 54, 78), whose conclusions have been 
 erroneously denied by Winckler (Untersuchungen zur Altorientalischen GescMchte, p. 34 ; cf. Hommel, 
 Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 420, and Hilprecht, Bie Votiv-Inschrift eines nicht erhannten 
 Kassitenliinigs, in the Zeitschrift /iir Assyriologie, vol. viii. pp. 300,310). A process of abbreviation, 
 of which there are examples in the names of other kings of the same dynasty (Hilprecht, Assyriaca, 
 vol. i. pp. 85-99), reduced the name to Gande in the current language (Id., The Babylonian Expedition 
 of the University of Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 28-30, and pi. 14). 
 
 ' Id., ibid., vol. i. pp. 30-3G ; Hilprecht calls att: ntion on this point (p. 30, note 5) to the fact that 
 no one has yet discovered at Nippur a single ex-voto consecrated by any king of the two first 
 Babylonian dynasties. 
 
 - Delitzsch-Mijrdter, Gesch . i?a6. Mwti .^ssj/n'ews, 2nd edit., pp. 17, 18, 88, 89 ; Hommel, Gesch. Bab. 
 und Atsyriens., p. 428, et seq. ; Winckler, Gesch. Bab. und Assyriens, pp. 77-79, 84, 85. 
 
OCCUPATION OF CHALD^A BY THE COSS^ANS. Il7 
 
 Babylonian monarchs.^ The people of Sumir and Akkad, already a composite 
 of many different races, absorbed thus another foreign element, which, while 
 modifying its homogeneity, did not destroy its natural character. Those 
 Cosssean tribes who had not quitted their own country retained their original 
 barbarism, but the hope of plunder constantly drew them from their haunts, 
 and they attacked and devastated the cities of the plain unhindered by the 
 thought that they were now inhabited by their fellow-countrymen. The raid once 
 over, many of them did not return home, but took service under some distant 
 foreign ruler — the Syrian princes attracting many, who subsequently became the 
 backbone of their armies,^ while others remained at Babylon and enrolled them- 
 selves in the body-guard of the kings. To the last they were an undisciplined 
 militia, dangerous, and difficult to please : one day they would hail their chiefs 
 with acclamations, to kill them the next in one of those sudden outbreaks 
 in which they were accustomed to make and unmake their kings.'^ The first 
 
 ' The state of Karduniasli, whose name appears for the first time on the mouuineuts of the 
 Cosstean period, lias been localised in a somewhat vague maimer, in the south of Babylonia, in the 
 country of the Kashdi, by Pognon (U Inscription de Bavian, pp. 122-125), and afterwards formally 
 identified with the Countries of the Sv<i, and with the principality which was called Bit-Yukiu in tlio 
 Assyrian period, by Ticle {Bdb.-Assyrische Geschichte, pp. 78-80), whoso opinion Winckler first rejected 
 (Sumer und Akkad, in the Miltcilungeu des Akademisch-Orientalischen Vereins zu Berlin, vol. i. pp. 13, 
 11), but afterwards accepted (Gesch. Bah. und Ass., p. 80). In the Tcl-el-Amarna tablets the name is 
 already applied to the entire country occupied by the Cossa3an kings or their descendants, that is 
 to say, to the whole of Babylonia. 8argon II. at that time distinguishes between an Upper and a 
 Lower Karduniash, Karduniasli elish u shaplish (Great Inscription of Khorsabad, 1. 21) ; and in con- 
 sequence the earliest Assyriologists considered it as an Assyrian designation of Babylon, or of the 
 district surrounding it (Fn. Lenokmant, Lcs Premieren Civ., vol. ii. p. 250, n. 2; Etiules Accad., vol. i. 
 pt. 3, pp. G8, 09), an opinion which was opposed by Delitzsch, as he believed it to be an indigenous term 
 wiiich at first indicated the district round Babylon, and afterwards the whole of Babylonia ( Wo lag das 
 Paradies 1 pp. 133-130 : ef. Delitzscii-Mludter, Gesch. Bahyl. und Assyr., 2ud edit., p. 89 ; IIommkl, 
 Gesch. Bahyl. wid Assyr., pp. 433, 434). From one frequent spelling of the name, the meaning appears 
 to have been Fortress of Duniash (Fk. Lenobmant, Les Premieres Civ., vol. ii. p. 250, note 2, where 
 Duniash is considered to be a hero, not a god) ; to this Delitzsch preferred the translation Garden of 
 Duniash, from an erroneous different reading — Ganduniash {Wo lag das Paradiesi pp. 135, 130): 
 Duniash, at first derived from a Chaldiean god Dun, whose name may exist in Dnnghi (ibid., p. 130), ia 
 a Cossa3an name, which the Assyrians translated, as they did Buriash, Belmatdti, lord of the country. 
 Winckler rejects the ancient etymology (JJntersuchungen zur Altorienlal. Gesch., pp. 135, 130), and 
 proposes to divide the word as Kardu-niash, and to sec in it a Cosswau translation of the expression 
 mdl lcaldi, country of the Chaldasans : Ilommel on his side, as well as Delitzsch, had thought of 
 seeking in the CliulJioans proper — Kaldi for Kashdi, or Xtw/j-iJo, "domain of the Cossasaus " — the 
 descendants of the Cossieans of Karduniash, at least as far as race is concerned (IIommel, Geschichle 
 Bah. und Ass., p. 420, note 1; Fu. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiesi p. 129; and Die Spraclu: der 
 Kossieer, p. 01). lu the cuneiform texts the name is written Kara — D. P. Duniyas, " the Wall of the 
 god Duniyas" (cf. the Median Wall or Wall of Semiramis which defended Babylonia on the north). 
 
 * Hale'vy has at least proved tliat the Khabiri mentioned in the Tel el-Araarna tablets were 
 Cossieans {Note sur quelqnes Noms propres Assyro-Paleslinieus, in the Journal Asialique, 1891, vol. 
 xvii. pp. 547, 548, and Itecherches Bill., pp. 720, 724 ; cf. Scheil, Notes d'Hpigraphie, in the Bee. de 
 Travaux, vol. xvi. p. 32, and Uilpueciit, Assyriaca, vol. i. p. 33, note 1), contrary to the opinion of 
 Sayce, who makes tliem tribes grouped round Hebron {Uabyl. I'ahlets from Tel d-Amarna, in the Pro- 
 ceedings, 1887-88, vol. X. p. 490; The Higher Criticism, etc., p. 175, and Patriarchal Palestine, pp. HO- 
 MO), which W. Max Miiller seems to accept {Asien und Eurojia, p. 390) ; Winckler {Gesch. Israels, vol. i. 
 pp. 10-21), returning to an old opinion, believes them to have been Hebrews. 
 
 ' This is the opinion of Hommel {Gesch. Bah. und Ass., p. 434), supported by the testimony of the 
 Synchronous Hist. : in this latter document the Cossasans are found revolting against King Kadash- 
 niaiikharbe, and replacing him on the throne by a certain Nazibugash, who was of obscure origin (L, 
 11. 8-12; cf. Winckler, Altorientalische Forichungen, pp. 115, 110). 
 
118 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 invaders were not long in acquiring, by means of daily intercourse with the old 
 inhabitants, the new civilization : sooner or later they became blended with 
 the natives, losing all their own peculiarities, with the exception of their 
 outlandish names,^ a few heroic legends,^ and the worship of two or three gods 
 - — Shumalia, Shugab, and Shukamuna.^ As in the case of the Hyksos in Africa, 
 the barbarian conquerors thus became merged in the more civilized people which 
 they had subdued. This work of assimilation seems at first to have occupied 
 the whole attention of both races, for the immediate successors of Gandish 
 were unable to retain under their rule all the provinces of which the empire 
 was formerly composed. They continued to possess the territory situated on 
 the middle course of the Euphrates as far as the mouth of the Balikh, but 
 they lost the region extending to the east of the Khabur, at the foot of the 
 Masios, and in the upper basin of the Tigris : the vicegerents of Assur also 
 withdrew from them, and, declaring that they owed no obedience excepting 
 to the god of their city, assumed the royal dignity. The first four of these 
 kings whose names have come down to us, Sulili, Belkapkapu, Adasi, and 
 Belbani,* appear to have been but indifferent rulers, but they knew how 
 to hold their own against the attacks of their neighbours,^ and when, after a 
 century of weakness and inactivity, Babylon reasserted herself, and endeavoured 
 to recover her lost territory, they had so completely established their in- 
 dependence that every attack on it was unsuccessful. The Cossfean king at 
 that time — an active and enterprising prince, whose name was held in honour 
 
 ' Tielc lias called attention {Bahylomsch-Assyrische Geschichte, p. 63) to the fact that a considerable 
 number of these names are constructed with Cossasan words after the Babylonian manner ; cf. Delitzscu, 
 Die Sprache der Kosssser, p. 54 ; Hommel, Geschichte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, p. 434, note 1. 
 
 " Fr. Delitzsch ( Wo lag das Paradies 1 pp. 53-55, 124, 128, and Die Sprache der Kossxer, p. 61) and 
 Schrader {Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Test, 2nd ed., pp. 87-89) compare their name with that of 
 Kusli, who appears in tlie Bible as the father of Nimrod {Gen. x. 8-12) ; Hommel {Gesch. Bab. und Assyr., 
 pp. 276-278) and Sayce {Higher Criticism and the Monuments, pp. 122, 123, 148-151, and Patriarchal 
 Paledine, p. 269) think that the history of Nimrod is a reminiscence of the Cosssean rule. Jensen is alone 
 in his attempt {Gischgimasch-Gilgamisch, ein Eossaer, in Zeits.f. AssTjr., vol. vi. pp. 340-342) to attribute 
 to the Cossseans the first idea of the epic of Gilgames (cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 574-591). 
 
 ' What the goddess Shiimalia became has been shown above, p. 115, note 1, of the present volume. 
 The god Shukamuna, or Shuqamuna, is mentioned in the text published by Kawlinson, Cun. Ins, 
 W. As., vol. iv. pi. 59, col. 2, 1. 23, side by side with Shimalia. 
 
 * These four names do not so much represent four consecutive reigns as two separate traditions 
 which were current respecting the beginnings of Assyrian royalty. The most ancient of them gives 
 the chief place to two personages named Belkapkapu and Sulili ; this tradition has been transmitted 
 to us by Raramanuirari III., because it connected the origin of his race with these kings (Rawlinson, 
 Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 35, No. 3, 11. 23-27; cf. Abel, Imchriften Rammun-nirdri's, in Schuader, 
 Keilinschriftliche Biblioiheh, vol. i. pp. 188-191). The second tradition placed a certain Belbaui, the 
 son of Adasi, in the room of Belkapkapu and Sulili : Esarhaddon made use of it in order to ascribe 
 to his own family an antiquity at least equal to that of the family to which Ramnjaunirari III. 
 belonged (G. Smith, Assyrian Eistory, in the Zeitschrift fiir JEgyptisehe Sprache, 1869, pp. 93, 94). 
 Each king appropriated from the ancient popular traditions those names which seemed to him best 
 calculated to enhance the prestige of his dynastj', but we cannot tell how far tlie personages selected 
 enjoyed an authentic historical existence : it is best to admit them at least provisionally into the 
 royal series, without trusting too much to what is related of them. 
 
 * Hommel, Geschichte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 425,426 ; Delitzsch-Mukdteb, Geschichte Baby 
 loniens und Assyriens, pp. 17, 18, 88, 89 ; Wincklee, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 152-154. 
 
AGUMKAKBIME. 
 
 no 
 
 up to the days of the Ninevite supremacy — was Agumkakriiue, the son of 
 Tassigurumash.^ This " brilliant scion of Shukamuna " entitled himself lord 
 of the Kashshu and of Akkad, of Babylon the widespread, of Padan, of Alman, 
 and of the swarthy Guti.^ Ashnunak had been devastated ; he repeopled it, 
 and the four " houses of the world " rendered him obedience ; on the other hand, 
 Elatn revolted from its allegiance, Assur resisted him, and if he still exercised 
 some semblance of authority over Northern Syria, it was owing to a traditioDal 
 respect which the towns of that country voluntarily rendered to him, but which 
 did not involve either subjection or control. The people of Khaui still retained 
 possession of the statues of Merodach and of his consort Zarpanit, which 
 had been stolen, we know not how, some time previously from Chaldaja." 
 Agurakakrime recovered them and replaced them in their proper temple. This 
 was an important event, and earned him the good will of the priests. The king 
 reorganised public worship ; he caused new fittings for the temples to be made 
 to take the place of those which had disappeared, and the inscription which 
 records this work enumerates with satisfaction the large quantities of crystal, 
 jasper, and lapis-lazuli which he lavished on the sanctuary, the utensils of 
 silver and gold which he dedicated, together with the " seas " of wrought bronze 
 decorated with monsters and religious emblems.^ This restoration of the statue?, 
 
 ' The tablet discovered by Pinches {The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in the Proceedimjt 
 of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1883-84, vol. vi. p. 195, and pi. 1, col. 1) is broken after the fifth king of the 
 dynasty (cf. Fii. Delitzscii, Asayrische Mitcellen, in the lierichle of the Sasony Academy of Science, 
 1893, ii. pp. 184-18G, and Knuutzon, Awyritche Gehete an den SonnengoU, vol. i. p. CO). The 
 inscription of Agurakiiljrimc, containing a genealogy of this prince which goes back aa far ns the fifth 
 generation, has led to the restoration of the earlier part of the list as follows : 
 
 Gandish, Gaddasii, Gand£ . 1714-1707 B.C. Adumitash lG55-?u c. 
 
 Agumkabi, his son ... . 1707-1685 Tas.sigukum ash ? 
 
 [A]6iiYASiii 1685-1CG3 Agumkaki!Im£ ? 
 
 Usiisiii, bis son 16G3-1G55 
 
 Tliis restoration is accepted by Tiele {Bid)ylonisch-Auyrische Getchichte, p. 104) and by Upiumol (Ge- 
 schichte Babyloniens und Amjriens, pp. 420, 421); Winckler has not yet endorsed it {Untersuchungen 
 zur Allorientalischen Getchichte, pp. 30, 31, and Getchichte Bahylonient und Atsyricnt, pp. 79, 80). 
 
 " Inscription of Agumkahrime, 11. 3, 4, 31-39 ; cf. Jensen, Intchrifl Agumhakrimi's, d.i. Agum't de» 
 Jiingeren, in Schradek, Keilinschri/tliche Bibliothek, vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 134-137. The translation 
 black-headed, i.e. dark-haired and complexioned, Guti, is uncertain ; Jensen (I. I., p. 137) interprets 
 the epithet nishi taklati to mean " the Guti, stupid (foolish ? culpable ?) people." The Guti held both 
 banks of the lower Zab, in the mountains on the east of Assyria. Delitzsch has placed Piidan and 
 Alman in the mountains to the east of the Diyaieh {Wo lag dat Faradiesl p. 205); Je.nsen places 
 them in the chain of the Khamrin (Inschrift Agumkakrimi's, p. 137, note), and Winckler compares Alman 
 or Halman with the Hohvan of the present day {Geschichte Bahylonient und Assyrient, pp. 81, 82). 
 
 ' The Khani have been placed by Delitzsch ( IKo lag das I'araditsf pp. 102, 104, 105, 270, 271, 
 and Die Sprache der Kossieer, p. GO) in the neighbourhood of Mount Kliuna, mentioned in the accounts 
 of the Assyrian campaigns, that is to say, in tlie Amanos, between the Euphrates and the bay of 
 Alexandretta : he is inclined to regard the name as a form of that of the Khuti, but on this jwiut 
 Tielc disagrees with him {Babylonisch-Assyritche Geschichte, p. 130, note 1), and is followed by 
 llommel (Getchichte Bahylonient und Attyrient, p. 418, note l),by JouBon(Imchri/l Agumkakrimi's, in 
 the Keilintchri/tliche Bibliothek, vol. iii.pt. 1, p. 135, note), and by Halovy (/Jeux Intcriptiont hil^ennes 
 de Zindjirli, in the Revue Semitique, vol. i. p. 328). Winckler places the Khani in Western Media 
 {Gesch. Bab. und Astyr., p. 83) owing to an observation made by G. Smith {Assyrian Discoveries, p. 228). 
 
 • We do not possess the original of the inscription which tells us of these facts, but merely an 
 early copy (G. Smith, Account of Recent Excavations and Discoveries made on the Site of Nineveh, in 
 the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soo., vol. iii. pp. 452, 453). 
 
120 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 SO flattering to the national pride and piety, would have been exacted and insisted 
 upon by a Khammurabi at the point of the sword, but Agumkakrime doubtless 
 felt that he was not strong enough to run the risk of war ; he therefore sent 
 an embassy to the Khani, and such was the prestige which the name of Baby- 
 lon still possessed, from the deserts of the Caspian to the shores of the 
 Mediterranean, that he was able to obtain a concession from that people 
 which he would probably have been powerless to extort by force of arms.^ 
 
 The Egyptians had, therefore, no need to anticipate Chaldsean interference 
 when, forsaking their ancient traditions, they penetrated for the first time into 
 the heart of Syria. Not only was Babylon no longer supreme there, but the 
 coalition of those cities on which she had depended for help in subduing the 
 West was partially dissolved, and the foreign princes who had succeeded to 
 her patrimony were so far conscious of their weakness, that they voluntarily 
 kept aloof from the countries in which, previous to their advent, Babylon 
 had held undivided sway. The Egyptian conquest of Syria had already begun 
 in the days of Agumkakrime, and it is possible that dread of the Pharaoh was 
 one of the chief causes which influenced the Cosseeans to return a favourable 
 answer to the Khani.^ Thutmosis I., on entering Syria, encountered there- 
 fore only the native levies, and it must be admitted that, in spite of their 
 renowned courage, they were not likely to prove formidable adversaries in 
 Egyptian estimation. Not one of the local Syrian dynasties was sufficiently 
 powerful to collect all the forces of the country around its chief, so as to 
 oppose a compact body of troops to the attack of the African armies. The 
 whole country consisted of a collection of petty states, a complex group of 
 peoples and territories which even the Egyptians themselves never completely 
 succeeded in disentangling. They classed the inhabitants, however, under three 
 or four very comprehensive names — Kharu, Zahi,^ Lotanu, and Kefatiii— all of 
 which frequently recur in the inscriptions, but without having always that 
 exactness of meaning we look for in geographical terms. As was often the 
 case in similar circumstances, these names were used at first to denote the 
 districts close to the Egyptian frontier with which the inhabitants of the Delta 
 had constant intercourse. The Kefatiu seem to have been at the outset the 
 people of the sea-coast, more especially of the region occupied later by the 
 Phoenicians, but all the tribes with whom the Phoenicians came in contact on 
 
 * Strictly speaking, one might suppose that a war took place (Tiele, Babylonisch-Assyrische 
 GcscMchte, p. 130) ; but most Assyriologists declare unhesitatingly that there was merely an embassy 
 and a diplomatic negotiation (Hommel, OescMehte Bdbyloniens und Assyriene, pp. 82-84). 
 
 " This is Hommel's explanation (^ibid., pp. 424, 425), which I admit, but only indirectly, the 
 Khani being, as I believe, situated near Media. 
 
 ^ W. Max MuUer (Asien und Europa, pp. 176-183), after E. de Eouge {Notice de quelques fragments 
 de V Inscription de Karnak, p. 24), gives the name of Zaha or Zahi to the whole of Phoenicia, and, by 
 a misapplication, to Coele-Syria ; for the original meaning of the name and for the probable history 
 of the subsequent changes which it underwent, cf. Maspeko, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire 
 et d'Eistoire, § x., in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 140-142. 
 
KEFATIU, ZAHI, KHARU, LOTANU. 121 
 
 the Asiatic and European border were before long included under the same 
 name.^ Zahi originally comprised that portion of the desert and of the mari- 
 time plain on the north-east of Egypt which was coasted by the fleets, or traversed 
 by the armies of Egypt, as they passed to and fro between Syria and the banks 
 of the Nile. This region had been ravaged by Ahmosis during his raid upon 
 Sharuhana,the year after the fall of Avaris.^ To the south-east of Zahi lay Kharu ; 
 it included the greater part of Mount Seir, whose wadys, thinly dotted over with 
 oases, were inhabited by tribes of more or less stationary habits. The approaches 
 to it were protected by a few towns, or rather fortified villages, built in the neigh- 
 bourhood of springs, and surrounded by cultivated fields and poverty-stricken 
 gardens ; but the bulk of the people lived in tents or in caves on the mountain- 
 sides. The Egyptians constantly confounded those Khauri, whom the Hebrews 
 in after-times found scattered among t!ie children of Edom, with the other tribes 
 of Bedouin marauders, and designated them vaguely as Shausu.'^ Lotanil lay 
 beyond, to the north of Kharu and to the north-east of Zahi, among the hills 
 which separate the " Shephelah " from the Jordan.* As it was more remote 
 from the isthmus, and formed the Egyptian horizon in that direction, all the 
 new countries with which the Egyptians became acquainted beyond its 
 northern limits were by degrees included under the one name of Lotanu, and 
 this term was extended to comprise successively the entire valley of the Jordan, 
 then that of the Orontes, and finally even that of the Euphrates. LotanA 
 
 ' Tho Kefalia, whose name was first read Kefa, and later Kefto, were originally identified with 
 the inhabitants of Cyprus or Crete (Bkugsch, G. Ine., vol. ii. pp. 87, 88 ; of. Pietsciimann, Getchichle 
 der Phonizier, pp. 255-257, and Steindokff, JEgypten und die Mykenisclie Cullur, in the Jahrhuch det 
 K. Arch. Instituts, 1892, vol. vii. p. 15, who hesitates wlicthcr to place them in Cyprus or Northern 
 Syria), and subsequently with tliose of Cilicia (W. Max Mllleb, Anen und Europa, pp. 337-353), 
 although the decree of Canopus locates them in Phronicia (?. 9 hi€r. — U 17 gr.). Cf. Maspkuo, KoU» 
 sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'llistoire, § x., in the Itecueil, vol. xvii. p. 138, et seq. 
 
 * Cf. what is said above with regard to this campaign on p. 88 of the present volume. 
 
 ' Khara has been identified with the whole of Syria by Birch {Observations on the Statistical 
 Tablet of Karnak, pp. 49, 50), by Brugsch (Geographische Inschriftcn, voL i. pp. 59, 00), and by 
 Chabas {Voyage d'un Kgyplien, pp. 97, 112-115); AV. Max Muller restricts the name to tho land of 
 Canaan {Asien und Europa, pp. 148-1 5G). The identification of the name with that of the Hoiim or 
 Uorites of tho Bible {Geit. xiv. G, xxxvi. 20-30 ; Deut. ii. 12, 22) has been proposed by Uaigh (Xaru, 
 Iklen and Shasu, in tho Zeitschri/t, 1875, pp. 29-31) and by L. Stern {Die XXH Mancthonische 
 Dynastic, in the Zcitschri/t, 1883, p. 20, note 1), acknowledged to be possible by Ed. Ucycr {Geschirhle 
 Mjyptcns, p. 217, note 3), but opposed by W. Jlax Muller {Asitn und Europa, pp. 155, 150) ; cf. Maspeko, 
 Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire ct d'llistoire, in the Eecueil de Tracaux, vol. xvii. pp. 140-142. 
 
 * Tho name of Lotana or Rotana has been assigned by lirugach {Geographische Luchri/len, \o\. 
 ii. pp. 31, 599) to the Assyrians, but subsequently, by connecting it, more ingeniously than plausibly, 
 with tho Assyrian illdnu, he extended it to all tho peoples of tho north {Die altiigypiische Viilherlafel, 
 in tho Abhandlungen of tho International Congress at Berlin, African section, pp. 27-29) : we now 
 know that in the texts it denotes the whole of Syria, and, more generally, all the peoples dwelling in 
 tho basins of the Orontes and the Euphrates (W. Max MijLLEU,^«/eH und Europa nach altiigyptischen 
 Denkmakrn, p. 143, et seq.). The attempt to connect tho name Rotana or LotauA with that of the 
 Edomite tribe of Lotan {Gen. xxxvi. 20, 22) was first made by F. de Saulcy {Leltres a M. Chabas sur 
 quelques points de la Geographic antique de la Syrie selon la Science £gyptienne, in the Melanges 
 d'Archeologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 98-100) ; it was afterwards taken up by Haigh 
 {Xaru, Reten and Shasu, in tho Zeitschri/t, 1875, p. 30) and adopted by Renan {Uist. du Peuple d' Israel, 
 vol. i. pp. 12, 115 ; cf. p. 00, note 7, of the present volume). For further remarks on Lotanu, cf. Maspero, 
 Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Histoire, in the Recueil de Travaux,\o\. xvii. pp. 141, 142. 
 
122 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 became thenceforth a vague and fluctuating term, which the Egyptians applied 
 indiscriminately to widely differing Asiatic nations, and to which they added 
 another indefinite epithet when they desired to use it in a more limited 
 sense : that part of Syria nearest to Egypt being in this case qualified as 
 Upper Lotauu, while the towns and kingdoms further north were described 
 as being in Lower Lotanu. In the same way the terms Zahi and Kharu were 
 extended to cover other and more northerly regions. Zahi was applied to the 
 coast as far as the mouth of the Nahr el-Kebir and to the country of the 
 Lebanon which lay between the Mediterranean and the middle course of 
 the Orontes. Kharu ran parallel to Zahi, but comprised the mountain district, 
 and came to include most of the countries which were at first ranged under 
 Upper Lotanu ; it was never applied to the region beyond the neighbourhood 
 of Mount Tabor, nor to the trans-Jordanic provinces. The three names in 
 their wider sense preserved the same relation to each other as before, 
 Zahi lying to the west and north-west of Kharu, and Lower Lotanu to the 
 north of Kharu and north-east of Zahi, but the extension of meaning did not 
 abolish the old conception of their position, and hence arose confusion in the 
 minds of those who employed them ; the scribes, for instance, who registered 
 in some far-off Theban temple the victories of the Pharaoh would sometimes 
 write Zahi where they should have inscribed Kharu, and it is a difficult matter 
 for us always to detect their mistakes. It would be unjust to blame them 
 too severely for their inaccuracies, for what means had they of determining 
 the relative positions of that confusing collection of states with which the 
 Egyptians came in contact as soon as they had set foot on Syrian soil ? 
 
 A choice of several routes into Asia, possessing unequal advantages, was 
 open to the traveller, but the most direct of them passed through the town 
 of Zalu.^ The old entrenchments running from the Ked Sea to tlie marshes 
 of the Pelusiac branch ^ still protected the isthmus, and beyond these, forming 
 an additional defence, was a canal on the banks of which a fortress was con- 
 striicted. This was occupied by the troops who guarded the frontier, and no 
 traveller was allowed to pass without having declared his name and rank, signified 
 the business which took him into Syria or Egypt, and shown the letters with 
 which he was entrusted.^ It was from Zalu that the Pharaohs set out with 
 
 ' Zaru or Zalu is the Se]le of the Eoman itineraries. The approaches to the route from this eud 
 have been somewhat minutely described by Brugsch, La Sortie des Hebreux d'Egypte et les Monuments 
 Egyptiens, Alexandria, 1874, pp. 34-39 ; of. Oeschichte ^gyptens, p. 269. For one reading of the name, 
 Tliaru, and its consequent identification with the wall of Egypt, cf. W. Max Mulleb, A Contribution 
 to the Exodus Geography, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1887-88, vol. x. pp. 467-477. 
 
 2 For the wall and forts of tlie isthmus, cf. Maspeho, Daivn of Civilization, pp. 351, 352, 469. 
 
 * The notes of an oflScial living at Zalu in the time of Mineptah are preserved on the back of 
 pis. v., vi. of the Anastasi Papyrus III. ; his business was to keep a register of the movements of the 
 comers and goers between Egypt and Syria during a few days of the month Pakhons, in the year III. 
 This text was first translated by Chabas, Eecherches pour servir a VEist. de la XIX' dynastie, pp. 95-98 ; 
 
THE MILITARY ROUTE FROM ZALU TO GAZA. 
 
 123 
 
 theif troops, when summoned to Kharu by a hostile confederacy ; ^ it was to 
 Zalu they returned triumphant after the campaign, and there, at the gates of 
 the town, they were welcomed by the 
 magnates of the kingdom.^ The road 
 ran for some distance over a region 
 which was covered by the inundation 
 of the Nile during six months of 
 the year; it then turned eastward, 
 and for some distance skirted the 
 sea-shore, passing between the Medi- 
 terranean and the swamp which 
 writers of the Greek period called 
 the Lake of Sirbonis.^ This stage 
 of the journey was beset with diffi- 
 culties, for tlie Sirbonian Lake did 
 not always present the same aspect, 
 and its margins were constantly shift- 
 ing. When the canals which con- 
 nected it with the open sea happened 
 to become obstructed, the sheet of 
 water subsided from evaporation, leav- 
 ing in many places merely an expanse 
 of shifting mud, often concealed 
 underthesandwhichthewindbrought fobtbess and bripojs of zalO.« 
 
 up from the desert. Travellers ran 
 
 imminent risk of sinking in this quagmire, and the Greek historians tell of 
 large armies being almost entirely swallowed up in it. About halfway along 
 the length of the lake rose the solitary hill of Mount Casios; beyond this the 
 sea-coast widened till it became a vast slightly undulating plain, covered with 
 
 subsequently by liitUGSCH, Geschichte ^gyptent, pp. 579-581 ; uiul llually by EnMAK, Tagthuch tinen 
 CIrenzbeamtes, in the Zeitschri/t, 1879, pp. 29-32, and ^gijpten und .Ugijiiiischeit Lehen. pp. 708, 709. 
 
 ' Ae, for example, TliCltmosis III. (Masi'ero, Il^cil de la campagite coiitre Mageddo, in the Recueil 
 de Travaux, vol. ii. p. 49), Seti I. ((.uieysse, Inscription hislorique de Sdli /:, in the Recueil, vol. xi. 
 p. 55), and Ramses II. (E. de Ilouoi;, Le Pocme de Pentaour, in the Uevw l.'gyptologique, vol. iii. p. 15C). 
 
 » Sec the picture from the temple of Karnak, which represents the triumphant entry of Seti I. 
 into Zalu (Burton, Excerpla Hieroglyphica, pi. xxxvi. : CiiAMroi.Liuv, MonumeDlt de VJujypte et de la 
 Niibie, pi. ccscii.; Rosellini, Monumenti islorici, pis 1., li. ; I.ep#iu!<, Denlcm., iii. 128 a,h). 
 
 ' For the Lake of Sirbonis, cf. Diodorus Siculls, 1. xxx. and XYI. 40; Strabo, I. iii., § 13, p. 5G, 
 who, however, iu other places confounds the Dead Sea witii the Lake of Sirbonis. The Sirbonian Lake is 
 sometimes half full of water, sometimes almost entirely dry (Gratien le Fkrk, Exlrait d'un m€imire 
 sur les Lacs el Ddmrts de la Basse Egyple, '\n the Detctipiion de V£gyple,\o\. xvi. pp. 20G-211; 
 (iBiEFiTii, The Anliquities of Tell el-Yahudiyeh, itp. 35, 30); at the present time it bears the namo 
 of Sebkhat Bcrdawil, from King Baldwin I. of Jerusalem, who on his return from his Egyptian 
 campaign died on its shores, in 1148, before ho could reach El-Arish. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger; cf. Champoluon, Monunients de 
 VKgypte et de la Nubie, pi. ccxcii. ; Rosellini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. 1. ; Lkpsics, Denkm., iii, 128, 
 
124 SmiA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 scanty herbage, and dotted over with wells containing an abundant supply of 
 water, which, however, was brackish and disagreeable to drink.^ Beyond these 
 lay a grove of palms, a brick prison, and a cluster of miserable houses, bounded 
 by a broad wady, usually dry. The bed of the torrent often served as the boundary 
 between Africa and Asia, and the town was for many years merely a convict 
 prison, where ordinary criminals, condemned to mutilation and exile, were con- 
 fined ; indeed, the Greeks assure us that it owed its name of Rhinocolura to the 
 number of noseless convicts who were to be seen there.^ At this point the 
 coast turns in a north-easterly direction, and is flanked with high sand- 
 hills, behind which the caravans pursue their way, obtaining merely occasional 
 glimpses of the sea. Here and there, under the shelter of a tower or a half- 
 ruined fortress, the traveller would have found wells of indifferent water, till on 
 reaching the confines of Syria he arrived at the fortified village of Raphia, 
 standing like a sentinel to guard the approach to Egypt.^ Beyond Eaphia 
 vegetation becomes more abundant, groups of sycomores and mimosas and 
 clusters of date-palms appear on the horizon, villages surrounded with fields 
 and orchards are seen on all sides, while the bed of a river, blocked with 
 gravel and fallen rocks, winds its way between the last fringes of the desert 
 and the fruitful Shephelah ; * on the further bank of the river lay the suburbs 
 of Gaza, and, but a few hundred yards beyond, Gaza itself came into view among 
 the trees standing on its wall-crowned hill.^ The Egyptians, on their march from 
 the Nile valley, were wont to stop at this spot to recover from their fatigues ; it 
 
 ' Griffith, Tlie Antiquities of Tell el-Yahudiyeh, pp. 36, 37, where this part of the road is described. 
 
 * GuEBiN, La Jud^e, vol. ii. pp. 237-249 : the ruius of the ancient town, which were of consider- 
 able extent, are half buried under the sand, out of which an Egyptian naos of the Ptolemaic 
 period has been dug, and placed near the well which supplies the fort, where it serves as a 
 drinking trough for tlie horses (Ir., Hid., vol. ii. pp. 241, 242 ; of. Griffith, Tlie Antiquities of Tell el- 
 Yalmdiyeh, pp. 70-74, and Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 169). Brugsch believed he could 
 identifj' its site with that of the Syrian town Hurnikheri, which he erroneously reads Harinkola 
 (GescMclite ^gyptens, p. 369) ; the ancient form of the name is unknown, the Greek form varies 
 between Ehinocorflra (Stephen of Byzantium, s. v. I. : Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII. xv. 4, 
 and XIV. xiv. 2) and Ehinocolura. The history of the mutilated convicts is to be found in Diodoeus 
 SicuLus, I. Ix., as well as in Steabo, XVI. ii., § 31, p. 759 ; it rests on a historical fact. Under the 
 XVIII"' dynasty Zalu was used as a place of confinement for dishonest officials (Boueiant, A Thehes, in 
 the Becueil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 43, 11. 17, 22). For this purpose it was probably replaced by Ehino- 
 colura, when the Egyptian frontier was removed from tlie neighbourliood of Selle to that of El-Arish. 
 
 ' For all this part of the r<Jad, cf. Gdeein, La Jud€e, vol. ii. pp. 233-237. Eaphia, whose name is 
 preserved in that of the well Bir-Eafah, is mentioned once during the XIX* dynasty under the name 
 of Eapihui {Anasiaei Papyrus, No. I, pi. xxvii. 11. 7, 8 ; cf. Ghabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 291- 
 293) ; it is also found under that of Eapikhi in the Assyrian inscriptions of the time of Sargon II., 
 King of Assyria (Oppert-Menant, La Grande Inscription du Palais de Kliorsahad, 1. 25, p. 74. 
 
 * The term Shephelah signifies the plain (cf. p. 13 of the present volume) ; it is applied by the 
 Biblical writers to the plain bordering the coast, from the heights of Gaza to those of Joppa, which 
 were inhabited at a later period by the Philistines {Josh. xi. 16 ; Jer. xxxii. 44 and xxxiii. 13). 
 
 ^ GuERiN, La Jud^e, vol. ii. pp. 223-233, describes at length the road from Gaza to Eaphia. The 
 only town of importance between them in the Greek period was lonysos (Heeodotus, III. v. and V. 
 liii.), the ruins of which are to be found near Khan Yuues, but the Egyptian name for this locality 
 is unknown : Auuaugasa, the name of which Brugsch thought he could identify with it {Geschichte 
 Mgyptens, p. 269), should bo placed much further away, in Northern or in Ccele-Syria. 
 
126 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 was their first halting-place beyond the frontier, and the news which would 
 reach, them here prepared them in some measure for what awaited them 
 further on. The army itself, the " troop of Ea," was drawn from four great 
 races, the most distinguished of which came, of course, from the banks of the 
 Nile : the Amu, born of Sokhifc, the lioness-headed goddes?, were classed in the 
 second rank ; the Nahsi, or negroes of Ethiopia, were placed in the third ; 
 while the Timihu, or Libyans, with the white tribes of the north, brought up 
 the rear.^ The Syrians belonged to the second of these families, that next in 
 order to the Egyptians, aud the name of Amu, which for centuries had been 
 given them, met so satisfactorily all political, literary, or commercial require- 
 ments, that the administrators of the Pliaraohs never troubled themselves 
 to discover the various elements concealed beneath the term.^ We are, how- 
 ever, able at the present time to distinguish among them several groups of 
 peoples and languages, all belonging to the same family, but possessing 
 distinctive characteristics. The kinsfolk of the Hebrews, the children of 
 Ishmael and Edom, the Moabites and Ammonites, who were all qualified as 
 Shausu, had spread over the region to the south and east of the Dead 
 Sea, partly in the desert, aud partly on the confines of the cultivated land.^ 
 The Canaanites were not only in possession of the coast from Gaza to a point 
 beyond the Nahr el-Kebir, but they also occupied almost the whole valley of 
 the Jordan, besides that of the Litany, and perhaps that of the Upper Orontes.* 
 There were Aramaean settlements at Damascus, in the plains of the Lower 
 Orontes, and in Naharaim.^ The country beyond the Aramsean territory, 
 including the slopes of the Amanos and the deep valleys of the Taurus, was 
 inhabited by peoples of various origin ; the most powerful of these, the Khati, 
 were at this time slowly forsaking the mountain region, and spreading by 
 degrees over the country between the Afiin and the Euphrates.^ 
 
 ' Tliis is the way they arc frequently represented in the tombs of tlie Theban kings of the 
 XVIII"' and XX"' dynasties (Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nubie, pis. ccxxxviii.- 
 ccxli. ; KosELLiNi, Monumenti Siorici, pis. clv.-clix. ; Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 135, 136). 
 
 ^ For the comprehensive use at this period of the name Amfl, of. W. Max MijLLEn, Asien und 
 FAiropa, pp. 121-125. 
 
 ' See what is said of the Shausu on p. 54 of the present volume. W. Max Miiller {Asien und 
 Europa, pp. 131-142) appears to me to restrict too closely the area of country inhabited by the 
 people to whom the Egyptians gave tliis name. 
 
 * I use the term Canaanite with the meaning most frequently attached to it, according to tlie 
 Hebrew use (Gen. x. 15-19). For the presence of this word in the Egyptian texts, of tlie examples 
 collected by W. Max Mullee, Asien und Europa, pp. 205-208. It is found several times under the forms 
 Kinakhna, Kinakhkhi, and probably Kiinakhaiu, in the cuneiform texts of Tel el-Amarna (Winckler, 
 Verzeich. der aus dem Fimde von El-Amarna herriihrenden Thontafel, in Zeitschrift, 1889, p. 45, n. 4). 
 
 ^ As far as I know, the term Aramxan is not to be found in any Egyptian text of the time of the 
 Pharaohs : the only known example of it {Anastasi Papyrus III., pi. v., verso, 1. 5) is a writer's error 
 corrected by Chabas (Bec/ierc7ies pour VHistoire de I'Egypte sous la XIX' dynastie, pp. 07, 107). W. Max 
 Miiller (Asien und Europa, p. 234) very justly observes that the mistake is itself a proof of tlie exist- 
 ence of the name aud of the acquaintance of the Egyptians with it. 
 
 " Thfttmosis III. shows that, at any rate, they were established in these regions about the XVI"' 
 century B.C. The Egyptian pronunciation of their name is Khiti, with the feminine Khita'd, Khitit, as 
 
THE GANAANITES. 
 
 127 
 
 ; ASIATIC MIGDOL.' 
 
 The Canaanites were the most numerous of all these groups, and had they 
 been able to amalgamate under a single king, or even to organize a lasting 
 confederacy, it would have been impossible for the Egyptian armies to 
 have broken through the barrier thus raised between them and the rest of 
 Asia ; but, unfortunately, so far from showing the slightest tendency towards 
 unity or concentration, the Canaanites were 
 more hopelessly divided than any of the 
 surrounding nations. Their mountains con- 
 tained nearly as many states as there were 
 valleys, while in the plains each town repre- 
 sented a separate government, and was built 
 on a spot carefully selected for purposes of 
 defence. The land, indeed, was chequered 
 with these petty states, and so closely were 
 they crowded together, that a horseman, 
 travelling at leisure, could easily pass througli 
 two or three of them in a day's journey.^ Not 
 only were the royal cities fenced with walls, 
 but many of the surrounding villages were 
 fortified, while the watch-towers, or migdols,^ built at the bends of the roads, at 
 the fords over the rivers, and at the openings of the ravines, all testified to 
 the insecurity of the times and the aptitude for self-defence shown by the in- 
 habitants. The aspect of these migdols, or forts, must have appeared strange to 
 the first Egyptians who beheld them. These strongholds bore no resemblance 
 to the large square or oblong enclosures to which tliey were accustomed, and 
 which in their eyes represented the highest skill of the engineer.' In Syria, 
 however, the positions suitable for the construction of fortresses hardlv ever 
 lent themselves to a symmetrical plan. The usual sites were on the projecting 
 
 I have long ago pointed out (cf. W. Max MiiLLER, Atien und Europa, p. 324, note 3) ; but the Tel el- 
 Amarna texts employ tbo vocalisation Khdti, Khdie, wliich must be more correct than that of the 
 Egyptians. The form Khiii seems to mo to bo explicable by an error of popular etymology. Egyptian 
 othniciil appellations in -Hi formed their plural by -dtiu, -dteu, ■dli,-dte,HO that '\( Khdte, Khdti, were 
 taken for a pluriil, it would naturally have sugirested to the scribes tlip form Khiti for the singular. 
 
 ' Thfttmosis III., speaking to his soldiers, tells them that all the chiefs in the country are shut 
 up in Megiddo, so that "to take it is to take a tliousand cities" (Masi-eiio, Ilecit de lu campaijiif 
 rnntre Mageddo, in the Recueil de Tramux, vol. ii. p. 148) : this is evidently a hyperbole in tlio mouth 
 of tlie conqueror, but the exaggeration itself shows how numerous were the chiefs and consequently 
 the small states in Central and Southern Syria. 
 
 - Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Bcato. It is one of the migdols built by 
 Soti I. on the high-road to Syria; of. Chami'OLLion, Monuments de V^gypte el de la Nubie, vol. ii. 
 p. 90 ; EosEi.LiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. xlix. 1 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 126 b. 
 
 ' This Oanaanite word was borrowed by the Egyptians from the Syrians at the beginning of their 
 Asiatic wars; they employed it in forming the names of the military posts whicli they established on 
 the eastern frontier of the Delta : it appears for tlic first time among Syrian places in the list of cities 
 conquered by Thfltmosis III. (Mauiette, Kamak, pi. 19, No. 71, and Texte, p. 34). 
 
 * Cf. what is said of Egyptian fortifications in Maspeuo, Dawn of Civilization, pji. 4r)0-452. 
 
128 SYBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 spur of some mountain, or on a solitary and more or less irregularly shaped 
 eminence in the midst of a plain, and the means of defence had to be adapted 
 in each case to suit the particular configuration of the ground. It was usually 
 a mere wall of stone or dried brick, with towers at intervals ; the wall measuring 
 from nine to twelve feet thick at the base, and from thirty to thirty-six feet 
 
 high, thus rendering an 
 assault by means of port- 
 able ladders nearly im- 
 practicable.^ The gate- 
 way had the appearance 
 of a fortress in itself. 
 It was composed of three 
 large blocks of masonry, 
 forming a re-enteringface, 
 considerably higher than 
 the adjacent curtains, and 
 pierced near the top with 
 square openings furnished 
 with mantlets, so as to 
 give both a front and 
 flank view of the as- 
 sailants. The wooden 
 doors in the receded face 
 were covered with metal 
 and raw hides, thus afford- 
 ing a protection against axe or fire.^ The building was strong enough not 
 only to defy the bands of adventurers who roamed the country, but was able 
 to resist for an indefinite time the operations of a regular siege. Sometimes, 
 however, the inhabitants when constructing their defences did not confine 
 themselves to this rudimentary plan, but threw up earthworks round the 
 selected sife. On the most exposed side they raised an advance wall, not 
 
 ' This is, at least, the result of investigations made by modern engineers who have studied these 
 questions of military archajology; with regard to this, cf. the elementary information furnished by 
 A. BE KoCHAs d'Aigldn, Priticipes de la Fortification antique, p. 12. 
 
 2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken at Karnak by Beato. Another represen- 
 tation of the same town was found at Luxor, on one of the walls which have been excavated since 1884. 
 
 ^ Most of the Canaanite towns taken by Eamses II. in Ihe campaign of his VIII"' year were 
 fortified in this manner (CnAMroLLiON, Monuments de VUgypte et de la Nuhie, vol. i. pp. 880, 881 ; 
 Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 156). It must have been the usual method of fortification, as it seems to have 
 served as a type for conventional representation, and was sometimes used to denote cities which had 
 fortifications of another kind. For instance, Dapur-Tabor is represented in tliis way in the list 
 referred to above, while a picture on another monument, which is reproduced in the illustration on 
 this page, represents what seems to have been the particular form of its encompassing walls (Cailltaud, 
 Voyage a M^ro^, vol. ii. pi. Ixxiii. 1 ; CuAMPOhhioa, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nuhie, y], cccxxxi. 
 Lepsius, Denim., iii. 166). 
 
TEE OANAANITE FORTRESSES. 
 
 129 
 
 'JUL JIWUOL 01' liAMbliS III. AT T11I,1;| 
 
 exceeding twelve or fifteen feet in height, at the left extremity of which tlie 
 entrcince was so placed that the assailants, in endeavouring to force their 
 way througli, were obliged to expose an unprotected flank to the defenders. 
 By this arrangement it was necessary to break through two lines of 
 fortification before the place could be entered. Supposing the enemy to 
 have overcome these first obstacles, they would find tliemselves at their 
 next point of attack confronted with a citadel which contained, in addition 
 to the sanctuary of the principal god, the palace of the sovereign himself. 
 This also had a double enclosing wall and massively built gates, which could 
 be forced only at the expense of fresh losses, unless the cowardice or treason 
 of the garrison made the assault an easy one.^ Of these bulwarks of Canaanite 
 civilization, which had been thrown up by hundreds on the route of the invad- 
 ing hosts, not a trace is to be seen to-day. Tliey may have been razed to the 
 ground during one of those destructive revolutions to which the country was 
 often exposed, or their remains may lie hidden underneath the heaps of ruins 
 which thirty centuries of change have raised over them.^ The records of 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken by Devdria in 18C5. 
 
 ' Tho type of town described in the test is based on a representation on the walls of Karnak, 
 where the siege of Dapur-Tabor by Ramsos II. is depicted (Cailliaud, Voyage a M€ro€, vol. ii. pi. 
 Ixxiii. 1 ; Ciiampollion, MonumenU tie I'Kgijptc et de la Nubie. pi. cccxxxi. ; Lei-sius. Denim. ,ni. 166). 
 Another type is given in the case of Ascalon (Cuampolliox, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., vol. ii. 
 pp. 194, 195 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 145 o). Cf. the vignette on p. 128, where Dupur is represented. 
 
 ' The only remains of a Canaanite fortification which can be assigned to tlio Egyptian period 
 are those which Professor Fl. Petrie brought to light in the ruins of Tell el-Hesy, and in which he 
 rightly recognised the remains of Lachish (Fl. Petbus, Tell el-Hesy (^Lachish), pp. 15, 21, 22, pi. iii.). 
 
 E 
 
13U tiYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 victories graven on the walls of the Theban temples furnish, it is true, a general 
 conception of their appearance, but the notions of them which we should obtain 
 from this source would be of a very confused character had not one of the last 
 of the conquering Pharaohs, Eamses III., taken it into his head to have one 
 built at Thebes itself, to contain within it, in addition to his funerary chapel, 
 accommodation for the attendants assigned to the conduct of his worship.^ In 
 the Greek and Kuman period a portion of this fortress was demolished, but the 
 external wall of defence still exists on the eastern side, together with the 
 gate, which is commanded on the right by a projection of the enclosing-wall, 
 and flanked by two guard-houses, rectangular in shape, and having roofs which 
 jut out about a yard beyond the wall of support. Having passed through 
 these obstacles, we find ourselves face to face with a migdol of cut stone, nearly 
 square in form, with two projecting wings, the court between tlieir loop-holed 
 walls being made to contract gradually from the point of approach by a series 
 of abutments. A careful examination of the place, indeed, reveals more than 
 one arrangement which the limited knowledge of the Egyptians would hardly 
 permit us to expect. We discover, for instance, that the main body of the 
 building is made to rest upon a sloping sub-structure which rises to a height 
 of some sixteen feet. This served two purposes : it increased, in the first place, 
 the strength of the defence against sapping ; and in the second, it caused the 
 weapons launched by the enemy to rebound with violence from its inclined 
 surface, thus serving to keep the assailants at a distance,^ The whole struc- 
 ture has an imposing look, and it must be admitted that the royal architects 
 charged with carrying out their sovereign's idea brought to their task an atten- 
 tion to detail for which the people from whom the plan was borrowed had no 
 capacity, and at the same time preserved the arrangements of their model so 
 faithfully that we can readily realise what it must have been. Transport this 
 migdol of Eamses III. into Asia, plant it upon one of those hills which the 
 Canaanites were accustomed to select as a site for their fortifications, spread out 
 at its base some score of low and miserable hovels, and we have before us an 
 improvised pattern of a village which recalls in a striking manner Zerin or 
 Beilin, or any other small modern town which gathers the dwellings of its 
 fellahin round some central stone building — whether it be a hostelry for be- 
 nighted travellers, or an ancient castle of the Crusading age. 
 
 There were on the littoral, to the north of Gaza, two large walled towns, 
 Ascalon and Joppa, in whose roadsteads merchant vessels were accustomed to 
 
 ' The idea that the royal palace of Medinet-Abu is a reproduction of a migdol was first 
 suggested byMAEiETTE, Ilin€raire des Invites aux fetes d' inauguration du Canal de ,Sue2, pp. 129, 130; 
 cf. liin^raire de la Haute-Egypte, p. 213. Diimichen, at about the same time, could not see iu it 
 anything but the remains of the gate of an Egyptian fortress (Resultate der photo. Exped , vol. i. p. 21). 
 
 " This arrangement was brought into notice for the first time by Maspero, Arch. Egyptienne, p. 33. 
 
THE 0 ANA ANITES— THEIR AGRICULTURE. 
 
 131 
 
 THE MODElfN VILLAGE 01' BEil'lN, SEEN I'llOM TUE SOUTH-WEST.' 
 
 take hasty refuge in tempestuous weather.'^ There were to be fouud on the plains 
 also, and on the lower slopes of the mountains, a number of similar fortresses 
 and villages, such as lurza, Migdol, Lachisli, Ajalon, Shocho, Adora, Aphukin, 
 Keilah, Gezer, and Ono ; and, in the neighbourhood of the roads which led to 
 the fords of the Jordan, Gibeah, Beth-Anoth, and finally Urusalim, our Jeru- 
 salem.^ A tolerably dense population of active and industrious husbandmen 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudicr, from a photograph. This is tho ancient Bethel A view of Zerin, the 
 Jezreel of Scripture, appcftrs as a heading to this chapter (see p. 111). 
 
 ' Ascalon was not actually on tlie sea. Its port, "Maiumas Asualonis," was probably merely a 
 narrow bay or creek, now, for a long period, filled up by (he sand. Neither the site nor tho remains 
 of the port have been discovered (Guekin, Jud^e, vol. ii. pp. 149-152). The name of the town is 
 always spelled in Egyptian with an "s"— Askaluna (E. de Rougij, M^moire sur V Alphabet £gyptieu, 
 \). 71), which gives us the pronunciation of the time. The name of Joppa is written Yapu, Yaphu, 
 and the gardens which then surrounded the town are mentioned in the Anattasi Fapyrus I., pL xxv. 
 11. 2-5; cf. Chabas, Voijage d'un liijyptien, pp. 250, 251. 
 
 ' Urusalim is mentioned only in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Abel-Winckleu, Der Thontafelfund 
 von El-Amarna, pp. lOla-108 ; cf. Zimmeun, Dk Keilschri/lbriefc aus Jenitalem, in the Zeilschri/l 
 fiir Amjriologie, vol. vi. pp. 245-263), alongside of Kilti or Keilah (Sayce, Babylonian Tabtels 
 from Tel el-Amarna, in the Proceedings, Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. x. 1887-88, p. 490), Ajalon, and 
 Lachish (Abel-Wincki.ek, Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, pi. 119, No. 123, 1. G, No. 124, 1. 5). 
 The remaining towns are noticed in the great lists of Thtitmcsis III. (Maiuette, A'arna/.-, pis. 17, 18, 
 19)— lurza under No. GO (identified with Kharbet Yarzeh, Kharbet Erzeh by G. Rey, Elude topo- 
 graphique de la Tribu de Juda, p. 121, and generally accepted ; cf., nevertheless. Max Muli.ku, Atien 
 und Europa, p. 152, note 1), 8auka under No. G7 (identified with Shocho of Juilah by Maiuette, Les 
 Listes G^ographiques deg Pyldnes de Karnak, p. 33), Migdol under No. 71 (Migdal-Gad of the tribe 
 of Judah, now El-Mejdel, according to MAitiETrE. ibid., p. 34), Adora under No. 91 (the scriptural 
 Adoraira, now Dura near Hebron, Makiette, ibid., p. 39) Aphukin, under No. G6 (now Fukiu near 
 Suwulkah, according to Maspeuo, Sur les Noms G^ographiques de la Hate de Thoutmos IH, qu'on peul 
 rapporter a la JudtTe, p. 4), Gezer under No. 104 (Maspeuo, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, etc., 
 in the ZeiUchrift, 1881, p. 129), Ono under No. Go (F. de Saulcy, Lettre a M. Chabas, in tho Melanges 
 d'Arch. Egypt, et Assyr., vol. i. pp. 98, 99), Gaba, Gibeon of Benjamin [see Josh, xviii. 24.— Tk.] under 
 No. 114 (Mabiktte, Les Listes Ge^ugruphiqute, p. 43), Bit-Aniti under No. Ill, with another form 
 
132 SYBIA AT TEE BEGINNINQ OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 maintained themselves upon the soil. Tlie ^ 
 plough which they employed was like that 
 used by the Egyptians and Babylonians, 
 
 being nothing but a large hoe to which a couple of oxen were harnessed.^ The 
 scarcity of rain, except in certain seasons, and the tendency of the rivers to run 
 low, contributed to make the cultivators of the soil experts in irrigation and 
 agriculture. Almost the only remains of these people which have come 
 down to us consist of indestructible wells and cisterns, or wine and oil presses 
 hollowed out of the rock.'^ Fields of wheat and barley extended along the flats 
 of the valleys, broken in upon here and there by orchards, in which the white 
 and pink almond, the apple, the fig, the pomegranate, and the olive flourished side 
 by side. If the slopes of the valley rose too precipitously for cultivation, stone 
 dykes were employed to collect the falling earth, and thus to transform the sides 
 of the hills into a series of terraces rising one above the other. Here the vines, 
 planted in lines or in trellises, blended their clusters with the fruits of the 
 orchard-trees.* It was, indeed, a land of milk and honey, and its topographical 
 
 Bit-Baniti, which may indicate the presence in this region of a temple of Anat with its priestly 
 attendants (identified with Anathoth by Maspero, Sur les Noms G^ograpMques, etc, pp. 18, 19). 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph and original sketches. 
 
 ^ This is the form of ijlough still employed by the Syrians ia some places. It resembles the 
 ancient Egyptian ijlough illustrated in Dawn of Civilizalion, p. 67. 
 
 ^ Monuments of this kind are encountered at every step in Judaea, but it is very difficult to date 
 them. The aqueduct of Siloam, which goes back perhaps to the time of Hezekiah, and the canals 
 which conducted water into Jerusalem, possibly in part to be attributed to the reign of Solomon, are 
 the only instances to which anything like a certain date may be assigned. But these are long posterior 
 to the XVIII"' dynasty. Good judges, however, attribute some of these monuments to a very distant 
 period : the masonry of the wells of Beersheba is very ancient (H. Palmee, The Desert of the Exodus, 
 vol. ii. pp. 387-390), if not as it is at present, at least as it was when it was repaired in the time 
 of the Csesars (Gueein, JiuUe, vol. ii. pp. 283, 284); the olive and wine presses hewn in the rock do 
 not all date back to the Eoinan empire, but many belong to a still earlier period, and modern 
 descriptions (cf. Gueein, Judge, vol. iii. pp. 261-273) correspond with what we know of such presses 
 from the Bible (e.g. Micah vi. 15 ; Isa. v. 2, xvi. 10 ; Jer. xxv. 30, xlviii. 33). 
 
 < Gueein, Deecription de la Palestine, Judge, vol. iii. pp. 260, 261, 288, etc. 
 
 VINEYAEDS IN THE NEIGUBOUEHOOD OF 
 
TEE FOREST BETWEEN JAFFA AND CARMEL. 
 
 133 
 
 nomenclature in the Egyptian geographical lists reflects as in a mirror the 
 agricultural pursuits of its ancient inhabitants : one village, for instance, is called 
 Aubila, " the meadow ; " while others bear such names as Ganutu, " the gardens ; " 
 Magraphut, " the mounds ; " and Karman, " the vineyard." - The further we 
 proceed towards the north, we find, with a diminishing aridity, the hillsides 
 covered with richer crops, and the valleys decked out with a more luxuriant and 
 warmly coloured vegetation. Shechem lies in an actual amphitheatre of verdure, 
 which is irrigated by countless unfailing streams ; rushing brooks babble on 
 every side, and the vapour given off by them morning and evening covers the 
 entire landscape with a luminous haze, where the outline of each object becomes 
 blurred, and quivers in a manner to which we are accustomed in our Western 
 lands.^ Towns grew and multiplied upon this rich and loamy soil, but as these 
 lay outside the usual track of the invading hosts — which preferred to follow the 
 more rugged but shorter route leading straight to Carmel across the plain 
 — the records of the conquerors only casually mention a few of them, 
 such as Bitshailu, Birkana, and Dutina.^ Beyond Ono reddish-coloured 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a plate in Chesney's Survey of Rivers Ettphratet arid Tigris, vol. i. p. 490. 
 ' Masi'ERO, Sur les Noms G(ographiques de la lisle de Tlioutmos JIT, qu'on j'eut rapporler a la 
 Jud^e, pp. 15, 22. 
 
 ' Van den Velde, vol. i. pp. 386, 388 ; Gabriel Charmes, Voyage en Palestine, pp. 240, 250. 
 Shechem is not mentioned in the Egyptian geographical lists, but Max Miiller thinks ho lins dis- 
 covered it in tlie name of the mountain of Sikima which figures in the Anaslasi Fapyrun, No. 1, 
 pi. xxii. I. 9 (Asien und Europa, p. 394). 
 
 Bitshailu, identified by Chabas (Voyage d'un I^gyptien, pp. 203-205) with Bethshan, and with 
 Shiloh by Mariette (Leg Listes Giographiquet, p. 42) and Maspero (Sur les Noms G^ographiques qu'on 
 pent rapporter a la Jud€e, pp. 17, 18), is more probably Bethel, written Bit-sha-llu, either with sh. 
 
134 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 sandy clay took the place of the dark and compact loam : oaks began to appear, 
 sparsely at first, but afterwards forming vast forests, which the peasants of our 
 own days have thinned and reduced to a considerable extent. The stunted 
 trunks of these trees are knotted and twisted, and the tallest of them do not 
 exceed some thirty feet in height, while many of them may be regarded as 
 nothing more imposing than large bushes.^ Muddy rivers, infested with croco- 
 diles, flowed slowly through the shady woods, spreading out their waters 
 here and there in pestilential swamps. On reaching the seaboard, their exit 
 was impeded by the sands which they brought down with them, and the 
 banks which were thus formed caused the waters to accumulate in lagoons 
 extending behind the dunes. For miles the road led through thickets, inter- 
 rupted here and there by marshy places and clumps of thorny shrubs. Bands 
 of Shausu were accustomed to make this route dangerous, and even the bravest 
 heroes shrank from venturing alone along this route.^ Towards Aluna the way 
 began to ascend Mount Carmel by a narrow and giddy track cut in the rocky 
 side of the precipice.^ Beyond the Mount, it led by a rapid descent into a 
 plain covered with corn and verdure, and extending in a width of some thirty 
 miles, by a series of undulations, to the foot of Tabor, where it came to an end. 
 Two side ranges running almost parallel — little Hermon and Gilboa — dis- 
 posed in a line from east to west, and united by an almost imperceptibly rising 
 ground, serve rather to connect the plain of Megiddo with the valley of the Jordan 
 than to separate them. A single river, the Kishon, cuts the route diagonally — or, 
 to speak more correctly, a single river-bed, which is almost waterless for nine 
 months of the year, and becomes swollen only during the winter rains with the 
 numerous torrents bursting from the hillsides. As the flood approaches the sea it 
 becomes of more manageable proportions, and finally distributes its waters among 
 the desolate lagoons formed behind the sand-banks of the open and wind-swept 
 
 the old relative pronoun of the Phoenician (Erman, Varia, in the Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 36), or with the 
 Assyrian s7ict (Sayce, Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. v. p. 52); on the latter supposition one 
 must suppose, as Sayce does, that tlie compiler of the Egyptian lists had before him sources of 
 information in the cuneiform character. Birkana appears to be the modern Brukin (Maspero, Sur 
 les Noms G^ograpMques, etc., pp. 19, 20), and Dutina is certainly Dothain, now Tell-Dothan (Maspero, 
 Notes sur quelques jjoints de Grammaire et d'Sistoire, in the Zeitschrift, 1881, p. 122). 
 
 ' The forest was well known to the geographers of the Greco-Roman period (Strabo, xvi. 2, § 28, 
 p. 758), and was still in existence at the time of the Crusades; cf. Conder, Medixval Topography of 
 Palestine, in the Pal. Expl. Fund, Quarterly Statements, 1875, pp. 91, 92. Its present condition is 
 described by Guerin, Description de la Palestine, Samarie, vol. ii. p. 388. 
 
 ' For all this part of the route, which had been previously wrongly placed owing to the ignorance 
 of the existence of a forest in this region, see Maspero, Entre Jopp€et Mageddo, in the Etudes Arche'ol. 
 Linguist, et Historiques, d^di€es a M. le D'' C. Leemans, pp. 3-6. 
 
 ^ This defile is described at length in the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xxiii. 1. 1, et seq., and the 
 terms Bsed by the writer aie in themselves suflBcient evidence of the terror with which the place 
 inspired the Egyptians. The annals of Thutmosis III. are equally explicit as to the difficulties which 
 an army had to encounter here (Maspero, Le Recit de la campagne contre Mageddo sous Thoutmos 
 III., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 51-56, 140, 141). I have placed this defile near the point 
 which is now called Umm-el-Fahm {Sur les Noms Gfygraphiques, etc., pp. 6, 7), and this site seems 
 to me to agree better with the account of the expedition of Thutmosis III. than that of Arraneh 
 proposed by Conder (Palestine Expl. Fund, Quarterly Statements, 1880, p. 223). 
 
MEOIDDO. 
 
 135 
 
 bay, towered over by the sacred summit of Carmel.' No corner of the world 
 has been the scene of more sanguinary engagements, or has witnessed century 
 aftor century so many armies crossing its borders and coming into conflict 
 with one another. Every military leader who, after leaving Africa, was 
 able to seize Gaza and Ascalon, became at once master of Southern Syria. 
 He might, it is true, experience some local resistance, and come into con- 
 flict with bands or isolated outposts of the enemy, but as a rule he had no 
 need to anticipate a battle before he reached the banks of the Kishon. Here, 
 behind a screen of woods and noountain, the enemy would concentrate his forces 
 and prepare resolutely to meet the attack. If the invader succeeded in over- 
 coming resistance at this point, the country lay open to him as far as the 
 Orontes ; nay, often even to the Euphrates. The position was too imjiortant for 
 its defence to have been neglected. A range of forts, Ibleam, Taanach,^ and 
 Megiddo,* drawn like a barrier across tlie line of advance, protected its 
 southern face, and beyond these a series of strongholds and villages followed one 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a pencil sketch by Lortet. 
 
 ' In the lists of ThiUmosis III. we find under No. 48 the town of Rosh-Qodshu, the "Sacre<l 
 Cape," which was evidently situated at the end of the mountain range (Maspebo, A'oteii «ur qntlquet 
 yoinis de Grammaire et il'IIixloire, in the Zeitschri/1, 1881, pp. 54, 55). or probably on the site of Haifah ; 
 tlic name itself 8u<,'gesl8 the veneration with which Carmel was invested from the earliest times. 
 
 ' Ibleam, the Egyptian lablaamu, is No. 43 in the lists of Thitniosis III. (Maimette, Let 
 Llstes G^ographiques, p. 26). Osburn had recognised at the outset Taflnaku or Taanach on the 
 list of Slieshonq {E^jypt, her TeMmouy to the Truth, p. 158). 
 
 * Megiddo, tlie " Legio " of the Roman period, has been identified since Kobinsou's time {BibliceU 
 
136 SYRIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 another at intervals in the bends of the valleys or on the heights, such as 
 Shunem, Kasuna, Anaharath, the two Aphiils, Cana,^ and other places which 
 we find mentioned on the triumphal lists, but of which, up to the present, the 
 sites have not been fixed. 
 
 From this point the conqueror had a choice of three routes. One ran 
 
 5 
 
 in an oblique direction to the west, and struck the Mediterranean near 
 Acre, leaving on the left the promontory of Carmel, with the sacred town, 
 Eosh-Qodshu, planted on its slope.^ Acre was the first port where a fleet 
 could find safe anchorage after leaving the mouths of the Nile, and whoever 
 was able to make himself master of it had in his hands the key of Syria, for 
 it stood in the same commanding position with regard to the coast as that 
 held by Megiddo in respect of the interior. Its houses were built closely 
 together on a spit of rock which projected boldly into the sea, while fringes of 
 reefs formed for it a kind of natural breakwater, behind which ships could find 
 
 Researches, vol. ii. p. 330) with Khurbet-Lejun, and more especially with the little mound known 
 by the name of Tell-el-Mutesallim. Conder proposed to place its site more to the east, in the valley 
 of the Jordan, at Khurbet-el-Mujeddah (Megiddo, in the Palest. Expl. Fund, Quarterly Statements, 
 1887, pp. 13-20). 
 
 ' The name of Shunem (Shunama) was recognised by E. de Eouge', together with that of Anakharath 
 (Anukharotu) and Kana-Cana (Etude sur divers Monuments der regne de TJioutmosis III., pp. 49, 51, 53). 
 The identity of the two Apuru-Aphulu with Fuleh and Afuleh of Galilee was discovered by 
 CONDEB, Palestine before Joshua, Quarterly Statements of Palest. Expl. Fund, 187G, p. 141. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Grudin, from a photograph by Lortet. 
 
 ^ Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeitschrifl, 1879, p. 55 ; of. Max 
 MiiLLEB, Asien und Europa nach altagyptischen Denhmdlern, p. 165. 
 
138 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 a safe harbourage from the attacks of pirates or the perils of bad weather.^ From 
 this point the hills come so near the shore that one is sometimes obliged to 
 wade along the beach to avoid a projecting spur, and sometimes to climb a zig- 
 zag path in order to cross a headland. In more than one place the rock has 
 
 inhabitants of these derived a miserable subsistence from fishing and the chase.* 
 Beyond the Tyrian Ladder Phoenician territory began. The country was served 
 throughout its entire length, from town to town, by the coast road, which 
 turning at length to the right, and passing through the defile formed by the 
 Nahr-el-Kebir,'' entered the region of the middle Orontes. 
 
 The second of the roads leading from Megiddo described an almost symme- 
 trical curve eastwards, crossing the Jordan at Bethshan, then the Jabbok, and 
 finally reaching Damascus after having skirted at some distance the last of the 
 basaltic ramparts of tiie Hauran. Here extended a vast but badly watered 
 
 ' Acre (Aku) was already noticed by Brdgsch, GeograpMsche Inschriften, vol. ii. pp. 40, 41. 
 
 ^ Heuce the name Tyrian Ladder, K\ifia^ Tvpiwv (Josephus, Bell. Jud., xi. 10. 2), which is applied 
 to one of these passes, either Eas-en-Nakurah or Ras-el-Abiad. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. The vignette is taken from the bas- 
 reliefs of the Ramesseum : cf. Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, etc., pi. cecxxx. ; Eosellini, 
 Monumenii Storici, pi. ex. ; Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 164. The portions missing have been supplied in 
 outline. Elsewhere the town is given a more elongated form (Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, 
 etc., pis. xiii., xxi., xxii., xxvii., cccxxiv. ; Eoselliki, Monumenti Storici, pis. Ixxxvii., xci., civ.). 
 
 * The site of Aksapu was recognised by Bkucsch, Geogr. Insch., vol. ii. p. 44, and that of Mashal 
 (the Biblical Misheal) by E. de Rodge, Etude sur divers Monuments du regne de Thoutmes III., p. 51. 
 Lubina may be Khurbet-Lubban, Khurbet-Lubbuna, at some distance from Ras-en-Nakurah, almost 
 iu sight of the sea (Maspero, Sur Ics Noms Geograpliiques, etc., qu'on peut rapporter a la Galilee, p. 3) 
 Ushu-Sliakhan, which appears to be the Ushu of tlie Assyrians, was probably the Alexandroschsene of 
 classical times, situated possibly at Umm-el-Awamid (Maspero, De Quelques Localii^s voisines de 
 Sidon, in the Becueil des Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 102, 103). 
 
 ' This is the road indicated in the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pis. xx. 1. 7, xxi. 1. 4, of which I 
 shall have occasion to say something hereafter in describing the Phoenician littoral; see p, 169, et 
 seq., of the present work. 
 
 been hollowed into a series of rough steps, 
 giving it the appearance of a vast 
 ladder.^ Below this precipitous 
 \ path the waves dash with fury, 
 
 and when the wind sets towards 
 the land every thud causes 
 the rocky wall to tremble, and 
 detaches fragments from its 
 surface. The majority of the 
 towns, such as Aksapu (Ec- 
 dippa), Maslial, Lubina, Ushu- 
 
 /<v / Shaklian, lay back from the sea on 
 the mountain ridges, out of the 
 reacli of pirates; several, however, 
 were built on the shore, under the 
 shelter of some promontory, and the 
 
THE TYBIAM LADDBB AT RAS EL-ABIAU. 
 
 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph. 
 
140 STRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 pasture-land, which attracted the Bedouin from every side, and scattered over 
 it were a number of walled towns, such as Hamath, Magato, Ashtaroth, and 
 Ono-Eepha.^ Probably Damascus was already at this period the dominant 
 authority over the region watered by these two rivers, as well as over the villages 
 nestling in the gorges of Hermon, — Abila, Helbon of the vineyards, and 
 Yabrud, — but it had not yet acquired its renown for riches and power. Pro- 
 tected by the Anti-Lebanon range from its turbulent neighbours, it led a sort 
 of vegetative existence apart from invading hosts, forgotten and hushed to 
 sleep, as it were, in the shade of its gardens. 
 
 The third road from Megiddo took the shortest way possible. After crossing 
 the Kishon almost at right angles to its course, it ascended by a series of steep 
 inclines to arid plains, fringed or intersected by green and flourishing valleys, 
 which afforded sites for numerous towns, — Pahira, Merom near Lake Huleh, 
 Qart-Nizanu, Beerotu, and Lauisa, situated in the marshy district at the head- 
 waters of the Jordan.^ From this point forward the land begins to fall, and taking 
 a hollow shape, is known as Coele-Syria, with its luxuriant vegetation spread 
 between the two ranges of the Lebanon. It was inhabited then, as at the time 
 of the Babylonian conquest, by the Amorites, who probably included Damascus 
 also in their domain.^ Their capital, the sacred Qodshu, was situated on the left 
 bank of the Orontes, about five miles from the lake which for a long time bore its 
 name, Bahr el-Kades.* It crowned one of those barren oblong eminences which 
 
 ' Proof that the Egyptians knew tliis route, followed even to this day in certain circumstances, 
 is furnished by the lists of Thutmosis III., in which the principal stations which it comprises are 
 enumerated among the towns given up after the victory of Megiddo (Nos. 13-17, 28-30). Dimasqu 
 was identified with Damascus by E. de Eouge, Htude sur divers Monuments du regne de Thoutmes III., 
 p. 47, and Astarotu with Ashtarotli-Qarnaim (ibid., p. 49). Hamatu (No. 16) is probably Hamath of 
 the Gadarenes; Magato (No. 30), the Maged of the Maccabees, is possibly the present Mukatta; and 
 Ono-Eepha (No. 29), Raphon, Eaphana, Arpha of Decapolis, is the modern Er-Eafeh (Maspero, Sur 
 les Noms G^jgrapliiques, etc., qu'on pent rapporter a la Galilee, pp. 4, 5). 
 
 ^ Pahira is probably Safed ; Qart-Nizanu, the " flowery city," the Kartha of Zabulon (Jos/t. xsi. 
 31) ; and Beerot, the Berotha of Josephus (Ilist. of the Jews, v. 1. 18), near Merom (Maspero, Sur les 
 Noms, etc., qu'on pent rapporter a la Galilee, pp. 3-5). Maroma and Lauisa, Laisa, have been identified 
 with Merom and Laish by Brugsch (tr. Ins., vol. ii. pp. 72, 74) and by E. de Rouge' (Etude sur divers 
 Mon. du regne de Thoutmes III, p. 50). 
 
 ' The identification of the country of Amauru with that of the Amorites was admitted from the 
 first by OsBURN, Egypt, her Testimony to Truth, pp. 65, 66 ; Hincks, An Attempt to ascertain the Number, 
 etc., of Hieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 45 ; Brugsch, Geog. Ins., vol. ii. pp. 21, 48, 61, etc. The only doubt was 
 as to the locality occupied by these Amorites : the mention of Qodshu on the Orontes, in the country of 
 the Amurru, showed that Coele-Syria was the region in question. In the Tel el-Amarna tablets the name 
 Amurru is applied also to the country east of the Phoenician coast (Bezold- Budge, The Tell el-Amarna 
 Tablets in the Brit. Mus., pi. xlvii., note 2), and we have seen that there is reason to believe tliat it 
 was used by the Babylonians to denote all Syria (cf. p. 18, note 5, of this volume). If the name given 
 by the cuneiform inscriptions to Damascus and its neighbourhood, " Gar-Imirishu," "Imirishu," 
 "Imirish," really means "the Fortress of the Amorites" (Satce, in the Academy, 1881, p. IGl; 
 HoMMEL, Bie Semitischen Volker, p. 178 ; Fr. Lenormant, Les Origines de VHistoire, vol. ii. pp. 288, 
 338), we should have in this fact a proof that this people were in actual possession of the Damascene 
 Syria. This must have been taken from tliem by the Hittites towards the XX"' century before our 
 era, according to Hommel ; about the end of the XVIII"' dynasty, according to Lenormant. If, on the 
 other hand, the Assyrians read the name " Sba-imiri-shu," with the signification, " the town of its 
 asses " (Haupt, Ber Keilschriftliche Name des Beiches von Bamashus, in the Zeits. fiir Assyr., vol. ii. pp. 
 321, 322), it is simply a play upon words, and has no bearing upon the primitive meaning of the name. 
 
 * The name Qodshu-Kadesh was for a long time read Uatesh, Badesh, Atesh, and, owing to a 
 
QODSEU. 
 
 141 
 
 THE DYKE AT BAHR EL-KADES IN ITS rBE8B-NT COXDITIOX.' 
 
 are so frequently met with in Syria. A muddy stream, the Taniiur, flowed, at 
 some distance away, around its base, and, emptying itself into the Orontes at a 
 point a little to the north, formed a natural defence for the town on the 
 west. Its encompassing walls, slightly elliptic in form, were strengthened by 
 towers, and surrounded by two concentric ditches which kept the sapper at 
 a distance. A dyke running across the Orontes above the town caused the 
 waters to rise and to overflow in a northern direction, so as to form a shallow 
 lake, which acted as an additional protection from the enemy. Qodshu was 
 thus a kind of artificial island, connected with the surrounding country by two 
 
 confusion with Qodi. Ati, or Atct. The town was identified by ChampoUion with Bactria (Le«re« 
 ecrites d'J^Jgypte, 2nd edit., pp. 2G7, 2G8, compared with 287), then Iranaferrcd to Mesopotamia by 
 Rosellini, in the land of Omira, which, according to Pliny (Hist. Nal., v. 24), was close to the Taurus 
 (^Monumenti Slorici, vol. iii., pt. 1, pp. 441-413), not far from the Khabur or from tlie province of 
 Aleppo (BiKCU, Observations on the Statiflical Tablet of Karnal; pp. 19-23): Osburn (Egypt, her 
 Testimony to the Truth, pp. 65, 66, 85, 86) tried to connect it with Iladashah (Jbs/i. xv. 21), au Amorite 
 town in the southern part of the tribe of Judah ; while Hincks placed it in Edussa {Report Syro-Egypt. 
 Soc, 1847, p. 0 ; cf. Brogsch, Beiseberichte aus JEgypten, p. 126). The reatliug Ivedesh, ILidesh, Qodsiiu, 
 the result of the observations of Lepsius, has finally prevailed. Brugsch connected this 
 name with that of Bahr el-Kados, a desiguution attached in tlie Middle Ages to the lake through 
 which the Orontes flows, and placed the town on its shores or on a small island on the lake (Geo. Ins., 
 vol. ii. pp. 21, 23). Thomson {The Land and the Booh, p. 110) pointed out Tell Neby-Mendeh, the 
 ancient Laodicca of tlie Lebanon, as satisfying the requirements of the site. Conder developed this 
 idea, and showed that all the conditions prescribed by the Egyptian texts in regard to Qodshu find 
 here, and here alone, their application {Kadesh, in Pal. Exp'l. Fund, Quaiterly Statement, 1881, pp. 
 11)3-173). The description given in the text is based on Conder's observations. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph : cf. Saouau, Ueise in Syrien and Mesopolaiitie, pi. vii. p. 61 . 
 
142 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 flying bridges, which could be opened or shut at pleasure. Once the bridges 
 were raised and the gates closed, the boldest enemy had no resource left but to 
 arm himself with patience and settle down to a lengthened siege. The invader, 
 fresh from a victory at Megiddo, and following up his good fortune in a forward 
 movement, had to reckon upon further and serious resistance at this point, and 
 to prepare himself for a second conflict. The Amorite chiefs and their allies 
 had the advantage of a level and firm ground for the evolutions of their 
 chariots during the attack, while, if they were beaten, the citadel afforded them 
 a secure rallying-place, whence, having gathered their shattered troops, they 
 could regain their respective countries, or enter, with the help of a few devoted 
 men, upon a species of guerilla warfare in which they excelled. 
 
 The road from Damascus led to a point south of Qodshu, while that from 
 Phoenicia came right up to the town itself or to its immediate neighbourhood. 
 The dyke of Bahr el-Kades served to keep the plain in a dry condition, and thus 
 secured for numerous towns, among which Hamath stood out pre-eminently, 
 a prosperous existence.^ Beyond Hamath,^ and to the left, between the 
 Orontes and the sea, lay the commercial kingdom of Alasia, protected from 
 the invader by bleak mountains.^ On the right, between the Orontes and 
 the Balikh, extended the land of rivers, Naharaim. Towns had grown up 
 here thickly, — on the sides of the torrents from the Amanos, along the banks 
 of rivers, near springs or wells — wherever, in fact, the presence of water 
 made culture possible. The fragments of the Egyptian chronicles which have 
 come down to us number these towns by the hundred,* and yet of how many 
 more must the records have perished with the crumbling Theban walls upon 
 which the Pharaohs had their names incised ! Khalabu was the Aleppo of our 
 own day,^ and grouped around it lay Turmanuna, Tunipa, Zarabu, Nii, Dur- 
 baniti, Mirabu, Sarmata,^ and a score of others which depended upon it, or 
 
 ' For the dyke of Bahr el- Katies, sec Bueton-Drake, Unexplored Syria, Yol. ii. p. 269, et seq. 
 
 2 Hamath is mentioned in the great list of Thatmosis III. (Maeette, KarnaJc, pi. 21), without 
 the initial breathing, as is sometimes the case in Assyrian (No. 122; of. H. G. Tomkins, On the 
 Topography of N. Syria, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ix. p. 231, and Notes on the Geog. of N.Syria, 
 in the Bah. and Orient. Beeord, vol. iii. p. 6). 
 
 ' The site of Alasia, Alashia, was determined from the Tel el-Amarna tablets by Maspero, Le 
 Pays d' Alasia, in the Itecueil, vol. ix. pp. 209, 210 ; cf. Tomkins, On the Name Nepiriuriu, etc., in the 
 Proceedings, 1888-89, vol. si. p. 79. Niebuhr had placed it to the west of Cilicia, opposite the island of 
 Eleousa mentioned by Strabo (XIV. v., § 6, p. 671), Studienzur Geseh. des alien Orients, i. pp. 97-102. 
 Conder connected it with the scriptural Elishah {Pal. Expl. Fund, Quart. Stat., 1892, p. 45), andW. Max 
 Miiller confounds it with Asi or Cyprus (Das Land A laschia, in the Zeits. fiir Assyr., vol. x. pp. 257-264). 
 
 * Two hundred and thirty names belonging to Naharaim are still legible on the lists of Thut- 
 mosis III. (Maeiette, Kama]:, pis. 20, 21), and a hundred others have been effaced from the monument. 
 
 » Khalabu was identified by Chabas (Voyage d'un Hgyplien, pp. 100-102) with Khalybon, the 
 modern Aleppo, and his opinion has been adopted by most Egyptologists ; cf. Max MijLLER, Asien 
 und Europa, pp. 256, 257. Brugsch (^Geog. Ins., vol. ii. pp. 45, 46) had Khelbon, near Damascus, in 
 his eye ; Hale'vy would read Kharabu, and finds this name in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Notes G^ogr., 
 in the Pevue Semitique d'Fpigraphie, etc., vol. i. p. 381). 
 
 * Tunipa has been found in Tennib, Tinnab, by Noldeke (Tunip und Charbu, in the Zeitschrift, 
 1876, pp. 10, 11) ; Zarabu in Zarbi, and Sarmata in Sarmeda, by Tomkins (On the Topog. of N. Syria, 
 
144 SYBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 upon one of its rivals,^ The boundaries of this portion of the Lower Lotanu 
 have come down to us in a singularly indefinite form, and they must also, 
 moreover, have been subject to continual modifications from the results of 
 tribal conflicts. We are at a loss to know whether the various principalities 
 were accustomed to submit to the leadership of a single individual, or whether 
 we are to relegate to the region of popular fancy that Lord of Naharaim of 
 
 whom the Egyptian scribes made 
 such a hero in tlieir fantastic narra- 
 tives.^ Carchemish represented in 
 this region the position occupied by 
 Megiddo in relation to Kharu, and by 
 Qodshu among the Amorites; that is 
 to say, it was the citadel and sanctuary 
 of the surrounding country. Who- 
 ever could make himself master of it 
 would have the whole country at his 
 feet. It lay upon the Euphrates, the winding of the river protecting it on its 
 southern and south-eastern sides, while around its northern front ran a deep 
 stream, its defence being further completed by a double ditch across the inter- 
 vening region. LikeQodshu,it was thus situated iothe midst of an artificial island 
 beyond the reach of the battering-ram or the sapper. The encompassing wall, 
 which tended to describe an ellipse, hardly measured two miles in circumference ; 
 but the suburbs extending, in the midst of villas and gardens, along the river- 
 banks furnished in time of peace an abode for the surplus population. The wall 
 still rises some five and twenty to thirty feet above the plain. Two mounds divided 
 by a ravine command its north-western side, their summits being occupied by 
 the ruins of two fine buildings — a temple and a palace.^ Carchemish was the 
 
 ia the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ix. pp. 232, 244) ; Durbaniti in Deir el-Banat, the 
 Castrum Puellarum of the chroniclers of the Crusades ; Nirabu in Nirab, and Tirabu in Tereb, now 
 el-Athrib (Maspeko, Notes sur diff€rents points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeitschrift, 1885, pp. 5, 6). 
 Nirab is mentioned under the form t^r^pafios by Nicholas of Damascus (Frag. 25, in Muller-Didot, 
 Frag. Hist. Grxcorum, vol. iii. p. 372). Nii, long confounded with Nineveh after ChampoUiou 
 {Gram, ^gyptienne, p. 150), was identified by Lenormant (ie« Origines, vol. iii. p. 316, et seq.) 
 with Ninus Vetus, Membidj, and by Max Miiller (Asien und Europa, p. 267) with Balis on the 
 Euphrates: I am inclined to make it Kefer-Naya, between Aleppo and Turmanin. 
 
 ' These names have been studied partially by Lenormant, Lee Grig, de V Hist., \ol. iii. pp. 822-331, 
 and exhaustively by Tomkins, Anc. Geog. of N. Syria, in Proc. Bibl. Aich. Soc, 1882-83, pp. 58-62 ; On 
 the Topog. of N. Syria, in the Transactions, vol. ix. pp. 227-254 ; Eecords of the Past, new ser., v. pp. 25- 
 42; Motes on Geog. of N. Syria, in the Bah. and Oriental Record, vol. ii. pp. 2-6, 41-46. Max Muller 
 has devoted a few — unfortunately too few — pages to them in his Asien und Europa, pp. 286-292. 
 
 ^ In the " Story of the Predestined Prince " the heroine is daughter of the Prince of Naharaim, who 
 seems to exercise authority over all the chiefs of the country (Maspero, Les Conies populaires de 
 I'Fgypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. 231-234) ; as the manuscript does not date back further than the 
 XX'" dynasty, we are justified in suiDposing that the Egyptian writer had a knowledge of the Hittite 
 domination, during which the King of the Khati was actually the ruler of all Naharaim. 
 
 ' Karkamiaha, Gargamish, was from the beginning associated with the Carchemish of the Bible 
 
N ARAB AIM AND CARCEEMISn 
 
 145 
 
 VV.l.h OP JEnABIS IN nv I'liKSI.M' r.jNPIlION.' 
 
 last stage in a conqueror's march coming from the south. For an invader 
 approaching from the east or north it formed his first station. He had before 
 him, in fact, a choice of the three chief fords for crossing the Euplirates. 
 That of Thapsacus, at the bend of the river where it turns eastward to the 
 vVrabian plain, lay too far to the south, and it could be reached only after 
 a march through a parched and desolate region where the army would run 
 the risk of perishing from thirst. For an invader proceeding from Asia Minor, 
 or intending to make his way through the defiles of the Taurus, Samosata 
 offered a convenient fording-place ; but this route would compel the general, 
 wlio had Naharaim or tlie kingdoms of Chahliua in view, to make a long 
 detour, and although the Assyrians used it at a later period, at the time of 
 their expeditions to the valley of the Ilalys, the Egyptians do not seem ever 
 to have travelled by this road. Carchemish, the place of the third ford, was 
 about equally distant from Thapsacus and Samosata, and lay in a rich and 
 
 (HiNOKS, An Attempt to ascertain the Numher, etc., of the Uieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 40 : Biui ii, Ob>. on 
 the Statistical Tablet of Karnal;, p. 15); but as the latter was wrongly identified with Circesiuin, it was 
 naturally located at the confluence of the Ivhabur with the Euphrates. Hincks (Ilifroglyphe» et 
 Cuneiformes, in Chabas ,AM<tnge8 Kgyptologiques, 2nd series, p. 2S0) fixed the site nt Rum-Kaleh. 
 G. Rawlinson (Carchemish, in Smith's Diet.) referred it cursorily to Hierapolis-Mabog, whidi position 
 Maspero (De Carchemis OppiJi situ et hislorid anti<iuissimd, 1873) endeavoured to confirm. Finzi 
 (Ricerche per la Studio dell Aiitichita Assira,i)Y>. 257, 200), and after biin G. Smith, thouglit to find the 
 site at Jerabis, the ancient Europos (Fii. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiesf p. 250), and excavations 
 carried on there by the English liuvo brought to light in this place Hittile monuments which go back 
 in part to the Assyrian epoch. This identification is now generally accepted (cf. J. JIknant, Kar- 
 Kemish, sa position d'apres les dgcouvertes modernes, 1891), although there is still no direct proof attain- 
 able, and competent judges (Wii-son, Ileceni Bill. Researches, in the Pal. Expl. Fund, Quart. Stat., 1884, 
 p. 49) continue to prefer the site of Membij. I fall in with the current view, but with all reserve. 
 The description of Carchemish given in the text refers to the Jerabis site ; it is taken from Perrot- 
 Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dans V Antiquity, vol. iv. pp. 531, 532, 807-809. 
 
 ' Reproduced by Faucher-Gudin from a cut in the Graphic of December 11, 1S80. Cf. Perrot- 
 CiiipiEZ, Hist, de VArt, vol. iv. p. 810. 
 
146 STRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 fertile province, which was so well watered that a drought or a famine would 
 not be likely to enter into the expectations of its inhabitants. Hither pilgrims, 
 merchants, soMiers, and all the wandering denizens of the world were accus- 
 
 fined Singar, Assur, Arrapkha, 
 and Babel, states that arose out of the dismemberment of the ancient Chaldsean 
 Empire.^ The Carchemish route Avas, of course, well known to caravans, but 
 
 ' For the fords of the Euphrates, see Maspeeo, Ve Garchemis Oppidi situ, etc., pp. 1-3; for that 
 of Samosata, of. Ammianus Mahcellinus, xii. 11 ; for that of Thapsacus, Stkabo, xvi. 1, § 21, p. 747 ; 
 for those of Zeugma and Europos, Flint, N. Hist., xxxiv. 43. 
 
 " Mitanni is mentioned on several Egyptian monuments (E. de Eocge, Etude sur divers Monu- 
 ments du regne de Thoutmis III., p. 28; DiiMiCHEN, Hist. Inschr., vol. i. pis. 11, 12, 16, 17) ; but its 
 importance was not recognised until after the discovery of the Tel el-Amarna tablets and of its 
 situation (W. Max MijLLEK, Asien und Europa, pp. 281-286). The fact that a letter from the Prince of 
 Mitanni is stated in a Hieratic docket to have come from Naharaim (Erman, Naehtrag zu Winehler's 
 Verzeichniss, in the Zeitschrijt, 1889, vol. xxvii. p. 63) has been used as a proof that the countries 
 were identical (Eeman, Der Thontafel/und von Tell-Amarna, in the Berliner Sitzungsberichte, 1888, 
 vol. ii. p. 584 ; also the observations of Schrader, p. 587 : cf. Bbugsch, Tlie Land Mitani on the Egyptian 
 Monuments, in the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, vol. xiv. pp. clxiv.-clxvii.) ; I have 
 shown that the docket proves only that Mitanni formed a part of Naharaim (Journ. des D^hats, 
 October 12, 1888). It extended over the province of Edessa and Harran, stretching out towards the 
 sources of the Tigris (cf. Jensen, Vorstudien zur Entziffering des Mitanni, in tlie Zeitsclirift fiir 
 Assyriologie, vol. vi. p. 62). Niebubr places it on the southern slope of the Masios, in Mygdonia 
 {Studien und Bemerhungen zur Geschichte des Alien Orients, i. pp. 88-96) ; Th. Eeinach connects it 
 with the Matieni(I7H Peuple oubli^, les Matienes, in the Bevue des Etudes Grecques, 1894, pp. 317, 
 318), and asks whether this was not the region occupied by this people before their emigration 
 towards the Caspian. 
 
 ' Several of the Tel el-Amarna tablets are couched in this language, and three experts are now 
 engaged in an attempt to decipher them (Jensen, Vorstudien zur Entzifferung des Mitanni, in the 
 Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 166-208, and vol. vi. pp. 34-72 ; BRiiNNOW, Die Mitdni-Sprache, 
 ibid., vol. V. pp. 209-259; and Sayce, The Language of Mitanni, ibid., vol. v. pp. 260-340). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph : cf. Petrie, Racial Types, No. 69. 
 
 ^ These names were recognised from the first in the inscriptions of Thutmosis III. and in those of 
 other Pharaohs of the XVIII"' and XIX"' dynasties : cf. W. Max MijLLEK, Asien und Europa, pp. 
 277-280. 
 
 A >;ORTHERN SYRIAN.* 
 
 tomed to direct their steps, and 
 the habit once established was 
 perpetuated for centuries.^ On 
 the left bank of the river, and 
 almost opposite Carchemish, lay 
 the region of Mitauni,^ which 
 was already occupied by a 
 people of a different race, who 
 used a language cognate, it 
 would seem, with the impei-- 
 fectly classified dialects spoken 
 by the tribes of the Upper 
 Tigris and Upper Euphrates.^ 
 Harran bordered on Mitanni, 
 and beyond Harran one may 
 recognize, in the vaguely de- 
 
TEE BISINTEGBATION OF TEE SYRIAN POPULATION. 147 
 
 armed bodies had rarely occasion to make use of it. It was a far cry 
 from Memphis to Carchemish, and for the Egyptians this town continued to 
 be a limit which they never passed, except incidentally, when they had to 
 chastise some turbulent tribe, or to give some ill-guarded town to the flames.^ 
 It would be a difficult task to define with any approach to accuracy the 
 
 TUE UEADS OP TUUEE AMOUITE 0A1TIVE8.' 
 
 distribution of the Canaanites, Amorites, and Aramaeans, and to indicate the 
 precise points where they came into contact with their rivals of non-Semitic 
 stock. Frontiers between races and languages can never be very easily de- 
 termined, and this is especially true of the peoples of Syria. They are so 
 broken up and mixed in this region, that even in neighbourhoods where one 
 predominant tribe is concentrated, it is easy to find at every step representatives 
 of all the others. Four or five townships, singled out at random from the middle 
 of a province, would often be fdund to belong to as many different races, and 
 their respective inhabitants, while living within a distance of a mile or two, 
 would bo as great strangers to each other as if they were separated by the 
 breadth of a continent.'' It would appear that the breaking up of these 
 populations had not been carried so far in ancient as in modern times, but the 
 confusion must already have been great if we are to judge from the number of 
 different sites where we encounter evidences of people of the same language and 
 
 ' A certain number of towns mentioned in the lists of Tliatmosis III. were situated bejo-.id the 
 Euphrates, and tliey belonged some to Mit4nni and some to the regions further away. "Various efforts 
 liavo been made to identify them, e.g. Fk. I.enoumant, Les Origirus, vol. iii. pp. 322, 331 ; H. G. 
 ToMKiNS, On the Topography of Northern Syria, etc., in the Transaclions Bibl. Arch. l?oc., vol. is. 
 pp. 227-254 ; and W. Max Mlller, Asieii und Europa, pp. 290, 291. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Petuie, Racial Types, No. 147. 
 
 ' Cf. Renan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 032, 633, for the complete separation which still exists, for 
 instance, between the Metualis and the other peoples of Syria. 
 
148 STEM AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 blood. The bulk of the Khati had not yet departed from the Taurus region, 
 but some stray bands of them, carried away by the movement which led to the 
 invasion of the Hyksos, had settled around Hebron, where the rugged nature of 
 the country served to protect them from their neighbours.^ Tlie Amorites had 
 
 their head - quarters around 
 Qodshu^ in Coele-Syria, but one 
 section of them had taken up 
 a position on the shores of the 
 Lake of Tiberias in Galilee, 
 others had established them- 
 selves within a short distance 
 of Jaifa^ on the Mediterranean, 
 while others had settled in the 
 neighbourhood of the southern 
 Hittites in such numbers that 
 their name in the Hebrew Scrip- 
 tures was at times employed 
 to designate the western moun- 
 tainous region about the Dead 
 Sea and the valley of the Jordan.^ Their presence was also indicated on 
 the table-lands bordering the desert of Damascus, in the districts frequented 
 by Bedouin of the tribe of Terah, Ammon and Moab, on the rivers Yarmuk and 
 Jabbok, and at Edrei and Heshbon.^ The fuller, indeed, our knowledge is 
 
 ' la very early times they are described as dwelling near Hebron or in tlie mountains of Judali 
 (Gen. xxiii., xxv. 9, 10, xxvi. 34, 35, xlix. 29-32 ; Numh. xiii. 29 ; cf. Josh. xi. 3). Since we have 
 learned from the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments that the Kliati dwelt in Northern Syria, the 
 majority of commentators have been indisposed to admit the existence of southern Hittites : this name, 
 it is alleged, having been introduced into the Biblical text through a misconception of the original 
 documents, where the term Hittite was tlie equivalent of Canaanite (Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterthums, 
 vol. i. pp. 213, 214; Budue, Die Biblische UrgescMchte, p.' 347, n. 1; Stade, Geschichte des Volhcs 
 Israels, vol. i. p. 143). 
 
 2 Cf. the present volum6, pp. 18, 19, 142, 143. Ed. Meyer, Kritilc der Berichte uber die Eroberung 
 Paldstina's, in the Zeitschrift fiir alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1881, vol. i. p. 117, et seq., and vol. 
 iii. p. 306, et seq., has established the fact that the term Amorite, as well as the parallel word 
 Canaanite, was the designation of the inhabitants of Palestine before the arrival of the Hebrews : the 
 former belonged to the prevailing tradition in the kingdom of Israel, the latter to that which was 
 current in Judah (cf. Winckler, Geschichte Israels, vol. i. pp. 51-54). This view confirms the con- 
 clusion which may be drawn from the Egyptian monuments as to the power of expansion and the 
 diffusion of the people ; cf. for the Egyptian side of the question, W. Max MOllur, Asien und Europa, 
 pp. 229-233. 
 
 ^ These were the Amorites which the tribe of Dan at a later period could not dislodge from the 
 lands which had been allotted lo them (Josh. xi. 3; Judges i. 34). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph in Petrie's Racial Types, No. 81 a. 
 
 ^ The southern Amorites are mentioned in Gen. xiv. 7, 13; in Numb. xiii. 29; in Deut. i. 7, 19, 
 27, 44; Josh. x. 5, 6, 12, xi. 3; their southern limit coincided with the Ascent of Scorpions [in the 
 Revised Version the " ascent of Akrabbim." — Tr.] to the south-west of the Dead Sea (Judges i. 36). 
 
 ' This was afterwards the domain of Sihon, King of the Amorites (Numb. xxi. 21-32, 34 ; Detit. ii. 
 24, iii. 2, xxix. 7; Judges xi. 19-23), and that of Og (Numb. xxi. 33-35; Deut. iii. 8-11, xxix. 7). 
 
 A NORTIIKIiN SYRIAN— INNUAM.' 
 
DISAPPEARANCE OF RACIAL CHARACTERISTICS AMONG SYRIANS. 149 
 
 of the condition of Syria at the time of the Egyptian conquest, the more we 
 are forced to recognise the mixture of races therein, and their almost infinite 
 subdivisions. The mutual jealousies, however, of these elements of various 
 origin were not so inveterate as to put an obstacle in the way, I will not say 
 of political alliances, but of daily intercourse and frequent contracts. Owini; 
 to intermarriages between the tribes, 
 and the continual crossing of the 
 results of such unions, peculiar cha- 
 racteristics were at length eliminated, 
 and a uniform type of face was the 
 result. From north to south one 
 special form of countenance, that 
 which we usually call Semitic, pre- 
 vailed among them.^ The Syrian 
 and Egyptian monuments furnish us 
 everywhere, under different ethnical 
 names, with representations of a 
 broad-shouldered people of high sta- 
 ture, slender-figured in youth, but 
 with a fatal tendency to obesity in old age. Their heads are large, somewhat 
 narrow, and artificially flattened or deformed, like those of several modern tribes 
 in the Lebanon.^ Their high cheek-bones stand out from their hollow cheeks, 
 and their blue or black eyes are buried under their enormous eyebrows. The 
 lower part of the face is square and somewhat heavy, but it is often concealed 
 by a thick and curly beard. The forehead is rather low and retreating, while 
 the nose has a distinctly aquiline curve. The type is not on the whole so fine 
 as the Egyptian, but it is not so heavy as that of the Chaldoeans in the time of 
 Gudea. The Theban artists have represented it in their battle-scenes, and while 
 individualising every soldier or Asiatic prisoner with a happy knack so as to avoid 
 monotony, they have with much intelligence impressed upon all of them the 
 marks of a common parentage. One feels that the artists must have recognised 
 them as belonging to one common family. They associated with their efforts 
 after true and exact representation a certain caustic humour, which impelled 
 them often to substitute for a portrait a more or less jocose caricature of their 
 
 • Cf. on this subject the remarks of W. Max Muller, Atien und Europa, pp. 293, 294, and, in a 
 contrary sense, Sayce, The Races of the Old Testament, pp. 100-129, who distinguishes several types on 
 the Egyptian monuments: the Amorites must have had the same physiognomy, and must have 
 belonged to the same race as the Libyans of the monuments (cf. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, 
 pp. 47, 48). 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Petuie, Racial Typen, No. 222. 
 
 < Uamy, Mude sur les peintures ethniqties d'un 2'ombeau Thebain dela XVIIP ilyuaetie, pp. 12, 13. 
 
150 STEM AT THE SEGINNING- OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 adversaries. On the walls of the Pylons, and in places where the majesty of a 
 god restrained them from departing too openly from their official gravity, they 
 contented themselves with exaggerating from panel to panel the 
 contortions and pitiable expressions of the captive chiefs as they 
 followed behind the triumphal chariot of the Pharaoh on his 
 return from his Syrian campaigns.^ Where religious scruples 
 offered no obstacle they abandoned themselves to the inspi- 
 ration of the moment, and gave themselves freely up to carica- 
 ture. It is an Amorite or Canaanite — that thick-lipped, flat- 
 nosed slave, with his brutal lower jaw and smooth conical 
 skull — who serves for the handle of a spoon in the museum 
 of the Louvre. The stupefied air with which he trudges 
 under his burden is rendered in the most natural manner, 
 and the flattening to which his forehead had been subjected 
 in infancy is unfeelingly accentuated. The model which 
 served for this object must have been intentionally brutalised 
 and disfigured in order to excite the laughter of Pharaoh's 
 subjects.^ 
 
 The idea of uniformity with which we are impressed when 
 examining the faces of these people is confirmed and extended 
 when we come to study their costumes. Men and women — 
 we may say all Syrians according to their condition of life — 
 had a choice between only two or three modes of dress, which, 
 whatever the locality, or whatever the period, seemed never to change.* On 
 closer examination slight shades of difference in cut and arrangement may, 
 however, be detected, and it may be affirmed that fashion ran even in ancient 
 
 ' An illustratiou of this will be found iu the line of prisoners, brought by Seti I. from his great 
 Asiatic campaign, which is depicted on the outer face of the north wall of the hypostyle at Karnak 
 (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., pi. ccxcii. ; Kosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. 1.). With 
 regard to the humorous representation of foreign races on the Egyptian monuments of the second 
 empire, see Eeman, ^gypten und Mgyptisches Lehen, p. G81. 
 
 ^ Dr. Kegnault, Les Deformations crdniennes, etc. (in La Nature, vol. xxii. pp. 157, 158), thinks 
 that the head was artificially deformed in infancy : the bandage necessary to effect it must have been 
 applied very low on the forehead in front, and to the whole occiput behind. If this is the case, the 
 instance is not an isolated one, for a deformation of a similar character is found in the case of the 
 numerous Semites represented on the tomb of Eakhmiri : a similar practice still obtains in certain 
 parts of modern Syria (Hamy, Jitude stir les Peintures ethniques ... de la X VIII' dynastie, pp. 12, 
 13) ; see p. 149 of this volume. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original wooden object (consigned to the Louvre since 
 Champollion's travels) : of. Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, pi. clxvii. 4 ; and Maspeeo in 
 O. Rayet, Les Monuments de I'Art antique, vol. i. 
 
 * The costume and the industrial instruments of the Syrians as tliey are represented on the 
 Egyptian monuments was studied in a general way by Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., 
 vol. i. pp. 245-261 ; by OsB0RN, Egypt, her Testimony to the Truth, pp. 114-145; and by W. Max 
 MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, pp. 294-301, 305-308, which constitute all the existing literature on 
 the subject. 
 
COSTUME. 151 
 
 Syria through as many capricious evolutions as with ourselves ; but these 
 variations, which were evident to the eyes of the people of the time, are not 
 sufficiently striking to enable us to classify the people, or to fix their date. 
 The peasantsand the lower 
 class of citizens required 
 no other clothing than a 
 loin-cloth similar to that 
 of the Egyptians,^ or a 
 shirt of a yellow or white 
 colour, extending below 
 the knees, and furnished 
 with short sleeves.^ The 
 opening for the neck was 
 cruciform, and the hem 
 was usually ornamented 
 
 ■^VlilANS UliESSED IN THE LOIS-CLOTU AND DOIULE SIIAWL.' 
 
 with coloured needle- 
 work or embroidery. The burghers and nobles wore over this a long strip of 
 cloth, which, after passing closely round the hips and chest, was brought up and 
 spread over the shoulders as a sort of cloak.* This was not made of the light 
 material used in Egypt, which offered no protection from cold or rain, but was 
 composed of a thick, rough wool, like that employed in Chaldaea, and was 
 commonly adorned with stripes or bands of colour, in addition to spots and other 
 conspicuous designs. Rich and fashionable folk substituted for this cloth two 
 large shawls — one red and the other blue — in which they dexterously arrayed 
 themselves so as to alternate the colours : ^ a belt of soft leather gathered the 
 
 ' The loiu-cloth is reprcsoutcd on tho prccediug page aa tlic garment of tUo Asiatic slave. See also 
 Chami'OLLion, Monuments de Vfjgyple, etc., ccxvii. ; Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. xlviii. 2, Hi., liii., 
 Ixvii., civ , clviii. ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 02, 116 a, 6, 127, 128, 136 a,?); Boukiant, /..; Tombeau de 
 Ilarmhahi, pi. iv. ; and Vikev, Tomlieau de Ratnenkhepersenb, pi. i. pp. 204, 205, in the Mdnoires de la 
 Minsion franfaise, vol. v. It diflfcra from the Egyptian in having pendent cords; tho Syrian foUahiu 
 still wear it wlien at work. 
 
 ' This was tho hethdneth of tlie Hebrews and Pliconiciens which became the xiTciv of the Greeks 
 [and the Latin Clunica, tunica, our tunic. — Tb.]. It is illustrated in Cuampollion, Monuments de 
 l'£gypte, etc., pis. Ixv., ccvi., clviii. 1, clx. 1, clxvii. 5, clxxvi. 1, clxsix. 1 ; in Roseli.isi, Monu- 
 menti Storici, pi. Ixviii. ; in Lep.sius, Denkm., iii. 92, 109, 116 o, b, 126 a, 127, 128, 145 c, 166; in 
 ViiiEY, Tombeau de Rehhmara, pi. vii., Tombeau de Ramenhhepersenb, p. 204, and Le Tombeau 
 d'Amenemheb, p. 244. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger; cf. Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 116. 
 The figures are taken from the tomb of Kiiamhult, who lived towards the en 1 of the XVIII"' 
 dynasty. 
 
 * Cuampollion, Mon. de l'£gijpte, etc., pi. Ixvii. ; Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. xlvi.-l,, lix., Ixviii.- 
 Ixx., Ixxx., clviii.; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 109, 116 a, ?>, 145 <•, 156, 166; Virey, Le Tombeau de 
 liehhmari't, pi. vii., and Tombeau de Ramenlihepersenb, pi. i. ; Bouriant, Le Tombeau de Harmhabi, 
 pi. iv. Tho Hebrew aimluh corresponded probably with this part of the Syrian costume as it is 
 represented on the Egyptian monuments. 
 
 ' Cuampollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., cclxvii. 2 ; Kosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. xlvi., xlvii., 
 liii., Ixviii., civii. ; Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 97 d, 116 a, b, 145 b. 
 
152 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 folds around the figure.^ Eed. morocco buskins,^ a soft cap, a 
 handkerchief, a Tceffiyeh confined, by a fillet, and sometimes a 
 wig after the Egyptian fashion, completed the 
 dress.^ Beards were almost universal 
 among the men, but the moustache was 
 of rare occurrence.^ In many of the 
 figures represented on the monuments 
 I we find that the head was carefully 
 \ shaved, while in others the hair was 
 allowed to grow, arranged in curls, 
 ssv^^ frizzed and shining with oil or sweet-smelling pomade, some- 
 times thrown back behind the ears and falling on the neck 
 in bunches or curly masses, sometimes drawn out in stiff spikes 
 so as to serve as a projecting cover over the face.^ The women 
 usually tired their hair in three great masses, of which the 
 thickest was allowed to fall freely down the back ; while the 
 other two formed a kind of framework for the face, 
 
 ^ the ends descending on each side as far as the breast. 
 
 AN AsiATit uL JUL 1 11 Jill Somo of the women arranged their hair after the 
 Egyptian manner, in a series of numerous small 
 tresses, brought together at the ends so as to form a kind of plat, and 
 terminating in a flower made of metal or enamelled terra-cotta. A network of 
 
 ' Champollion, Mon. de VEgijpte, etc., pi. clviii; Eosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. xlvi. ; Lepsics, 
 Derikm., iii. 127 h, 136. 
 
 * RosELi.INI, Mon. Storici, pi. xlvi. People of all classes are generally represented barefooted. 
 
 * The rolled-up handkerchief, the cap, the arrangement of the hair and the fillet, are illustrated 
 in Champollion, Mon. de l'i:gypte, xii., xxxvi. 2, 5, xxxvii., clxxvi. 1, cclvii., etc.; Eosellini, Mon. 
 Storici, pis. xlvi., xlviii. 2, xlix. 2, 1., Ixvii., Ixxx., civ., clvii., clviii., clx. 1, 3; Lepsius, Denhm., 92, 
 07 d, 109, 116 a, h, 126 a, 127, 128, 136 a, b, d, 145 c, 156, 166 ; Virey, Tomleau de BamenJchepersenh, 
 in the M€moires de la Mission frangaise, vol. v. p. 204. 
 
 * As to the beard, see Champollion, Mon. de VEgypte, xxvi., civ. 1, clxxvi., clxxxix., cclvii. ; 
 Eosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. clvii., clviii. ; Lepsius, Bcnhm., iii. 116 a, h, 136 a, h, d; Max MiiLLEK, 
 Asien und Europa nach altdgypt. Denhm., pp. 29.5, 290, where the history of the fashion of wearing it 
 is cursorily given. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from Champollion. Man. de VEgypte, pi. clxxvi. 2 ; Eosellini, 
 Monumenti Civili, pi. xxii.. No. 3. Cf. for coiffures with masses of curls, the vignette on table of 
 contents of Chapter III. of the present volume. 
 
 A singular instance of dressing the hair in this fashion is given in Champollion, 37om. de 
 VEgypte, pis. civ. 1, clxxxvi. 2, and clxxxix. (cf. Eosellini, Mon. Civili, pi. xxii., No. 3). The figure 
 exhibiting it on the tomb of Ealibmiri has been since mutilated, as is evident from the sketches of 
 Prisse d' Avenues (Hamy, Etude sur les Peintures ethniques d'un Tombeau Thebain, p. 11, and Vieey, 
 Le Tombeau de Behhmard, in the M^m. de la Mission frangaise, vol. v. pi. vii.). The curious shape 
 would lead one to believe that the artist had in his eye a primitive straw hat ( W. Max MiIller, Asien 
 und Europa, p. 295). Wilkinson saw clearly that it was really a special form of coiffure {Manners 
 and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 246, No. 76 b, and p. 254). Other examples, where the form is less 
 exaggerated (Vieet, Le Tombeau de Belclimard, pi. vii.), leave no doubt on the subject. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a figure on the tomb of Eamses III. (Champollion, Mon. de 
 Vligypte, pi. cclvii. 2 ; Eosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. clviii.) A Syrian, draped in a double shawl, is 
 given as a vignette to this chapter, p. 111. 
 
CHALDJEAN INFLUENCE ON SYRIAN CUSTOMS. 
 
 153 
 
 glass ornaments, arranged on a semicircle of beads, 
 or on a background of embroidered stuff, was fre- 
 quently used as a covering for the 
 top of the head.^ The shirt had no 
 sleeves, and the fringed garment 
 which covered it left half of the 
 arm exposed.^ Children of tender 
 years had their heads shaved, and 
 rejoiced in no more clothing than 
 the little ones among the Egyp- 
 tians.^ With the exception of bracelets, anklets, rings 
 on the fingers, and occasionally necklaces and earrings, the 
 Syrians, both men and women, wore little jewellery. The 
 Chaldsean women furnished them with models of fashion 
 to which they accommodated themselves in the choice of 
 stuffs, colours, cut of their mantles or petticoats, arrangement 
 of the hair, and the use of cosmetics for the eyes and cheeks. 
 In spite of distance the modes of Babylon reigned supreme. The 
 Syrians would have continued to expose their right shoulder to 
 the weather as long as it pleased the people of the Lower Euphrates 
 to do the same ; but as soon as the fashion changed in the latter 
 region, and it became customary to cover the shoulder, and to wrap 
 the upper part of the person in two or three thicknesses of heavy wool, 
 they at once accommodated themselves to the new mode, although 
 it served to restrain the free motion of the body. Among the 
 upper classes, at least, domestic arrangements were modelled upon 
 the fashions observed in the palaces of the nobles of Carchemish or Assur: 
 the same articles of toilet, the same ranks of servants and scribes, the same 
 luxurious habits, and the same use of perfumes were to be found among both.** 
 
 ' Examples of Syrian i'cminiQc costume are somewhat rare on the Egypliau mouumcutH. In the 
 scenes of the capturing of towns we see a few. Here the women are represented on tlic walls im- 
 ploring the mercy of the besieger (Cuampollion, Mon. dc VJi'i/yptc, pis. xii., Ixv., civ. ], where the 
 diuughtsniau has restored the head of a male figure ; Eosellini, Mon. Slorici, Ixvii., Ixviii., Ixxx. ; 
 Lepsius, Denlim., iii. 145 c). Other ligurisare those of prisoners being led captive into Egypt (Vibey, 
 Le Tombeau de Eekhmard, in the Mem. de la Mission du Caire, vol. v. pi. vii.). 
 
 ' For this form of covering, see, in addition to the figure on the right of the page, Cuampolliox, 
 Mon. de VKgypte, pi. xii.; Koskllini, Mon. Slorici, Ixvii., Ixxx.; Lepsics, Denkm., iii. 145 c. 
 
 ' Drawn liy Faiicher-Gudin, from Champollion, Mon. de I'L'gypte, pi. xxxvi. 3; KosELLiNr, Mon. 
 Slorici, pi. clx., No. 3. 
 
 * See tlic naked children in Cuampollion, ilfon. de I'Egyple, etc., pl. xii. ; Kosellini, Mon. Slorici, 
 Ixviii., Ixxx. ; Yihey, Le Tombeau de llchhmard, in the Mfm. de la Mission du Caiie, vol. v. pl. viii., 
 and Tombeau d'Amenemheb, p. 244. 
 
 ' Drawu by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Louvre : ef. Cuampolliox, iUbii. de l'£gypte, 
 pl. clxix. 1 : and PnissE d'Avennes, Hist, de I'Art ^gyptien. 
 
 ' See the ancient Asiatic costume, Vatcn of Civilization, p. 718, ot seq., and the statues of Gudea 
 furnishing the prototype, ibid., 611, U13. An example of the fashion of leaving the shoulder bare is 
 
 SYKIAN GlllL.^ 
 
154 STBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 From all that we can gather, in short, from the silence as well as from the 
 misunderstandings of the Egyptian chroniclers, Syria stands before us as a 
 fruitful and civilized country, of which one might be thankful to be a native, 
 in spite of continual wars and frequent revolutions. 
 
 The religion of the Syrians was subject to the same influences as their 
 customs; we are, as yet, far from being able to draw a complete picture of 
 their theology, but such knowledge as we do possess recalls the same names 
 and the same elements as are found in the religious systems of Chaldaaa.^ The 
 myths, it is true, are still vague and misty, at least to our modern ideas ; the 
 general characteristics of the principal divinities alone stand out, and seem 
 fairly well defined. As with the other Semitic races, the deity in a general 
 sense, the primordial type of the godhead, was called El or Iln, and his 
 feminine counterpart Ildt, but we find comparatively few cities in which these 
 nearly abstract beings enjoyed the veneration of the faithful.^ The gods of Syria, 
 like those of Egypt and of the countries watered by the Euphrates, were feudal 
 princes distributed over the surface of the earth, their number corresponding with 
 that of the independent states. Each nation, each tribe, each city, worshipped 
 its own lord — Adoni^ — or its master — Baal^ — and each of these was designated 
 by a special title to distinguish him from neighbouring Baalim, or masters. 
 The Baal who ruled at Zebub was styled " Master of Zebub," or Baal-Zebub ; ^ 
 
 found even in the XX"' dynasty (Champollion, Mon. de Vligypte, pi. xxix. ; Eosellini, Mon. Reali, 
 pi. clviii.). The Tel el-Amarna tablets prove that, as far as the scribes were concerned, the customs 
 and training of Syria and Chaldsea were identical. The Syrian princes are there represented as 
 employing the cuneiform character in their correspondence, being accompanied by scribes brought up 
 after tlie Chaldajan manner. (For the materials used by the scribe, sec Dawn of Civilization, p. 370, 
 et seq.) Wc shall sec later on that tlic king of the Khati, who represented in the time of Eamscs II. 
 the type of an accomplished Syrian, had attendants similar to those of the Chaldsean kings. 
 
 ' The Syrian deities which have been reproduced by the Egyptians on their monuments liave 
 been studied by M. de \ogve, Melanges d'Arcli. Orientale,T^^. 41-85; then by Ed. Meyek, Vbcr einige 
 Semitische Goiter, in the Zeitschrift der D. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, 1877, vol. xxxi. p. 716, et seq., and 
 Gescliinhte des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 206-212, 246-252 ; cf. Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, 
 pp. 147-152, and W. Max Mullek, Asieii und Europa, pp. 309-318. 
 
 - The frequent occurrence of the term Ilu or M in names of towns in Southern Syria seems to 
 indicate pretty conclusively that the inhabitants of tliese countries used this term by preference to 
 designate their supreme god (Maspero, Sur les Noms G^ograph. de la lisle de Thoutmos III., etc., p. 10; 
 cf. Bitsliailu, on p. 133, n. 4, of the present work). Similarly we meet with it in Aramaic names (Levy, 
 Phdnizische Stud., ii. 29, 31, 32), and later on among theNabath8Bans(M. de VoGijE, Inscr. S^mit., p. 107) ; 
 it predominates at Byblos and Berytus (cf pp. 172, 178, 179 of the ijresent work) in Phoenicia and 
 among the Aramaic peoples of North Syria; in the Samalla country, for instance, during the VIII"' 
 century e.g. (Halevy, Deux Inscriptions Mt^ennes de Zindjirli, in the Bevue Se'mitique, vol. ii. p. 28). 
 
 ' The extension of this term to Syrian countries is proved in the Israelitish epoch by Canaanitish 
 names, such as Adonizedek {Josh. x. 1) and Adonibezek (Judges i. 5-7), or Jewish names such as 
 Adonijah (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 2 Chron. xvii. 8 ; Neh. x. 16), Adonikam (Ezra ii. 13, viii. 13), Adoniram- 
 Adoram (2 Sam. xx. 24 ; 1 Kings iv. 6, xii. 18). 
 
 * Movers tried to prove that there was one particular god named Baal (Die Phonizier, vol. i. pp. 
 169-190), and his ideas, popularised in France by M. de Vogue (Mdanges d'Arch. Orientale, pp. 50- 
 53), prevailed for some time : since then scholars have gone back to the view of Miinter (Religion der 
 Karthaginier, p. 5, et seq.) and of the writers at the beginning of this century, who regarded the term 
 Baal as a common epithet applicable to all gods. ' 
 
 ^ Baal-Zebub was worshipped at Ekrou during the Philistine supremacy (2 Kings i. 2). As to 
 
155 
 
 dess of fortune, was 
 
 THE S7EIAN BAALIM. 
 
 and the Baal of Hermon, who was an ally of Gad, 
 sometimes called Baal-Her- 
 mon, or " Master of Hermon," 
 sometimes Baal - Gad, or 
 "Master of Gad;"^ the 
 Baal of Shechem, at the time 
 of the Israelite invasion, was 
 " Master of the Covenant " 
 — Baal-Berith — doubtless in 
 memory of some agreement 
 which he had concluded with 
 his worshippers in regard 
 to the conditions of their 
 allegiance.^ The prevalent 
 conception of the essence 
 and attributes of these dei- 
 ties was not the same in all 
 their sanctuaries, but the 
 more exalted among them were regarded as personifying the sky in the day- 
 time or at night, the atmosphere, the light,* or the sun, Shamash, as creator 
 and prime mover of the universe ; ° and each declared himself to be king 
 — meleJc— oxer the other gods.^ Rashuf represented the lightning and the 
 
 LOTANO women ANU CUILUUKN FltOM TUE TOMB OK ItAKUMIUi.'' 
 
 p. 23, ^ 
 
 of tho name, cf. Halevy, Recherches Dibliquee, \ 
 
 |>()int(Ml out tlic I 
 
 io(,,iu,l.,. 
 
 ! llevue Si'mitique, vol. i. 
 c of the towu of Zobub ou one of tlic tableta of Tel cl-Amarna. [This 
 ihI, chnracter of the name is written ma instead of 6a, and DezoM claims 
 
 11(1 the iiaiiH! ul hil-::,i(>abi iu one of the Konyunjik ttiblets.— Ei>.] 
 
 iinuiiliiin (,r Haiil-lkriuon (Judfjes iii. 3; cf. 1 Cliron. v. 23) is tho mountain of Banifis, 
 
 li '» ""<' "I il - ^ I I S, iind the town of Baal-Hermou is Baniis itself. Tho variant 
 
 K•rul^ M v( i:tl iiiiK s ill 111, liiblical books (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7, xiii. 5); as to Gad tho 
 
 •4n(iil liirl., el'. |i. i;,s (jf till- present work. 
 
 Ih lith, liKr lltal/cbiil), only occurs, so far us we know at present, in the Hebrew (Scriptures 
 i. ;;;!, i\ l, k;), w n , by the way, the first element, Baul, is changed to El, El-Berith (ix. 4G). 
 11 liy 1' au( iirr-( : lalm, from coloured sketches by Prisse d'Avennci?, Au Mut. d'lHnt. naturdle. 
 •'I'l'" "^^ niah 1 th, name Or or Ur in tho SamiiUa inscriptions of the VlII"" century B.C. 
 
 / .r / ; /y,/„,„K liet^eiiues de Zindjirli, in the Revue Se)nitique, vol. ii. pp. 29, 30); it 
 uiiKnir iii.-laiici among the Semites. 
 
 lesipiation ol this god is found among tho Canaunites in the names of cities such as Beth- 
 r Irshemesh (Josh. xv. 10, xxi. 10 ; 1 5am. vi. 12 ; 1 Chron. vi. 59, etc.), Shemeshaduma 
 (Masvero, Notes surquelques points de Gram., etc., in tho Zeilschri/t, 187D, p. 120; cf.W. Max Mi lleh, 
 Europa und A.ncn, pp. 2i}-,, 3l(J). Ho is repeatedly mentioned in tho texts of Tel el-Amarna, among 
 the titli s -iv( II til,, riiaraoh; wo meet with it again in the Samalla inscriptions of tho VIll'" 
 conttiry i... . in Soulla m >^ \vv.i\ll.\hK\Y, Dttix Iiiscrip.h^l^efines de Zind., in Revue S^init.,\o\. ii.p. 29). 
 
 Wo linil the Ic rm aiipliid in the Biblo lo the national god of tho Ammonites, under tho forms 
 Moloch, Molech, Milkum, Millidm, and especially with the article, Uam-molek; the real name hidden 
 beneath this epithet was probably Ammon or Avimun, and, strictly speaking, the god Jloloch only 
 exists in tho imagination of scholars (for a contrary opinion, however, cf. Baudi.ssiv, lahre < t Moloch, 
 etc., pp. 24-3G). The epithet was used among the Canaunites ii> tho name Melchizedck (Gen. xiv. 
 18), a similar form to Adouizcdck (Josh. x. 1), Abimelech (Gen. xx. 2; Judijcs ix. 1), Ahimelech 
 . xxi. I); it was in cuircnt uso umoiig the Plucnicians, iu reference to tho god of Tyre, 
 
 Baal-(J; 
 goddesH 
 ' i!a 
 (Jad,j,s 
 
 (llAI.l 
 
 shemesh 
 
 (1 Sam 
 
 Melek-Karta or Melkarth, and in many proper names, such as Melckiathon (M. de VooijK, 
 
156 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 thunderbolt ; ^ Shalman, Hadad, and his double Rimmou held sway over the 
 air like the Babylonian Ramraanu;^ Dagon, patron god of fishermen and 
 husbandmen, seems to have watched over the fruitfulness of the sea and the 
 land.^ We are beginning to learn the names of the races whom they spe- 
 cially protected : Rashuf the Amorites, Hadad and Rimmon the Aramaeans of 
 Damascus, Dagon the peoples of the coast between Ashkelon and the forest 
 
 Melanges d'Arch. Orientate, pp. 5, 6), Baalmelek, Bodmalek, etc., not to mention the god Milichus 
 worshipped in Spain (SiLius Italicus, iii. 104), who was really none other than Melkarth. As to the 
 identification of Meleli with the Chaldrean Malik, of. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 82, 258, 259. 
 
 ' The character and nature of the god Eeslieph or Eashuf were elucidated by M. de VoGiiE, 
 Melanges d'Arch. Orientate, pp. 49, 78-92. The Egyptian name of the god had been read as Eenpu 
 by the early Egyptologists (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 1st edit., vol. iii. pp. 234, 235, and pi. 
 iv. ; Pbisse d'Avennes, Monuments Egyptiens, pi. xxvii., and Notice sur les Antiquites Egyptiennes du 
 Mus^e Britannique, pp. 17, 18; E. de Kouge, Letter inserted in Lajaed, Becherches sur le Culte du 
 Cypres Pyramidal, etc., in the Mem. de VAcad. des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, vol. sx., pt. 2, p. 174) ; 
 Birch was the first to restore it to its real form (Memoire sur une Patere ilgyptienne du Musee du 
 Louvre, p. 59). Eashuf has since been made an object of study by Ed. Meyee, Vher einige Semitische 
 Cotter, in the Zeitschrift der B. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, 1877, vol. xxi. p. 710 ; by Clermont-Ganneau> 
 Eorus et Saint Georges, d'api-es un bas-relief inedit du Louvre, pp. 15-25, and Beeueil dArch. Orientate, 
 vol. i. pp. 176-182 ; by Ledeain, Mgypto-Semitica, in the Gazette Archeologique, 1880, pp. 199-202 ; by 
 PiETSCHMANN, GeschicMe der Phonizier, pp. 149-152 ; by W. Max Mullee, ^sien und Europa,pTp. 311, 
 312 ; and by Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 250, 251, 256. Eesheph has been vocalised Bashuf in 
 deference to the Egyptian orthography Eashupu. It was a name common to a whole family of lightning 
 and storm-gods, and M. de Eouge pointed out long ago the passage in the Great Inscription of Kamses 
 III. at Medinet-Habu, in which the soldiers who man the chariots are compared to the Eashupu; the 
 Eabbinic Hebrew still employs this plural form iu tlie sense of "demons" (M. de VoGijE, Melanges 
 dArch. Orientate, pp. 76-79 ; cf. W. Max MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, p. 313). The Phoenician inscrip- 
 tions contain references to several local Eashufs ; the way in which this god is coupled with the 
 goddess Qodshu on the Egyptian stelae leads me to think that, at the epoch now under consideration, 
 he was specially worshipped by the Amorites, just as his equivalent Hadad was by the inhabitants of 
 Damascus, neighbours of the Amorites, and perhaps themselves Amorites (cf. p. 142 of the present work). 
 
 ' Hadad and Eimmon are represented in Assyro-ChaldsBan by one and the same ideogram, which 
 may be read either Dadda-Hadad or Eammauu ; cf. on this point what is said in Maspeeo, Baivn of 
 Civilization, p. 658, note 5. The identity of the expressions employed shows- how close the connection 
 between the two divinities must have been, even if they were not similar in all respects ; from tlie 
 Hebrew writings we know of the temple of Eimmon at Damascus (2 Kings v. 18) and that one of the 
 kings of that city was called Tabrimmon = "Eimmon is good" (1 Kings xv. 18), while Hadad gave 
 his name to no less than ten kings of the same city (Nicholas op Dam&scvs, Fragm. 31, in Mullee — 
 DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Greec, vol. iii. p. 373 ; cf. JosEPHrs, Ant. Jud., VII. v. 2). Even as late as the 
 Grseco-Eoman epoch, kingship over the other gods was still attributed both to Eimmon (Hesychius- 
 8. V. 'PafjLois, compared with Stephen op Byzantium, s. v. 'VaiJL6.v6as, who again quotes Philo of Byblos 
 as his authority; cf. MiiLLEK-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. G»-«c., vol. iii.p.575) and to Had ad (Philo op Byblos, 
 Fragm. 2, § 24, in MiiLLEE-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grsec., vol. iii. p. 569; Maceobius, Saturn.,i. 23), but 
 this latter was identified with the sun. As to the true status of Eimmon and Hadad, cf. Scheader, 
 Bamman-Bimman, in the Zeitschrift fiir prot. Theotogie, 1875, vol. i. p. 334, et seq., 342, and Die Keilin- 
 schriften und das Alte Test., 2nd edit., pp. 205, 206; Baudissin, Studien zur Semit. Beligionsgeseh., vol. i. 
 pp. 305-317 ; Sayce, The Higher Criticism, pp. 89, 394, and Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 82, 257. 
 
 " The documents which we possess in regard to Dagon date from the Hebrew epoch, and represent 
 him as worshipped by the Philistines (Judges xvi. 23-30 ; 1 Sam. v. 2 ; 1 Chron. x. 10). We know, 
 however, from the Tel el-Amarna tablets, of a Dagantakala (Bezold-Budge, The TellAmarna Tablets, 
 p. Ixxxiii.), a name whicli proves the presence of the god among the Canaanites long before the Philis- 
 tine invasion, and we find two Beth-Dagons — one in the plain of Judah (Josli. xv. 41), the other in 
 the tribe of Asher {Josh. xis. 27) ; Philo of Byblos makes Dagon a PhcDuician deity (Fragm. 2, 
 § 14, 25 ; MiiLLER-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grmc, vol. iii. pp. 567-569), and declares him to be the genius 
 of fecundity, master of grain and of labour. The representation of his statue whicli appears on the 
 G rreco-Eoman coins of Abydos, reminds us of the fish-god of Chaldaja (cf. Maspeeo, Dawn of Civiliza- 
 tion, pp. 546, 547) ; as to his attributes, cf. Clermont-Ganneau, Horus et Saint Georges, d'apres du 
 bas-relief inedit du Louvre, pp. 12, 13, 22, 24-31 ; Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, pp. 144-146, 
 and Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 259, 260. 
 
THE SYRIAN ASTARTES. 
 
 157 
 
 of Camel. Eashuf is the only one whose appearance is known to us. He 
 possessed the restless temperament usually attributed to the thunder-gods, 
 and was, accordingly, pictured as a soldier armed with javelin and mace, 
 bow and buckler; a gazelle's head with pointed horns surmounts his helmet, 
 and sometimes, it may 
 be, serves him as a cap. 
 Each god had for his com- 
 plement a goddess, who 
 was proclaimed " mis- 
 tress " of the city, Baalat, 
 or "queen," Milkat, of 
 heaven, just as the god 
 himself was recognised as 
 " master " or " king." ^ 
 As a rule, the goddess 
 was contented with the generic name of Astarte ; but to this was often added 
 some epithet, which lent her a distinct personality, and prevented her from 
 being confounded with the Astartes of neighbouring cities, her companions or 
 rivals.^ Thus she would be styled the "good" Astarto, Ashtoreth Naamah,* 
 or the " horned " Astarte, Ashtoreth Qarnaim, because of the lunar crescent 
 which appears on her forehead, as a sort of head-dress.'"' She was the goddess 
 
 ' As to the general character of the goddesses, cf. Ed. Meyer, Gesehichte des Al(erthum», vol. i. 
 pp. 211, 246-248, 250, 251. Among goddesses to whom the title " Baulat " was referred, we liave tho 
 {goddess of Byblos, Biialat-Gebal {Corpus Int. Semit, vol. i. pp. 4, 5), also tho goddess of Berytus, Baalat- 
 Bcritli, 01- Beynit (Philo op Btblos, Fragm. !, § 12, in MCllek-Didot, Fragm. Ui$t. Grxc, vol. iii. 
 p. 567). Tlie epitliet "queen of heaven" is applied to tlio riioenioian Astartd by Hebrew (Jer. vii. 
 18, xliv. 18-29) anil classic writers (Herodianus, v. C, 10 : Oupaviay ♦oici'kci 'AtrTpoapxv oyoftd^oviTi, 
 (r€\i{i/7)v ehai eeKoyrii). Tlio Egyptians, wlicn they adopted these Canaanitisli goddesses, preserved 
 the title, and called each of them nibit pit, "lady of iieaveii" (PiiissE u'.\vennne8, MonumenU 
 ilgyptiens, pi. xxxvii. and p. 7; Berqmann, Die Imohriftliche Venhmiiler, in the Itecueil de Travaiu , 
 vol. vii. p. 196). In tho Plioenician inscriptions their names ant frequently preceded by the word 
 Rabhat : rahbat Daalat-Gebal, " (my) lady Baalat-Gebal " (Corp. Int. Semit., vol. i. p. 4). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudon, from a coi)y of an original in chased gold ; cf. Prisse d'Avenne?, 
 Ilist. de I'Arl fjijijptien, p. 99. 
 
 a 'J'lic llcliii w writers frequently refer to the Canaanite goddesses by tho general title " the Ash- 
 tarOth " I I ■' Ast u lcs " {Judges ii. 13, x. C ; 1 Sam. vii. 3, 4, xii. 10), and a town in Northern Syria 
 bore thc.'<igiiilic aiit name of Istariti ="the Ishtars, the Aslitaroth " (Bezoi.d-Budge, The Tell Amarna 
 Tablets, No. Ki, pi. 88, 1. 10), a name which finds a parallel in .\nath6th = " the Anats," a title 
 assumed by a town of the tribe of Benjamin; similarly, the Assyro-ChnlilaBans called their goddesses 
 by the plural of Ishtar (cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 674). The inscription on an Egyptian 
 amulet in the Louvre tells us of a personage of the XX"' dynasty, who, from his name, Rabrabina, must 
 have been of Syrian origin, and who styled himself " Prophet of the Astartes," Honnctir Astiratu 
 (Maspero, M^moire sur quelques Papyrus du Lourre, pp. 2, 3 ; cf. W. Max Mi'lleh, Asien und Europa, 
 etc., p. 313, n. 5). 
 
 * This is the Astronoe mentioned by Damascius, a name which ought rather to be written 
 'A(TTpoi/(i/x7j, as suggested by Movers (Die PhUnizier, vol. i. p. 036, et seq. ; cf. Fr. Lenormant, Lettres 
 Assyriologiques, vol. ii. p. 285, note 1). 
 
 ' The two-horned Astarte gave her name to a city beyond the Jordan, of wiiich she was, probably, 
 the eponymous goddess (Gen. xiv. 5): she would seem to be represented on the curious monument 
 called by the Arabs " tho stone of Job," which was discovered by M. Schumacher in the centre of the 
 Hauran (in tho Zeitsehrift des Palestina Vereins, vol. xiv. p. 142, et seq. ; cf. vol. xv. p. 206). It was 
 
158 SYEIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 of good luck, aud was called Gad ; ^ she was Anat,^ or Asiti,^ the chaste and the 
 warlike. The statues sometimes represent her as a sphinx with a woman's head, 
 but more often as a woman standing on a lion passant, either nude, or encircled 
 round the hips by merely a girdle, her hands filled with flowers or with serpents, 
 her features framed in a mass of heavy tresses — a faithful type of the priestesses 
 whodevoted themselves to her service, the Qedeshot. She was the goddess of love in 
 its animal, or rather in its purely physical, aspect, and in this capacity was styled 
 Qaddishat the Holy, like the hetairse of her family ; Qodshu, the Amorite capital, 
 was consecrated to her service, and she was there associated with Eashuf, the 
 thunder-god/ But she often comes before us as a warlike Amazon, brandishing 
 a club, lance, or shield, mounted on horseback like a soldier, and wandering 
 through the desert in quest of her prey.^ This dual temperament rendered 
 her a goddess of uncertain attributes and of violent contrasts ; at times 
 reserved and chaste, at other times shameless and dissolute, but always cruel, 
 
 an analogous goddess whom the Egyptians sometimes identified with their Hathor, and whom tbey 
 rcpresented as crowned with a crescent. 
 
 ' Gad, the goddess of fortune, is mainly known to us in connection with the Aramseans ; we find 
 mention made of her by the Hebrew writers (Jsa. Ixv. 11), and geographical names, such as Baal-Gad 
 aud Migdol-Gad (Josh. xi. 17, xv. 37), prove that she must have been worshipped at a very early date 
 in the Canaanite countries. 
 
 = Anat, or Anaiti, or Auiti, has been found in a Phoenician inscription by M. de Vogije, Melanges 
 d'Arch. Orientale, pp. 36-38, which enables us to reconstruct the history of the goddess (ibid., p. 41, 
 et seq.). Her worship was largely practised among the Canaanites, as is proved by tlie existence in 
 the Hebrew epoch of several towns, such as Beth-Anath (Josh. xix. 38 ; Judges i. 33), Beth-Anoth 
 (Josh. XV. 59), Anathoth (Josh. xxi. 18 ; 1 Kings ii. 2G ; Jer. i. 1, xxix. 27) ; at least one of which, Bit- 
 Aniti, is mentioned in the Egyptian geographical lists (Maeiette, Les Listes G^ographiques des 
 Pylones de Karnak, p. 42 ; Kart-Aniti is a correction by W. Max MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, p. 195). 
 The appearance of Anat-Aniti is known to us, as she is represented in Egyptian dress on several 
 stelse of the XIX"' and XX'" dynasties ; cf. Prisse d'Avennes, Monuments Egyptiens, pi. xxxvii. 
 Her name, like that of Astarte, had become a generic term, in the plural form Anathoth, for a whole 
 group of goddesses : cf. as to her attributes, Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, pp. 256, 257. 
 
 " Asiti is represented at Eadesieh, on a stele of the time of Seti I. (Lepsius, Denlcm., in. 138 ; cf. 
 GoLKNiscHEFF, Vne Excursion a B^r^iiice, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. p. 76, where the correct 
 reading is given for the first time) ; she enters into the composition of a compound name, Asitiiakhuru 
 (perhaps " the goddess of Asiti is enflamed with anger "), which we find on a monument in the Vienna 
 Museum (E. de Beegmann, Inschriftliche Denlcmdler, in the Becueil, vol. vii. p. 196). W. Max MOller 
 makes her out to have been a divinity of the desert (Asien und Europa, pp. 316, 317), and the place in 
 which the picture representing her was found would seem to justify this hypothesis; the Egyptians 
 connected her, as well as the other Astartes, with Sit-Typhon, owing to her cruel and warlike character. 
 
 * Qaddishat is known to us from the Egyptian monuments referred to above, p. 157, note 5. The 
 name was sometimes written Qodshii, like that of the town : E. de Eouge argued from this that 
 Qaddishat must have been the eponymous divinity of Qodshu (M. de VoGiiE, Melanges d'Arch. 
 Orientale, p. 44), aud that her real name was Kashit or Kesh (Robiou, Legons de M. de Bougg, etc., 
 in the M€langes d'Arch. £gypt. et Assijr., vol. ii. p. 269); he recalls, however, the role played by the 
 Qedeshoth, and admits that "the Holy here means the prostitute." Ghabas (Voyage d'un Egyptien, 
 p. 110) and Ed. Meyer (JJefter einige Semitischen Goiter, in the Zeitschrift der I). Morgenl. Gesellschaft, 
 1877, vol. xxxi. p. 729, and Geschichte des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 241, 242) adopt E. de Rouge"s theory 
 in its entirety; Max Miiller rejects the geographical connection, and deals only with the wanton 
 temperament of the goddess (Asien und Europa, p. 315). 
 
 ' Cf. the pictures of Auiti and of Asiti ; a fragment of a popular tale preserved in the British 
 Museum, and mentioned by Birch ( Farta, in the Zeitschrift, 1871, pp. 119, 120), seems to show us Astarte 
 in her character of war-goddess, and the sword of Astarte is mentioned by Ghabas (Le Papyrus Magique 
 Harris, pp. 55, 125, 127). A bas-relief at Edfu XNaville, Le Mythe d'Horus, pi. xiii.) represents her 
 standing upright in her chariot, drawn by horses, and trampling her enemies underfoot : she is there 
 identified with Sokhit the warlike, destroyer of men; cf. Maspero, Da«» of Civilization, pp. 165, 166. 
 
THE PLANT-GODS AND STONE-GODS OF THE SYRIANS. 159 
 always barren, for the countless multitude -^-t==^,„^^^ 
 
 to them at the high places,* but ^".a, • ■ " ^ - L 
 
 they were also pleased— and espe- qodsih am. ^.^ < 
 cially the goddesses — to lodge in 
 
 trees ; tree-trunks, sometimes leafy, sometimes bare and branchless (ashemh), 
 long continued to be living emblems of the local Astartos among the peoples of 
 
 ' This conception of the Syrian goddesses liad already become firmly established at the period 
 with whicli we are dealing, for an Egyptian magical formula defines Aniti and Astarte as " the great 
 goddesses who conceiving do not bring forth young, for the Horuses have scaled them and Sit hath 
 established them " (Chabas, Le I'apyrus Magique Harris, pp. 55-58). 
 
 2 For details in regard to the mountains, streams, and forests held sacred by the Syrian populations, 
 see Baudissin, Studien zur Semilischen Religionitgeschichte, vol. ii. pp. 145-269. The Baal of Lebanon 
 is mentioned in an archaic Phoenician inscription {Corpus Lis. Semit., vol. i. pp. 22-26), and the name 
 " Holy Cape " {Rosh-Qodshu), borne in the time of Thftlmosis III. either by Haifa or by a neighbouring 
 town, proves that Carmel was held sacred as fur back as the Egyptian epoch (cf supra, p. 135, note 5). 
 Baal-llcrmon has already been mentioned on p. 154; the evidence in rcfi rence to the worship of El- 
 Kasiu (Zfi/s Kario>)has been collected by M. de VogOij (Sijrie Centrale, Inscriptions, pp. 103-105). 
 
 ' Tiio source of the Jordan, near Banifts, was the seat of a Baal whom the Greeks identified with 
 Pan. This was probably tlie Baal-Gad who often lent his name to the neighbouring town of Baal- 
 Hermon (cf. supra, p. 155) : many of the rivers of Phoenicia were called after tiie divinities worshipped 
 in the nearest city, e.g. the .\douis, the Bclos, the Abclepios, the DamQras (Bavdissin, Studien zur 
 Semilischen Beligionsgesohichte, vol. ii. pp. 159-165). 
 
 * These are the " high places " (hamdth) so frequently referred to by the Hebrew prophets, and 
 which we find in tlie country of Moab, according to the Mesha inscription (1. 3), and in the place- 
 name Bamoth-Baal (^Numb. xxi. 19, xxii. 41 ; Josh. xiii. 17) ; many of them seem to have served for 
 Canaanitish places of worship before they were resorted to by the children of Israel. Cf. Baudissin, 
 Studien zur Semilischen Religionsgesehichte, vol. ii. pp. 252-261. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Louvre. 
 
 of her excesses for ever shut her 
 out from motherhood : she con- 
 ceives without ceasing, but 
 never brings forth children.^ > 
 The Baalim and Astavtes fre- / 
 quented by choice the tops / 1 / 
 of mountains, such as Leba- -j'l 
 non, Carmel, Hermon, or | 
 Kasios:^ they dwelt near u 
 springs, or hid themselves in V! 
 the depths of forests.^ They > 
 revealed themselves to mortals 
 through the heavenly bodies, and 
 in all the phenomena of nature : 
 the sun was a Baal, the moon was 
 Astarte, and the whole host of 
 heaven was composed of more or 
 less powerful genii, as we find in 
 Chalda^a. They required that offer- 
 ings and prayers should be brought 
 
160 STRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Southern Syria.^ Side by side with these plant-gods we find everywhere, in the 
 inmost recesses of the temples, at cross-roads, and in the open fields, blocks of 
 stone hewn into pillars, isolated boulders, or natural rocks, sometimes of meteoric 
 origin, which were recognised by certain mysterious marks to be the house of 
 the god, the Betyli or Beth-els in which he enclosed a part of his intelligence 
 and vital force.^ 
 
 The worship of these gods involved the performance of ceremonies more 
 bloody and licentious even than those practised by other races. The Baalim 
 thirsted after blood, nor would they be satisfied with any common blood such 
 as generally contented their brethren in Chaldfea or Egypt : they imperatively 
 demanded human as well as animal sacrifices. Among several of the Syrian 
 nations they had a prescriptive right to the firstborn male of each family ; ^ 
 this right was generally commuted, either by a money payment or by sub- 
 jecting the infant to circumcision.* At important junctures, however, this 
 pretence of bloodshed would fail to appease them, and the death of the child 
 alone availed.^ Indeed, in times of national danger, the king and nobles 
 would furnish, not merely a single victim, but as many as the priests chose 
 to demand." While they were being burnt alive on the knees of the statue, 
 or before the sacred emblem, their cries of pain were drowned by the piping 
 of flutes or the blare of trumpets, the parents standing near the altar, without 
 a sign of pity, and dressed as for a festival : the ruler of the world could 
 refuse nothing to prayers backed by so precious an offering, and by a 
 
 ' As to the AsMroth (or, sometimes in the masculine, Aslierim), who have been made out to have 
 been regular divinities, analogous to the Astartes, or distinct from them (cf. especially Movers, Die 
 Plwnizier, vol. i. pp. 560-584), see Stade, Gescldchte des VolJces Israels, vol. i. pp. 458-461, and Vernes, 
 Du pr^endu Polyth^isme dcs H^hreux, vol. i. pp. 94-98. 
 
 2 A stone hewn into a pillar, or stele, was called a massebah by the Hebrews and Phoenicians {Corpus 
 Ins. Semit, vol. i. pp. 63, 68, 76-80), less frequently negih {Gen. sis. 26, A.V., "pillar of salt ; " Corpus 
 Ins. Semit, vol. i. pp. 154, 155, 194). As to the Betyli and their history, cf. the very eshaustive 
 article by Fb. Lenormant, Les B^tyles, in the Bevuede V Histoire des Beligions, vol. iii. pp. 31-53, and 
 Ph. Berger, Note sur les pierres saerges, estracted from the Journal Asiatique, 1877. 
 
 " This fact is proved, in so far as the Hebrew people is concerned, by the tests of the Penta- 
 teuch (Exod. ssii. 29, sssiv. 19, 20) and of the prophets (Mioah vi. 7 ; Ezel:. ss. 26) ; amongst the 
 Moabites also it was his eldest son whom King Mesha took to offer to his god (2 Kings iii. 27). 
 We find the same custom among other Syrian races : Philo of Byblos (Fragm. 2, § 24, in Muller- 
 DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grxc., vol. iii. p. 5G9) tells us, in fact, that El-Kronos, god of Byblos, sacrificed 
 his firstborn son and set the example of this kind of offering. Cf. for the antiquity of this practice, 
 Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 249, 250, who does not hesitate to conclude that it 
 was in full force from the time of the Egyptian supremacy onwards. 
 
 * Redemption by a payment in money was the case among the Hebrews (Numb, sviii. 15, 16), 
 as also the substitution of an animal in the place of a child (Gen. ssii. 1-13); as to redemption by 
 circumcision, cf. the story of Moses and Zipporah, where the mother saves her son from Jahveh by 
 circumcising him (Exod. iv. 24-26). Circumcision was practised among the Syrians of Palestine in 
 the time of Herodotus (II. civ. : cf. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buck, pp. 410-413 ; Ed. Meyer, 
 GesBliichte des Alterthums, vol. i. p. 250 ; and Th. Eeinach, De Quelques fails relatifs a VMstoire de la 
 circoncision, in L' Anthropologic, 1893, pp. 28-31). 
 
 = As to sacrifices of children among peoples of Syrian origin, cf. the tests collected by Movers, 
 Die Phonizier, vol. i. pp. 299-311. 
 
 « Plutarch, De Superstitione, § 13 : if we may credit Tertullian {Apolog., 9), the custom of offering 
 up children as sacrifices lasted down to the proconsulate of Tiberius. 
 
STJtlAN WORSHIP AND FESTIVALS. 161 
 
 however, the exception, and the 
 shedding of their own blood by his priests sufficed, as a rule, for the daily 
 wants of the god. Seizing their knives, they would slfish their arms and 
 breasts with the view of compelling, by this offering of their own persons, 
 the good will of the Baalim.^ The Astartrs of all degrees and kinds were 
 hardly less cruel ; they imposed frequent flagellations, self-mutilation, and 
 sometimes even emasculation, on their devoteep." Around the majority of 
 these goddesses was gathered an infamous troop of profligates (kedesMm), 
 "dogs of love" (JcelaUm), and courtesans (kedeshiit).* The temples bore 
 little resemblance to those of the regions of the Lower Euphrates : nowhere 
 do we find traces of those ziggurdt which serve to produce the peculiar 
 jagged outline characteristic of Chaldjcan cities/' The Syrian edifices were 
 stone buildings, which included, in addition to the halls and courts reserved 
 for religious rites, dwelling-rooms for the priesthood, and storehouses for 
 provisions : though not to be compared in size with the sanctuaries of Thebes, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph. It is one of the dolmens foand in the neighbourhood of 
 Amman. 
 
 ' Cf., for the Hebraic epoch, the scone where the priests of Baal, in a trial of power with Elijali 
 before Ahab, offered up sacrifices on the highest point of Carmel, and finding that their offerings did 
 not meet with the usual success, " cut themselves . . . with knives and lancets till the blood gushed 
 out upon them " (1 King» xviii. 28). 
 
 ' See, on this point, the passages collected by Movers, Die PhUnizier, vol. i. pp. 681-C88. The 
 legend of Combabos nt Ilicrapolis (Lccian, De Den Syria, §§ 19-27) is supposed to explain the origin 
 of emasculation in honour of tlio goddess. 
 
 ' As to the kedeshim and kedeahot, cf. Movers, Die PhBnizier, vol. i. pp. 677-G81, where most of 
 tile facts concerning them have been collected. The expression " dog," sometimes employed in the 
 Hebrew texts (Deut. xxiii. 17, 18), is met with in a Phoenician inscription at Cyprus '^Corp. Ins. Semit.. 
 vol. i. pp. 92-99). 
 
 ' In regard to the Phoenician and Canaanite temples, cf. PERRor-CiiiriEZ, HUtoire de I'Art dang 
 I' Antiquity, vol. iii. pp. 241-322; vol. iv. pp. 474-479 ; and Pietschmann, Geschichte der PhBnizier, 
 
162 STRIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 they yet answered the purpose of strongholds in time of need, and were 
 capable of resisting the attacks of a victorious foe.^ A numerous staff, con- 
 sisting of priests, male and female singers, porters, butchers, slaves, and 
 artisans, was assigned to each of these temples: here the god was accus- 
 tomed to give forth his oracles, either by the voice of his prophets, or by the 
 movement of his statues.^ The greater number of the festivals celebrated in 
 them were closely connected with the pastoral and agricultural life of the 
 country ; they inaugurated, or brought to a close, the principal operations of 
 the year — the sowing of seed, the harvest, the vintage, the shearing of the 
 sheep. At Shechem, when the grapes were ripe, the people flocked out of 
 the town into the vineyards, returning to the temple for religious observances 
 and sacred banquets when the fruit had been trodden in the winepress.^ In 
 times of extraordinary distress, such as a prolonged drought or a famine, the 
 priests were wont to ascend in solemn procession to the high places in order 
 to implore the pity of their divine masters, from whom they strove to extort 
 help, or to obtain the wished-for rain, by their dances, their lamentations, and 
 the shedding of their blood.* Almost everywhere, but especially in the regions 
 east of the Jordan, were monuments which popular piety surrounded with a 
 superstitious reverence. Such were the isolated boulders, or, as we should call 
 them, " menhirs," reared on the summit of a knoll, or on the edge of a table- 
 land ; dolmens, formed of a flat slab placed on the top of two roughly hewn 
 supports, cromlechs, or, that is to say, stone circles, in the centre of which 
 might be found a beth-el. We know not by whom were set up these monuments 
 there, nor at what time : the fact that they are in no way different from those 
 which are to be met with in Western Europe and the north of Africa has given 
 rise to the theory that they were the work of some one primeval race which 
 wandered ceaselessly over the ancient world. A few of them may have marked 
 the tombs of some forgotten personages, the discovery of human bones beneath 
 them confirming such a conjecture ; while others seem to have been holy 
 
 ' The story of Abimelecli gives us some idea of what the Canaanite temple of Baal-Berith at 
 Shechem was like (Judges ix. 27, 46-49). 
 
 - As to the regular organisation of Baal-worship, we possess only documents of a comparatively 
 late period, such as the fragments of accounts published in the Corp. Ins. Semit., vol. i. pp. 92-99, or 
 the remnants of sacrificial tariffs discovered at Marseilles and in Africa. In the Hebraic era we 
 have incidental mention of the prophets and priests of Baal, e.g. in 1 Kings xviii. 19, 22-29, 40. 
 The priesthood of Baal, Astarte, and Qaddishat, as organised in Egypt under the Theban dynasties, 
 is familiar to us from the stelae so frequently quoted (cf. supra, pp. 155, 161), and from other small 
 monuments ; the titles are, naturally, those assumed by the Egyptian priests, the inscriptions being 
 written in hieroglyphics. 
 
 ' Judges ix. 26, 27. It is probable that the vintage festival, celebrated at Shiloh in the time of 
 the Judges (Judges xxi. 19-23), dated back to a period of Canaanite history prior to the Hebrew 
 invasion, i.e. to the time of the Egyptian supremacy. 
 
 * Cf., in the Hebraic period, the scene where the priests of Baal go up to the top of Mount Carmel 
 with the prophet Elijah (1 Kings xviii. 20-40). 
 
TEE SACRED STONES. 
 
 163 
 
 A CROMLECH IN THE NEIGHBOUKHOOD OF HE8BAN, IN THE COCNTBY OF MOAI .' 
 
 places and altars from the beginning.^ The nations of Syria did not in all 
 cases recognise the original purpose of these monuments, but regarded them as 
 marking the seat of an ancient divinity, or the precise spot on which he had 
 at some time manifested himself. When the children of Israel caught sight 
 of them again on their return from Egypt, tliey at once recognised in them 
 the work of their patriarchs. The dolmen at Shechem was the altar which 
 Abraham liad built to the Eternal after his arrival in the country of Canaan.* 
 Isaac had raised that at Beersheba, on the very spot where Jehovah had 
 appeared in order to renew with him the covenant that He had made with 
 Abraham.* One might almost reconstruct a map of the wanderings of Jacob 
 from the altars which he built at each of his principal resting-places — at 
 Gilead [Galeed], at Ephrata, at Bethel, and at Shechem.'' Each of such 
 
 ' Diawu by lioudier, from a photogrupL. 
 
 ' The Syrian dolmeDS were first mentioned by Irby-Mancles, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, ttc, 
 during the Years 1817-lS, pp. 99, 143, probably those at Ala-Safit and at Manfumieh; others were 
 afterwards discovered by F. do Saulcy, in the land of Ammon, at Sflelmeh ( Voyage en Terre-Sainte, vol. i. 
 pp. 312-315), and at Shalubfln, not far north of Nazareth {ibid., vol. ii. pp. 275, 27G) ; both one and 
 the other have been carefully examined by Lortet in the work of the Di"c ue Luynes, Voyage d'ex- 
 ploration autour de la mer Morte, vol. i. pp. 131-137, and vol. iii. pp. 233-240. Since tlien, quite a large 
 number of these remains have been reported, cspeciuUy near the Jaulan and the Ilauran, where there 
 are whole fields of tliem (Schumacueu, Across the Jordan, p. 62, et seq., and The Jaulan, p. 123, et 
 seq.). lu the Hebrew books, menhirs are classed with sacred stclaj, under the name of ma^iibdh, 
 and dolmens with alturs {mizbeakh) ; cromlechs are called gilgal, or circles of stone (Josh. iv. 20). 
 
 ' Gen. xii. C, 7; there is an altar-menhir by Jacob in the same locality (Gen. xxxiii. 20), probably 
 identical with that which another tradition attributes to Abraham. 
 
 ' Gen. xxvi. 23-25. 
 
 ' The heap of stones at Galeed, in Aramaic Jegar-Sahadutha, " the heap of witness," marked the 
 spot where Laban and Jacob were reconciled (Gen. xxxi. 45-54, cf. supra, pp. 68, 69) ; the stele on 
 
164 SYRIA AT THE BEOINNINQ OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 still existing objects probably had a history of its own, connecting it insepar- 
 ably with some far-off event in the local annals. Most of them were objects 
 of worship : they were anointed with oil, and victims were slaughtered in 
 their honour ; the faithful even came at times to spend the night and sleep 
 near them, in order to obtain in their dreams glimpses of the future.^ 
 
 Men and beasts were supposed to be animated, during their lifetime, by a 
 breath or soul which ran in their veins along with their blood, and served to move 
 their limbs; the man, therefore, who drank blood or ate bleeding flesh.assimi- 
 lated thereby the soul which inhered in it.^ After death the fate of this soul was 
 similar to that ascribed to the spirits of the departed in Egypt and Chaldtea. 
 The inhabitants of the ancient world were always accustomed to regard the 
 surviving element in man as something restless and unhappy — a weak and 
 pitiable double, doomed to hopeless destruction if deprived of the succour 
 of the living. They imagined it as taking up its abode near the body wrapped 
 in a half-conscious lethargy ; or else as dwelling with the other rephaim 
 (departed spirits) in some dismal and gloomy kingdom, hidden in the bowels 
 of the earth, like the region ruled by the Chaldaean Allat, its doors gaping 
 wide to engulf new arrivals, but allowing none to escape who had once passed 
 the threshold.^ There it wasted away, a prey to sullen melancholy, under the 
 sway of inexorable deities, chief amongst whom, according to the Phoenician 
 idea, was Mout (Death),* the grandson of El ; there the slave became the 
 equal of his former master, the rich man no longer possessed anything which 
 could raise him above the poor, and dreaded monarchs were greeted on their 
 entrance by the jeers of kings who had gone down into the night before them.^ 
 The corpse, after it had been anointed with perfumes and enveloped in linen, 
 
 the way to Ephrata was the tomb of Eachel (Gen. xxxv. 20) ; the altar and stele at Bethel marked 
 the spot where God appeared unto Jacob (6reft. xxvlii. 10-22, xxxv. 1-15); for the altar at Shecliem, 
 .see Gen. xxxiii. 20. 
 
 ' For the anointing with oil, cf. Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 13, xxxv. 14; and for sacrifices, Gen. xxxi. 
 54. The menhir at Bethel was the identical one whereon Jacob rested his head on the night in which 
 Jehovah appeared to him in a dream (Gen. xxviii. 18). In Phoenicia there was a legend which told how 
 Usoos set up two stelse to the elements of wind and fire, and how he otfered the blood of the animals 
 he had killed in the chase as a libation (Philo op Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 8, in Mdlleb-Didot, Fragm. 
 Hist. Grsec, vol. iii. p. 566) ; cf. infra, p. 184, for what is said on this subject. 
 
 ^ This is the nephesh of the Bible. As to the Hebrew view of the blood and the soul, cf. 
 Deut. xii. 23 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 32-34. Tlie Phoenician doctrines in regard to the soul and its condition 
 have been very clearly summarised by Peebot-Chipiez, Histoire de V Art dans V Antiquity, vol. iii. 
 pp. 137-144, and by Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, pp. 191-196. 
 
 ' The expression rephaim (Corp. Ins. Sem.it., vol. i. pp. 13, 14, 19, 20, I. 8) means "the feeble" 
 (cf. Isa. xiv. 10) ; it was the epithet applied by the Hebrews to a part of the primitive races of 
 Palestine (cf. supra, p. 48). A description of this kingdom of the departed, as conceived by the 
 Hebrews as late as the VI*'' century, occurs in Isa. xiv. 9-20, and in Ezel;. xxsii. 17-32; cf. the 
 description of the Chaldaean hell in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 689, et seq. 
 
 * Phtlo op Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 24, in MiiLLER-DrDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. 568 : among 
 the Hebrews his name was Maweth, who feeds the departed like sheep, and himself feeds on them in 
 hell (P«. xlix. 14). Some writers have sought to identify this or some analogous god with the lion 
 represented on a stele of PirsBus (Corp. Ins. Semit., vol. i. pp. 139-141, pi. xxiii.) which threatens to 
 devour the body of a dead man (Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, pp. 193, 194). 
 
 ^ Joh iii. 11-19 ; Isa. xiv. 9-20 ; Ezeh. xxxii. 17-32. 
 
TBE TOMBS AND DESTINIES OF MEN AFTER DEATH. 165 
 
 A (UKNEU OF THE PHOiNICIAN NECROPOLIS AT ADLUN.' 
 
 aud impregnated with substances which retarded its decomposition, was 
 placed in some natural grotto or in a cave hollowed out of the solid rock : 
 sometimes it was simply laid on the bare earth, sometimes in a sarcophagus 
 or coffin, and on it, or around it, were piled amulets, jewels, objects ot daily 
 use, vessels filled with perfume, or houseliold utensils, together with meat and 
 drink.2 The entrance was then closed, and on the spot a cippus was erected 
 — in popular estimation sometimes held to represent the soul — or a monu- 
 ment was set up on a scale proportionate to the importance of the family 
 to which the dead man had belonged.^ On certain days beasts ceremonially 
 pure were sacrificed at the tomb, aud libations poured out, which, carried into 
 the next world by virtue of the prayers of those who offered them, and by the 
 aid of the gods to whom the prayers were addressed, assuaged the hunger and 
 thirst of the dead man.'* The chapels and stelaj which marked the exterior of 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph in Loktet, La Syrie d'aujourd'liui, p. 1 13. 
 
 ^ Fragments of textile fabrics have been found in the tombs at Amrit (Renan, Mission de PMnicit. 
 pp. 78, 421, 422); the furniture and remains of olferings are described in Peuhot-Chipiez, Hittoire 
 de ['Art, vol. iii. pp. 197-207. The Jews sometimes embalmed the bodies of the dead, ut any rate in 
 the case of their kin','8 (2 Chron. xvi. 14). As to burial in caverns, see Gen. xxiii. 3-20, xxv. 9, 10, 1. 13 ; 
 the caves were merely nrtiiicial, or partly artificial grottoes (Renan, iUM««oH de Fhinicie. p. 832). 
 
 ' The pillar or stele was used among both Hebrews (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20) and Phujnicians (Kenan, 
 Mission de Fhenicie, pp. 79, SO) to mark the graves of distinguished persons. Among the Semites 
 speaking Aramaic it was called nephesh (Curp. Ins. Semit, p. ii. vol. i. pp. 117, 118, etc.). especially 
 when it took the form of a pyramid {CorjJ. Ins. Semit., p. ii. vol. i. p. 195, aud Rlhens Dcval, Note 
 »w U monument fun^raire appelg niphesh, in the Revue S^mitique, vol. ii. pp. 259-2G3); the word 
 means " breath," " soul," and clearly shows the ideas associated with the object. 
 
 * An altar was sometimes placed in front of tlie sarcophagus to receive these oflferings (F. dk 
 
166 STEIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 these " eternal " ^ houses have disappeared in the course of the various wars by 
 which Syria suffered so heavily : in almost all cases, therefore, we are ignorant 
 as to the sites of the various cities of the dead in which the nobles and 
 common people of the Canaanite and Amorite towns were laid to rest.^ In 
 Phoenicia alone do we meet with burial-places which, after the vicissitudes 
 and upheavals of thirty centuries, still retain something of their original 
 arrangement.^ Sometimes the site chosen was on level ground : perpendicular 
 shafts or stairways cut in the soil led down to low-roofed chambers, the 
 number of which varied according to circumstances : they were often arranged 
 in two stories, placed one above the other, fresh vaults being probably added 
 as the old ones were filled up. They were usually rectangular in shape, with 
 horizontal or slightly arched ceilings; niches cut in the walls received the 
 dead body and the objects intended for its use in the next world, and were 
 then closed with a slab of stone.* Elsewhere some isolated hill or narrow 
 gorge, with sides of fine homogeneous limestone, was selected.'' In this case 
 the doors were placed in rows on a sort of fagade similar to that of the 
 Egyptian rock-tomb, generally without any attempt at external ornament. 
 The vaults were on the ground-level, but were not used as chapels for the 
 celebration of festivals in honour of the dead : they were walled up after every 
 funeral, and all access to them forbidden, until such time as they were again 
 required for the purposes of burial. Except on these occasions of sad necessity, 
 those whom " the mouth of the pit had devoured " dreaded the visits of the 
 living, and resorted to every means afforded by their religion to protect 
 themselves from them. Their inscriptions declare repeatedly that neither 
 gold nor silver, nor any object which could excite the greed of robbers, 
 was to be found within their graves ; they threaten any one who should dare 
 to deprive them of such articles of little value as belonged to them, or to turn 
 them out of their chambers in order to make room for others, with all sorts 
 of vengeance, divine and human.^ These imprecations have not, however, 
 
 Saulcy, Voyage autour de la mer Morte et dans les Terres Bibliqties, vol. i. p. 46, pi. v. ; Eenan, 
 Mission de Phenicie, pp. 706, 707, pi. i.). 
 
 ' This expression, which is identical with that nsed by the Egyptians of the same period, is 
 found in one of the Phoenician inscriptions at Malta (^Gorp. Ins. Semit., vol. i. pp. 156-158). 
 
 * The excavations carried out by M. Gautier in 1893-94, on the little island of Bahr-el-Kadis, 
 at one time believed to have been the site of the town of Qodshu, have revealed the existence of a 
 number of tombs in the enclosure which forms the central part of the tumulus : some of these may 
 possibly date from the Amorite epoch, but they are very poor in remains, and contain no object which 
 permits us to fix the date with accuracy. 
 
 ' A summary of the researches undertaken by Eenan, and described in detail in the Mission de 
 PMnicie, will be found in Pereot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'Art, vol. iii. pp. 144-173. 
 
 * E.g. the Arabian tombs described by Renan, Mission de Phe'nieie, pp. 75-79. 
 
 ' Such was the necropolis at Adliin, the last rearrangement of which took place during the 
 Grseco-Eoman period (Eenan, Mission, etc., pp. 657, 660, et seq.), but which externally bears so strong 
 a resemblance to an Egyptian necropolis of the XVIII"' or XIX"* dynasty, that we may, without 
 violating the probabilities, trace its origin back to the time of the Pharaonic conquest. 
 
 " Of. the curses with which Eshmunazar threatens any one who should venture to decorate his 
 
THE PBCENICIAN COSMOGONY. 
 
 167 
 
 availed to save them from the desecration the danger of which they foresaw, 
 and there are few of their tombs which were not occupied by a succession 
 of tenants between the date of their first making and the close of the Koman 
 supremacy. When the modern explorer chances to discover a vault which 
 has escaped the spade of the treasure-seeker, it is hardly ever the case that the 
 bodies whose remains are unearthed prove to be those of the original proprietors. 
 
 The gods and legends of Chaldaea had penetrated to the countries of 
 Amauru and Canaan, together with the language of the conquerors and their 
 system of writing : the stories of Adapa's struggles against the south-west 
 wind, or of the incidents which forced Irishkigal, queen of the dead, to wed 
 Nergal, were accustomed to be read at the courts of Syrian princes.^ Chaldaean 
 theology, therefore, must have exercised influence on individual Syrians and on 
 their belief; but although we are forced to allow the existence of such influence, 
 we cannot define precisely the effects produced by it. Only on the coast and 
 in the Phoenician cities do the local religions seem to have become formulated 
 at a fairly early date, and crystallised under pressure of this influence into 
 cosmogonic theories. The Baalim and Astartes reigned there as on the banks 
 of the Jordan or Orontes, and in each town Baal was " the most high," master 
 of heaven and eternity, creator of everything which exists, though the character 
 of his creating acts was variously defined according to time and place. Some 
 regarded him as the personification of Justice, Sydyk, who established the 
 universe with the help of eight indefatigable Cabiri.- Others held the 
 whole world to be the work of a divine family, whose successive generations 
 gave birth to the various elements. The storm-wind, Colpias, wedded to Chaos, 
 had begotten two mortals, tFlom (Time) and Kadmon (the First-Born), and 
 these in their turn engendered Qen and Qenath, who dwelt in Phoenicia : 
 then came a drought, and they lifted up their heads to the Sun, imploring 
 him, as Lord of the Heavens {Baalsamin), to put an end to their woes.^ At 
 
 tomb (Corp. Ins. Semit., vol. i. pp. 9-20), and the last linos of the stele at Byblos (Corp. Int. Semit., 
 vol. i. pp. 1-8). 
 
 ' These fragments were discovered at Tol el-Amarnn, amoni; the diplomatic correspondence 
 between the Syrian princes and Amcnothes III. and IV. (Bezold-Buixie, The Tell el Amarna TahleU. 
 pp. Ixxxv., Ixxxvi.). Tlio legend of Adapa will bo found in Maspeuo, Daini of CiriJizalion, pp. 659- 
 661 ; as to tlie significance attached to it in Syria, cf. Sayce, ratriarchal Pahsline, pp. 265, 266. 
 
 ' This is the account of the cosmogony preserved for us by Photius from a fragment cf Damascins 
 (Sanchoniathonia Berylii quas feruntur fragmenta, ed. Orelli, p. 32) : its general tenor recalls the 
 teaching of the Hermopolitan Ennead (cf. MASrEiiO, Daipn of CiviUzation, p. 145, et aeq.), a fact 
 which may be due to Egyptian influence. 
 
 ' Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 5, in Mulleu-Didot, Fragm. Hill. Grrc, vol. iii. pp. 565, 566. 
 Colpius is most probably a transliteration of the composite name Kol-piakha, " the Voice of the 
 Breath " (Koth, Oeschichte untercr Ahendldndhehen Philosophie, vol. i. p. 251 ; Schroder, Die 
 I'hGnizische Sprache, p. 8>j) : as with the Hebrews, Chaos is liohH. Renan (Memoirs sitr I'origine el 
 SHT le earaotere v&itnble de VHistoire Phgnicienne que porte le nam de Snnchoniathon, pp. 257-268) hns 
 shown that the words Aluv and npur6yoyos in the Greek text correspond to the expressions 01dm, 
 in Phoenician Vlom (Schroder, Die PhBniztBche Sprache, pp. 125-132), and Kadmon. Baalsamin is an 
 Aramaic form of Baal-samim or Bal-samem (Schroder, Die PhSnizische Spraclie, p. 131, note 2, p. 175). 
 
168 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Tyre it was thought that Chaos existed at the beginning, but chaos of a dark 
 and troubled nature, over which a Breath (riiaJch) floated without affecting it ; 
 " and this Chaos had no ending, and it was thus for centuries and centuries. — 
 Then the Breath became enamoured of its own principles, and brought about 
 a change in itself, and this change was called Desire : — now Desire was the 
 principle which created all things, and the Breath knew not its own creation. — 
 The Breath and Chaos, therefore, became united, and Mot the Clay was born, 
 and from this clay sprang all the seed of creation, and Mot was the father of 
 all things ; now Mot was like an egg in shape. — And the Sun, the Moon, the 
 stars, the great planets, shone forth. ^ There were, living beings devoid of 
 intelligence, and from these living beings came intelligent beings, who were 
 called Zofhesamin, or * watchers of the heavens.' ^ Now the thunder-claps in 
 the war of separating elements awoke these intelligent beings as it were 
 from a sleep, and then the males and the females began to stir themselves 
 and to seek one another on the land and in the sea." ^ A scholar of the Eoman 
 epoch, Philo of Byblos, using as a basis some old documents hidden away in 
 the sanctuaries, which had apparently been classified by Sanchoniathon, a 
 priest long before his time, has handed these theories of the cosmogony 
 down to us : after he has explained how the world was brought out of Chaos, 
 he gives a brief summary of the dawn of civilization in Phoenicia and the 
 legendary period in its history.* No doubt he interprets the writings from 
 which he compiled his work in accordance with the spirit of his time : he has 
 none the less preserved their substance more or less faithfully. Beneath the 
 veneer of abstraction with which the Greek tongue and mind have overlaid the 
 fragment just quoted, we discern that groundwork of barbaric ideas which is to be 
 met with in most Oriental theologies, whether Egyptian or Babylonian. At first 
 
 ' Mot, the clay formed by the corrujitiou of earth and water, uSartiSous /xi'lfuij ari^iv, is probably a 
 Phcenician form of a word which means water in the Semitic languages (Eoth, Geschichte unserer 
 uhendJdndischen Philo»opMe, vol. i. p. 251 ; Schroder, Die PhSniziaehe Sprache, p. 133). Cf. the 
 Egyptian theory, according to which the clay, heated by the sun, was supposed to have given birth to 
 animated beings (Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 155-157) ; this same clay modelled by Khnflmu 
 into the form of an egg was supposed to have produced the heavens and the earth (Maspero, Dawn 
 cf Civilization, p. 128). As to an emendation of the text which proposes to alter Mof, clay, into 
 Tomot or Tamat, sea, cf. Halevy, Melanges de Critique et d'Histoire, pp. 387, 388. 
 
 * Like the name Baalsamin, Zophesamin has been handed down to us by Philo of Byblos in its 
 Aramaic form (Schroder, Die Phonizische Sprache, pp. 131, 175, note 2, 209). 
 
 ' Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 1, in MijLLER-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grsec, vol. iii. p. 565. I have 
 quoted this passage from the proposed restoration of the original text suggested by Eenan (M^moire 
 sur Vorigine et sur le caractere veritable de I'Histoire Ph^nicienne, etc., pp. 275, 276). 
 
 * Philo of Byblos' work no longer exists, but the fragments of it will be found collected by 
 MuLLER-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. pp. 560-573, and by Bunsen, Philoiiis Byblii Fragmenta, 
 etc., in Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. v. pp. 789-854. They have been studied, amongst 
 others, by Kenan, M^moire sur I'Origine, etc., in the M^moires de V Academic des Inscriptions, vol. xxiii., 
 pt. 2, pp. 241-334 ; cf. Batjdissin, Studien zur Semitisclttn Beligiomgeschichte, vol. i. pp. 1-46 ; 
 Fe. Lenoemant, Les Origines de I'Histoire, vol. i. pp. 532-552. All these works ought properly to be 
 revised in the light of the new elements contributed by Assyriologists. 
 
PHOENICIA. 169 
 
 we have a black mysterious Chaos, stagnating in eternal waters, the primordial 
 Nu or Apsti ; then the slime which precipitates in this chaos and clots into the 
 form of an egg, like the mud of the Nile under the hand of Khnumu ; then thw 
 hatching forth of living organisms and indolent generations of barely conscious 
 creatures, such as the Lakhmu, the Anshar, and the Illinu of Chaldaean specula- 
 tion ; finally the abrupt appearance of intelligent beings.^ I'he Phoenicians, how- 
 ever, accustomed as they were to the Mediterranean, 
 with its blind outbursts of fury, had formed an idea of 
 Chaos which dififered widely from that of most of the 
 inland races, to whom it presented itself as something 
 silent and motionless : they imagined it as swept by 
 a mighty wind, which, gradually increasing to a roaring 
 tempest, at length succeeded in stirring the chaos to 
 its very depths, and in fertilising its elements amidst 
 the fury of the storm. No sooner had the earth been 
 
 thus brought roughly into shape, than the whole family of the north winds 
 swooped down upon it and reduced it to civilized order.^ It was but natural 
 that the traditions of a seafaring race should trace its descent from the winds. 
 
 In Phoenicia the sea is everything: of land there is but just enough to 
 furnish a site for a score of towns, with their surrounding belt of gardens.* 
 Mount Lebanon, with its impenetrable forests,' isolated it almost entirely from 
 Ccele-Syria, and acted as the eastward boundary of the long narrow quadrangle 
 hemmed in between the mountains and the rocky shore of the sea. At 
 frequent intervals, spurs run out at right angles from the principal chain, 
 forming steep headlands on the sea- front: these cut up the country, small 
 to begin with, into five or six still smaller provinces, each one of which 
 possessed from time immemorial its own independent cities, its own religion, 
 and its own national history. To the north were the Zahi, a race half sailors, 
 half husbandmen, rich, brave, and turbulent, ever ready to give battle to 
 their neighbours, or rebel against an alien master, be he who he uiight.*^ 
 Arvad,' which was used by them as a sort of stronghold or sanctuary, was 
 
 ' Cf. Maspeiio, Dawn of Civilization, p. 127, et seq., for the couceijts of N£i, and p. 537, et seci., for 
 those of ApsA and of the gods which gave him life: as to Khna.nu and the go.ls who model the clay 
 of the Nile, see p. 156 of the same work. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Cabinet dcs Medailles ; cf. a similar medal, 
 published in Babelon, Leg I'erses Ack^m^nides, pi. xxii.. No. 1, the verso of which, also drawn by 
 Faucher-Gudin, serves as a head-piece to the contents of the present chapter, p. 107. 
 
 » Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 4, in MUlleb-Didot, Fragm. Uitt. Gra-c, vol. iii! p. 565. 
 
 ♦ RiiNAN, Mission de Phenicie, p. 836 : " La Phenicie ne fut pas un pays, ce fut uue serie de ports 
 avec une banlieue assez dtroite." 
 
 » A brief description of these forests, as they existed in the time of Ramses II. , is given by the author 
 <>t theAnastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xix. 1. 2, et seq. ; cf. Chabas, Le Voyage d un igyptien, pp. 116-155. 
 
 ^ As to the force of the term Zahi among the Egyptians, vide supra, pp. 122-124. 
 
 ' The name Arvad was identified in the Egyptian inscriptions by Birch (0« the Hieroglyphical 
 
170 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 huddled together on an island some two miles from the coast : it was only 
 about a thousand yards in circumference, and the houses, as though to make 
 up for the limited space available for their 
 foundations, rose to a height of five stories.* 
 An Astarte reigned there, as also a sea- 
 Baal, half man, half fish, but not a trace 
 of a temple or royal palace is now to be 
 found.2 The whole island was surrounded by 
 a stone wall, built on the outermost ledges 
 of the rocks, which were levelled to form 
 its foundation. The courses of the masonry 
 were irregular, laid without cement or mortar 
 of any kind. Tliis bold piece of engineering 
 served the double purpose of sea-wall and 
 rampart, and was thus fitted to withstand 
 alike the onset of hostile fleets and the 
 surges of the Mediterranean.^ There was 
 no potable water on the island, and for 
 drinking purposes the inhabitants were 
 obliged to rely on the fall of rain, which they stored in cisterns — still in use 
 among their descendants.* In the event of prolonged drought they were obliged 
 to send to the mainland opposite ; in time of war they had recourse to a sub- 
 marine spring, which bubbles up in mid-channel. Their divers let down a leaden 
 bell, to the top of which was fitted a leathern pipe, and applied it to the orifice 
 of the spring ; the fresh water coming up through the sand was collected in this 
 bell, and rising in the pipe, reached the surface uncontaminated by salt water.^ 
 
 Inscription of the Obelisk of the Atmeiddn at Constantinople, p. 9, note 30), who, with Hiiicks, at first 
 saw in the name a reference to the peoples of Ararat {Observations on the Statistical Tablet of Karnah, 
 pp. 14, 15); Birch's identification, adopted by Brugsch (Geogr. Ins., vol. ii. p. 35), is now accepted by 
 all Egyptologists. The name is written Aruada or Arada in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Bezold- 
 BuDGE, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, p. lix., n. 1 ; cf. Bezold, Oriental Diplo- 
 macy, p. xii., § 4, as to the reading of one of the signs which enter into the composition of the name). 
 
 ' The ancient Arvad of the Graeco-Eoman period has been described by Stkabo, XVI. ii., § 13, 
 p. 754 ; for details in regard to the modern Arvad, see Kenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 19-42. 
 
 * The Arvad Astarte had been identified by the Egyptians with their goddess Bastit (Renan, 
 Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 56, 57; cf. Brugsch, Die fremde Aphrodite in Memphis, in the Zeitschrift, 
 1863, p. 9). The sea-Baal, who has been connected by some with Dagon of Askalon, is represented on the 
 earliest Arvadian coins : cf one of them on the preceding page. He has a fish-like tail, the body and 
 bearded head of a man, with an Assyrian h^ad-dress ; on his breast we sometimes find a circular 
 opening which seems to show the entrails (Babelon, Les Perses Ach€m€nides, les Satrapes et les 
 Dynasles tributaires de leur Empire, Cypre et Ph^nicie, pp. cliv.-clvi., and pi. xxii., Nos. 1-6). 
 
 ^ The antiquity of the wall of Arvad, recognised by travellers of the last century, is now universally 
 admitted by all archaBologists (Eenan, Mission de Ph€nicie, pp. 39, 40 ; Peeeot-Chipiez, Histoire de 
 I' Art dans lAntiquit^, vol. iii. p. 106). 
 
 * Strabo, XVI. ii., § 13, p. 754 ; cf. what is said as to these cisterns in Renan, Mission, e tc, pp. 10-41. 
 
 * Steabo, XVI. ii., § 13, p. 754. Kenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 41, 42, tells us that " M. 
 Gaillardot, when crossing from the island to the mainland, noticed a spring of sweet water bubbling 
 up from the bottom of the sea. . . . Thomson and Walpole noticed the same spring or similar springs 
 a little to the north of Tortosa." 
 
ARAB, MAR ATE, SIMYRA. 
 
 171 
 
 The harbour opened to the east, facing the mainland : it was divided into two 
 basins by a stone jetty, and was doubtless insufficient for the sea-traffic, but 
 this was the less felt inasmuch as there was a safe anchorage outside it — the 
 
 best, perhaps, to be found in 
 these waters.^ Opposite to 
 Arvad, on an almost continu- 
 ous line of coast some ten or 
 
 TAUT OP THE KUIXS OF Till: OI.I> rHOJMi 1\N u >.| AllVAD.' 
 
 Antarados, Enhydra, and Karne, into which the surplus population of the island 
 overflowed. Karne possessed a harbour, and would have been a dangerous 
 neighbour to the Arvadians had they themselves not occupied and carefully 
 fortified it.^ The cities of the dead lay close together in the background, 
 on the slope of the nearest chain of hills ; * still further back lay a plain 
 celebrated for its fertility and the luxuriance of its verdure : Lebanon, with its 
 wooded peaks, was shut in on the north and south, but on the east the mountain 
 sloped downwards almost to the sea-level, furnishing a pass through which ran 
 the road which joined the great military highway not far from Qodshu.*^ The 
 influence of Arvad penetrated by means of this pass into the valley of the 
 
 ' Renan, Mimon de Phenicie, p. 40 ; \V. Allan, On the Inland of liuad, Xorlh Syria, in Journ. 
 Geogr. Sor.iety, vol. xxiii. pp. 154, 155, who was the first to determine the divisions of the harbour. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from the engraving published in Rknan's Mistion de Phenicie, pi. 2. 
 
 ' Marath, now Amrit, possesses sonic ancient ruins which have been described at some length by 
 Kenan (Misnion de Phenicie, p. 43, et scq.). Antarados, which prior to the Grseco-Roman era was a 
 place of no importance (Ptolemy, V. xv. 16), occupies the site of Tortosa (IJenan, Mitsion de 
 Phenicie, pp. 20, 21, 47, et scq.). Enhydra (Strabo, L. XVI. ii., § 12, p. 753) is not known, and Karne 
 lias been replaced by Karnfln to tlio north of Tortosa (Resan, Misfion de Phenicie, pp. 21, 22). 
 None of the " neighbours of Arados " (oi 'fipdSc^ vpSaoiKot, Arrian, Anah., II. xiii. 17) are mentioned 
 by name in the Assyrian texts; but W. Max Miiller has with great ingenuity demonstrated that the 
 Egyptian form Aratul or Araliut corresponds with a Semitic plural Arvaddt, and consequently refera 
 not only to Arad itself, but also to the fortified cities and towns which formed its continental suburbs 
 (Asien und Europa, pp. 186, 187). 
 
 * Renan, Mitsion de PMnieie, pp. 75-80. 
 
 ' In regard to this pass, see what is said on pp. 138-141, tupra. 
 
172 SYBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Orontes, and is believed to have gradually extended as far as Hamath itself — 
 in other words, over the whole of Zahi.^ For the most part, however, its rule 
 was confined to the coast between Gabala and the Nahr el-Kebir; Simyra at 
 one time acknowledged its suzerainty, at another became a self-supporting 
 and independent state, strong enough to compel the respect of its neighbours.^ 
 Beyond the Orontes, the coast curves abruptly inward towards the west, and 
 a group of wind-swept hills ending in a promontory called Phaniel,^ the 
 reputed scene of a divine manifestation, marked the extreme limit of Aradian 
 influence to the north, if, indeed, it ever reached so far. Half a dozen obscure 
 cities flourished here, Arka,* Siani,^ Mahallat, Kaiz, Maiza, and Botrys,^ some 
 of them on the seaboard, others inland on the bend of some minor stream. 
 Botrys,' the last of the six, barred the roads which cross the Phaniel headland, 
 and commanded the entrance to the holy ground where Byblos and Berytus 
 celebrated each year the amorous mysteries of Adonis. 
 
 Gublu, or — as the Greeks named it — Byblos,^ prided itself on being the 
 most ancient city in the world.^ The god El had founded it at the dawning 
 
 ' Stephen op Byzantium, s.v. "E.in<pav€ia, where the town is said to be iv ^eOopiois ruv 'ApaSicov. 
 
 ^ Simyra is the modern Sumrah, near the Nahr el-Kebir ; it was already known from the passage 
 in Gen. x. 18, when E. de Kouge' discovered a reference to it in the Annals of Thutmosis III. (^Notice 
 de quelques fragments de I'lmcription de Karnak, pp. 15, note 5, 24). 
 
 ' The name has only come down to us under its Greek form, ©eoO irpocruirou, the Face of God 
 (ScYLAX, § 104, in MiiLLEit-DiDOT, Geographi Grxci Minores, vol. i. p. 78 ; Strabo, XVI. ii., § 15, 
 p. 754), but its original form, Phaniel or Penuel.is easily arrived at from the analogous name used in 
 Canaan to indicate localities where there had been a theophany (Gen. xsxii. 22-31). Eenan questions 
 whether Phaniel ought not to be taken in the same sense as the Pne-Baal of the Carthaginian in- 
 scriptions, and applied to a goddess to whom the promontory had been dedicated ; he also suggests 
 that the modern name Cap Madonne may be a kind of echo of the title Babbath borne by this goddess 
 from tlie earliest times (Mission de Phenieie, p. 145). 
 
 * Arka is perhaps referred to in the tablets of Tel el-Amarna under the form Irkuta or Irkat 
 (Bezold-Btjdge, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, p. Ixxii.) ; it also appears in the 
 Bible (Gen. x. 17) and in the Assyrian texts (Fe. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 282). It is 
 the Csesarea of classical geographers, which has now resumed its old Phoenician name of Tell- Arka 
 (Renan, Mission de la PMiiicie, pp. 115, 116). 
 
 ^ Sianu or Siani is mentioned in the Assyrian texts (Fe. Deliizsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 
 p. 282) and in the Bible (Geii. x. 17) ; Strabo knew it under the name of Sinna (XVI. ii., § 18, p. 755), 
 and a village near Arka was called Sin or Syn as late as the XV"' century (B. von Breydenbach, 
 Beise des Heiligen Landes, vol. i. p. 115). 
 
 According to the Assyrian inscriptions, these were the names of the three towns which formed 
 the Tripolis of Grseco-Roman times (Fe. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 282, 283). 
 
 ' Botrys is the hellenized form of the name Bozruna or Bozrun, wliich appears on the tablets of 
 Tel el-Amarna (Bezold-Budge, Tablets of Tell el-Amarna, p. Ixxiii.) ; the modern name, Butrun or 
 Batrun, preserves the final letter which the Greeks hud dropped. 
 
 ' Gublu or Gulli is the pronunciation indicated for this name in the Tel el-Amarna tablets 
 (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, p. 148) ; the Egyptians transcribed it Kupuna or Eupna by 
 substituting n for I, as Chabas was the first to point out (Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 157-161). The 
 Greek name Byblos was obtained from Gublu by substituting a 6 for the g, as in ^Kitpapov from 
 y\4<papov, eyelid (Renan, Mission de Phenieie, p. 153). 
 
 " Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 17, in Muller-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grasc.,\o\. iii. p. 568; cf. 
 Stephen of Byzantium, s.v. BifiXos, ttSals *oiv/kt)s apxaiordrv tcktwv. The distinction between the 
 two sites successively occupied by the town, one of which was supposed to be preserved in the name 
 Palsebyblos (Movers, Des Phonizische Alterthum, vol. i. pp. 108, 109), is now no longer admitted 
 (Renan, Mission de Phenieie, pp. 332-335 ; Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, p. 48). 
 
BYBLOS AND HIS TEMPLE. 
 
 173 
 
 of time, on the flank of a hill which is visible from some distance out at 
 sea.' A small bay, now filled up, made it an important shipping centre.- 
 The temple stood on the top of the hill, a few fragments of its walls still 
 serving to mark the site ; it was, perhaps, identical with that of which we 
 find the plan engraved on certain imperial coins.^ Two flights of steps led 
 up to it from the lower quarters of the town, one 
 of which gave access to a chapel in the Greek : 
 style, surmounted by a triangular pediment, and M [ 
 
 dating, at the earliest, from the time of the Se- # }• , ; ; 'v. \ 
 leucides; the other terminated in a long colon- M //'^^^^^\^-^ |, \ \ 
 nade, belonging to the same period, added as a I tT^^*^ ' 
 new fajade to an earlier building, apparently in ^ fj ""~|J^}V-7*'|' 
 order to bring it abreast of more modern require- ^' 
 ments. The sanctuary which stands hidden be- 
 hind this incongruous veneer is, as represented 
 on the coins, in a very archaic style, and is by no 
 
 . . T . T ™^ TEMPLE OF BYBLOS* 
 
 means wanting in originality or dignity. It con- 
 sists of a vast rectangular court surrounded by cloisters. At the point where 
 lines drawn from the centres of the two doors seem to cross one another stands 
 a conical stone mounted on a cube of masonry, which is the Leth-el animated by 
 the spirit of the god : an open-work balustrade surrounds and protects it from 
 the touch of the profane. The building was perhaps not earlier than the Assyrian 
 or Persian era, but in its general plan it evidently reproduced the arrangements 
 of some former edifice.'"' At an early time El was spoken of as the first king 
 of Gablu in the same manner as each one of his Egyptian fellow-gods had been 
 in their several nomes, and the story of his exploits formed the inevitable pre- 
 lude to the beginning of human history." Grandson of Eliftn who had brought 
 
 ' Stuabo, XVI. i., § 18, p. 75G : kutui 8' iip" v<\,ovi nvhs iiiKphv itrwetv TTjj flaA(£TT7)i. The present 
 condition of tlio town is described at Bome length by Renan, Mitdon de Phfiiicie, pp. 153-174. 
 
 ' Renan, Mission de PMnieie, pp. 159-161 ; the Annals of Thutmosis III. mention Giblite sliijis 
 {hupniu) whieli sailed to Egypt (Brugscu, Geschichle yEgyptens, p. 310). 
 
 ' Renan, Mission de PMnicie, pp. 173-180, carried out excavations in the hill of Kassubah which 
 brought to light some remains of a Gra5co-Roman temple : he puts forward, subject to correction, the 
 hypothesis which I have adopted above. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Cabinet des M^dailles; of. Babelon, Let 
 Perses Acligm€nides, pi. xxxii., Nos. 11, 12. 
 
 ' The author of the De Ded Syrd classed the temple of Byblos among the Plioenician temples of 
 the old order, which were almost as ancient as the temples of Egypt, ipa . . . oi> irapa noKv rots atyvirrtot<n 
 i<roxpov(oi/Ta (§ 2-9), and it is probable that from the Egyptian epoch onwards the plan of this temple 
 must have been that shown on the coins ; the cloister arcades ought, liowevcr, to be represented by 
 pillars or by columns supporting architraves, and the fact of their presence leads mo to the conclusion 
 that the temple did not exist in the form known to us at a date earlier than the last Assyrian period. 
 Cf. Perbot-Chipiez, Eistoire de I Art dans VAntiquiU, vol. iii. pp. 247-249. 
 
 ' This concept of his history forms the basis of one of the Plioonician cosmogonies recorded by 
 Sanchoniathon (Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 12-27, in MOllf.u-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. 
 pp. 567-569). 
 
174 SYBIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Chaos into order, son of Heaven and Earth, he dispossessed, vanquished, 
 and mutilated his father, and conquered the most distant regions one after 
 another — the countries beyond the Euphrates, Libya, Asia Minor and Greece : 
 one year, when the plague was ravaging his empire, he burnt his own son 
 on the altar as an expiatory victim, and from that time forward the priests 
 
 took advantage of his example to demand the sacri- 
 
 - V fice of children in moments of public danger or 
 
 calamity.^ He was represented as a man with two 
 |\ faces, whose eyes opened and shut in an eternal 
 alternation of vigilance and repose : six wings grew 
 from his shoulders, and spread fan-like around him."^ 
 He was the incarnation of time, which destroys all 
 things in its rapid flight; and of the summer sun, 
 cruel and fateful, which eats up the green grass and 
 
 THE GOD EL Or BYBLOS.' ^ . i . , , . 
 
 parches the fields. An Astarte reigned with him 
 over By bios — Baalat-Gublu, his own sister ; like him, the child of Earth and 
 Heaven."* In one of her aspects she was identified with the moon, the per- 
 sonification of coldness and chastity, and in her statues or on her sacred pillars ^ 
 she was represented with the crescent or cow-horns of the Egyptian Hathor ; *■ 
 but in her other aspect she appeared as the amorous and wanton goddess in 
 whom the Greeks recognised the popular concept of Aphrodite. Tradition 
 tells us how, one spring morning, she caught sight of and desired the youthful 
 god known by the title of Adoni, or " My Lord." We scarce know what to 
 
 * Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 24, 3-5, in Mcller-Didot, Fragm. Bid. Grxc, vo]. iii. pp. 569, 
 570, 571. 
 
 - Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 26, in Muller-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. 569, where it 
 is stated that the third pair of wings is on the head of the god, eVl t^j Kf((>a\fis ; the figure reproduced 
 on the coins show the wings rising to the right and left of the head, but they are attached to the 
 god's shoulders. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Cabinet desM^dailles; of. Babelon, Les 
 Perses AcMm€nides, pi. xxvii., Nob. 4-7. The coin is shown twice its natural size. 
 
 * Philo of Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 19, 20, in Mt:llee-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grsec, vol. iii. p. 569. She 
 is mentioned under her title Bilti shd Guhlu in the Tel el-Amarna despatches (Bezold-Budge, Tell 
 el-Amarna Tablets, pi. 12, 11. 2, 3, 14, 11. 3, 15, 1. 4). 
 
 * The sacred pillar is shown on a stele of the XX"' dynasty in the Turin Museum (Maspeeo, 
 Bapport sur une Mission en Italie, in the Jtecueil de Travaux, vol. ii, p. 120). 
 
 * Philo op Byblos, Fragm. 2, § 24, in MijLLEE-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grsc., vol. iii. p. 569, where 
 we are told how Astarte put on her head the head of a bull as a badge of royalty, eV€9r;/ce tjJ' iSi'a 
 K€<paXfi j8o(riA6ias irapaa-qixov K^pahrjv ravpov. The Egyptian monuments, which assign to Hathor the 
 title of mistress of Byblos, show us what the goddess was supposed to be like from the XX"" dynasty 
 onwards (Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Eistoire, in the Becueil de Travaux, 
 vol. ii. p. 120, and in Bapport sur une Mission en Italie, ibid., vol. iv. p. 140). Baaltis is also shown in 
 the character of Hathor on a stele of Jehavmelek, King of Byblos, in the Persian era (Corp. Ins. Semit., 
 vol. i. pi. i., and p. 1 ; cf. Eenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, p. 179). 
 
 ' The Cypriote form of the name Adonis was Gauas (TzETzfcs, In Lycophrontem, v. 83), which 
 Movers (art. Phonizien, in Ersch-Geuber's Encyclopedia, p. 390) considers to be a Semitic word 
 meaning the exalted, high one. Movers (JJie PhSnizier, p. 542, et seq.), Fr. Lenormant (Leitres 
 Assyriologiques, pp. 192-196), Baudissin (Studien zur Semitischen Beligionsgeschichte, vol. i. p. 205, 
 
APHAEA AND TEE VALLEY OF NAER-IBRAHIM. 175 
 
 make of the origin of Adonis, and of the legends which treat him as a hero — the 
 representation of him as the incestuous offspring of a certain King Kinyras and 
 his own daughter Myrrha is a comparatively recent element grafted on the 
 original myth ; at any rate, the happiness of the two lovers had lasted but a few 
 short weeks when a sudden end was put to it by the tusks of a monstrous wild 
 boar. Baalat-Gublu wept over her lover's body and buried it ; then her grief 
 triumphed over death, and Adonis, ransomed by her tears, rose from the tomb, 
 his love no whit less passionate than it had been before the catastrophe.' 
 This is nothing else than the Chaldaean legend of Ishtar and Dumuzi 
 presented in a form more fully symbolical of the yearly marriage of Earth 
 and Heaven. Like the Lady of By bios at her master's approach. Earth is 
 thrilled by the first breath of spring, and abandons herself without shame 
 to the caresses of Heaven : she welcomes him to her arms, is fructified by 
 him, and pours forth the abundance of her flowers and fruits. Then comes 
 summer and kills the spring: Earth is burnt up and withers, she strips herself 
 of her ornaments, and her fruitfulness departs till the gloom and icy numbness 
 of winter have passed away. Each year the cycle of the seasons brings back 
 with it the same joy, the same despair, into the life of the world ; each year 
 Baalat falls in love with her Adonis and loses him, only to bring him back 
 to life and lose him again in the coming year. 
 
 The whole neighbourhood of Byblos, and that part of Mount Lebanon in 
 which it lies, were steeped in memories of this legend from the very earliest 
 times.^ We know the precise spot where the goddess first caught sight of her 
 lover, where she unveiled herself before him, and where at the last she buried 
 his mutilated body, and chanted her lament for the dead. A river which 
 flows southward not far off was called the Adonis,'' and the valley watered 
 by it was supposed to have been the scene of this tragic idyll. The Adonis 
 rises near Aphaka,* at the base of a narrow amphitheatre, issuing from 
 the entrance of an irregular grotto, the natural shape of which had, at some 
 remote period, been altered by the hand of man ; in three cascades it bounds 
 
 et seq.) have discussed the question as to whether the proper name of Adonis woa not lao or leuO. 
 That of Tammuz, which he takes after his death, probably came to him through Chaldwan influence, 
 when he was assimilated to Dumuzi (cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 693, et seq.). 
 
 ' In MovEHS, Die Phiinizier, pp. 191-253, 542-545, 585, et seq., will be found a collection of tests 
 of the ancient writers who enable us to reconstitute the final forms of the Adonis legend. 
 
 * As to this aspect of Bjblos and of the localities in its neighbourhood, cf. what Renan says in 
 Mission de PMnicie, pp. 219-222 ; they possessed the legend from the very earliest times, a!id tlie scribe 
 of the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xx. 7, 8, speaking of them in the time of Kamses II., refers to Byblos 
 as a mysterious city, wliose tutelary goddess he prefers to name at another time, being no doubt actuated 
 by the same motive of religious discretion which deterred Herodotus from uttering the name of Osiris 
 (Chahas, Le Voyage d'un £gyptien, pp. 56-61; cf. W. Max Muller, Jgten und Europa, pp. 188-191). 
 
 ' Kenan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 282-284. This is the Nahr-lbrahim (cf. supra, p. 9). 
 
 * Aphaka means " spring " in Syriao (Benan, Missioit de Phenicie, p. 299). The site of the 
 tcmpio and town of Aphaka, where a temple of Aphrodite and Adonis still stood in the time of the 
 Emperor Julian, had long been identified (Sozomen, Hist. Ecclet., 1. ii. 5; Zosmne, 1. i., Iviii. ; 
 
176 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 waters of the neighbouring springs, then it dashes onwards under the single arch 
 of a Eoman bridge, and descends in a series of waterfalls to the level of the valley 
 below. The temple rises opposite the source of the stream on an artificial 
 mound, a meteorite fallen from heaven having attracted the attention of the 
 faithful to the spot. The mountain falls abruptly away, its summit presenting a 
 red and bare appearance, owing to the alternate action of summer sun and winter 
 frost. As the slopes approach the valley they become clothed with a garb of 
 wild vegetation, which bursts forth from every fissure, and finds a foothold on 
 every projecting rock : the base of the mountain is liidden in a tangled mass 
 of glowing green, which the moist yet sunny Spring calls forth in abundance 
 whenever the slopes are not too steep to retain a shallow layer of nourishing 
 mould. It would be hard to find, even among the most picturesque spots of 
 Europe, a landscape in which wildness and beauty are more happily combined, 
 or where the mildness of the air and sparkling coolness of the streams ofi^r a 
 more perfect setting for the ceremonies attending the worship of Astarte.^ In 
 
 EuSEBius, Life of Constantine, iii. 55) either with Fakra (Mannert, Syrien, p. 321), or with El- 
 Yamuni (Sepp, Jerusalem und das Eeilige Land, vol. ii. p. 335). Seetzeii was the iirst to place it at 
 El-Afka, and his proposed identification has been amply confirmed by the researches of Kenan 
 {Mission de Ph€nicie, pp. 299, 300, 305-309). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph ; cf. Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 619. 
 
 ^ A full description of the site and ruins is given by Renan, Mission de PMnicie, pp. 295-301. 
 The temple had been rebuilt during the Roman period, as were nearly all the temples of this region. 
 
THE AMPlUTlllCATliE OF AllIAKA AND THE SUL'liCE OF TUK NAIlK-llilt Allhl. 
 
 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph. 
 
 N 
 
178 STRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 the basin of the river and of the torrents by which it is fed, there 
 appears a succession of charming and romantic scenes — gaping chasms 
 with precipitous ochre-coloured walls ; narrow fields laid out in terraces on 
 the slopes, or stretching in emerald strips along the ruddy river-banks ; 
 orchards thick with almond and walnut trees; sacred grottoes, into which 
 the priestesses, seated at the corner of the roads, endeavour to draw the 
 pilgrims as they proceed on their way to make their prayers to the goddess ; ^ 
 sanctuaries and mausolea of Adonis at Yanukh, on the table-land of Mashnaka, 
 and on the heights of Ghineh.^ According to the common belief, the actual 
 tomb of Adonis was to be found at Byblos itself,^ where the people were 
 accustomed to assemble twice a year to keep his festivals, which lasted for 
 several days together/ At the summer solstice, the season when the wild 
 boar had ripped open the divine hunter, and the summer had already done 
 damage to the spring, the priests were accustomed to prepare a painted 
 wooden image of a corpse made ready for burial,^ which they hid in what 
 were called the gardens of Adonis — terra-cotta pots filled with earth in which 
 wheat and barley, lettuce and fennel, were sown. These were set out at the 
 door of each house, or in the courts of the temple, where the sprouting plants 
 had to endure the scorching effect of the sun, and soon withered away.^ For 
 several days troops of women and young girls, with their heads dishevelled or 
 shorn, their garments in rags, their faces torn with their nails, their breasts 
 and arms scarified with knives, went about over hill and dale in search of their 
 idol, giving utterance to cries of despair, and to endless appeals : " Ah, Lord I 
 Ah, Lord ! what is become of thy beauty." Once having found the image, they 
 
 upon the site of a more ancient structure; this was probably the edifice wliich the author of De Ded 
 Sijrd considered to be the temple of Venus, built by Kinyras within a day's journey of Byblos in the 
 Lebanon. 
 
 ' Renan points out at Byblos the existence of one of these caverns which gave shelter to the 
 ledeshoth (^Mission de Phenicie, pp. 204, 653). Many of tbe caves met with in the valley of the Nahr- 
 Ibrahim have doubtless served for the same purpose, although their walls contain no marks of the cult. 
 
 ^ RenaK, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 284-295, 301, 302. 
 
 ^ De Ded Syria, § 6, 7 : Melito placed it, however, near Aphaka (cf. Eenan, Melitonis Ep. Sardium 
 Apolog. ad M. Aurel Imp. Fragm., in the Spicilegium Solesmense, vol. ii. p. 43), and, indeed, there 
 must have been as many different traditions on the subject as there were celebrated sanctuaries. 
 
 * For the date and the ceremonies peculiar to this festival, see the testimonies of ancient authors 
 put together by Movers, Die Plionizier, p. 205, et seq. The analogy which they exhibit with the 
 festivals of Osiris in the month of Khoiak (Lortet, Les Files d' Osiris au mois de Khoiak, in the 
 Eecueil, vol. iii. pp. 43-57 ; vol. iv. pp. 21-33), and especially the rite of the Gardens, lead me to 
 believe that they were practically the same at the time of the Egyptian conquest and that of the Caesars. 
 
 * Plutarch, Nicias, § 8 : eiScvXa v^Kpols eKKOfuCo/j.^yois ofioia; cf. Ammianus Marcellinus, xix. 1, 
 § 10 : " lecluli . . . figmenta vehentes liominum mortuorum ita curate pollincta ut et imagines essent 
 corporihus jam sepuUis," where the context shows that the object in view was to imitate the cere- 
 monial used at the burying of Adonis. 
 
 " Hesychios, s.v. 'ASdfiSos KriTToi. In Greece there arose in later times a proverb, aKapirSrepoi 
 'ASwviSos Krjirui', " more barren than the gardens of Adonis" (Suidas, s.v. 'ASciviSos kt}ttoC). 
 
 ' Am. Marcellinus, xix. 1, § 10, is au authority for the seven days' search. For the Nenise, see 
 the description, 'AhuvinaoiUs, which Pollux (Onomasticon, bk. iv. § 1) gives of them, and also the 
 passage in which Jeremiah (xxii. 18, cf. xxxiv. 5) threatens King Jehoiakim that he will not receive 
 after his death the usual honours : cf. Movers, Phonizier, pp. 244-253. 
 
THE BE ATE AND BESUBBECTION OF ADONIS. 
 
 179 
 
 brought it to the feet of the goddess, washed it while displaying its wound, 
 anointed it with sweet-smelling unguents, wrapped it in a linen and woollen 
 shroud, placed it on a catafalque, and, after expressing around the bier their 
 feelings of desolation, according to the rites observed at funerals, placed it 
 solemnly in the tomb.^ The close and dreary summer passes away. With 
 the first days of September the autumnal rains begin to fall upon the hills, 
 and washing away the ochreous earth lying upon the slopes, descend in muddy 
 torrents into the hollows of the valleys. The Adonis river begins to swell 
 with the ruddy waters, which, on reaching the sea, do not readily blend with 
 it. The wind from the offing drives the river water back upon the coast, and 
 forces it to cling for a long time to the shore, where it forms a kind of crimson 
 fringe.^ This was the blood of the hero, and the sight of this precious stream 
 stirred up anew the devotion of the people, who donned once more their weeds 
 of mourning until the priests were able to announce to them that, by virtue 
 of their supplications, Adonis was brought back from the shades into new life.* 
 Shouts of joy immediately broke forth, and the people who had lately sym- 
 pathized with the mourning goddess in her tears and cries of sorrow, now 
 joined with her in expressions of mad and amorous delight. Wives and virgins 
 — all the women who had refused during the week of mourning to make a 
 sacrifice of their hair — were obliged to atone for this fault by putting themselves 
 at the disposal of the strangers whom the festival had brought together, the 
 reward of their service becoming tlie property of the sacred treasury.* 
 
 Berytus shared with Byblos the glory of having had El for its founder.^ 
 The road which connects these two cities makes a lengthy detour in its course 
 along the coast, having to cross numberless ravines and rocky summits : before 
 reaching Palai-Byblos, it passes over a headland by a series of steps cut into the 
 rock, forming a kind of " ladder " similar to that which is encountered lower 
 down, between Acre and the plains of Tyre." The river Lykos runs like a kind 
 
 ' Tlieocrilus has duscribed iu his fifth Idyll {The Syracugant, v. 78, ct scq.) tho laying out and 
 burial of Adonis as it was piactistd at Alexandria in Egypt in the III"' century before our era. 
 
 * Be Dea Sijrd, § 8. The same phenomenon occurs in spring. Maundrell {Voywje, pp. 57, 58) 
 saw it on March 17, and Renan (Mission de Phinicie, p. 283) in the first days of February. 
 
 => De Dcd Syrd, § G ; cf. MoVEUS, Die VhSnitier, pp. 204, 205. 
 
 * De Bed Syrd, § G ; cf. for a similar rito at Babylon, Dawn of Civilitation, pp. CS'J, GiO. A 
 similar usage was found in later times in the countries colonised by or subjected to tlie influence of 
 the Plioenicians, especially in Cyprus (Engel, Kypros, vol. i. p. 142, et seq.). 
 
 » Stephen op Byzantium, s.v. Bjipur6i. The name Uerytus was found by lllncks in the Egyptian 
 texts (An Attempt to ascertain the Number, etc., of the Hieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 4?) under the form 
 Birutu, Beirutu ; it occurs frequently in the Tel el-Amarua tablets (BezolD-Bi dge, The Tell el' 
 Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, p. xlvi.). 
 
 * This is tho K\'t/ia^ of Strabo (XIV. ii., § 19, p. 755), which Renan (Mission de Phinicie, pp. 333, 
 334) places " on tho flank of the mountain which forms tho northern side of the bay of Juni, and 
 which takes the form of a staircase in a gorge of the rocks ; " he is inclined to place Palai-Byblos at 
 the modern village of Sarbah (Id., ibid., pp. 332, 333). The name Palai-Byblos contains probably 
 a Phoenician word Which the Greeks wrongly identified with va\ai6s (MoveUs, Das PhBnizische 
 
180 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 of natural fosse along the base of this steep headland. It forms at the present 
 time a torrent, fed by the melting snows of Mount Sannin, and is entirely 
 unnavigable. It was better circumstanced formerly in this respect, and even in 
 the early years of the Roman conquest, sailors from Arvad (Arados) were accus- 
 tomed to sail up it as far as one of the passes of the lower Lebanon, leading into 
 Coele-Syria,^ Berytus was installed at the base of a great headland which stands 
 out boldly into the sea, and forms the most striking promontory to be met 
 with in these regions from Carmel to the vicinity of Arvad. The port is 
 nothing but an open creek with a petty roadstead, but it has the advantage 
 of a good supply of fresh water, which pours down from the numerous springs 
 to which it is indebted for its name.^ According to ancient legends, it 
 was given by El to one of his offspring called Poseidon^ by the Greeks. 
 Adonis desired to take possession of it, but was frustrated in the attempt, 
 and the maritime Baal secured the permanence of his rule by marrying one 
 of his sisters — the Baalat-Beyrut who is represented as a nymph on Graeco- 
 Roman coins.* The rule of the city extended as far as the banks of the 
 Tamur, and an old legend narrates that its patron fought in ancient times 
 with the deity of that river, hurling stones at him to prevent his becoming 
 master of the land to the north. The bar formed of shingle and the 
 dunes which contract the entrance were regarded as evidences of this con- 
 flict.'' Beyond the southern bank of the river, Sidon sits enthroned as 
 " the firstborn of Canaan." In spite of this ambitious title it was at first 
 nothing but a poor fishing village founded by Bel, the Agenor of the Greeks, 
 on the southern slope of a spit of land which juts out obliquely towards the 
 
 Allerthum, vol. i. p. 106, note 101 ; Eenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, p. 577 ; Pietschmann, Geschichte 
 der Phonizier, p. 48). 
 
 ' Stkabo, XVI. ii., § 6, p. 755. Renan (Jdission, etc., p. 342 ; cf. Pxetschmann, Ges. der Phonizier, 
 p. 50) does not accept the testimony of Strabo, while other historians regard it as correct (Keneick, 
 Phoenicia, pp. 12, 13), and modern geologists have pointed out on the banks of this small river traces 
 of the waters having once attained a higher level than at present. The Due de Luynes has shown 
 that the present name, Nahr el-Kelb, probably preserves the chief element— Kelb— of the ancient 
 name which the Greeks rendered AvKbs, " wolf " ( Voyage d'explor. autour de la mer Morte, vol. i. 
 n. 1); cf. p. 9, note 5, of the present work. 
 
 2 The name Beyrut has been often derived from a Pheuician word signifying cypress, and which 
 may have been applied to the pine tree (Eenan, Mission, etc., pp. 352, 353). The Phoenicians them- 
 selves derived it from Bir, " wells ; " cf. Stephen op Byzantium, s.v. BripurSs, iK\ri6ri Sia to eiluSpoy 
 firjp yap rh <pp4ap trap' avTois. 
 
 3 Philo Byblius, Fragm. 2, § 25, in MijLLEE-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. 569. 
 
 * The poet Nonnus (Dionysiaca, 11. xli.-xliii.) has preserved a highly embellished account of this i 
 rivalry, where Adonis is called Dionysos; for the coins of Berytus, on which the nymph appears,! 
 cf. Babelon, Les Perses Ach^m^nides, pi. xxv., No. 23, and pp. 180, 186. i 
 
 * The original name appears to have been Tamur, Tamyr, from a word signifying " palm " in the I 
 Phoenician language (Schroder, Die Phonizische Sprache, p. 135) ; it has been rendered in Greek I 
 sometimes by Aafjiovpas (Poltbius, V. Ixviii. 9), sometimes by To/tupas (Strabo, XVI. ii., § 22, p. 176). I 
 The myth of the conflict between Poseidon and the god of the river, a Baal-Demarous (Philo I 
 Byblius, Fragm. 2, § 22, in Muller-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. 558), has been explained by 1 
 Kenan (^Mission de Ph€nicie, p. 515), who accepts the identification of the river-deity with Baal' f 
 Thamar, already mentioned by Movers {Die Phonizier, pp. 661, 662). 
 
BERJTUS, SID ON AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD. 
 
 181 
 
 south-west.^ It grew from year to year, spreading out over the plain, and 
 became at length one of the most prosperous of the chief cities of the country 
 — a " mother " in Phoenicia.^ The port, once so celebrated, is shut in by three 
 chains of half-sunken reefs, which, running out from the northern end of the 
 peninsula, continue parallel to the coast for some hundreds of yards : narrow 
 passages in these reefs afford access to the harbour ; one small island, which 
 is always above water, occupies the centre of this natural dyke of rocks, and 
 furnishes a site for a maritime quarter opposite to the continental city.^ The 
 necropolis on the mainland extends to the east and north, and consists of an 
 irregular series of excavations made in alow line of limestone cliffs which must 
 have been lashed by the waves of the Mediterranean long prior to the beginning 
 of history. These tombs are crowded closely together, ramifying into an in- 
 extricable maze, and are separated from each other by such thin walls that one 
 expects every moment to see them give way, and bury the visitors in the 
 ruin. Many date back to a very early period, while all of them have been 
 re-worked and re-appropriated over and over again. The latest occupiers 
 were contemporaries of the Macedonian kings or the Roman Caesars. Space 
 was limited and costly in this region of the dead : the Sidonians made tho 
 best use they could of the tombs, burying in them again and again, as 
 the Egyptians were accustomed to do in their cemeteries at Thebes and 
 Memphis.* The surrounding plain is watered by the " pleasant Bostrenos," and 
 is covered with gardens which are reckoned to be the most beautiful in all 
 Syria — at least after those of Damascus: their praises were sung even in 
 ancient days, and they had then earned for the city the epithet of " the flowery 
 Sidon."'^ Here, also, an Astarte ruled over the destinies of the people, but a 
 chaste and immaculate Astarte, a self-restrained and warlike virgin, sometimes 
 identified with the moon, sometimes with the pale and frigid morning 
 
 ' Sidon is called " the firstborn of Canaan " iu Gen. x. 15 : the name means a fishing-place, as 
 the classical authors already knew— "nam piscem Phoenices sidon appellant" (Justin, xviii. 3,2; 
 cf. Isidore op Seville, Origines, xv. 1, 28, where the passage from Justin is reproduce*! almost 
 verbally). Its name was recognised in the A iiuslasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xx. 1. 8, under the form 
 Ziduna, by Hincks (^An Attempt to ascertain the Number, etc., of the Hieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 45). It 
 appears frequently in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Bezold-Budge, The Tell cl-Amariia Tablets iu the 
 British Museum, p. xlvii.). 
 
 2 In the coins of classic times it is called "Sidon, the mother — Om— of Kambe, Hippo, Citium, 
 and Tyre " (Babelon, Les Perses Ach^menides, pp. 236, 237). 
 
 ' Kenan, Mission de Ph€nicie, pp. 3G2, 363 ; GuiJiiiN, GaliUe, vol. ii. pp. 488-506. The only 
 description of the port which we possess is that iu the romance of Clitophon and Leucippus by 
 Achilles Tatius ; Pietsclimann {Gesrh. der Phiinizier, pp. 54-58) has commented on it at length, and 
 has endeavoured to reproduce on a modern map its different parts. 
 
 ♦ Excavations were made at these cemeteries some thirty years ago, and the results described by 
 Kenan (Mission de Phenicic, p. 400, et seq.). 
 
 ' DiONYSlOS, Periegesis, 912, 913: koI SiSwf' a.v6eix6faaav, Kaioufvriv xap'f^oi ^<p' SSa<Ti Botrrpriyoiii 
 (MijLLER-DiDoT, Geog. Grseci Minores, vol. ii. p. 160). The Bostrfinos, which is perhaps to be recog- 
 nised under the form Borinos in the Periplus of Scylax (Mvlleb-Didot, ibid., vol. i. p. cxxxviii.), is 
 the modern Nahr el-Awaly. 
 
182 SYBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 star.^ In addition to this goddess, the inhabitants worshipped a Baal-Sidon, and 
 other divinities of milder character — an Astarte Shem-Baal, wife of the supreme 
 Baal, and Eshmun, a god of medicine — each of whom had his own particular 
 temple either in the town itself or in some neighbouring village in the mountain.^ 
 Baal delighted in travel, and was accustomed to be drawn in a chariot through the 
 valleys of Phoenicia in order to receive the prayers and offerings of his devotees.^ 
 The immodest Astarte, excluded, it would seem, from the official religion, had her 
 claims acknowledged in the cult offered to her by the people, but she became 
 the subject of no poetic or dolorous legend like her namesake at Byblos, and 
 there was no attempt to disguise her innately coarse character by throwing 
 over it a garb of sentiment. She possessed in the suburbs her chapels and 
 grottoes, hollowed out in the hillsides, where she was served by the usual 
 crowd of Ephehse and sacred courtesans.* Some half-dozen towns or fortified 
 villages, such as Bitziti,^ the Lesser Sidon, and Sarepta, were scattered along 
 the shore, or on the lowest slopes of the Lebanon. Sidonian territory reached 
 its limit at the Cape of Sarepta, where the high-lands again meet the sea 
 at the boundary of one of those basins into which Phoenicia is divided. Passing 
 beyond this cape, we come first upon a Tyrian outpost, the Town of Birds ; ^ 
 then upon the village of Nazana ' with its river of the same name ; beyond 
 this upon a plain hemmed in by low hills, cultivated to their summits ; then 
 
 ' Astarte is represented in the Bible as the goddess of the Sidonians (1 Kings xi. 5, !}3 ; 2 Kings 
 xxiii. 13), and she is in fact the object of the invocations addressed to the mistress Deity in the 
 Sidonian inscriptions (Corpus Inscript. Semiticarum, vol. i. pp. 21, 22), the patroness of the town 
 (Johannes Lydus, De Mensibus, iv. 44; Achilles Tatids, Leucippe et Clitophon, bk. i. § 1). Kings 
 and queens were her priests and priestesses respectively {Corp. Ins. /Sem., vol. i. pp. 13, 20 ; E. Eenan, 
 Ze Sarcophage de Tahnit roi de Sidon, pp. 2, 3). For the character of this Sidonian goddess, see 
 with the necessary reserves, Movers, Die Phonizier, pp. GOl-607. 
 
 " These deities and their temples are mentioned in the inscription of Eshmunazar, 11. lG-18, in 
 the Corp. Ins. Sem., vol. i. pp. 13, 20. As to Astarte Shem-Baal, see M. de VoGijE, Md. d'Arch. 
 Orientale, pp. 54-5G, who translates it "Astarte Name of Baal." 
 
 3 He is represented in the tail-piece at the foot of the table of contents of this chapter, p. 110 of 
 tlie present work (cf. Babelon, Les Perses Ach^m., pi. xxxii., Nos. 10 and 15). 
 
 * Renan has described the grottoes consecrated to the popular Astarte near El-Zeitun and 
 Magdushe, in the neighbourhood of Sidon (Mission de PMnicie, pp. 517, 518). 
 
 ' Bitziti is not mentioned except in the Assyrian texts, and has been identified by Delitzsch (Wo 
 lag das Paradies f p. 284) with the modern region Ain ez-Zeitun to the south-east of Sidon (Renan, 
 Mission de PMnicie, pp. 516, 517). It is very probably the Elaia of Philo of Byblos (Fragm. 17, in 
 MiiLLER-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grsec., vol. iii. p. 575), the Elaisof Dionysios Periegetes (MiiLLEE-DiDox, 
 Geog. Grxei Min., vol. ii. p. 60), which Renan (Mission, etc., pp. 525, 526) is inclined to identify with 
 Heldua, Khan-Khaldi, by substituting Eldis as a correction (Maspeko, De Quelques Loealiigs voisines 
 de Sidon, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 101, 102). As for Little Sidon, known to-day as 
 Khurbet-Sidon, see Maspeko, op. cit., vol. xvii. pp. 101, 102. Sarepta was recognised in the Egyptian 
 texts for the first time by Hincks, An Attempt to ascertain, etc., of the Hieroglyphs, p. 45. 
 
 " The PhcBnician name of Ornithonpolis is unknown to us: the town is often mentioned by the 
 geographers of classic times, Scylax (Muller-Didot, Geog. Grxci Min., vol. i. p. 78), Strabo (XVI. ii., 
 § 24, p. 757), Pliny (H. Nat, v. 17), but with certain differences, some placing it to the north and 
 others to the south of Sarepta. It was near to the site of Adlun, the Adnonum of the Latin 
 itineraries, if it was not actually the same place. 
 
 ' Nazana was both the name of the place and the river, as Kasimiyeh and Khan Kasimiyeh, near 
 the same locality, are to-day. It is known only from the Anastasi Papyrus,'No. 1, pi. 20, 11. 8-21, 1. 1 ; 
 cf. p. 5, note 6, of the present work. 
 
TTRE AND THE LEGEND OF ITS FOUNDATION. 
 
 183 
 
 on tombs and gardens in the suburbs of Autu ; ^ and, further still, to a fleet of 
 boats moored at a short distance from the shore, where a group of reefs and 
 islands furnishes at one and the same time a site fdr the houses and temples 
 of Tyre, and a protection from its foes. 
 
 It was already an ancient town at the beginning of the Egyptian conquest.^ 
 As in other places of ancient date, the inhabitants rejoiced in stories of the 
 origin of things in which the city figured as tl)e most venerable in the world.^ 
 After the period of the creating gods, there followed imme- 
 diately, according to the current legends, two or three gene- 
 rations of minor deities — heroes of light and flame — who had 
 learned how to subdue fire and turn it to their needs; then 
 a race of giants, associated with the giant peaks of Kasios, 
 Lebanon, Hermon, and Brathy ; ■* after which were born two 
 
 Tin: AMUKOSIAN ROCKS 
 
 male children — twins : Samemrum, the lord of the supernal and olive tree." 
 heaven, and Usoos, the hunter/' Human beings at this time lived a savage life, 
 wandering through the woods, and given up to shameful vices. Samemrum took 
 up his abode among them in that region which became in later times the 
 Tyrian coast, and showed them how to build huts, papyrus, or other reeds ; Usoos 
 in the mean time pursued tlie avocation of a hunter of wild beasts, living 
 upon their flesh and clothing himself with their skins. A conflict at length 
 broke out between the two brothers, the inevitable result of rivalry between 
 the ever-wandering hunter and the husbandman attached to the soil. Usoos 
 
 ' Autu was identified by Brugsch (Geogr. Insch., vol. ii. p. 43) with Avatha, which is probably 
 El-Awwatiii, on the hill facing Tyre (Renan, Misnion, etc., pp. 589-591 ; cf. Maspero, Nok» «nr 
 (lij)'irent» points de Grammaire, in tlie Md. d'Arch. ligijptienne el Ansyrienne, vol. ii. p. 293). Max 
 Miiller, who reads tlio word as Authu, Ozu, prefers the Uru or Ushu of the Assyrian texts (^Atien 
 und Europa, p. 194), whicii we shall have occasion to consider lower down. 
 
 ' In the Tel el-Aniarna tablets it appears under the form Zuru, Zurri (Bezold-Budge, The Tell 
 cl-Amurna TaUeU in Itritiish Museum, p. Ivi., n. 2), and in the Egyptian texts with the transliteration 
 Znura, Ziiuru {Annslasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. 21, 1. 1 ; cf. HiNCKS, An Attempt, etc., p. 15). Dionysios 
 Periegetes calls it wyvyi-n (v. 911, in MiiLLER-DiDOT, Geog. Qrxci Min., vol. ii. p. IGO), and Strabo 
 (XVI. ii., § 22, p. 750) UpxaioTarri itiKis Tvpos. 
 
 ' Philo Byblius, Fragm. 2, § 7, 8, in MUlleu-Didot, Fragm. Ilist. Qrmc, vol. iii. p. 506, where 
 all the Tyrian views as to the origin of the city arc given. 
 
 * The identification of the peak of Bratliy is uncertain. The name has been associated with 
 Tabor (Renan, Mem. sur I'oriijine, etc., de I'llistoire ph^nicienne qui parte le nam de Sanchoniathon, 
 pp. 202, 270, accepts the correction proposed by Nolle of Bpofli) into Af/3pa9u) : since it exactly recalls 
 the name of the cypress (Movers, Die PhOnizier, p. 570) and of Borytus, it would be more prudent, 
 perhaps, to look for the name in that of one of the peaks of the Lebanon near tlie latter town. 
 
 * Some editions of Philo read MrinpoSfios for the name of the first brotlier, which has led to a com- 
 parison of the name witli that of Lake Iluleh (Movers, Die PhOnitier, pp. 395, 607). The true reading 
 is "Xaix-rtupovnos 6 nol 'T^i/oupai/ios, which agrees, according to some, with the shortened form of Balsamem- 
 rum, "the high lord of lieaven" (Schhodeu, Die PhSn. Spracfte, pp. 131, 132); according toothers, more 
 probably with Sharae-merum, " the high Uranus" (Bacdlssin, Stud, zur Sem. Religiontg., vol. ii. p. 166, 
 n. 3; Fb. Lenormant, Les Grig, de V Ilist., vol. i. p. 539). The name and the legend of Usoos, the 
 hunter, have been commonly associated with the history of Esau (Movers, Die PhOnitier, pp. 396, 397 ; 
 EENAN,M«niotVe, etc., de I'Uist. Phenicienne, pp. 262-206); Fr. Lenormant (/.c«Ori<;ine«, etc., vol. i. p. 539) 
 has preferred to identify him with the god Bisuof the Egyptians; cf. Duwn of Civilization, pp. 84, 85. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Cabinet des medailles; cf. Babelon, Lee 
 Perses Achfm^nides, pi. xxxvii,, No. 16. 
 
184 STRIA AT THE BEGINNINO OF TEE EGYPTIAN' CONQUEST 
 
 succeeded in holding his own till the day when fire and wind took the 
 part of his enemy against him.^ The trees, shaken and made to rub against 
 each other by the tempest, broke into flame from the friction, and the forest 
 was set on fire. Usoos, seizing a leafy branch, despoiled it of its foliage, and 
 placing it in the water let it drift out to sea, bearing him, the first of his race, 
 with it. Landing on one of the islands, he set up two menhirs, dedicating them 
 to fire and wind that he might thenceforward gain their favour. He poured 
 out at their base the blood of animals he had slaughtered, and after his 
 death, his companions continued to perform the rites which he had inaugurated. 
 The town which he had begun to build on the sea-girt isle was called 
 Tyre, the " Rock," ^ and the two rough stones which he had set up remained 
 for a long time as a sort of talisman, bringing good luck to 
 its inhabitants. It was asserted of old that the island had 
 not always been fixed, but that it rose and fell with the waves 
 like a raft. Two peaks looked down upon it — the " Ambro- 
 sian Eocks " — between which grew the olive tree of Astarte, 
 sheltered by a curtain of flame from external danger. An 
 eagle perched thereon watched over a viper coiled round 
 the trunk : the whole island would cease to float as soon 
 as a mortal should succeed in sacrificing the bird in honour of the gods. 
 Usoos, the Herakles, destroyer of monsters, taught the people of the coast 
 how to build boats, and how to manage them : he then made for the 
 island and disembarked : the bird offered himself spontaneously to his knife, 
 and as soon as its blood had moistened the earth, Tyre rooted itself fixedly 
 opposite the mainland.* Coins of the Roman period represent the chief 
 elements in this legend ; sometimes the eagle and olive tree, sometimes the 
 olive tree and the stelae, and sometimes the two stelae only.^ From this time 
 forward the gods never ceased to reside on the holy island ; Astarte herself was' 
 born there,^ and one of the temples there showed to the admiration of the 
 faithful a fallen star — an aerolite which she had brought back from one of her 
 journies.'' Baal was called the Melkarth,^ king of the city, and the Greeks 
 
 • The text simply states the material facts, the tempest and the fire: the general movement of the 
 narrative seems to prove that the intervention of these elements is an episode in the quarrel between 
 the two brothers — that in which Usoos is forced to fly from the region civilized by Samemrum. 
 
 2 This is the etymology given by the learned of classic times: Swp, neTpa, ri Tvpiwv iroAu (St. 
 Jeeome, Lexicon Nominum Hebraicorum, s.v.). The Greeks adopted the hard form of the name, 
 Tvpos, while the form Sara, Sarra, more like the original, was known in the Old Latin. 
 
 2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the original in the Cabinet des m^dailles ; cf. Babelox, £es 
 Perses Acli^m^nides, pi. xxxv., Nos. 9-19. 
 
 * NoNNUS, Dionysiaca, 1. xl., wliere the legend is related at length. 
 
 ' See coins in Babelon, Les Perses AcMmgnides, pi. xxvii. 5, 9-11 , 16, 23-27, 29 ; xxviii. 1, 24, 25, 27. 
 0 CiCEEO, De Naturd Deorum, iii. 23, 59. 
 
 ' Philo Byblitjs, Fragm. 2, § 24, in Miillee-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grsec, vol. iii. p. 569. 
 ' VleXUapdos, <5 Kal 'HpaK\rjs (Philo Btblius, Fragm. 2, § 22, in MijLLEE-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. 
 Grsec, vol. iii. p. 568) ; on Melkarth, cf. Movees, Bie PhSnizier, pp. 48, 400, at seq. 
 
THE GODS AND CEMETERIES OF TYRE. 
 
 185 
 
 N THE MAINLAl 
 
 afterwards identified him with their Herakles. His worship was of a 
 severe and exacting character : a fire burned perpetually in his sanctuary ; 
 his priests, like those of the Egyptians, 
 had their heads shaved ; they wore gar- 
 ments of spotless white linen, held pork in 
 abomination, and refused permission to 
 married women to approach the altars.^ 
 Festivals, similar to those of Adonis at 
 Byblos, were held in his honour twice a 
 year; in the summer, when the sun burnt 
 up the earth with his glowing heat, he 
 offered himself as an expiatory victim to 
 the solar orb, giving himself to the flames 
 in order to obtain some mitigation of the 
 severity of the sky ; ^ once the winter had 
 brought with it a refreshing coolness, he 
 came back to life again, and his return was 
 celebrated with great joy.^ His temple stood 
 in a prominent place on the largest of the 
 islands furthest away from the mainland.^ It served to remind the people of the 
 remoteness of their origin, for the priests relegated its foundation almost to the 
 period of the arrival of the Phoenicians on the shores of the Mediterranean.' The 
 town had no supply of fresh water, and there was no submarine spring like that of 
 Arvad to provide a resource in time of necessity ; the inhabitants had, therefore, 
 to resort to springs which were fortunately to be found everywhere on the hill- 
 sides of the mainland. The waters of the well of Ras el-Ain had been led down to 
 the shore and dammed up there, so that boats could procure a ready supply from 
 this source in time of peace : in time of war the inhabitants of Tyre had to trust 
 to the cisterns in which they had collected the rains that fell at certain seasons." 
 
 '. '"'•^^ ^^O"^*'''!' of Melknrth at Gados (Cadiz) and tlie functions of his priests are described by Silius 
 Italicus (iii. 21-31) : as Gadcs was a Tyrian colony, it has been naturally assumed that the main features 
 of the religion of Tyre wore reproduced there, and Silius's account of the Melkurth of Gadcs thus applies 
 to his namesake of the mother city (Movers, Die Fhljn , p. t01,et siq. ; Keniuck, Vhccn., pp. 322, 323). 
 
 2 The festival commemorating his death by fire was celebrated at Tyre, where his tomb was shown 
 (Clement of Rome, Recognitioites, x. 24), and in the greater number of the Tyrian colonies (Moveb-s 
 Die VhSnizier, pp. 153-155, 391, 395 ; Pietschmann, Oegcli. der I'lwnizier, p. 231, n. 3). 
 
 ' The festival of the " Awakening of Melkarth," toC 'HpaKKtovt (ytpaa, is mentioned by Mkkandeu, 
 Frag. 1, in MiiLLER-DiDOT, Frag. Eist. Grxc, vol. iv. p. 440, where the editor gives a different text, rh 
 niv ToD 'Hi>aK\tovs TrpSnov iwoiriaaro iv Utpirlc^ tnjvi, taken from JosEl'HUS, Contra Apioiiem, i. 18 ; 
 the mention of the " Awakening " is found in a more complete and more correct form furnished by the 
 same Josophus elsewhere (Ant. Jud., vili. 5, 3). Cf., upon this subject. Movers, Die Phon., pp. 385-387). 
 
 * On the site ascribed to this insular temple of Melkarth, see the long discussion of tlie subject 
 by Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 554-559. 
 
 For an account of this immigration of the Phoenicians, see pp. Gl, 02 of the present work. 
 
 « Abisharri (Abimilki), King of Tyre, confesses to the Pharaoh Amenothes III. that in case of a 
 
186 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF TEE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 The strait separating the island from the mainland was some six or seven 
 hundred yards in breadth/ less than that of the Nile at several points of its 
 course through Middle Egypt, but it was as effective as a broader channel to 
 stop the movement of an army : a fleet alone would have a chance of taking 
 the city by surprise, or of capturing it after a lengthened siege. Like the 
 coast region opposite Arvad, the shore which faced Tyre, lying between the 
 mouth of the Litany and Ras el-Ain, was an actual suburb of the city itself — with 
 its gardens, its cultivated fields, its cemeteries, its villas, and its fortifications. 
 Here the inhabitants of the island were accustomed to bury their dead, and 
 hither they repaired for refreshment during the heat of the summer. To the 
 north the little town of Mahalliba,on the southern bank of the Litany, and almost 
 hidden from view by a turn in the hills, commanded the approaches to the Bekaa, 
 and the high-road to Coele-Syria.^ To the south, at Ras el-Ain, Old Tyre 
 (Paltetyrus) looked down upon the route leading into Galilee by way of the 
 mountains.^ Eastwards Autu commanded the landing-places on the shore, and 
 served to protect the reservoirs ; it lay under the shadow of a rock, on which was 
 built, facing the insular temple of Melkarth, protector of mariners, a sanctuary 
 of almost equal antiquity dedicated to his namesake of the mainland.* The 
 latter divinity was probably the representative of the legendary Samemrum, who 
 
 sieo-e his town would neither have water nor wood (Bezold-Budge, Tlie Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 
 30° p. 65, 11. 37-44 ; No. 28, p. 61, 11. 74-76 ; No. 31, pp. 66, 67, II. 18-20, 49-54 ; No. 29, pp. 62, 63, 
 11. 63-66). Mention of vessels bringing water is made in the Anastaei Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xxi. 1. 2 ; cf. 
 Chabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 168, 169. Aqueducts and conduits of water are spoken of by 
 Menander as existing in the time of Shalmaneser (Josephtjs, Ant. Jud., IX. xiv. 2) ; all modern 
 historians agree in attributing their construction to a very remote antiquity (Movers, I)as Phmiizische 
 Alterthum, vol. i. pp. 231-240 ; Keneiok, Phcenicia, p. 384; Renan, Mission de PMnicie, pp. 593, 594 ; 
 PiETSCHMANN, GescMcJite der Phonizier, p. 70). 
 
 ' According to the writers wlio were contemporary with Alexander, the strait was 4 stadia wide 
 (nearly | mile), or 500 paces (about I mile), at the period when the Macedonians undertook the siege 
 of the town (Diodorus Siodlus, xvii 40 ; Quintus Cobtids, IV. ii. 7) ; the author followed by Pliny 
 says (E. Nat, v. 17) 700 paces, possibly over f mile wide. From the observations of Poulain de Bossay 
 {Recherclies sur Tyr et Pal^yr, p. 7, et seq.), Kenan thinks the space between the island and the 
 mainland might be nearly a mile in width, but we should perhaps do well to reduce this higher figure 
 and adopt one agreeing better with the statements of Diodorus and Quintus Ourtius {Mission de 
 PMnicie, pp. 527, 528). 
 
 2 Mahalliba is the present Khurbet-Mahallib (Olermont-Ganneau, EpigrapMe et Antiquit^s 
 s^mitiques en 1891, in the Journal Asiatique, vol. xix., 1892, p. 118 ; and Maspeeo, De Quelques Localit^s 
 voisines de Sidon, in the Beoueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 101). 
 
 2 Palffityrus has often been considered as a Tyre on the mainland of greater antiquity than 
 the town of the same name on the island (Movers, Das Phonizische Alterthum, vol. i. pp. 171-177 ; 
 Keneick, Phcenicia, pp. 342-346) ; it is now generally admitted that it was merely an outpost (Kenan, 
 Mission de Ph€nicie, pp. 576, 577; Pietschmann, GescMohte der Phonizier, pp. 68-70), which is 
 conjecturally placed by most scholars in the neighbourhood of Ras el-Ain. 
 
 * For Autu, cf. p. 183 of the present work. If the name has been preserved, as I believe it to be, 
 in that of El-Awwatin, the town must be that whose ruins we find at the foot of Tell-Mashuk, and 
 which are often mistaken for those of Palsetyrus (Kenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 578, 579). The temple 
 on the summit of the Tell was probably that of Heracles Astrochiton mentioned by Nonnus 
 {Dionysiaca, xl. 396), as was conjectured by Bertou {Essais sur la Topographie de Tyr, p. 68), but not 
 accepted by Movers (Das Phonizische Alterthum, vol. i. p. 241, note 170)— a conjecture, however, which 
 has appeared possible, and even probable, to other scholars (Renan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 582, 583) ; , 
 this is the temple which the Tyrians represented to Alexander as being older than that of insular 
 Tyre (Justin, xi. 10 ; Quintus Ourtius, iv. 2). , 
 
THE DOMAIN OF T7BE ON THE LEBANON. 187 
 
 had built his village on the coast, while Usoos had founded his on the ocean. 
 He was the Baalsaraim of starry tunic, lord of heaven and king of the sun.^ 
 As was customary, a popular Astarte was associated with these deities of high 
 degree, and tradition asserted that Melkarth purchased her favour by the gift of 
 the first robe of Tyrian purple which was ever dyed. Priestesses of the goddess 
 had dwellings in all parts of the plain, and in several places the caves are still 
 pointed out where they entertained tlie devotees of the goddess.'' JJehind Autu 
 the ground rises abruptly, and along the face of the escarpment, half hidden by 
 trees and brushwood, are the remains of the most important of the Tyrian bury- 
 ing-places, consisting of half-filled-up pits, isolated caves, and dark galleries, 
 where whole families lie together in their last sleep. In some spots the chalky 
 mass has been literally honeycombed by the quarrying gravedigger, and regular 
 lines of chambers follow one another in the direction of the strata, after the 
 fashion of the rock-cut tombs of Upper Egypt. They present a bare and dismal 
 appearance both within and without. The entrances are narrow and arched, 
 the ceilings low, the walls bare and colourless, unrelieved by moulding, picture, 
 or inscription.'' At one place only, near the modern village of Hanaweh, a few 
 groups of figures and coarsely cut stelse are to be found, indicating, it would 
 seem, the burying-place of some chief of very early times. These figures 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudicr, from a pliotograpli by Lortet; cf. La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 139. 
 
 ' NoNNus, Dionynaca, xl. 309, et acq.; cf. Movers, Die rhiinizier, pp. 182-184. 
 
 3 For tlic legend relating to the loves of Melkarth and Astartfi, cf. Pollux, Onomatticon, i. 45 ; 
 NoNNus, Dionysiaca, xl. 300 ; the sacred caves of Vashta, and their characteristic represeutations, are 
 described in detail by Rejjan, Mission de Vhinicie, pp. G47-653. 
 
 * Eenan, Mistion de PMiicie, pp. 580-582, 587-592, insists on the antiquity of some of these tombs. 
 
188 STRIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 run in parallel lines along the rocky sides of a wild ravine. They vary 
 from 2 feet 6 inches to 3 feet in height, the bodies being represented by 
 rectangular pilasters, sometimes merely rough-hewn, at others grooved with 
 curved lines to suggest the folds of the Asiatic garments ; the head is carved 
 full face, though the eyes are given in profile, and the summary treatment 
 of the modelling gives evidence of a certain skill.^ Whether they are to be 
 regarded as the product of a primitive Amorite art or of a school of Phoenician 
 craftsmen, we are unable to determine. In the time of their prosperity the 
 Tyrians certainly pushed their frontier as far as this region. The wind-swept 
 but fertile country lying among the ramifications of the lowest spurs of 
 the Lebanon bears to this day innumerable traces of their indefatigable 
 industry — remains of dwellings, conduits and watercourses, cisterns, pits, 
 millstones and vintage-troughs, are scattered over the fields, interspersed with 
 oil and wine presses. The Phoenicians took naturally to agriculture, and 
 carried it to such a high state of perfection as to make it an actual science, to 
 which the neighbouring peoples of the Mediterranean were glad to accom- 
 modate their modes of culture in later times.^ Among no other people was 
 the art of irrigation so successfully practised, and from such a narrow strip of 
 territory as belonged to them no other cultivators could have gathered such 
 abundant harvests of wheat and barley, and such supplies of grapes, olives, and 
 other fruits. From Arvad to Tyre, and even beyond it, the littoral region and 
 the central parts of the valleys presented a long ribbon of verdure of varying 
 breadth, where fields of corn were blended with gardens and orchards and shady 
 woods. The whole region was independent and self-supporting, the inhabitants 
 having no need to address themselves to their neighbours in the interior, 
 or to send their children to seek their fortune in distant lands. To insure 
 prosperity, nothing was needed but a slight exercise of labour and freedom 
 from the devastating influence of war. 
 
 The position of the country was such as to secure it from attack, and from 
 the conflicts which laid waste the rest of Syria. Along almost the entire 
 eastern border of the country the Lebanon was a great wall of defence running 
 parallel to the coast, strengthened at each extremity by the additional pro- 
 tection of the rivers Nahr el-Kebir and Litany. Its slopes were further defended 
 by the forest, which, with its lofty trees and brushwood, added yet another 
 barrier to that afforded by rocks and snow. Hunters' or shepherds' paths led 
 
 ' LoETET, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, pp. 138-140, iu which the author expresses his belief that this is 
 a very ancient work of the Phoenicians. 
 
 2 Their taste for agriculture, and the comparative perfection of their modes of culture, are proved 
 by the greatness of the remains still to be observed : " The Phoenicians constructed a winepress, a 
 trough, to last for ever" (Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 633-635; cf. p. 321). Their colonists at 
 Carthage carried with them the same clever methods, and the Romans borrowed many excellent 
 things in the way of agriculture from Carthaginian books, especially from those of Mago. 
 
ISOLATION OF THE PHCENICIANS. 
 
 189 
 
 here and there in tortuous courses from one side of the mountain to the other. 
 Near the middle of the country two roads, practicable in all seasons, secured com- 
 munications between the littoral and the plain of the interior. They branched 
 off on either side from the central road in the neighbourhood of Tubakhi, south 
 of Qodshu, and served the needs of the wooded province of Magara.^ This 
 region was inhabited by pillaging tribes, which the Egyptians called at one 
 time Lamnana, the Libanites,^ at others Shausu, using for them the same appella- 
 tion as that which they bestowed upon the Bedouin of the desert.^ The roads 
 through this province ran under the dense shade afforded by oaks, cedars, and 
 cypresses, in an obscurity favourable to the habits of the wolves and hyaenas which 
 infested it, and even of those thick-maned lions known to Asia at the time ; 
 and then proceeding in its course, crossed the ridge in the neighbourhood of the 
 snow-peak called Shaua, which is probably the Sannin ^ of our times. While 
 one of these roads, running north along the lake of Yamuneh and through the 
 gorge of Akura, then proceeded along the Adonis ^ to By bios, the other took a 
 southern direction, and followed the Nahr el-Kelb to the sea.*^ Towards the 
 mouth of the latter a wall of rock opposes the progress of the river, and leaves 
 at length but a narrow and precipitous defile for the passage of its waters : a 
 pathway cut into the cliff at a very remote date leads almost perpendicularly from 
 the bottom of the precipice to the summit of the promontory. Commerce 
 followed these short and direct routes, but invading hosts very rarely took 
 
 ' Magaia ia mentionod in the Anatlad Fapyrus, No. 1, p. xix. 1. '2, and Cliabas (Voyage d'un 
 E/jl/ptieii, pp. 126, 127) has identified it with the plain of Macra, which Strabo (XVI. ii., § 17, p. 755) 
 places in Syria, in the neighbourhood of Eleutheros. The same locality has been associated by Chabas 
 (,fJli((lrs siir rAiiliqin'lc' lli^liiiiqne, 2nd edit., p. 216, note 2) with the Makhar-pit named in u papyrus 
 at J!olo-ii;i (LiN( Ki:, ('nin^pondcnzen aus der Zeit dcr /iumcosifZcH, pi. vii. 1. 9), and by the same 
 writer (7^ /7m7./. I<, „,iliii.« dcr allifgyptuchen Literalur, pp. 21, 22) with the JIagra-put of the 
 lists of Tliiitinu is 1 1 1 I \1 M il I 1 1 . / . V lAstes Gibg. de Karnah, p. 39, No. 94); for arguminls against 
 this view, sec W M \ . M i i i i . I ,ind liuropa, p. 713, note 2, and p. 394, note 1. The context 
 shows that tin w.khK I n uh n luliiij,' along the eastern slopes of the Lebanon, on the level of 
 Tell Nebi-Miudoh and IJaalbek, is meant. Perliaps an eclio of the name is priserved in the name 
 Magoras, which was that of the river of Bojrut in Grasco-Komun times. 
 
 ' The name Lamnana is given in a picture of the campaigns of Seti L (Ouampollion, Mon. de 
 VEgijpte, etc., pi. ccxc, and vol. ii. pp. 87, 88 ; Rosellini, Mon. Slorici, pi. xlvi.), where Wilkinson 
 was the first to recognise the name of Lebanon (Topog. of Thtbes and General View of Egypt, p. 192, 
 note 3). lirugsch was inclined to see in them the Armenians {Geog. Insch., vol. ii. pp. 38, 39), but 
 Wilkinson's identification now holds its ground (Max Mllleu, Asien und Europa, p. 197, et scq.). 
 
 ' Anaslasi rapyrm, No. 1, pi. xix. 11. 1— i ; cf. Cuabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, p. Ill, et seq. 
 
 * Anastasi Fapyrus, No. 1, pi. xix. 1. 4 ; cf. Cuabas, Voyage d'un £gyp(ien, p. 128. W. Max Muller 
 {Asien und Europa, p. 199, note 2) has rightly associated the Egyptian form Shaua with the name 
 Saue, which serves to designate in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser IIL (Rost, Die Keilschri/ittxte 
 Tiglat-Pileser's IIL, pp. 20, 21, 78, 79) one of the peaks of the Lebanon. From tiic general import 
 of the Egyptian context Shaua can hardly bo other than the Sannin of the present day. 
 
 » This is the road pointed out by Renan (Mission de PMnicie, pp. 305-309) as the easiest but 
 least known of those which cross the Lebanon ; the remains of an Assyrian inscription graven on the 
 rocks near Ain el-Asafir show that it was employed from a very early date, and Renan thought that 
 it was used by the armies which came from the upper valley of the Orontes. 
 
 ' This road, which runs along the Nahr el-Kelb, ia probably that followed by the Egyptian in the 
 Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xix, 1. 6 (cf. Ghabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, p. 130, et seq.), to pass from 
 the neighbourhood of Qodshu to Byblos and Beyrut in the valley of the Orontes. 
 
190 SYRIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 advantage of them, although they offered access into the very heart of Phoenicia. 
 Invaders would encounter here, in fact, a little kuown and broken country, lending 
 itself readily to surprises and ambuscades ; and should they reach the foot of the 
 Lebanon range, they would find themselves entrapped in a region of slippery 
 defiles, with steep paths at intervals cut into the rock, and almost inaccessible 
 to chariots or horses, and so narrow in places that a handful of resolute men 
 could have held them for a long time against whole battalions. The enemy 
 preferred to make for the two natural breaches at the respective extremities of 
 the line of defence, and for the two insular cities which flanked the approaches 
 to them — Tyre in the case of those coming from Egypt, Arvad and Simyra for 
 assailants from the Euphrates. The Arvadians, bellicose by nature, would offer 
 strong resistance to the invader, and not permit themselves to be conquered 
 without a brave struggle with the enemy, however powerful he might be.^ 
 When the disproportion of the forces which they could muster against the 
 enemy convinced them of the folly of attempting an open conflict, their 
 island-home offered them a refuge where they would be safe from any attacks. 
 Sometimes the burning and pillaging of their property on the mainland might 
 reduce them to throw themselves on the mercy of their foes, but such sub- 
 mission did not last long, and they welcomed the slightest occasion for regaining 
 their libertj^ Conquered again and again on account of the smallness of 
 their numbers, they were never discouraged by their reverses, and Phoenicia 
 owed all its military history for a long period to their prowess. The Tyrians 
 were of a more accommodating nature, and there is no evidence, at least 
 during the early centuries of their existence, of the display of those obstinate 
 and blind transports of bravery by which the Arvadians were carried away.^ 
 Their foreign policy was reduced to a simple arithmetical question, which they 
 discussed in the light of their industrial or commercial interests. As soon as 
 they had learned from a short experience that a certain Pharaoh had at his 
 disposal armies against which they could offer no serious opposition, they at 
 
 ' Thfttmosis III. was obliged to enter on a campaign against Arvad in the year XXIX. (Annals, 
 
 II. 4-7), in the year XXX. (id., 11. 7-9), and probably twice in the following years. Under Amenothes 
 
 III. and IV. we see that these people took part in all the intrigues directed against Egypt (Bezold- 
 BuDGE, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, pp. lix., Ixxiii., Ixxiv.) ; they were the 
 allies of the Khati against Eamses II. in the campaign of the year V. (Poeme de Pentaouirit, ed. E. J. 
 DE RouGfi, in the Bevue Egyptologique, vol. iii. p. 157, 1. 6), and later on we find them involved in 
 most of the wars against Assyria, 
 
 ^ No campaign against Tyre is mentioned in any of the Egyptian annals : the expedition of 
 Thutmosis III. against Senzauru (Inscription d' Amenemhahi, 1. 20) was not directed against " the 
 double Tyre," as Ebers thought (Das Grab, etc., des Feldhauptmanns Am€nemh^,in the Zeitschrift der 
 D. Morg. Geeellschaft,, vol. xxxi. p. 460), or against the " other Tyre," if one takes without discussion 
 Lieblein's interpretation of the name (Sur la Ville de Tyr, in the Atti del IV Congresso, p. 33), but 
 against a town of Ccele-Syria mentioned in the Tel el-Amarna tablets with the orthography Zinzar 
 (Bezold-Budge, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, pp. Ixvii., Ixviii.), the Sizara-Larissa of Grseco-Roman times 
 (Stephen of Byzantium, s.v. Si(6.pa), the Shaizar of the Arab Chronicles. On the contrary, the Tel 
 el'Amarna tablets contain several passages which manifest the fidelity of Tyre and its governors to 
 the King of Egypt (Bezold-Budge, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, pp. Ivi.-lxii.), 
 
THE PBCENICIAN APTITUDE FOR NAVIGATION. 191 
 
 once surrendered to him, and thought only of obtaining the greatest profit 
 from the vassalage to which they were condemned. The obligation to pay 
 tribute did not appear to them so much in the light of a burthen or a sacrifice, 
 as a means of purchasing the right to go to and fro freely in Egypt, or in 
 the countries subject to its influence. The commerce acquired by these 
 privileges recouped them more than a hundredfold for all that their overlord 
 demanded from tliem. The other cities of the coast — Sidon, Berytus, Byblos ^ 
 — usually followed the example of Tyre, whether from mercenary motives, or 
 from their naturally pacific disposition, or from a sense of their impotence ; and 
 the same intelligent resignation with which, as we know, they accepted the supre- 
 macy of the great Egyptian empire, was doubtless displayed in earlier centuries 
 in their submission to the Babylonians. Their records show that they did not 
 accept this state of things merely through cowardice or indolence, for they 
 are represented as ready to rebel and shake off the yoke of their foreign master 
 when they found it incompatible with their practical interests.^ But their 
 resort to war was exceptional ; they generally preferred to submit to the 
 powers that be, and to accept from them as if on lease the strip of coast-line at 
 the base of the Lebanon, which served as a site for their warehouses and dock- 
 yards. Thus they did not find the yoke of the stranger irksome — the sea open- 
 ing up to them a realm of freedom and independence which compensated them 
 for the limitations of both territory and liberty imposed upon them at home. 
 
 The epoch which was marked by their first venture on the Mediterranean,and 
 the motives which led to it, were alike unknown to them. The gods had taught 
 them navigation, and from the beginning of things they had taken to the seu 
 as fishermen, or as explorers in search of new lands.** They were not driven by 
 poverty to leave their continental abode, or inspired thereby with a zeal for 
 distant cruises. They had at home sufficient corn and wine, oil and fruits, to 
 meet all their needs, and even to administer to a life of luxury. Apd if they 
 lacked cattle, the abundance of fish within their reach compensated for the 
 absence of flesh-meat. Nor was it the number of commodiously situated ports 
 on their coast which induced them to become a seaforing people, for their 
 harbours were badly protected for the most part, and ofifered no shelter when 
 
 • See letters from the princes of Berytus (BEZOLD-Bi;DGi;,r/(e TMel-Amarna Tahkl8,pp. Iv., lvi.),of 
 Byblos (Id., pp. xliv.-lv.), showiDg their zeal for tlie interests of Pharaoh. Sidon was more turbu- 
 lent (Id., ibid., pp. xlvi., xlvii., Iviii.-lxii.), but seems never to have gone too far in its spirit of rebellion. 
 It is not found, any more than Tyre, among the Egyptian triumphal lists known up to the present time. 
 
 ' Cf, in regard to the Assyro-Chaldcoan epoch, their long resistance to the enterprises of Shal- 
 maneser IV., Sargou, Sennacherib, and Nebuchadrezzar II. 
 
 • According to one of the cosmogonies of Sanchoniathon, Khusor, who has been identified with 
 Hephsestos, was the inventor of the fishiug-boat, and was the first among men and gods who taught 
 navigation (Philo Bydlius, Fragm. 2, § 9, in Muller-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. 5G6). 
 According to another legend, Melkarth showed the Tyrians how to make a raft from the branches of 
 u fig tree (Nonnus, Dionys., xl. 443, et seq.), while the construction of the first sliips is elsewhere 
 ascribed to tlie Cabin (PiiiLO Bybuvh, Fragm. 2,§ 11, in MiiLLuit-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grtec, vol. iii. 
 p. 567). Cf. MoVkbs, Dog Phdnizieche Alterthum, vol. iii. pp. 149-152. 
 
192 SYSIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 the wind set in from the north, the rugged shore presenting little resource 
 against the wind and waves in its narrow and shallow havens. It was the nature 
 of the country itself which contributed more than anything else to make them 
 mariners. The precipitous mountain masses which separate one valley from 
 another rendered communication between them difficult, while they served also 
 as lurking-places for robbers. Commerce endeavoured to follow, therefore, the 
 sea-route in preference to the devious ways of this highwayman's region, and it 
 accomplished its purpose the more readily because the common occupation of 
 sea-fishing had familiarised the people with every nook and corner on the 
 coast. The continual wash of the surge had worn away the bases of the limestone 
 cliffs, and the superincumbent masses tumbling down into the sea formed 
 lines of rocks, hardly rising above the water-level,^ which fringed the head- 
 lands with perilous reefs, against which the waves broke continuously at 
 the slightest wind. It required some bravery to approach them, and no little 
 skill to steer one of the frail boats, which these people were accustomed to 
 employ from the earliest times, scatheless amid the breakers. The coasting trade 
 was attracted from Arvad successively to Berytus, Sidon, and Tyre, and finally, 
 to the other towns of the coast.^ It was in full operation, doubtless, from 
 the Vr^ Egyptian dynasty onwards, when the Pharaohs no longer hesitated to 
 embark troops at the mouths of the Nile for speedy transmission to the provinces 
 of Southern Syria, and it was by this coasting route that the tin and amber of the 
 north succeeded in reaching the interior of Egypt.^ The trade was originally, 
 it would seem, in the hands of those mysterious Kefatiu of whom the name only 
 was known in later times. When the Phoenicians established themselves at the 
 foot of the Lebanon, they had probably only to take the place of their pre- 
 decessors and to follow the beaten tracks which they had already made. We 
 have every reason to believe that they took to a seafaring life soon after their 
 arrival in the country, and that they adapted themselves and their civilization 
 readily to the exigencies of a maritime career.* In their towns, as in most sea- 
 ports, there was a considerable foreign element, both of slaves and freemen, but 
 the Egyptians confounded them all under one name, Kefatiu, whether they were 
 Cypriotes, Asiatics, or Europeans, or belonged to the true Tyrian and Sidonian 
 race. The costume of the Kafiti was similar to that worn by the people of the 
 interior — the loin-cloth, with or without a long upper garment; while in tiring 
 
 * Eenan, Mission de PMiiicie, pp. 572-574, where the eroding effects of the sea, peculiar to the 
 Phcenician coast, are described and explained. 
 
 * For the natural motives determining the maritime calling of the populations dwelling on the 
 Phenician coast, see especially the summary of Pietschmann, Oesch. der Phonizier, pp. 26-34. 
 
 ' For an account of the commerce, see Dawn of Civilization, pp. 392-394. 
 Connexion between Phoenicia and Greece was fully established at the outbreak of the 
 Egyptian wars (E. Meter, Gescli. des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 234-235 ; vol. ii. p. 129, et seq.), and we 
 may safely assume their existence in the centuries immediately preceding the second millennium 
 before our era (Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phonizier, p. 250) : for the probable period of the Phcenician 
 immigration, see supra, p. 62. 
 
J'JKEXICIAN COMMERCE. 
 
 193 
 
 the hair they adopted certain refinements, specially a series of curls which 
 the men arranged in the form of an aigrette above tlieir foreheads. This 
 motley collection of races was ruled over by 
 an oligarchy of merchants and shipowners, 
 whose functions were hereditary, and who 
 usually paid homage to a single king, the 
 representative of the tutelary god, and abso- 
 lute master of the city.^ The industries 
 pursued in Phcenicia were somewhat similar 
 to those of other parts of Syria ; the stuffs, 
 vases, and ornaments made at Tyre and Sidon 
 could not be distinguished from those of 
 Hamath or of Carchemish, All manufactures 
 bore the impress of Babylonian influence, and 
 their implements, weights, measures, and 
 system of exchange were the same as those 
 in use among the Chaldasans. The products 
 of the country were, however, not sufficient 
 to freight the fleets which sailed from Pha^- 
 nicia every year bound for all parts of the 
 known world, and additional supplies had to 
 be regularly obtained from neighbouring 
 peoples, who thus became used to pour into 
 Tyre and Sidon the surplus of their manu- 
 factures, or of the natural wealth of their 
 country. The Phoenicians were also accustomed to send caravans into regions 
 which they could not reach in their caracks, and to establish trading stations 
 at the fords of rivers, or in the passes over mountain ranges.^ We know 
 of the existence of such emporia at Laish near the sources of the Jordan,* at 
 Thapsacus,^ and at Nisibis," and they must have served the purpose of a series 
 
 ' The little tlmt is known of tlic or^jaiiisiUion of the Plioonician cities before tlie Greek period has 
 been set forth at length by Movtits, Das rhSnziische Alterihum, vol. i. |.p. 479-5G1, and has been 
 summarised by Pietsciimann, Gcschichte dcr ruSnhier, pp. 237, 238. Under the Egyptian supremacy, 
 tlu! local princes did not assume the royal title in the despatches which they addressed to the kings 
 of Egypt, but styled themselves governors of their cities. 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from tlie coloured sketches by Prisso d' Avenues in the Natural 
 Hist. Museum ; cf. Champollion, Monumentt de I'L'gypte, etc., pis. c\c., cxci. 1 ; Rosellini, Monu- 
 menti Storici, pi. clix. o ; Viiii.v, Le Totnhmu de Rekhmard, in the Memoire» de la Mission Franfaise, 
 vol. V. pi. V. pp. 33, 34. 
 
 ' MovEus, Das I'hGnizitche Alterthuiii, vol. ii. pp. 128-147, 236-271, has shown most ingeniously 
 what was tlie nature of, and tlie routes followed in, this overland trade with the nations of the Euphrates. 
 ♦ Josh. xix. 47 ; Judges xviii. 7, 27-29. Cf. MoVEiis, Das Ph6nitiechr AUrrlhum, vol. ii. pp. 159-102. 
 ' MovEHS, Das Fhrmizische Alterthum, vol. ii. pp. 164, 165. 
 
 " Philo Byblu s, Fmgm. 8, in Mi'LLEn-DiDOT, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, vol. iii. p. j71 ; cf. Movers, 
 ibid., vol. ii. pp. 162-164. 
 
194 SYSIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 of posts on the great highways of the world. The settlements of the Phoenicians 
 always assumed the character of colonies, and however remote they might be 
 from their fatherland, the colonists never lost the manners and customs of their 
 native country. They collected together into their ohels or storehouses such 
 wares and commodities as they could purchase in their new localities, and, 
 transmitting them periodically to the coast, shipped them thence to all parts 
 of the world. 
 
 Not only were they acquainted with every part of the Mediterranean, but 
 they had even made voyages beyond its limits. In the absence, however, of 
 any specific records of their naval enterprise, the routes they followed must be 
 a subject of conjecture. They were accustomed to relate that the gods, after 
 having instructed them in the art of navigation, had shown them the way to 
 the setting sun, and had led them by their example to make voyages even 
 beyond the mouths of the ocean.^ El of Byblos was the first to leave Syria ; 
 he conquered Greece and Egypt, Sicily and Libya, civilizing their inhabitants, 
 and laying the foundation of cities everywhere.^ The Sidonian Astarte, with 
 her head surmounted by the horns of an ox, was the next to begin her wanderings 
 over the inhabited earth.^ Melkarth completed the task of the gods by dis- 
 covering and subjugating those countries which had escaped the notice of his 
 predecessors. Hundreds of local traditions, to be found on all the shores of tlie 
 Mediterranean down to Roman times, bore witness to the pervasive influence of 
 the old Canaanite colonisation. At Cyprus, for instance, we find traces of the 
 cultus of Kinyras,^ King of Byblos and father of Adonis ; again, at Crete, it is 
 the daughter of a Prince of Sidon, Europa, who is carried off by Zeus under the 
 form of a bull ; it was Kadmos, sent forth to seek Europa, who visited Cyprus, 
 Rhodes, and the Cyclades before building Thebes in Boeotia and dying in the 
 forests of Illyria.'^ In short, wherever the Phoenicians had obtained a footing, 
 
 ' The whole of these traditions have been collected and examined at length, often without needful 
 criticism, by Movers, Das Plonizische AUerlhum, vol. ii. pp. 58-r2,j. 
 
 - The conquests and colonies of El-Ki'onos are mentioned by Philo Byblius (Fragm. 2, § 24, 27, and 
 Fruijm. 7, in Mlxler-Didot, Frmjm. Hist. G'c-ec, vol. iii. pp. oG9, 571); for wliat has been gathered 
 from the scattered traces found in Greelc tradition, cf., witli necessary precaution, tlie work of Movers, 
 Vas Phiinizische Altertlnmi, vol. ii. pp. 59-b'4. 
 
 ^ The travels of Astarte, togetlier with those of El-Kroiios, were mentioned by Saixchoniathon 
 (Philo Byblius, Fragui. "J, § 24, in Mi' lleu-Didot, Fnuj,,,. ni4. Grxc, vol. iii. j,. ."iCO) ; cf. Movers, 
 Bas PMnhische AUcrthuw, vol. ii. pp. (14-101). 
 
 * Legends of a late date collected and rehited by iMoveks, //,/,/., vnl. ii. pp. 109-12.1 
 
 ^ For the part which Kinyras played at Paplios, cf. ]':NG]:r, Kijiiro^, vnl. i. pp. 203-209, and vol. 
 ii. pp. 94-130; Movers, Dm Phoitizische AUertham, vol. ii. jip. 22(;, 1^27. 
 
 « Hock, Creta, vol. i. pp. 83-104; Movers, Das Plon. Allnil,., vol. ii. pp. 77-85. The present 
 tendency of scholars is to regard the legends of Europa and Kadmos as almost entirely western (Ed. 
 Meyer, Geschichte des Alferthums, vol. ii. pp. 148-153); without going into the question, wliich I 
 am not competent to deal with, one fact above all others is noticeable, namely, the connection 
 which the Greeks themselves established between the stories relating to Europa and Phoeniciau 
 colonisation. 
 
 ' Movers, Dus PhSn. Alterth., vol. ii. pp. 85-92, where the testimony of ancient writers is brought 
 
PH(ENICIAN TRADE. 
 
 195 
 
 their audacious activity made such an indelible impression upon the mind of 
 the native inhabitants that they never forgot those vigorous thick-set men 
 with pale faces and dark beards, and soft and specious speech, who appeared 
 at intervals in their large and swift sailing vessels. They made their way 
 cautiously along the coast, usually keeping in sight of land, making sail when 
 the wind was favourable, or taking to the oars for days together when occasion 
 demanded it, anchoring at night under the shelter of some headland, or in bad 
 weather hauling their vessels up the beach until the morrow. They did not 
 shrink when it was necessary from trusting themselves to the open sea, direct- 
 ing their course by the Pole-star ; ^ in this manner they often traversed long 
 distances out of siglit of land, and they succeeded in making in a short time 
 voyages previously deemed long and costly. It is hard to say whether they 
 were as much merchants as pirates — indeed, they hardly knew themselves — and 
 their peaceful or warlike attitude towards vessels wliich they encountered on 
 the seas, or towards the people whose countries they frequented, was probably 
 determined by the circumstances of the moment.-^ If on arrival at a port they 
 felt themselves no match for the natives, the instinct of the merchant pre- 
 vailed, and that of the pirate was kept in the background. They landed 
 peaceably, gained the good will of the native chief and his nobles by small 
 presents, and spreading out their wares, contented themselves, if they could do 
 no better, with the usual advantage obtained in an exchange of goods. They 
 were never in a hurry, and would remain in one spot until they had exhausted 
 all the resources of the country, while they knew to a nicety how to display 
 their goods attractively before the expected customer. Their wares comprised 
 weapons and ornaments for men, axes, swords, incised or damascened daggers with 
 hilts of gold or ivory, bracelets, necklaces, amulets of all kinds, enamelled vases, 
 glass-work, stuffs dyed purple or embroidered with gay colours. At times the 
 natives, whose cupidity was excited by the exhibition of such valuables, would 
 attempt to gain possession of them either by craft or by violence. They would 
 kill the men who had landed, or attempt to surprise the vessel during the 
 
 to<?cther and constiuctl with an (■.\Bggeration habitual to tlu^ nutlior. As in tho story of Europa. we 
 liiiust herc! si o in tho jjcrson and adventures of Kadmos merely a type as well as a collection of Kgends 
 of Hellenic origin. Here again we are forced to recall tlio fact that tho Greeks connected these 
 traditions with memories of Phoenician colonisation. 
 
 ' The Greeks for this reason called it Phconikc, the Phoenician star (Htgincs, i4«/ro»»om., ii., § 2); 
 ef. also in Moveks, l)n» PlGHizhche Alterlhum, vol. iii. pp. 185, 18G, the passages from ancient writers 
 referring to the use which the Phoenicians made of the Pole-star to guide them in navigation. 
 
 ' Tiie manner in which the Phoenicians i)lie(l their trade is strikingly described in the Odystey, 
 XV. 40:1-184, in the part where Eumaios relates how he was carried oft" by a Sidonian vessel and .sold 
 as a slave ; cf. tho passage wliicli mentions the ravages of the Greeks on the coast of the Delta, xiv. 
 •2(52-205. Heroilotus (1. i.) recalls tho rape of lo, daughter of Inachos, by the Phoenicians, who carried 
 her and her companions into Egypt; on tho other hand, during one of their Egyptian expeditions 
 they had taken two priestesses from 'riicbcs, and had transported one of them to Dodona, the other 
 into Libya (II. liv., hi.). 
 
196 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 night. But more often it was the Phoenicians who took advantage of the friend- 
 liness or the weakness of their hosts. They would turn treacherously upon the 
 unarmed crowd when absorbed in the interest of buying and selling ; robbing 
 and killing the old men, they would make prisoners of the young and strong, 
 the women and children, carrying them off to sell them 
 } markets where slaves were known to fetch the 
 it price. This was a recognised trade, but it 
 ed the Phoenicians to the danger of reprisals, 
 made them objects of an undying hatred. 
 3n on these distant expeditions they were 
 ject to trivial disasters which might lead to 
 ious consequences. A mast might break, an 
 oar might damage a portion of the bulwarks, 
 a storm might force them to throw over- 
 board part of their cargo or their 
 provisions; in such predicaments they 
 had no means of repairing the damage, 
 and, unable to obtain help in any 
 the places they might visit, their pros- 
 pects were of a desperate character. They 
 soon, therefore, learned the necessity of 
 establishing cities of refuge at various points in the 
 countries with which they traded — stations where 
 they could go to refit and revictual their vessels, to 
 fill up the complement of their crews, to take in 
 new freight, and, if necessary, pass the winter or 
 wait for fair weather before continuing their voyage. 
 For this purpose they chose by preference islands lying within easy distance of 
 the mainland, like their native cities of Tyre and Arvad, but possessing a good 
 harbour or roadstead. If an island were not available, they selected a 
 peninsula with a narrow isthmus, or a rock standing at the extremity of a 
 promontory, which a handful of men could defend against any attack, and 
 which could be seen from a considerable distance by their pilots. Most of 
 their stations thus happily situated became at length important towns. They 
 were frequented by the natives from the interior, who allied themselves with 
 the new-comers, and furnished them not only with objects of trade, but with 
 soldiers, sailors, and recruits for their army ; and sueh was the rapid spread of 
 
 HEAD. OP J 
 
 FORMING THE 
 FIGUBE-HEAD OF AN EGYPTIAN 
 GALLEY.' 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucber-Gudin, from a pbotograpli by M. de Merlens ; this figure-head is in tlie 
 Berlin Museum (Euman, Aus/uhrliches Verzeichniss, No. 11,404, p. 232), and the photograph Las been 
 reproduced in the above drawing by tlie kind permission of the curator. 
 
THF. VESSF.LS OF THE PH(ENICIANS. 197 
 
 these colonies, that before long the Mediterranean was surrounded by an almost 
 unbroken chain of Phoenician strongholds and trading stations. 
 
 All the towns of the mother country — Arvad, Byblos, Berytus, Tyre, and 
 Sidon — possessed vessels engaged in cruising long before the Egyptian con- 
 quest of Syria.^ We have no direct information from any existing monument 
 to show us what these vessels were like, but we are familiar with the construc- 
 tion of the galleys which formed the fleets of the Pharaohs of the XVIII"' 
 
 dynasty. The art of shipbuilding had made considerable progress since the 
 times of the Memphito kings."* From the period when Egypt aspired to 
 become one of the great powers of the world, she doubtless endeavoured to 
 bring her naval force to the same pitch of perfection as her land forces could 
 boast of, and her fleets probably consisted of the best vessels which the dock- 
 yards of that day could turn out. Pha>nician ve.«sels of this period may there- 
 fore be regarded with reason as constructed on lines similar to those of the 
 Egyptian ships, differing from them merely in the minor details of the 
 shape of the hull and manner of rigging. The hull continued to be built 
 long and narrow, rising at the stem and stern. The bow was terminated by a 
 sort of hook, to which, in time of peace, a bronze ornament was attached. 
 
 ' For the cxiatencc of a navy at Byblos, sec p. 172 of tlie present work; its vessels, togctlier wiili 
 those of Simyrn, Bcrytus, nnd Sidon, are mentioned in the Tel ol-Amnrna tablets (Bezold-IJudgk. 
 The Tell el-Amania Tablvts,No. 13, pi. 30,11. 12-14, 17-20; No. 30, pis. 6*, 65, 11. 05-68; No. 2S. p. 61. 
 II. 57-63). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Bcato. 
 
 ' For the Egyptian imvy of the Memphito period, of. JIasi-kro, Dawn of Civilliation, p. :5;)2 ; for 
 tlio vessels of (iueen Hatshopsitu, see B. Gi..\seii, Dos Seeieeten tier iiUen /Egypter, '\\\ IKmichex, 
 Remhide, vol. i. pp. 1 27 ; and Maspeuo, De qvelqiies Xavigations, pp. 11-17. 
 
198 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 fashioned to represent the head of a divinity, gazelle, or bull, while in time of 
 war this was superseded by a metal cut-water made fast to the hull by several 
 turns of stout rope, the blade rising some couple of yards above the level of the 
 deck.^ The poop was ornamented with a projection firmly attached to the 
 body of the vessel, but curved inwards and terminated by an open lotus-flower. 
 An upper deck, surrounded by a wooden rail, was placed at the bow and stern 
 to serve as forecastle and quarter-decks respectively, and in order to protect 
 the vessel from the danger of heavy seas the ship was strengthened by a 
 structure to which we find nothing analogous ia the shipbuilding of classical 
 times : an enormous cable attached to the gammonings of the bow rose obliquely 
 to a height of about a couple of yards above the deck, and, passing over four small 
 crutched masts, was made fast again to the gammonings of the stern. The hull 
 measured from the blade of the cut-water to the stern-post some twenty to five 
 and twenty yards, but the lowest part of the hold did not exceed five feet in 
 depth. There was no cabin, and the ballast, arms, provisions, and spare-rigging 
 occupied the open hold.^ The bulwarks were raised to a height of some two 
 feet, and the thwarts of the rowers ran up to them on both the port and star- 
 board sides, leaving an open space in the centre for the long-boat, bales of 
 merchandise, soldiers, slaves, and additional passengers.^ A double set of 
 steering-oars and a single mast completed the equipment. The latter, which 
 rose to a height of some twenty-six feet, was placed amidships,* and was held 
 in an upright position by stays. The masthead was surmounted by two arrange- 
 ments which answered respectively to the top ["gabie"] and ealcet of the 
 masts of a galley.^ There were no shrouds on each side from the masthead to 
 the rail, but, in place of them, two stays ran respectively to the bow and 
 stern. The single square-sail was extended between two yards some sixty to 
 
 ' To get a clear idea of the details of this structure, we have only to compare tlie appearance of sliips 
 with and without a cut-water in the scenes at Thebes, representing the celebration of a festival at the 
 return of the fleet (Makiette, Beir el-Bahari, pis. 11, 12). 
 
 ^ M. Glaser thinks that there were cabins for the crew under the deck, and he recognises in the 
 sixteen oblong marks on the sides of the vessels at Deir el-Bahari so many dead-lights (Z)as Seewesen 
 der alten JEgijpter, p. 16) ; as there could not have been spiice for so many cabins, I had concluded 
 that these were ports for oars to be used in time of battle (-De quelques Navigations des ligyptieni^, 
 p. 13, and notes 1, 8), but on further consideration I saw that they represented the ends of the beams 
 supporting the deck. 
 
 ' One of the bas-reliefs exhibits a long-boat in the water at the time the fleet was at anchor at 
 Puanit (Maeiette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 6). As we do not find any vessel towing one after )ier, we 
 naturally conclude that the boat must have been stowed on board. 
 
 For the mode in which the mast was stepped and maintained firmly in its place, see Belgeu, 
 Beck, Ruderhdiile und Madhefedigung an JEgyptischen ScMfsmodellen, in the Zeitsohri/t, vol. xxsiii. 
 pp. 27-32. 
 
 ^ The " gabie " was a species of top where a sailor was placed on the look-out. It is the Kapxrjcrioy 
 of the Greeks, the " calcese " of the Italians. The " calcet " is, properly speaking, a square block of 
 wood containing the sheaves on which the halyards travelled. The Egyptian apparatus had no 
 sheaves, and answers to the " calcet " on the masts of a galley only in its serving the same purpose. 
 Its details are given on a large scale by Dlmichen, Die Flottc einer ^gyptischen Konigin, pi. x. 
 
THE PIKENICTAN CEEWS. 
 
 199 
 
 seventy feet long, and each made of two pieces spliced together at the centre. 
 The upper yard was straight, while the lower curved upward at the ends. The 
 yard was lioisted and lowered by two halyards, which were made fast aft at the 
 feet of the steersmen. The yard was kept ia its place by two lifts which came 
 down from the masthead, and were attached respectively about eight feet from 
 the end of each yard-arm. When the yard was hauled up it was further sup- 
 ported by six auxiliary lifts, three being attached to each yard-arm. The 
 lower yard, made fast to the mast by a figure-of-eight knot, was secured by 
 sixteen lifts, wliich, like those of the upper yard, worked through the " calcet." 
 The crew comprised thirty rowers, fifteen on each side, four top-men, two 
 steersmen, a pilot at the bow, who signalled to the men at the helm the course 
 to steer, a captain and a governor of the slaves, who formed, together with ten 
 soldiers, a total of some fifty men.^ In time of battle, as the rowers would be 
 exposed to the missiles of the enemy, the bulwarks were further heightened 
 by a mantlet, behind which the oars could be freely moved, while the 
 bodies of the men were fully protected, their heads alone being visible 
 above it. The soldiers were stationed as follows : two of them took their 
 ])laces on the forecastle, a third was perched on the masthead in a sort of cage 
 improvised on the bars forming the top, while the remainder were posted on 
 the deck and poop, from which positions and while waiting for the order to 
 board they could pour a continuous volley of arrows on the archers and sailors 
 of the enemy.^ 
 
 Tlie first colony of which the Phoenicians made themselves masters was that 
 island of Cyprus whose low, lurid outline they could see on fine summer 
 evenings in the glow of the western sky.^ Some hundred and ten miles in 
 length and thirty-six in breadth, it is driven like a wedge into the angle which 
 Asia Minor makes with the Syrian coast : it throws out to the north-east a 
 narrow strip of land, somewhat like an extended finger pointing to where the 
 two coasts meet at the extremity of the gulf of Issos. A limestone cliff, of 
 almost uniform height throughout, bounds, for half its length at least, the 
 northern side of the island, broken occasionally by short deep valleys, 
 which open out into creeks deeply embayed. A scattered population of 
 fishermen exercised their calling in this region, and small towns, of which 
 
 ' 1 have ninde this calculation from an examiuation of the sceucsiu whicli sliips are altcrnativclv 
 leprcscntcd as at anchor and under weigh (Mahiette, Deir el-Bahari, C); I know of vessels of 
 Binallcr size, and consequently witli a smaller crew, but I know of none larger or more fully manned. 
 
 ^ The details are taken from the only reprcsi-ntation of a naval battle which we possess up to this 
 moment, viz that of which I shall have occasion to speak further on iu connection with the reign of 
 IJamses III. (Champollion, Monumentf de t'jigijpte, etc., pi. cc.\xii. ; Bosellini, Monumeuti Storici, 
 ])ls. cxxx., cxxxi.). 
 
 ' For the various names of Cyprus in clas.'iical antiquity, see Kngel, Kypiot, vol. i. pp. 11-24. 
 
200 STBIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 we possess only the Greek or Grecised names — Karpasia, Aphrodision, Kerynia, 
 Lapethos — led there a slumbering existence. Almost in the centre of the 
 island two volcanic peaks, Troodes and Olympos, face each other, and rise to a 
 height of nearly 7000 feet, the range of mountains to which they belong — 
 that of Aous — forming the framework of the island. The spurs of this range 
 fall by a gentle gradient towards the south, and spread out either into stony 
 slopes favourable to the culture of the vine, or into great maritime flats fringed 
 with brackish lagoons. The valley which lies on the northern side of this 
 chain runs from sea to sea in an almost unbroken level. A scarcely per- 
 ceptible watershed divides the valley into two basins similar to those of Syria, 
 the larger of the two lying opposite to the Phoenician coast. The soil consists 
 of black mould, as rich as that of Egypt, and renewed yearly by the overflowing 
 of the Pediseos and its affluents. Thick forests occupied the interior, promising 
 inexhaustible resources to any naval power. Even under the Roman emperors 
 the Cypriotes boasted that they could build and fit out a ship from the keel to 
 the masthead without looking to resources beyond those of their own island.^ 
 The ash, pine, cypress, and oak flourished on the sides of the range of Aous,^ 
 while cedars grew there to a greater height and girth than even on the Lebanon.'^ 
 Wheat, barley, olive trees, vines, sweet-smelling woods for burning on the altar, 
 medicinal plants such as the poppy and the ladanum,^ henna for staining 
 with a deep orange colour the lips, eyelids, palm, nails, and finger-tips of 
 the women,^ all found here a congenial habitat ; while a profusion everywhere 
 of sweet-smelling flowers, which saturated the air with their penetrating odours 
 — spring violets, many-coloured anemones, the lily, hyacinth, crocus, nar- 
 cissus, and wild rose — led the Greeks to bestow upon the island the designa- 
 tion of "the balmy Cyprus." Mines also contributed their share to the 
 riches of which the island could boast. Iron in small quantities, alum, 
 asbestos, agate and other precious stones, are still to be found there, and 
 in ancient times the neighbourhood of Tamassos yielded copper in such 
 quantities that the Romans were accustomed to designate this metal by the 
 name "Cyprium," and the word passed from them into all the languages of 
 
 ' Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8, 14, who draws his iuformation from an older source. 
 
 ^ The enumeration of the different species of forest trees known to ancient authors is to be found 
 fully given in Engel, Kijpros, vol. i. pp. 59, 62, 63. 
 
 2 Theophrastos, Hist. Plant., v. 8, 9 ; on the development to which forests had attained in ancient 
 times, see the evidence given by Eratosthenes in Steabo, XIV. vi., § 5, p. 684. 
 
 < DioscORiDES, Hist. Plant., i. 128 ; Pliny, Hist. Nat., xii.27. 
 
 * Henna, Laicsonia inerm's, L., is called "kopher" in Hebrew, Kvwpos in Greek, and the flower 
 KvTrpis, like the goddess of Cyprus ; cf. Engel, Kypros, vol. i. pp. 64-66. The plant was introduced 
 into Egypt about the middle of the second Theban empire (Loret, La Flore Pharaonique, 2nd edit., 
 pp. 80, 81). The ancients derived the name of the island from that of the plant (Stephen of 
 Byzantium, s.v. Kvwpos ; Eostathius, Com. ad Bionysium Periegeten, v. 508, 509, in MiiLLEK-DiDOT, 
 Geographi Grxci Minores, vol. ii. p. 312). 
 
THE NATURAL RESOUIiCES OF CYPRUS. 
 
 201 
 
 Europe.* It is uot easy to determine the race to which the first inhabitants of the 
 island belonged, if we are notto see in them a branch of theKefatiu, who frequented 
 the Asiatic shores of the Mediterranean from a very remote period.'^ In the time 
 of Egyptian supremacy they called their country Asi, and this name inclines one 
 to connect the people with the ^Egeans.^ An examination of the objects found 
 in the most ancient tombs of the island seems to confirm this opinion. These 
 
 consist, for the most part, of weapons and implements of stone — knives, hatchets, 
 hammers, and arrow-heads ; and mingled with th&se rude objects a score of 
 dififerent kinds of pottery, chiefly hand-made and of coarse design — pitchersiwith 
 contorted bowls, shallow buckets, especially of the milk-pail variety, provided 
 with spouts and with pairs of rudimentary handles. The pottery is red or black 
 in colour, and the ornamentation of it consists of incised geometrical designs. 
 Copper and bronze, where we find examples of these metals, do not appear to 
 have been employed in the manufacture of ornaments or arrow-heads, but 
 
 ' For the copper raining industry in ancient times, sio Esokl, Kypron, vol. i. pp. 42-53. 
 
 ' Birch and Chahas saw in Cyprus the E^'yptian name Kaflt, Kafiti, Mfmoire tur une Patere 
 igijptienne du Mmfe da Louvre, pp. 2:?-28, 50-52. Birch thouglit that the first syllable of Kuitpot 
 contained the element "Kef," "Kaf," from which Kafit is derived, and that the name S^jjKfj given 
 to the Cypriotes is another form of the same word ; cf. Bruosch, Geoij. Imchr., vol. ii. pp.8G, 87, who 
 connects it with the Hebrew Kaphthor. 
 
 ' " Asi," " Abli, ' was at first sought for on the .\8iatic oontinent— at Is on the Eupiirates (Birch, 
 Ohs. on the Stalislical Tahltt of Karnalc, pp. 46, 47), or in Palestine (Brcgsoh, Geog. Int., vol. ii. pp. 
 51, 52): the discovery of the Cunopic decree allows ua to identify it with Cypru?, and this hns'now 
 been generally done (Bkvt.sch, Geseh. JEgypttno, p. :!01 ; Ed. Meyer, Getch. Mjypleng, p. 23 ) ; W. M.\x 
 MuLLER, Asien und Europa, pp. 33G, 337). The reading " Asebi " is still maintained by some. On the 
 possible connection of Asi and 'Ao-^o, see RIaspero, in the Reoite Critique, 1886, vol. ii. p. 199. W. Max 
 MUUer has tried to show that Asi and .\Uis a are two forms of the same word, and consequently that 
 Alasia is also Cyprus {Daa Land Alatcliya, in the ZeiUchri/t fur .Utyridogie, vol. x. pp. 257-264). 
 
202 SYHIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 usually ia making daggers. There is no indication anywhere of foreign 
 influence, and yet Cyprus had already at this time entered into relations with 
 the civilized nations of the continent.^ According to Chaldaean tradition, it 
 was conquered about the year 3800 B.C. by Sargon of Agade: without insist- 
 ing upon the reality of this conquest, which in any case must have been 
 ephemeral in its nature, there is reason to believe that the island was sub- 
 jected from an early period to the influence of the various peoples which lived 
 one after another on the slopes of the Lebanon. Popular legend attributes to 
 King Kinyras and to the Giblites [i.e. the people of Byblos] the establishment 
 of the first Phoenician colonies in the southern region of the island — one of them 
 being at Paphos, where the worship of Adonis and Astarte continued to a very late 
 date.^ The natives preserved their own language and customs, had their own 
 chiefs, and maiQtained their national independence, while constrained to submit at 
 the same time to the presence of Phoenician colonists or merchants on the coast, 
 and in the neighbourhood of the mines in the mountains. The trading centres 
 of these settlers — Kition, Amathus, Solius, Golgos, and Tamassos— were soon, 
 however, converted into strongholds, which ensured to Phoenicia the monopoly 
 of the immense wealth contained in the island.* 
 
 Tyre and Sidou had no important centres of industry on that part of the 
 Canaanite coast which extended to the south of Carmel, and Egypt, even in 
 the time of the shepherd kings, would not have tolerated the existence on her 
 territory of any great emporium not subject to the immediate supervision of 
 her official agents. We know that the Libyan cliffs long presented an obstacle 
 to inroads into Egyptian territory, and baffled any attempts to land to the west- 
 wards of the Delta ; the Phoenicians consequently turned with all the greatei 
 ardour to those northern regions which for centuries had furnished them with 
 most valuable products — bronze, tin, amber, and iron, both native and wrought, 
 A little to the north of the Orontes, where the Syrian border is crossed and Asia 
 Minor begins, the coast turns due west and runs in that direction for a considerable 
 distance. The Phoenicians were accustomed to trade along this region, and 
 we may attribute, perhaps, to them the foundation of those obscure cities— 
 
 ' An examination into the origin of the Cypriotes formed part of the original scheme of this work, 
 together with that of the monuments of the various races scattered along the coast of Asia Minor and 
 the islands of the ^gean ; but I have been obliged to curtail it, in order to keep within the limits 1 
 had prescribed for myself, and I have merely epitomised, as briefly as possible, the results of the 
 researches undertaken in those regions duiing the last fewyears, particularly those of Ohnefalsch-Eichter. 
 
 ^ Of. what i j said on the subject of this conquest in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 598. 
 
 ' All the legends relating to tlie foundation of Paphos have been brought together by Excel, Kypros, 
 vol. i. pp. 123, 168-173, vol. ii. p. 94, et seq , and by M.ovERa.DasPluinizischeAlterthum, vol. ii. pp. 226, 227. 
 
 The Plioenician origin of these towns is proved by the passages from classical writers collected 
 by Engel, Kypros, vol. i. pp. 71, 72, 103-105, 109-111, 121-124 (who admits it only in the case of 
 Paphos, Amathus, and Kition), and by Movers, Das Fhonizische AUerthum, voL ii. p. 22 1, et seq.). The 
 date of the colonisation is uncertain, but witli the knowledge we possess of the efficient vessels bolougiag 
 to tlie various Phoenician towns, it would seem difficult not to allow that the coasts at least of Cyprus 
 must have been partially occupied at the time of the Egyptian invasions. 
 
THE FECENICIANS IN THE ^QEAN SEA. 
 
 203 
 
 Kibyra, Masura, Ruskopus, Sylion, Mygdale, and Sidyma ^ — all of which pre- 
 served their apparently Semitic names down to the time of the Roman epoch. 
 The whole of the important island of Rhodes fell into their power, and its 
 three ports, lalysos, Lindos, and Kamiros, afforded them a well-situated base 
 of operations for further colonisation.^ On leaving Rhodes, the choice of two 
 routes presented itself to them. To the south-west they could see the distant 
 
 outline of Karpathos, and on the far horizon behind 
 it the summits of the Cretan chain. Crete itself 
 bars on the south the entrance to the iEgean, and 
 is almost a little continent, self-contained and self- 
 sufficing. Jt is made up of fertile valleys and 
 mountains clothed with forests, and its inliabitants 
 
 could employ themselves \\\ mines and fisheries, nn: mluex tuunculus and thk 
 
 MORES BRANDAIUS. 
 
 The Phoenicians effected a settlement on the coast 
 
 ftt Itanos, at Kairatos, and at Arados,^ and obtained possession of the peak of 
 Cythera, where, it is said, they raised a sanctuary to Astarte.* If, on 
 leaving Rhodes, they had chosen to steer due north, they would soon have 
 come into contact with numerous rocky islets scattered in the sea between 
 the continents of Asia and Europe, which would have furnished them with 
 as many stations, less easy of attack, and more readily defended than 
 posts on the mainland. Of these the Giblites occupied Jlelos, while the 
 Sidonians chose Oliaros and Tliera,'^ and we find traces of them in every 
 island where any natural product, such as metals, sulphur, alum, fuller's 
 €arth, emery, medicinal plants, aud shells for producing dyes, offered an 
 -attraction." The purple used by the Tyrians for dyeing is secreted by several 
 varieties of molluscs common in the Eastern Mediterranean ; those most 
 esteemed by the dyers were the Murex trunculus and the Manx Brandaris, 
 and solid masses made up of the detritus of these shells are found in enormous 
 
 > No direct cvideuce exists to lead us to attribute tlio fouudatiou of these towns to the PhojDicians, 
 but tlio Semitic origiu of neiuly all the names ia an uncontested fact (Moveus, Da» PIUinitiBche 
 Alterthiim, vol. ii. pp. 24(i, 247). 
 
 ^ Vol the cycle of legends which has preserved the memory of the Phconician connection with 
 Rhodes, cf. MovEHS, ibid., vol. ii. pp, 247-257 ; Kenbick, Phu nicia, pp. 78-81 ; G. Rawlinson, Hiti. of 
 Phoenicia, pp. 100, 101 ; Ed. Meyeu, Geschichte des Alterlhums, vol. i. pp. 230, 231 ; vol.ii. pp. 145, 177. 
 
 ' Movers, Das VhOnizitche Allei thum, vol. ii. pp. 270-272; Kenrick, PhoEnicia, pp. 81-84; Kd. 
 Meyer, Geschichte des Alterlhums, vol. i. p. 233 ; vol. ii. pp. 145, 14U. 
 
 * Movers, Das PhUn. Altrrthum, vol. ii. pp. 270-272 ; Kenrick, Phcenicia, pp. 36-97 ; G. Rawlinson, 
 Hist, of Vhoenicia, p. 102 ; Ed. Meyer, Oesch. des AUerthums, vol. i. p. 233 ; vol. ii. pp. 145, 14i;. 
 
 ' Movers, Das I'hiia. Alterthum, vol. ii. pp. 2tj6-20;» ; Kenrick, Phanicia, pp. 94-9G ; G. Rawlinson, 
 Hist, of Phoenicia, pp. 102-104; Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des AUerthums, \ol. i. p. 233; vol. ii. p. 145. 
 Thucydides (I. viii.) states that" tlie Phoenicians and the Curians had ctdonised the greater number 
 of the isles of the /Egean, both Cyclades and Sporades." 
 
 " Sulphur, alum, aud fuller's earth at Melos (Dioscorides, H. Pl.,\: 123, 124, 180; Diodorls 
 SiciLCS, v. 11 ; Pliny, A'^fi<. Hist., x.\xv. 19, 50, 52). Emery (crfiipts) is mentioned in the Annals of 
 Thulmosis III. (Lep.sius, Denkm , iii. 30 a, 1. 15) under the form asmuri. Schweiiifurth has drawn 
 iitlention to aliolien from Crete among the plants collected at Deir el Bahari {Ueber Pjlanzenreste aus 
 alliigyptischen Grtibern, in the Bericht« der Deultchen BolanisclKu Getellschaft, 1884, p. 371, No. 45). 
 
204 SYRIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 quantities in the neighbourhood of many Phoenician towns. The colouring 
 matter was secreted in the head of the shellfish. To obtain it the shell was 
 broken by a blow from a hammer, and the small quantity of slightly yellowish 
 liquid which issued from the fracture was carefully collected and stirred 
 about in salt water for three days. It was then boiled in leaden 
 vessels and reduced by simmering over a slow fire ; the remainder was 
 strained through a cloth to free it from the particles of flesh still 
 floating in it, and the material to be dyed was then plunged into the 
 liquid. The usual tint thus imparted was that of fresh blood, in some 
 lights almost approaching to black; but careful manipulation could 
 produce shades of red, dark violet, and amethyst.^ Phoenician settle- 
 ments can be traced, therefore, by the heaps of shells upon the shore, 
 the Cyclades and the coasts of Greece being strewn with this refuse. 
 The veins of gold in the Pangaion range in Macedonia attracted them 
 to that region, while the islands off the Thracian coast ^ received also 
 frequent visits from them, and they carried their explorations even 
 through the tortuous channel of the Hellespont into the Propontis, 
 drawn thither, no doubt, by the silver mines in the Bithynian moun- 
 tains^ which were already being worked by Asiatic miners. Beyond 
 the calm waters of the Propontis, they encountered an obstacle to 
 H^Mosls°* ^^'^^^^ progress in another narrow channel, having more the character of 
 a wide river than of a strait ; it was with difficulty that they could 
 make their way against the violence of its current, which either tended to drive 
 their vessels on shore, or to dash them against the reefs which hampered the 
 navigation of the channel. When, however, they succeeded in making the 
 passage safely, they found themselves upon a vast and stormy sea, whose wooded 
 shores extended east and west as far as eye could reach. From the tribes 
 who inhabited them, and who acted as intermediaries, the Phoenician traders 
 were able to procure tin, lead, amber, Caucasian gold, bronze, and iron, all 
 products of the extreme north — a region which always seemed to elude their 
 
 ' Kenrtck, Fhcenieia, pp. 237-247. The principal references to Tyrian purple in classical authors 
 are those in Aristotle {Eist. Anim., v. 13) and in Pliny (If. Nat., ix. 3G, 37) ; the first experiments 
 made by Cole in England (Observations on the Purple, in the Philosophical Trans, of London, vol. xv. 
 p. 1280), continued and extended in France by Ke'auraur {Dgcouverte d'une nouvelle teinture de pourpre, 
 iu the M^moires de VAcad^mie des Sciences, 1711, pp. 168-199) and by Du Harael (Quelques Experiences 
 sur la liqueur colorante que fournit la pourpre, in the M^moires de I'Acad. des Sciences, 1736, pp. 6-8, 
 49-63), were confirmed by Deshayes {Mollusques de la M^diterran^e, in the Expedition scientifique de 
 Moree, vol. iii. pp. 189-191), and more recently by Lacaze-Dutbiers {Memoire sur la pourpre, in the 
 Annales des Sciences naturelles, Zoologie, 4th series, vol. xii. pp. 1-92), and have enabled us to discover 
 the various processes used in the preparation of the purple dye. 
 
 2 The fact that they worked the mines of Thasos is iittested by Herodotus (VI. xlvii., II. xliv. ; of. 
 Pausanias, v. 25, 12) ; for their settlements in these regions, see Movers, Das Phonizische Alterthum, 
 vol. ii. pp. 273-286, and Ed. Meyer, GeschicMe des Allerthums, vol. i. p. 233; vol. ii. p. 144. 
 
 3 Pronektos, on the Gulf of Ascania, was supposed to be a Phoenician colony (Stephen of Byzan- 
 tium, s. v.). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin ; cf. Mariette, Notice des principaux monuments, 1864, p. 222. 
 
THE PEOPLES OF THE MGEAN. 
 
 205 
 
 persevering efforts to discover it. We cannot determine the furthest limits 
 reached by the Phoenician traders, since they were wont to designate the distant 
 countries and nations with which they traded by the vague appellations of 
 " Isles of the Sea " and " Peoples of the Sea," ^ refusing to give more accurate 
 information either from jealousy or from a desire to hide from other nations 
 the sources of their wealth. 
 
 The peoples with whom they traded were not mere barbarians, contented 
 with worthless objects of barter;^ their clients included the inhabitants of 
 
 the ^gean, who, if inferior to the great nations of the East, possessed an 
 independent and growing civilization, traces of which are still coming to light 
 from many quarters in the shape of tombs, houses, palaces, utensils, ornaments, 
 representations of the gods, and liousehold and funerary furniture, — not only 
 in the Cyclades, but on the mainland of Asia Minor and of Greece. No 
 inferior goods or tinsel wares would have satisfied the luxurious princes who 
 reigned in such ancient cities as Troy and Mycena), and who wanted the best 
 industrial products of Egypt and Syria — costly stuffs, rare furniture, ornate and 
 well-wrought weapons, articles of jewellery, vases of curious and delicate 
 design — such objects, in fact, as would have been found in use among the sove- 
 reigns and nobles of Memphis or of Babylon. For articles to offer in exchanf^e 
 they were not limited to the natural or roughly worked products of their own 
 country. Their craftsmen, though less successful in general technique than 
 their Oriental contemporaries, exhibited considerable artistic iutellio-cuce and 
 an extraordinary manual skill. Accustomed at first merely to copy the objects 
 sold to them by the Phoenicians, they soon developed a style of their own • the 
 Mycenaean dagger in the illustration on this page, though several centuries 
 later in date than that oF the Pharaoh Ahmosis, appears to be traceable to this 
 ancient source of inspiration, although it gives evidence of new elements in 
 
 ' These are the niinu's ubcJ by the Egyptiuns of the XIX"' and XX* dynasties (E. ub Kouge 
 Exirail d'un M^moire sur les Attaquts dirig€t» conlre I'J^gijpte, pp. 5, 19, et Bcq.). 
 
 ' Here again I liuve had to restrict myself in describing the development of the .^igean races, and 
 must refer the reader for a fiiitiier knowledge of their civilization to the accounts given in Peuuot- 
 Cmi'iEZ, llitt. dc VArt, vol. vi. p. lOG, ct seq., aud Ed. Mkykr, Geich. des Alterlhumt, vol. ii. pp. 55-182. 
 
 ' Urawu by Faucher-Gudin, from tiie facsimile in pEUKor-CmnEZ, Hist, de I'Art, vol. vi. pi. xviii. 
 
 ONE 
 
206 SYRIA AT TEE BEGINNING OF THE EGYPTIAN CONQUEST. 
 
 its method of decoration and in its greater freedom of treatment. The inhabitants 
 of the valleys of the Nile and of the Orontes, and probably also those of the 
 Euphrates and Tigris, agreed in the high value they set upon these artistic 
 objects in gold, silver, and bronze, brought to them from the further shores of 
 the Mediterranean, which, while reproducing their own designs, modified them 
 to a certain extent ; for just as Ave now imitate types of ornamental work in 
 vogue among nations less civilized than ourselves, so the ^gean people set 
 themselves the task through their potters and engravers of reproducing exotic 
 models. The Phoenician traders who exported to Greece large consignments 
 of objects made under various influences in their own workshops, or purchased 
 in the bazaars of the ancient world, brought back as a return cargo an 
 equivalent number of works of art, bought in the towns of the West, which 
 eventually found their way into the various markets of Asia and Africa. These 
 energetic merchants were not the first to ply this profitable trade of maritime 
 carriers, for from the time of the Memphite empire the products of northern 
 regions had found their way, through the intermediation of the Hauinibu, as 
 far south as the cities of the Delta and the Thebaid. But this commerce 
 could not be said to be either regular or continuous; the transmission was 
 carried on from one neighbouring tribe to another, and the Syrian sailors were 
 merely the last in a long chain of intermediaries — a tribal war, a migration, the 
 caprice of some chief, being sufficient to break the communication, and even 
 cause the suspension of transit for a considerable period. The Phoenicians 
 desired to provide against such risks by undertaking themselves to fetch the 
 much-coveted objects from their respective sources, or, where this was not 
 possible, from the ports nearest the place of their manufacture. Keappear- 
 ino- with each returning year in the localities where they had established 
 emporia, they accustomed the natives to collect against their arrival such 
 products as they could profitably use in bartering with one or other of their 
 many customers. They thus established, on a fixed line of route, a kind of 
 maritime trading service, which placed all the shores of the Mediterranean in 
 direct communication with each othei-, and promoted the blending of the 
 youthful West with the ancient East. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN 
 DYNASTY. 
 
 THUTMOSIS I. AND HIS ARMY — IIaTSIIOPSITQ AND THUT.MOSIS III. : THE OKGANISATIOX OF 
 THE SYRIAN PROVINCES — AMENuTIIES III. : THE WOUSH UTERS OK ATOnC. 
 
 TlnUmusis I.'s ciimpuign in Sijria — The orguuimtion of tin: Egypt iiiii urmy : the infautri/ 
 of the line, the archers, the horsen, and the charioteers — The classification of the traces according 
 to their arms — Marching and encampmmt in the enemg's roiiutni : hattiv nrrag — Cliariot- 
 charges — The emimeration awl distribution of the spoil — Thi' rice-roijalty of Kn.sh ami Ihi- 
 oiloption of Egyptian c^istoms bg the Ethiopian tribes. 
 
 The fust successors of Th lit niosi.s I.: Ahmasi and Hat^ho^'sit il Th,itn,o>>is 11. -The tnniU- 
 of Deir el-Bahari and the buildings of Karnak—The Ladders of Iioeti.sc—Thc •■.rpniliion to 
 I'lhtntt: bartering with the natives, the return of the jleet. 
 
 ThiXtnums [11. : his departure for Asia, the battle of Mcglddo and Ihr subjection of So„th< rn 
 Sgria—The gear 23 to the gear 28 of his reign- Conquest of Lotanil and (/ Mitdnui-Th<- 
 campaign of //le 33"^' gear of the king's reign and the taking of (^I'd.ihu in the 42'"' gvar—Th> 
 trihute of the s<ntth—The triumph -song of Anion. 
 
 T/ie constitution if the Egyptian empire— The Crou n rassols and thdr relation.^ u lth the 
 Pharaoh — The king's Messeu.gers — The allied states — Rogal presents and marriaga ; tlir .itatus 
 of foreigners in the royal harem — Commerce v ith Asia, its resources and its rifl.s; protection 
 granted to the national industries, and treaties of ex'radifion. 
 
( 208 ) 
 
 Amenothes II., his auniKil-jus in Syria and Nubia— ThAlmosis IV. ; his dream under the 
 shadow of tlie Sphinx and his marriage — Amenothes III. and his peace/id reign — The great 
 building works — Hie temples of Nubia : Soleb and his sanctuary built by Amenothes III., Gebel 
 Barkal, Elephantine — The beautifying of Thebes : the temple of MiU, the temples of Amon at 
 Luxor and at Karnak, the tomb of Amenothes III., the chapel and the colossi of Memnon. 
 
 T/if increasing importance of Anion and his priests: preference shown by Ame'iiothes III. 
 for the Heliopolitan gods, Itis marriage with Tii — The influence of Tii over Amenothes IV. : the 
 decadence of Am<in and of Tlwbcs, Atonil and KhAitniatoml — CJiange of physiognomy in 
 Khihdaton, his character, his gorernment, his relations with Asia: the tombs of Tel el-Amarna 
 and the art of the period— TAtankhamon, Ai : the return of the Pharaohs to Thebes and the 
 close of the XVIII"' dynasty. 
 
THE TEMI'l.E OF I.VXOR IS ITS PBESENT CONDITION, BEEN FBOM Till: I,i;i T n.KSK (il I lli; Nil 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 Tbfitraosi8 I. and liis army— HatsLopsitfl and Thatmosis III. : the organLsution of the Syrian 
 provinces — Amenothes IIL : the royal worshippers of Aton&. 
 
 rpHE account of the first expedition undertaken by Tiiutmosis 
 in Asia, a region at that time new to the Egyptians, 
 would be interesting if we could lay onr hands upon it. We 
 should perhaps find in the midst of official documents, or 
 among the short phrases of funerary biographies, some indica- 
 tion of the impression which the country produced upon its 
 conquerors. With the exception of a few merchants or 
 adventurers, no one from Thebes to ^lemphis had 
 any other idea of Asia than that which could be 
 gathered from the scattered notices of it in the 
 semi-historical romances of the preceding age. 
 The actual sight of the country must have been 
 a revelation ; everything appearing new and para- 
 doxical to men of whom the majority had never left 
 their fatherland, except on some warlike expedition into Ethiopia or on some 
 rapid raid along the coasts of the Red Sea. Instead of their own narrow 
 valley, extending between its two mountain ranges, and fertilised by the 
 periodical overflowing of the Nile which recurred regularly almost to a day, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Gole'nischeff. The vignette, by Faucher-Gudin, 
 represents the fine statue of Amenothes II. in red granite, which came from Thebes, and is now in 
 the Turin Museum ; cf. Obcubti, Catalogo Uluttralo del Monumenti Egizi, vol. i. p. 59, n. 3. 
 
210 THE EIGETEENTH TEE BAN DYNASTY. 
 
 they had before them wide irregular plains, owing their fertility not to 
 inundations, but to occasional rains or the influence of insignificant streams ; 
 hills of varying heights covered with vines and other products of cultivation ; 
 mountains of different altitudes irregularly distributed, clothed with forests, 
 furrowed with torrents, their sumnaits often crowned with snow even in the 
 hottest period of summer: and in this region of nature, where everything 
 was strange to them, they found nations differing widely from each other in 
 appearance and customs, towns with crenellated walls perched upon heights 
 difficult of access ; and finally, a civilization far excelling that which they 
 encountered anywhere in Africa outside their own boundaries. 
 
 Thiitmosis succeeded in reaching on his first expedition a limit which none 
 of his successors was able to surpass, and the road taken by him in this 
 campaign — from Gaza to Megiddo, from Megiddo to Qodshu, from Qodshii 
 to Carchemish — was that which was followed henceforward by the Egyptian 
 troops in all their expeditions to the Euphrates. Of the difiSculties which he 
 encountered on his way we have no information. On arriving at Naharaim, 
 however, we know that he came into contact with the army of the enemy, which 
 was under the command of a single general — perhaps the King of Mitanni 
 himself, or one of the lieutenants of the Cosssean King of Babylon — who had 
 collected together most of the petty princes of the northern country to resist the 
 advance of the intruder.^ The contest was hotly fought out on both sides, but 
 victory at length remained with the invaders, and innumerable prisoners fell 
 into their hands. The veteran Ahmosi, son of Abina, who was serving in his 
 last campaign, and his cousin, Ahmosi Pannekhabit, distinguished themselves 
 a,ccording to their wont. The former, having seized upon a chariot, brought it, 
 with the three soldiers who occupied it, to the Pharaoh, and received once more 
 " the collar of gold ; " ^ the latter killed twenty-one of the enemy, carrying off 
 their hands as trophies, captured a chariot, took one prisoner, and obtained as 
 reward a valuable collection of jewellery, consisting of collars, bracelets, sculp- 
 tured lions, choice vases, and costly weapons.^ A stele, erected on the banks of 
 the Euphrates not far from the scene of the battle, marked the spot which the 
 conqueror wished to be recognised henceforth as the frontier of his empire.* 
 He re-entered Thebes with immense booty, by which gods as well as men 
 profited, for he consecrated a part of it to the embellishment of the temple of 
 Amon, and the sight of the spoil undoubtedly removed the lingering prejudices 
 
 1 Cf.) however, what is said of the weakness of the Cosssean kings in pp. 118-128 of the present 
 volume ; this prince of Naharaim was probably one of the kings of Mitanni. 
 
 * Inscription of Ahmasi-si-AMna, 11. 36-39; cf. Lepsius, DenJcm., iii. 12; Chabas, Les Pasteurs en 
 Egypte, p. 22; Betjgsch, Geschichte Mgyptens, pp. 234, 235, 271. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Auswdhl der wichtigsten Urlcunden, vol. xiv. a. 11. 8, 9, b. 11. 9, 10 ; cf. Maspeeo, Notes 
 sur quelques points de Orammaire et d'Histoire, in the Zeilschrift, 1883, p. 78, il. 9-11. 
 
 * Annals of Thutmosis HI., 11. 17, 18 ; cf. E. de Eouge, Notice de quelques fragments de V Inscription 
 de Karnah, pp. 17, 18, 24-26, where the fact was noticed for the first time. 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OF THUTMOSIS I. JN SYRIA. 
 
 211 
 
 which the people had cherished against expeditions beyond the isthmus. 
 Thutmosis was held up by his subjects to the praise of posterity as having come 
 into actual contact with that country and its people, which had hitherto been 
 known to the Egyptians merely through the more or less veracious tales of exiles 
 and travellers. The aspect of the great river of the Naharaim, which could 
 be compared with the Nile for the volume of its waters, excited their admiration. 
 They were, however, puzzled by the fact that it flowed from north to south, 
 and even were accustomed to joke at the necessity of reversing the terms 
 employed in Egypt to express going up or down the river.^ This first Syrian 
 campaign became the model for most of those subsequently undertaken by 
 the Pharaohs. It took the form of a bold advance of troops, directed from Zalu 
 towards the north-east, in a diagonal line through the country, who routed on the 
 way any armies which might be opposed to them, carrying by assault such towns 
 as were ^asy of capture, while passing by others which seemed strongly defended 
 — pillaging, burning, and slaying on every side. There was no suspension of hos- 
 tilities, no going into winter quarters, but a triumphant return of the expedition 
 at the end of four or five months, with the probability of having to begin fresh 
 operations in the following year should the vanquished break out into revolt."^ 
 
 The troops employed in these campaigns were superior to any others hitherto 
 put into the field. The Egyptian army, inured to war by its long struggle with 
 the Shepherd-kings, and kept in training since the reign of Ahmosis by having 
 to repulse the perpetual incursions of the Ethiopian or Libyan barbarians, 
 had no difiiculty in overcoming the Syrians ; not that the latter were wanting 
 in courage or discipline, but owing to their limited supply of recruits, and the 
 political disintegration of the country, they could not readily place under arms 
 such enormous numbers as those of the Egyptians. Egyptian military organi- 
 sation had remained practically unchanged since early times : the army had 
 always consisted, firstly, of the militia who held fiefs, and were under the obli- 
 gation of personal service either to the prince of the noma or to the sovereign ; " 
 
 ' A passage from the inscription of Tombos (Lepsiis, Denkm., iii. 5 a, 11. 13, 11) thus deBcribes 
 the Euphrates : tnu piji qodnu khudodi m lihoiuti. Now, hhodu means to go north, and hhonit, to go 
 south, so that the literal translation of the phruso would call the Euphrates, " The river where he who 
 goes north sails as if he were going south," that is to say, where the contrary term to that used on the 
 Nile must be employed in speaking of going up or down the river. The solution of this little problem 
 was first given by E. do Rouge' {illudc des Monuments du Massif de Karnal; in the Milangtm 
 d' Archeologie £gyplienne et Assyrienne, vol. i. p. 41, n. 4; cf. Piehl, Petites Etudes Egyptologiqucf, 
 p. 26, n. 58), from whom it was borrowed by Brugsch {Gcschichte JEgyptens, p. 265 ; Die JEgyptische 
 Vdlkertafel, in the Ahhandlungen of the Berlin Congress, Ajrihanische Section, pp. 33, 34 ; and Die 
 JEgyptologie, pp. 260, 261), and from Brugsch has been passed on to other Egyptologists. 
 
 * From the account of the campaigns of Amenuthes II., I thought wo might conclude that this 
 Pharaoh wintered in Syria at least once (Ilisloire Ancienne des peuples de I'Orient, 1875, p. 207 ; cf. 
 LiEBLEiN, Sur un nouvel argument chronologique tir€ des r€cits dat€s des guerres pharaoniques en Syrie, 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol, i. p. 101); but the text does not admit of this interpretation, and we 
 mtist, therefore, for the present give up the idea that the Pharaohs ever spent more than a few months 
 of the year on hostile territory (W. Max ML'Lleu, Asien und Europa, p. 265, n. 4). 
 
 ' At that time, the active part of this contingent which bcrved in the infantry went by the name 
 
212 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 secondly, of a permanent force,^ which was divided into two corps, dis- 
 tributed respectively between the Said and the Delta. Those companies 
 ■which were quartered on the frontier, or about the king either at Thebes or 
 at one of the royal residences, were bound to hold themselves in readiness to 
 muster for a campaign at any given moment.^ The number of natives liable 
 to be levied when occasion required, by " generations," ^ or as we should say by 
 classes, may have amounted to over a hundred thousand men,* but they were 
 never all called out, and it does not appear that the army on active service ever 
 contained more than thirty thousand men at a time, and probably on ordinary 
 occasions not much more than ten or fifteen thousand.^ The infantry was, as 
 we should expect, composed of troops of the line and light troops. The former 
 wore either short wigs arranged in rows of curls, or a kind of padded cap by 
 way of a helmet, thick enough to deaden blows; the breast and shoulders were 
 undefended, but a short loin-cloth was wrapped round the hips, and the stomach 
 and upper part of the thighs were protected by a sort of triangular apron, 
 sometimes scalloped at the sides, and composed of leather thongs attached to 
 a belt. A buckler of moderate dimensions had been substituted for the 
 gigantic shield of the earlier Theban period ; " it was rounded at the top and 
 
 of Udu, or, as a collective, auitu (Maspero, Notes au jour le jour, § 3, in the Proceedings, 1890-91, 
 vol. xiii. p. 303 ; Bkugsch, Die jEgyptologie, p. 233 ; W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa, p. 270, n. 2). 
 
 • BODKIANT, A Tliehes, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 44, 1. 25 ; W. Max Mullee, Erhlarung 
 des grossen Deh-ets des Konigs Har-m-hebe, in the Zeilschrift, 1888, pp. 82-84. 
 
 ^ On tlie organisation of military service in Egypt, see Maspeko, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 305- 
 308, 452, 453. Recruiting is represented in several Theban tombs (Vikey, Tombeaux de Pehgukher, 
 in the M^moires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. v. pp. 294, 295 ; Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et 
 de la Nuhie, pi. clvii. 1-3, 5, 6, and vol. i. pp. 484-487, 831 ; Bouriant, Le Tombeau d'Harmhabi, in 
 the M€moires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. v. pp. 419-422.) 
 
 ^ Zamdu. On the meaning of this word, cf. Maspeko, liltudes de Mythulogie et dArohgblogie 
 Egyptiennes, vol. i. p. 56, n. 2. The soldiers taken from these classes are represented at Deir el- 
 Bahari, as hastening armed to meet the troops returning from the Puanit (Mariette, Dcir el-Bahari, 
 pis. 11, 12). 
 
 ■* The only numbers which we know are those given by Herodotus for the Saite period (II. clxvi.). 
 which are evidently exaggerated (Wiedemann, Herodot's zweites Bucli, p. 577). Coming down to 
 modern times, we see that Mehemet-Ali, from 1830 to 1840, had nearly 120,000 men in Syria, Egypt, 
 and the Sudan ; and in 1841, at the time when the treaties imposed upou him the ill-kept obligation 
 of reducing his army to 18,000 men, it still contained 81,000. We shall probably not be far wrong 
 in estimating the total force which the Pharaohs of the XVIII"' dynasty, lords of the whole valley 
 of the Nile, and of part of Asia, had at their disposal at 120,000 or 130,000 men ; these, however, 
 were never all called out at once. 
 
 ' We have no direct information respecting the armies acting in Syria ; we only know that, at the 
 battle of Qodshu, Eamses II. had against him 2500 chariots containing three men each, making 7500 
 charioteers, besides a troop estimated at the Ramesseum at 8000 men, at Luxor at 9000 (Guieysse, 
 Textet historiques d' Ipsamboul, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. viii. p. 138), so that the Syrian army 
 probably contained about 20,000 men. It would seem that the Egyptian army was less numerous, 
 and I estimate it with great hesitation at about 15,000 or 18,000 men: it was considered a powerful 
 army, while that of the Hittites was regarded as an innumerable host. A passage in the Anastasi 
 Papyrus, No. 1, pis. xiv. 1. 1, — xvi. 1. 5, tells us the composition of a corps led by Ramses II. against 
 the tribes in the vicinity of Qoceir and the Eahanu yalley ; it consisted of 5000 men, of whom 620 were 
 Shardana, 1600 Qahak, 70 Mashauasha, and 880 Negroes (Chabas, Voyage d'un Egyptian, pp. 49-72). 
 
 ^ For an illustration of this shield, taken from the tombs of Siut,'see Maspero, Daton of Civiliza- 
 tion, p. 457. 
 
TEE NEW ORGANISATION OF THE EOTPTIAN ARMY. 
 
 213 
 
 often furnished with a solid metal boss, which the experienced soldiers always 
 endeavoured to present to the enemy's lances and javelins. Their weapons 
 consisted of pikes about five feet long, with broad bronze or copper points, occa- 
 sionally of flails, axes, daggers, short curved swords, and spears ; the trumpeters 
 were armed with daggers only, and 
 the officers did not as a rule en- 
 cumber themselves with either 
 buckler or pike, but bore an axe 
 
 I TOON (T 
 
 and dagger, and occasionally a bow.^ The light infantry was composed chiefly of 
 bowmen — piddtiu — the celebrated archers of Egypt, whoso long bows and arrows, 
 used with deadly skill, speedily became renowned throughout the East ; ^ the 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from u photograph taken by Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, 
 its Plan, its Founders, and its first Explorers. Introductory Memoir, pi. viii. 
 
 2 Besides the soldiers pictured above, wo possess hardly any military illustrations from the earlier 
 reigns of the XV 111"' dynasty, excepting the troops represented in the pictures of the fetes celebrated 
 on the return of the fleet from the Pftanit, under HatshopsitCl (Di michen, Die Flotte einer .Vgyptitchen 
 KSnigin, pis. v., vi., vii., viii., x., xiii. ; M.\mETTi;, Deir el-Bahari, pis. 4, 11, 12, 15) ; we meet with 
 some of them again on the monuments of Ameniitlies IV. (I.Ei'su s, Denhm., iii. 92) and of Uarmhabi 
 (CHAMroLLioN, Monuments de I'Egyple et de la Nubie, pi. cxii. ; RotiELLixi, Monumenti Storici, pi. xliv. 
 ter; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 121 b; and for details, Wilkinson, Manners and Citttoms, 2nd edit., vol. i. 
 p. 186, etseq. ; Eiiman, JEgypten und .Hgyptisches Lehen, pp. 714-723). 
 
 ' These piddtiu are mentioned in the Tel el-Amarna despatches as forming the principal part of 
 the troops which garrisoned those Asiatic towns, whicli were subject to the Egyptians or allied to them 
 (Wiedemann, Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of the Soc. Bibl. Arch., vol. xv. 
 1892-93, pp. 347, 348 ; Erman, in Zimmern's Die Keilschriflbrie/e aus Jerusalem, in tho Zeitschrift fiir 
 Assyriologie, vol. vi. p. 250, n. 7; W. !Max MClleij, Zu den Keilschri/tbricfen aus Jerusalem, in the 
 Zeitschri/t fiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 04, 65). The idea that these archers were foreign mercenaries 
 might seem natural when their coUectivi' mime was read shamiriti, and compared with the Coptic 
 
214 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 quiver, of the use of which their ancestors were ignorant, had been borrowed 
 from the Asiatics, probably from the Hyksus, and was carried hanging at the side 
 or slung over the shoulder.^ Both spearmen and archers were for the most part 
 pure-bred Egyptians, and were divided into regiments of unequal strength, 
 each of which usually bore the name of some god — as, for example, the 'regiment 
 of Ea or of Phtah, of Amon or of Sutkhu ^ — in which the feudal contingents, 
 each commanded by its lord or his lieutenants, fought side by side with the 
 king's soldiers furnished from the royal domains. The effective force of the 
 army was made up by auxiliaries taken from the tribes of the Sahara and from 
 the negroes of the Upper Nile.^ These auxiliaries were but sparingly em- 
 ployed in early times, but their numbers were increased as wars became more 
 frequent and necessitated more troops to carry them on. The tribes from which 
 they were drawn supplied the Pharaohs with an inexhaustible reserve ; they 
 were courageous, active, indefatigable, and inured to hardships, and if it had 
 not been for their turbulent nature, which incited them to continual internal 
 dissensions, they might readily have shaken off the yoke of the Egyptians. 
 Incorporated into the Egyptian army, and placed under the instruction of 
 picked olBcers, who subjected them to rigorous discipline, and accustomed them 
 to the evolutions of regular troops, they were transformed from disorganised 
 hordes into tried and invincible battalions.* 
 
 The old army, which had conquered Nubia in the days of the Papis and 
 the IJsirtasens, had consisted of these three varieties of foot-soldiers only, but 
 
 shemmo, which signifies foreigner (Betjgsch, Dictionnaire Hi^roglyphique, pp. 1391, 1392, and Die 
 Mgyptologie, pp. 240-243); but it is no longer admissible since the true reading of the word is 
 known — fiditi — and the pictures at Deir el-Bahari, in wliich the archers are represented, show that 
 they, as well as the heavy infantry, belonged to the old Egyptian race. 
 
 ' The questions relating to the introduction of the quiver are discussed in Maspero, Notes aujour 
 lejour, § 18, in the Proceedings of theSoc. Bibl. Arch., 1891-92, vol. xiv. pp. 184-187. 
 
 " On the division of the Egyptian armies into battalions and regiments, cf. Wilkinson, Manners 
 and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 193, et seq. ; Erman, JEgypten, pp. 716, 717. The army of Eamses II. 
 at the battle of Qodshu comprised four corps, which bore the names of Amon, Ea, Phtah, and Sdtkha. 
 Other lesser corps, designated by the name of sa, sau, the (pvKa'i or tribes, weie named the Tribe of 
 Pharaoh, the Tribe of the Beauty of the Solar dish (Mariette, Catalogue ggn^ral des monuments d'Abydos, 
 pp. 385, 386, Nos. 1062, 1063; pp. 388, 389, No. 1070; p. 391, No. 1076): these, as far as I can judge, 
 must have been troops raised on the royal domains by a system of local recruiting, who were united 
 by certain common privileges and duties which constituted them an hereditary militia, whence they 
 were called tribes. These military tribes are probably what the author of the treatise De Iside (§ 72, 
 Paethet's edit., pp. 126, 127) calls the yeVrj, those races into which the army of Osiris was divided, 
 and who each bore as a standard some divine emblem, the worship of which was common to all who 
 composed the army ; cf. Brugsch, Die JSgyptologie, pp. 235, 236. 
 
 ' These Ethiopian recruits are occasionally represented in the Theban tombs of the XVIII* dynasty, 
 among others in the tomb of Pahsflkhir (Viret, Le Tombeau de Pehsukher, in the Mgmoires de la Mission 
 Frangaise du Caire, vol. v. pp. 294, 295). 
 
 * The armies of Hatshopsitu already included Libyan auxiliaries, some of which are represented 
 at Deir el-Bahari (DiiMiCHEN, Die Flotte einer Mgyptischen Konigin, pis. vi., si. ; Maeiette, Deir 
 el-Bahari, pi. 12) ; others of Asiatic origin are found under Amenothes IV. (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 92), 
 but they are not represented on the monuments among the regular troops until the reign of Eamses II., 
 when the Shardana appear for the first time among the king's body-guard (E. de Eouge, Extrait d'un 
 Memoire sur les attaques des peuples de la mer, pp. 23-25). 
 
TEE HORSE AND THE WAR- CHARIOT. 
 
 215 
 
 since the invasion of the Shepherds, a new element had been incorporated into 
 the modern army in the shape of the chariotry, which answered to some extent 
 to the cavalry of our day as regards their tactical employment and efficacy.^ 
 The horse, when once introduced into Egypt, soon became fairly adapted to its 
 environment.^ It retained both its height and size, keeping the convex fore- 
 head — which gave the head a slightly curved profile — the slender neck, the 
 
 A PLATOON OF EGYPTIAN Alirni i:^ Al 
 
 narrow hind-quarters, the lean and sinewy legs, and the long flowing tail which 
 had characterised it in its native country. The climate, however, was 
 enervating, and constant care had to be taken, by the introduction of new 
 blood from Syria, to prevent the breed from deteriorating.* The Pharaohs 
 kept studs of horses in the principal cities of the Nile valley, and the great 
 feudal lords, following their example, vied with each other in the possession of 
 numerous breeding stables. The ofiBce of superintendent to these establish- 
 ments, which was at the disposal of the Master of the Horse, became in later 
 
 ' The part played by chariots in the Egyptian armies was first studied by Rosellini, Monumenti 
 Civili, vol. iii. pp. 232-271 ; afterwards by Wilkinson, Manners and Cutlomg, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 222- 
 241 ; and finally by Textor de Ravisi, Eludes sur /e» Chars de guerre /gyptient, in the Congris 
 provincial dea Orientalistes Frangah, tenu a Saint-Mienne, vol. ii. pp. 439-472. 
 
 ' The characteristics of the Egyptian horse have been described by Prisse d'Avennes, De* 
 Ghevaux chcz lea Anciens Fgyptiens (in Perron, Le Ndfg'ri, traduit de I'A rabe d' AbH-Bekr-ibn-Bedr, 
 vol. i. pp. 128-135) ; by Sanson, Traitg' de Zootechnie, pp. 48-50 ; and by Pietremest, Lea Chei-auz dant 
 lea teinpa prehiatoriquea et hiatoriques, pp. 485-488. On the date of the introduction of the horse into 
 Egypt, cf. p. 51 of the present work. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Dl'michen, Die Floile einer JEgyplischen 
 KSnigin, pis. viii., x., and Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 11. 
 
 * The numbers of horses brought from Syria either as spoils of war or as tribute paid by the 
 vanquished are frequently recorded in the Annala of Thulmoaia III. (32 mares are mentioned in 1. 5, 
 188 in 1. 8, 26 iu 1. 9, 260 in 1. 22, 180 in 1. 40), and the number would be far larger were the inscrip- 
 tion not mutilated. Besides the usual species, powerful stallions were imported from Northern Syria, 
 which were known by the Semitic name of Ahiri, the strong (^Anaataai Papyrus IV., pi. xvii. 11. 8, 9 ; 
 cf. Retsueil de Travaux, vol. ii. p. 146, n. 3 ; Bondi, Dem Hebrdiach pMniziachen Sprachzweige angehSrige 
 LehnvoSrler in Hieroglyphiachen und Hieratischen Texten, pp. 24-27). In the tombs of the XVIII"' 
 dynasty, the arrival of Syrian horses in Egypt is sometimes represented (Booriant, Le Tomheau 
 d'Harmhahi, pi. iv., in the M€moirea de la Miaaion Franfaise, vol. v. p. 422). 
 
216 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 times one of the most important State appointments.^ The first chariots intro- 
 duced into Egypt were, like the horses, of foreign origin,^ but when built by 
 Egyptian workmen they soon become more elegant, if not stronger, than their 
 models. Lightness was the quality chiefly aimed at ; and at length the weight 
 was so reduced that it was possible for a man to carry his chariot on his shoulders 
 
 without fatigue. The materials for them were on this account limited to oak 
 or ash and leather ; metal, whether gold or silver, iron or bronze, being used but 
 sparingly, and then only for purposes of ornamentation. The wheels usually had 
 six, but sometimes eight spokes, or occasionally only four. The axle consisted 
 of a single stout pole of acacia. The framework of the chariot was composed 
 of two pieces of wood mortised together so as to form a semicircle or half- 
 
 ' On the Masters of the Horse — Mir susimutu — and on the place which they occupied in the Ramessid 
 hierarchy, cf. Maspero, Mudes jSgyptiennes, vol. ii. pp. 39-41, and Brugsoh, Die Mgyptologie, pp. 215, 
 238. In the story of the conquest of Egypt by the Ethiopian Pionkhi, studs are indicated at 
 Hermopolis (II. 64-6G), at Athribis (11. 109, 110), in the towns to the east and in the centre of the 
 Delta (11. 111-119), and at Sais (1. 138). Diodorus Siculus (i. 45) relates that, in his time, the founda- 
 tions of 100 stables, each capable of containing 200 horses, were still to be seen on the western bank 
 of the river between Memphis and Thebes. On the management of the aim, aliit, or stables, cf. Virey, 
 Mude sur un parchemin rapports dc Thebes, in the M^inoires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. pp. 485-490, 
 where too wide a sense is attributed to the word itself. 
 
 " This fact is proved by the very form of the names marhabuti, which is the Hebrew marlcaluth, 
 and agalati, which is the Hebrew agalah. For everything relating to this subject, cf. Chabas, £tude 
 sur I' Antiquity hislorique, 2nd edit., pp. 421-457, and Bondi, Dem Hehraisch-phonizischen Sprachzweige 
 angehorige Lehmvorter in Hieroghjphischen und Hieratischen Texten, pp. 38, 44-57, 116). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the photograph taken by Petrie (cf. Rosellini, Monumenti Civiii, 
 pi. cxxii. 1); the original is at present in the Florence Museum (Migi.iaeini, Indication succincte des 
 monuments Egyptiens au Mus^e de Florence, 1859, pp. 94, 95, No. 2678). Rosellini considered this chariot 
 to be of Scythian origin (Monumenti Civiii, vol. iii. pp. 263-269), and his opinion is still sometimes 
 accepted ; it is, however, an Egyptian chariot, but constructed for funerary use, to be placed in a tomb, 
 and its destination explains the excessive lightness of its construction, and the imperfections of its build. 
 
 THE EGYPTIAN CHARIOT PRESERVED IN THE 
 
TEE CHAEIOTEEE. 
 
 217 
 
 ellipse, and closed by a straight bar ; to this frame was fixed a floor of sycomore 
 wood or of plaited leather thongs. The sides of the chariot were formed of 
 upright panels, solid in front and open at the sides, each provided with a 
 hand-rail. The pole, which was of a single piece of wood, was bent into 
 
 gigantic T thus formed was fixed the 
 body of the chariot, the hinder part resting on the axle, and the front attached 
 to the bent part of the pole, while the whole was firmly bound together with 
 double leather thongs. A yoke of hornbeam, shaped like a bow, to which the 
 horses were harnessed, was fastened to the other extremity of the pole.'-* The 
 Asiatics placed three men in a chariot, but the Egyptians only two; the 
 warrior— sinwi— whose business it was to fight, and the shield-bearer— ga^ana 
 — who protected his companion with a buckler during the engagement.^ A 
 complete set of weapons was carried in the chariot — lances, javelins, and 
 daggers, curved spear, club, and battle-axe — while two bow-cases as well as two 
 
 ' Drawu by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Cuampollion, Monumentt de I'L'gypU et de 
 la Nubie, pi. Ixiv. ; Roselllni, Monumenti Slorici, pis. liv. 1, Isvii. Tho picture is of the time of 
 Ramses II., and comes from the temple of Belt-Wally in Nubia. 
 
 ' The names of the diflerent parts of the Egyptian chariot are enumerated in the texts preserved in 
 the Anastasi Papyrus No. 1, pi. xviii. 1. 3, et seq., the Anastasi Papyrus IV., pi. xvi. 1. 7, et Beq., and the 
 Keller Papyrus, pis. i. 1. 1, ii. 1. 2, published by Wiedemann, Hieratische Texte aut den Muteen zu Berlin 
 und Paris, pis. x., xi. The most curious of those has been interpreted by Eiuian, Hymne $ur le char du 
 rot, in the Congres de St.-Etienne, vol. ii. pp. 430-438, and Hierat. 0,tralm, in Zeitschrift, 1880, pp. 94, 95. 
 
 • The part played by the qazana, as well as his Semitic origin, was discovered by E. he Rouge, 
 Notice de quelques texfes hi^roglyphiquet r^cemmcnl publics par M. Greene, p. 26 ; that of the sitini by 
 Maspero, Htudes ^gypliemus, vol. ii. p. 41, whence it has passed to Bbxjgscu, Die .Xgyptologie, pp. 
 215, 237. The former is the vvloxos or efpaKwv, the latter the irapoi/SoTTji of tho Homeric poems. 
 
218 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 large quivers were hung at the sides. The chariot itself was very liable to 
 upset, the slightest cause being sufficient to overturn it. Even when moving 
 at a slow pace, the least inequality of the ground shook it terribly, and when 
 driven at full speed it was only by a miracle of skill that the occupants could 
 maintain their equilibrium. At such times the charioteer would stand astride 
 of the front panels, keeping his right foot only inside the vehicle, and planting 
 the other firmly on the pole, so as to lessen the jolting, and to secure a wider 
 base on which to balance himself.-^ To carry all this into practice long educa- 
 tion was necessary, for which there were special schools of instruction, and 
 those who were destined to enter the army were sent to these schools when little 
 more than children. To each man, as soon as he had thoroughly mastered all 
 the difficulties of the profession, a regulation chariot and pair of horses were 
 granted, for which he was responsible to the Pharaoh or to his generals, and he 
 might then return to his home until the next call to arms.^ The warrior took 
 precedence of the shield-bearer, and both were considered superior to the foot- 
 soldier ; the chariotry, in fact, like the cavalry of the present day, was the 
 aristocratic branch of the army, in which the royal princes, together with the 
 nobles and their sons, enlisted,^ No Egyptian ever willingly trusted himself 
 to the back of a horse, and it was only in the thick of a battle, when his chariot 
 was broken, and there seemed no other way of escaping from the melee, that a 
 warrior would venture to mount one of his steeds.* There appear, however, to 
 have been here and there a few horsemen, who acted as couriers or aides-de- 
 camp; they used neither saddle-cloth nor stirrups, but were provided with 
 reins with which to guide their animals, and their seat on horseback was even 
 less secure than the footing of the driver in his chariot.^ 
 
 The infantry was divided into platoons of six to ten men each, commanded 
 by an officer and marshalled round an ensign, which represented either a 
 
 ' Cf. the representations of the king fighting in Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la 
 Nuhie, pi. Ixiv., and in Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. liv. 1, Ixvii., one of which is reproduced on 
 p. 217 of the present work. It was a posture frequently adopted in the mele'e, when the king was 
 about to strike the enemy on either hand with the javelin, club, or spear ; when he drew the bow 
 he would stand with both feet on the floor of the chariot. 
 
 * Anastasi Papyrus III., pi. vi. 11. 2-10 ; cf. Maspero, Du, Genre ^pistolaire chez les Anciens 
 £gyptiens, pp. 42, 43 ; Erman, ^gypten und ^gyptisahes Lehen, pp. 721, 722. ; 
 
 ^ On this precedence of theofiScersof the chariots over those of the infantry, cf. the treatise on the 
 hierarchy published and commented on by Maspero, iJtudes Egyptiennes, vol. ii. pp. 40, 41 ; the king's 
 sons, as for example those of Eamses II. and Eamses III., often acted as shield-bearers to their father. 
 
 * In the great inscription in which Minephtah relates his victory over the peoples of the sea, Chabas 
 thought he discovered the mention of officers who were on the king's horses, and who set ofi" in pursuit 
 of the vanquished {Etudes sur I' Antiquity historique, 2nd edit., pp. 197, 433, n. 2); but, on the contrary, 
 the text says that it was charioteers, sinniu, not riders, who did this (Mariette, Karnali, pi. 53, 1. 38) . 
 
 ' There is a figure of a horseman on an incised bronze axe in the British Museum (Wilkinson, 
 Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 278), and several others are represented in battle pictures, 
 as in Champollion, Monuments de V^gypte et de la Nuhie, pi. xiii. ; or Eosellini, Monumenti Oivili, 
 pi. cxx., vol. iii. p. 240, et seq. ; and Monumenti Storici, pis. xlvi. 2, ivii., Ixxxvii., xcv., cviii.,cx.,cxx., 
 where there are as many Egyptians as Asiatics. On this subject, cf. Chabas, Etudes sur VAntiquUe 
 historique, 2nd edit., pp. 430-437, and Brtigsch, Die ^gyptologie, p. 237. 
 
THE RANKING AND ARMAMENT OF THE TROOPS. 
 
 219 
 
 sacred animal, an emblem of the king or of his double, or a divine figure 
 placed upon the top of a pike ; ^ this constituted an object of worship to the 
 group of soldiers to whom it belonged. We are unable to ascertain how many 
 of these platoons, either of infantry or of chariotry, went to form a company or 
 a battalion, or by what ensigns the different grades were distinguished from 
 each other, or what was their relative order of rank. Bodies of men, to the 
 
 , , .41 
 
 AN EGYPTIAN LEARNINO TO BIDE, FUOM A BAS-RELIEF IN THE BOLOGNA MCSEI M = 
 
 number of forty or fifty, are sometimes represented on the monuments, but this 
 may be merely by chance, or because the draughtsman did not take the trouble 
 to give the proper number accurately. The inferior officers were equipped very 
 much like the soldiers, with the exception of the buckler, which they do not 
 appear to have carried, and certainly did not when on tlie march ; the superior 
 officers might be known by their umbrella or flabellum, a distinction whicli gave 
 them the right of approaching the king's person.'' The military exercises to which 
 all these troops were accustomed probably differed but little from those which 
 were in vogue with the armies of the Ancient Empire ; ^ they consisted in 
 
 ' Either Plutarch, or whoever wrote the treatise De J«jtic (§ 72, Partiiey's edit., p. 126), assures u« 
 that the companies and regiments of the Egyptian army were analogous to the ri^ds and the \6xoi 
 of the Greeks. On the standards, cf. Diodobcs Sicolus, i. 86 ; Plutarch, De Itide et Otiride, § 72, 
 Partiiey's edit., pp. 126, 127 ; and the examples collected by Wilkinson, Manner! and Ctulomt, 2nd 
 edit., vol. i. pp. 195-197. 
 
 = Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from a photograph by Flinders Petrie. 
 
 ' Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 196, 197, seems to have been the first to 
 observe this fact. The umbrella-bearer, zat'Sirit, was inferior in rank to the flabellum-bearer, wlioae 
 place was on the king's right hand, zai-khuit hi-unami-f (cf. Maspero, ^:tudes £g<jptienneg, vol. ii. 
 p. 41, and Bbugsch, Die JEgyptologie, pp. 236, 237. 
 
 * See the representation of some of these exercises in Maspero, Daicn of Civilization, pp. 452, 453. 
 
220 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 wrestling, boxing, jumping, running either singly or in line at regular distances 
 from each other, manual exercises, fencing, and shooting at a target ; the war- 
 dance had ceased to be in use among the Egyptian regiments as a military 
 exercise, but it was practised by the Ethiopian and Libyan auxiliaries. At the 
 beginning of each campaign, the men destined to serve in it were called out 
 by the military scribes, who supplied them with arms from the royal arsenals. 
 
 Then followed the distri- 
 bution of rations. The 
 soldiers, each carrying a 
 small linen bag, came 
 up in squads before the 
 commissariat oflScers, and 
 each received his own 
 allowance.^ Once in the 
 enemy's country the army 
 advanced in close order, 
 the infantry in columns of 
 four, the officers in rear, 
 and the chariots either on 
 the rierht or left flank, or 
 
 THE WAR-DANUE OF THE TIMIHU AT DEIR EL-ISAHARI/ " 
 
 in the intervals between 
 
 divisions.^ Skirmishers thrown out to the front cleared the line of march, while 
 detached parties, pushing right and left, collected supplies of cattle, grain, or 
 drinking-water from the fields and unprotected villages.* The main body was 
 
 ' We see the distribution of arms made by the scribes and other oflacials of the royal arsenals 
 repiesented in the pictures at Medinet-Abu (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, 
 pi. ccxviii., and vol. i. p. 368; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxv., and vol. v. pp. 19-23). The 
 calling out of the classes was represented in the Egyptian tombs of the XVIII"' dynasty (Virey, Le 
 Tombeau ffAm^iiemah et le tombeau de Pehsukher, in the M^moires de la Mission du Caire, vol. v. 
 pp. 221, 228-231, 288, 289), as well as the distribution of supplies. Questions relating to the army of 
 the Tlieban dynasties have been fully treated by Eosellini, Monumenti Civili, vol. iii. pp. 217-232. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Dumichen, Die Ilotte einer Jigyptigchen 
 Konigin, pis. vi., xi., and Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 12. 
 
 * The marches of the army of Eamses II. are represented in Champollion, Monuments, pi. xxxiii. ; 
 RosELLiNi, Monu. Stor., pis. Ixxxvii., xcvi., xcvii., cvii. ; Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 155; Mariette, 
 Itin^raire de la Eaute-Egypte, vol. i. pi. 32. Those of the army of Eamses III. were first reproduced 
 in the Description de T Egypte, Ant. vol. ii. pi. 10, and subsequently by Champollion, Monuments, 
 pis. ccvii., ccxvii., ccxix., ci;xxi. ; Eosellini, Monu. Stor., pis. cxxvi., cxxix., cxxx., cxxxvii. The 
 march in columns of four of the archers and heavy infantry is illustrated by the discovery, made at 
 Meir, of the two bands of soldiers who are represented on p. 223 of the present volume. They are of 
 the time of the first Theban empire, as is shown by the archers being without quivers ; but. with the 
 exception of this detail, their equipment is the same as that of the infantry of the XVIII"' dynasty. 
 The statuette of one of tlieir commanding ofiBcers is said to be in London, in the hands of Captain 
 Myers. 
 
 * See the scenes represented around Dapur, in which the troops of Eamses II. are pillaging the 
 country (Eosellini, Monu. Stor., pi. xcviii. ; Lepsits, Denim., iii. 166 ; Mariette, Itin^raire de la 
 Haute-Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 59), and also those in which the Shausd with their flocks are fleeing from the 
 
MABGHES AND ENCAMPMENTS IN HOSTILE TERRITORT. 221 
 
 followed by the baggage train ; it comprised not only supplies and stores, but 
 cooking-utensils, coverings, and the entire paraphernalia of the carpenters' and 
 blacksmiths' shops necessary for repairing bows, lances, daggers, and chariot- 
 poles, the whole being piled up in four-wheeled carts drawn by asses or oxen. 
 The army was accompanied by a swarm of non-combatants, scribes, soothsayers. 
 
 A COLVMN OF TBOOPS ON THE MAIi( II, CIIAIIIOTS AND ISKANTllY.' 
 
 priests, heralds, musicians, servants, and women of loose life, who were a serious 
 cause of embarrassment to the ■■ generals, and a source of perpetual danger to 
 military discipline.^ At nightfall they halted in a village, or more frequently 
 bivouacked in an entrenched camp, marked out to suit the circumstances of the 
 case;' This entrenchment was always rectangular, its length being twice as great 
 as its width, and was surrounded by a ditch, the earth from which, being banked 
 up on the inside, formed a rampart from five to six feet in height ; the exterior 
 
 king in person (Champollion, Monuments, pi. xii. ; Rosellini, Monu. Star., pi. Ixsx.); in the same 
 way, at Mcdinet-Abu, the troops of Ramses III. are pillaging the country near a besieged town 
 (Ghampollion, Monuments, pi. ccxxviii.)- 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Einil Brugsch-Uey ; cf. Makiette, Voyage de In 
 Ilaute-Egypte, vol. i. pi. 51. The bus-relief, which is in the temple of Ramses II. at Abydos, represents 
 the march of one of the divisions of the Egyptian army at the battle of Qodsha. 
 
 - The whole of this description is taken from the pictures of camp-life in the time of Ramses II., 
 at Luxor and the Raincsseum (Ghampollion, Monuments, pis. xvii. bis, xxix., xxx) ; some of them 
 are reproduced on pp. 222, 224 of the present volume. 
 
 ' Thfltmosis III. ciimped successively in the town of Gaza, in the villages of YClrza and Yfthma, 
 and in the plain near Megiddo (Maspeuo, Jl^cit de la campagne centre Mageddo sous Thoutmos III., 
 in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 50, 51, 55).! 
 
222 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 of this was then entirely faced with shields, square below, but circular in shape 
 at the top. The entrance to the camp was by a single gate in one of the longer 
 sides, and a plank served as a bridge across the trench, close to which two 
 detachments mounted guard, armed with clubs and naked swords. The royal 
 quarters were situated at one end of the camp. Here, within an enclosure, 
 rose an immense tent, where the Pharaoh found all the luxury to which he 
 
 AN EGYPTIAN FORTIFIED CAMP, FORCED BY THE ENEMY. 
 
 was accustomed in his palaces, even to a portable chapel, in which each morning 
 he could pour out water and burn incense to his father, Amon-Ea of Thebes. 
 The princes of the blood who formed his escort, his shield-bearers and his 
 generals, were crowded together hard by, and beyond, in closely packed lines, 
 were the horses and chariots, the draught bullocks, the workshops and the stores. 
 The soldiers, accustomed from childhood to live in the open air, erected no tents or 
 huts of boughs for themselves in these temporary encampments, but bivouacked 
 in the open, and the sculptures on the facades of the Theban pylons give us a 
 minute picture of the way in which they employed themselves when off duty. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a pbotograpli taken by Beato in 1895. It represents the camp of 
 Kamses II. before Qodshfl : the upper angle of the enclosure and part of the surrounding wall have 
 been destroyed by the Khati, whose chariots are pouring in at the breach. In the centre is the royal 
 tent, surrounded by scenes of military life. This picture has been sculptured partly over an earlier 
 one representing one of the episodes of the battle ; the latter had been covered with stucco, on which 
 the new subject was executed. Part of the stucco has fallen away, and the king in his chariot, with 
 a few other figures, has reappeared, to the great detriment of the later picture. 
 
224 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 Here one man, while cleaning his armour, superintends the cooking. Another, 
 similarly engaged, drinks from a skin of wine held up by a slave. A third 
 has taken his chariot to pieces, and is replacing some portion the worse for 
 wear. Some are sharpening their daggers or lances ; others mend their 
 loin-cloths or sandals, or exchange blows with fists and sticks. The baggage, 
 linen, arms, and provisions are piled in disorder on the ground ; horses, oxen, 
 and asses are eating or chewing the cud at their ease ; while here and there 
 
 SCENES FROM MILITABY LIFE IN AN EGYPTIAN CAMP.' 
 
 a donkey, relieved of his burden, rolls himself on the ground and brays with 
 delight.2 
 
 The success of the Egyptians in battle was due more to the courage and 
 hardihood of the men than to the strategical skill of their commanders. We 
 find no trace of manoeuvres, in the sense in which we understand the word, 
 either in their histories or on their bas-reliefs, but they joined battle boldly 
 with the enemy, and the result was decided by a more or less bloody conflict.^ 
 The heavy infantry was placed in the centre, the chariots were massed on the 
 flanks, while light troops thrown out to the front began the action by letting fly 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from a photograph by Beato ; cf. Champollion, Monuments, pis. xxix., 
 XXX. ; KosELLiNi, Monu. Slor., pis. Ixxsvii., xcviii.-c, cvi., cvii. ; Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 154, 155. Tiie 
 original is in the Ramesseum. 
 
 » We are speaking of the camp of Thutmosis HE, near Aluna, the day before the battle of 
 Megiddo, and the words put into the mouths of the soldiers to mark their vigilance are the same 
 as those which we find in the Ramesseum and at Luxor, written above the guards of the camp 
 where Ramses II. is reposing (Maspero, li^cit de la campagne conlre Mageddo, in the Beaueil de 
 Traoaux, vol. ii. p. 141). 
 
 3 Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 217. 
 
THE CHARIOT IN BATTLE. 
 
 225 
 
 volleys of arrows and stones, which through the skill of the bowmen and slingers 
 did deadly execution ; then the pikemen laid their spears in rest, and pressing 
 straight forward, threw their whole weight against the opposing troops. At the 
 same moment the charioteers set off at a gentle trot, and gradually quickened 
 their pace till they dashed at full speed upon the foe, amid the confused 
 
 ENCOUNTER BETWEEN EGYPTIAN AND ASIATIC 0HABI0T8.' 
 
 Tumbling of wheels and the sharp clash of metal. The Egyptians, ac- 
 customed by long drilling to the performance of such evolutions, executed 
 these charges as methodically as though they were still on their parade-ground 
 at Thebes ; if the disposition of the ground were at all favourable, not a single 
 chariot would break the line, and the columns would sweep across the field 
 
 • Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a drawing by Champoluon, Monumentt de Vf.gypte et de la 
 Nuhie, pi. xxvi. ; Rosellini, Monumentt Storici, pi. ciii. This representB a charge of tho Egyptian 
 chariots against those of the Hittites at the battle of Qodsbft. 
 
 Q 
 
226 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 without swerving or falling into disorder. The charioteer had the reins tied 
 round his body, and could, by throwing his weight either to the right or the 
 left, or by slackening or increasing the pressure through a backward or forward 
 motion, turn, pull up, or start his horses by a simple movement of the loins : he 
 went into battle with bent bow, the string drawn back to his ear, the arrow 
 levelled ready to let fly, while the shield-bearer, clinging to the body of the 
 chariot with one hand, held out his buckler with the other to shelter his com- 
 rade. It would seem that the Syrians were less skilful : their bows did not 
 carry so far as those of their adversaries, and consequently they came within 
 the enemy's range some moments before it was possible for them to return the 
 volley with eflfect. Their horses would be thrown down, their drivers would 
 fall wounded, and the disabled chariots would check the approach of those 
 following and overturn them, so that by the time the main body came up with 
 the enemy the slaughter would have been serious enough to render victory 
 hopeless. Nevertheless, more than one charge would be necessary finally to 
 overturn or scatter the Syrian chariots, which, once accomplished, the Egyptian 
 charioteer would turn against the foot-soldiers, and, breaking up their ranks,, 
 would tread them down under the feet of his horses.^ Nor did the Pharaoh spare 
 himself in the fight ; his splendid dress, the urseus on his forehead, and the 
 nodding plumes of his horses made him a mark for the blows of the enemy, and 
 he would often find himself in positions of serious danger. In a few hours, as a 
 rule, the conflict would come to an end. Once the enemy showed signs of giving 
 way, the Egyptian chariots dashed upon them precipitously, and turned the 
 retreat into a rout : the pursuit was, however, never a long one ; ^ some fortress- 
 was always to be found close at hand where the remnant of the defeated host 
 could take refuge.^ The victors, moreover, would be too eager to secure the 
 booty, and to strip the bodies of the dead, to allow time for following up the foe. 
 The prisoners were driven along in platoons, their arms bound in strange and con- 
 torted attitudes,* each under the charge of his captor; then came the chariots, 
 arms, slaves, and provisions collected on the battle-field or in the camp, then other 
 
 ' The whole of the above description is based on incidents from tlie various pictures of battles 
 which appear on the monuments of Ramses II. (Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nubie,. 
 pi. xvii. xxxiv. ; UosEhum, Monumenti Storici,Tp\s.lx\\ii.-oii. ; Lepsitis, De^Jm., iii. 154, 155) and 
 of Kamses III. (Champollion, Monuments, etc., pis. ccxx.-ccxx. bis, cexxviii. ; Eosellini, Monumenti 
 Storici, pis. cxxvii., cxxviii., cxxxvi.). 
 
 ^ A good instance of this, under Minephtah, will be found in Mariette, KarnaJc, pi. 53, 1. 38. 
 
 ' After the battle of Megiddo, the remnants of the Syrian army took refuge in tlie city, where 
 Thutmosis III. besieged them (Maspebo, B^cit de la campagne contre Mageddo, in the Recueil de 
 Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143); similarly under Eamsea II. the Hittite princes took refuge in Qodshtt. 
 after their defeat (Lepsius, llenkm., iii. 1U4). 
 
 ■* Of. arrival of prisoners after the battle of Qodshu (Champollion, il/owumera^s', etc., pi. xx.; Roseluni, 
 Monumenti Storici, pis. Ixxxvii., xciii., xciv.), and after the victories of Ramses III. (Chajipollion, 
 Monuments, etc., pis. ccvi,, ccvii., ccxxiv. ; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. cxxxi., cxxxii., cxxxv.). 
 Thutmosis III. reproaches his soldiers with having.loitered in quest of booty, thus allowing the leaders 
 of the enemy to escape (Maspero, B^cit de la campagne contre Mageddo, in the Becueil de Travaux,. 
 vol. ii. pp. 142, 143). 
 
228 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 trophies of a kind unknown in modern warfare. When an Egyptian killed or 
 mortally wounded any one, he cut off, not the head, but the right hand or the 
 phallus, and brouglit it to the royal scribes. These made an accurate inventory 
 of everything, and even Pharaoh did not disdain to be present at the registration.^ 
 The booty did not belong to the persons who obtained it, but was thrown into a 
 common stock which was placed at the disposal of the sovereign : one part he 
 reserved for the gods, especially for his father Amon of Thebes, who had given 
 him the victory ; another part he kept for himself, and the remainder was dis- 
 tributed among his army. Each man received a reward in proportion to his 
 rank and services, such as male or female slave?, bracelets, necklaces, arms, vases, 
 or a certain measured weight of gold, known as the " gold of bravery." ^ A 
 similar sharing of the spoil took place after every successful engagement : from 
 Pharaoh to the meanest camp-follower, every man who had contributed to the 
 success of a campaign returned home richer than he had set out, and the profits 
 which he derived from a war were a liberal compensation for the expenses 
 in which it had involved him. 
 
 The results of the first expedition of ThMmosis I. were of a decisive cha- 
 racter ; so much so, indeed, that he never again, it would seem, found it necessary 
 during the remainder of his life to pass the isthmus. Northern Syria, it is true, 
 did not remain long under tribute, if indeed it paid any at all after the depar- 
 ture of the Egyptians, but the southern part of the country, feeling itself in the 
 grip of the new master, accepted its defeat : Gaza became the head-quarters of 
 a garrison which secured the door of Asia for future invasion,^ and Pharaoh, 
 freed from anxiety in this quarter, gave his whole time to the consolidation of 
 his power in Ethiopia. The river and desert tribes of this region soon forgot 
 the severe lesson which he had given them : as soon as the last Egyptian 
 soldier had left their territory they rebelled once more, and began a fresh series 
 of inroads which had to be repressed anew year after year. Thutmosis I. had 
 several times to drive them back in the years II. and III.,* but was able to make 
 
 ■ The bringing in and registration of hands are mentioned in the Description de l'£gypie. Ant., 
 vol. ii. pi. 12, tlien in Champoli.ion, Monuments de VJ^gypte et de la Nubie, pis. xix., ccxxiv., and in 
 RosELLiNi, Monumenti Slorici, pis. xciv., cxxxii., csxxv. ; that of the phalli, in Ohampoluon, Monu- 
 ments, etc., pi. cxxiv., and in Roseli,ini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. cxxxv. We find frequent references to 
 hands brought in by the soldiers in the biographies of the two Ahmosi at El-Kab, and of Amenem- 
 habi; the numbers of the phalli are given in the inscriptions of Minephtah (Mariette, Karnak, pi. 
 54, 1. .50, et scq.) and of Ramses III. (Rosellini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. cxxxv.). 
 
 2 Cf. the biography of the two Ahmosi at El-Kab on pp. 86-88, 90, 91, 100, 106 of the present work. 
 
 ^ This fact is nowhere explicitly stated on the monuments : we may infer it, however, from the 
 way in which Tliutmosis III. tells how he reached Gaza without opposition at the beginning of his 
 first campaign, and celebrated the anniversary of his coronation there (Maspeeo, R€cit de la campagne 
 contre Mageddo, in the Recueil, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50). On the other hand, we learn from details in the 
 lists (Mauiette, Karnak, pis. 18, 19) that the mountains and plains beyond Gaza were iu a state of 
 open rebellion. 
 
 * Inscription of the year II., engraved on the rocks of the Tangur cataract, published in the Graphic, 
 January 10, 1885, p. 43, interpreted by Birch, Hieroglyphic Inscription near the Cataract of Tangur, in 
 
BEOBGANISATION OF ETHIOPIA. 
 
 229 
 
 short work of their rebellions. An inscription at Tombos on the Nile, in the 
 very midst of the disturbed districts, told them in brave words what he was, 
 and what he had done since he had come to the throne. Wherever he had 
 gone, weapon in hand, " seeking a warrior, he had found none to withstand 
 him; he had penetrated to valleys which were unknown to his ancestors, the 
 inhabitants of which had never beheld the wearers of the double diadem." ^ 
 All this would have produced but little effect had he not backed up his words 
 by deeds, and taken decisive measures to restrain the insolence of the barbarians. 
 Tombos lies opposite to Hannek, at the entrance to that series of rapids known 
 as the Tliird Cataract. The course of the Nile is here barred by a formidable 
 dyke of granite, through which it has hollowed out six winding channels of 
 varying widths, dotted here and there with huge polished boulders and verdant 
 islets. When the inundation is at its height, the rocks are covered and the 
 rapids disappear, with the exception of the lowest, which is named Lokoli, 
 where faint eddies mark the place of the more dangerous reefs ; and were it 
 not that the fall here is rather more pronounced and the current somewhat 
 stronger, few would suspect the existence of a cataract at the spot. As the 
 waters go down, however, the channels gradually reappear. When the river is 
 at its lowest, the three westernmost channels dry up almost completely, leaving 
 nothing but a series of shallow pools ; those on the east still maintain their 
 flow, but only one of them, that between the islands of Tombos and Abadin,^ 
 remains navigable. Here Thutmosis built, under invocation of the gods of 
 Heliopolis, one of those brickwork citadels, with its rectangular keep, which set at 
 nought all the efforts and all the military science of the Ethiopians : attached 
 to it was a harboui-, where each vessel on its way downstream put in for the 
 purpose of hiring a pilot.'' The monarchs of the XII"' and XIII"' dynasties 
 had raised fortifications at the approaches to Wady Haifa, and their engineers 
 skilfully chose the sites so as completely to protect from the ravages of the 
 
 the Proceedings of the Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1884-8."), vol. vii. p. 121. It is undoubtedly an inscription 
 i)f Thutmosis I. dated in bis second jear. This same expedition is referred to in tlio inscription at 
 Tombos, published by Lki'SICS, DcnAm., iii. pi. 5 a, translated by Piehl, Petiteg £tmU» fjtiyplo'ogiquer, 
 pp. 1-28. Inscriptions of the year III., at Sehcl and at Assuon, have betn published by Wildodb, 
 Canalizing the Cataract, in the Reciwil de Traraux, vol. siii. p. 202, and by J. dk Moroan, De la 
 Frontiere de Nuhie a Kom-Omhos, p. 41, No. 185, and p. 85, Nos. 13, lit. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denlsm., iii. 5 a, 11. 11-13; cf. Piehl, Petiles iiitdti Egyptclogiquet, p. 4. 
 
 ' GoTTBERG, Des Cataractes du Nil, pp. 24-28, and pi. i.; Chelu, Le Nil, le Soudan, I' l.gypte, 
 pp. 49-54. 
 
 ' The foundation of this fortress is indicated in an emphatic manner in 11. 10, 11 of the Tombos 
 inscription : " The masters of the Great Custle (the gods of Heliopolis) have made a fortress for the 
 soldiers of the kin-;, which the nine peoples of Nubia combined could not carry by storm, for, like a 
 young panther before a bull which lowers its head, the souls of his Majesty have blinded them with 
 fear " (cf. Piehl, Petites Etudes hieroglyphiques, pp. 3,4, 24, 25). Quarries of considerable size, where 
 Cailliaud imagined he could distinguish an overturned colossus, show the importance which the estab- 
 lishment had attained in ancient times (Caii<liai d. Voyage a M€ro€, vol. iv. pp. 233-235) ; the ruins of 
 the town cover a- fairly large area near the modern village of Kerman (Lepsii.s Uriefe aus JEgypten 
 und JEthiopien, pp. 253, 254). 
 
230 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 Nubian pirates that part of the Nile which lay between Wady Haifa and Philae. 
 Henceforward the garrison at Tombos was able to defend the mighty curve 
 described by the river through the desert of Mahas, together with the island of 
 Argo, and the confines of Dongola. The distance between Thebes and this 
 southern frontier was a long one, and communication was slow during the winter 
 months, when the subsidence of the waters had rendered the task of navigation 
 difficult for the Egyptian ships. The king was obliged, besides, to concentrate 
 his attention mainly on Asiatic aff"airs, and was no longer able to watch the 
 movements of the African races with the same vigilance as his predecessors 
 had exercised before Egyptian armies had made their way as far as the banks 
 of the Euphrates. Thutmosis placed the control of the countries south of 
 Assuan in the hands of a viceroy, who, invested with the august title of " Eoyal 
 Son of Kush," must have been regarded as having the blood of Ea himself 
 running in his veins.^ Sura, the first of these viceroys whose name has 
 reached us, was iu office at the beginning of the campaign of the year III,^ 
 He belonged, it would seem, to a Theban family, and for several centuries 
 afterwards his successors are mentioned among the nobles who were in the habit 
 of attending the court. Their powers were considerable : they commanded 
 armies, built or restored temples, administered justice, and received the homage 
 of loyal sheikhs or the submission of rebellious ones.^ The period for which 
 they were appointed was not fixed by law, and they held office simply at the 
 king's pleasure.* During the XIX"' dynasty it was usual to confer this office, 
 the highest in the state, on a son of the sovereign, preferably the heir-apparent. 
 Occasionally his appointment was purely formal, and he continued in attendance 
 on his father, while a trusty substitute ruled in his place : often, however, he 
 took the government oa himself, and in the regions of the Upper Nile served 
 an apprenticeship to the art of ruling. This district was in a perpetual state 
 of war — a war without danger, but full of trickery and surprises : here he 
 prepared himself for the larger arena of the Syrian campaigns, learning the arts 
 
 ' The meaning of this title was at first misunderstood. Champolliun (Lettres ^crites d'Egypte, 
 2nd edit., p. 160) and Eosellini (Monumenti Slorici, vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 259, 260) took it literally, and 
 thought it referred to Ethiopian princes, who were vassals or enemies of Egypt. Birch persists in 
 regarding them as Ethiopians driven out by their subjects, restored by the Fharaohs as viceroys, 
 while admitting that they may have belonged to the solar family (Aeundale-Bonomi-Biech, Gallery 
 of Antiquities selected from the British Museum, pp. 94, 95, 110). 
 
 ^ He is mentioned in the Sehel inscription as "the royal son Sura" (Wilboub, Canalizing the 
 Cataract, in the Eecueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. p. 202). Nahi, who had been regarded as the first 
 holder of the office (Birch, Upon a Historical Tablet of Bamses II., p. 20; Bkugsch, Geogr. Ins., vol. i. 
 p. 53, and Gesehichte ^IHgyptens, p. 265), and who was still in office under Thfltmosis III., had been 
 appointed by ThUtmosis I. (Lepsius, Benkm., iii. 47 c, 1. 6), but after iSura. 
 
 ^ Under Thutmosis III., tlie viceroy Nahi restored the temple at Semneh (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 
 47 a, c, 56 a) ; under Tutankhamen, the viceroy Hui received tribute from the Ethiopian princes, 
 and presented them to the sovereign (Lepsius, Benlcm., iii. 117, 118). 
 
 * Of. the list of these princes under Eamses IV., in Wiedemann, JUgyptische Gesehichte, 
 pp. 468, 469. 
 
THE PRINCES OF KVSH. 
 
 231 
 
 •of generalship more perfectly than was possible in the manoeuvres of the 
 parade-ground. Moreover, the appointment was dictated by religious as well 
 as by political considerations. The presumptive heir to the throne was to his 
 father what Horus had been to Osiris — his lawful successor, or, if need be, his 
 avenger, should some act of treason impose on him the duty of vengeance : and 
 was it not in Ethiopia that Horus had gained his first victories over Typhon ? 
 
 To begin like Horus, and flesh his maiden steel on the descendants of the 
 accomplices of Sit, was, in the case of the future sovereign, equivalent to affirm- 
 ing from the outset the reality of his divine extraction.^ 
 
 As at the commencement of the Theban dynasties, it was the river valley 
 only in these regions of the Upper Nile which belonged to the Pharaohs. 
 From this time onward it gave support to an Egyptian population as far 
 as the juncture of the two Niles: it was a second Egypt, but a poorer one, 
 whose cities presented the same impoverished appearance as that which we 
 find to-day in the towns of Nubia. The tribes scattered right and left in the 
 desert, or distributed beyond the confluence of the two Niles among the plains 
 of Sennar, were descended from the old indigenous races, and paid valuable 
 tribute every year in precious metals, ivory, timber, or the natural products of 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger, taken in 1881. 
 
 ' E. de Rouge was the first to point out {Extrait d'un Manwcrit ^gyptien en fcriture hieratique, 
 p. 14, in the Bevue Arch^ologique, 1st series, vol. ix., 1852) that in the Orbiney Papyrus the title of 
 " Prince of Kiish " was assigned to the heir-presumptive to tlie throne. 
 
232 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 tlieir districts, under penalty of armed invasion.^ Among these races were still 
 to be found descendants of tlie Mazaiu and IJaiiam, who in days gone by had 
 opposed the advance of the victorious Egyptians : the name of the IJauaiu was, 
 indeed, used as a generic term to distinguish all those tribes which frequented 
 
 ARRIVAL OP AN ETHIOPIAN QUEEN BRINGING TRIBUTE TO THE VICEROY OF KUSH.' 
 
 the mountains between the Nile and the Red Sea,^ but the wave of conquest 
 had passed far beyond the boundaries reached in early campaigns, and had 
 brought the Egyptians into contact with nations, with whom they had 
 been in only indirect commercial relations in former times. Some of these 
 were light-coloured men of a type similar to that of the modern Abyssinians 
 or G alias : they had the same haughty and imperious carnage, the same well- 
 developed and powerful frames, and the same love of fighting. Most of the 
 
 > The tribute of the Ganbatiu, or people of the south, and that of Kush and of the tjauaiu, ia 
 mentioned repeatedly in the Annates de Thutmosis III., 11. 15-17 for the year XXXI., 11. 27-29 for the 
 year XXXIII., and 11. 35-37 for the year XXXI V. The regularity with which this item recurs, un- 
 accompanied by any mention of war, following after each Syrian campaign, shows that it was an 
 habitual operation which was registered as an understood thing. True, the inscription does not sive 
 the item for every year, but then it only dealt with Ethiopian affairs in so far as they were subsidiary 
 to events in Asia ; the payment was none the less an annual one, the amount varying in accordance 
 with local agreement. 
 
 = Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Insinger ; cf. Lepsius, Benhm., iii. 118. 
 
 ' The Annals of Thutmosis III. mention the tribute of Puanit for the peoples of the coast, the 
 tribute of tlauait for the peoples of the mountain between the Nile and the sea, the tribute of Kflsh 
 for the peoples of the south, or Ganbatiu (cf. for this term Brdgsch, Diet. Hi^roglypliique, pp. 1513, 
 1514, and Die altdgyptisclie Vdlherfafel, at the Berlin Congress, Afrikanische Sektion, pp. 37, 45). 
 
,1 
 
 THE ADOPTION OF EGYPTIAN CUSTOMS BY THE ETHIOPIANS. 233 
 
 remaining tribes were of black blood, and 
 such of them as we see depicted on 
 the monuments resemble closely the 
 negroes inhabiting Central Africa 
 at the present day. They have 
 the same elongated skull, the 
 low prominent forehead, hollow 
 temples, short flattened nose, 
 thick lips, broad shoulders, and 
 salient breast, the latter con- 
 trasting sharply with the un- 
 developed appearance of the 
 lower part of the body, which 
 terminates in thin legs almost 
 devoid of calves. Egyptian civi- 
 lization had already penetrated among 
 these tribes, and, as far as dress and TYmAL( AiL^ w.,m\n 
 
 demeanour were concerned, their chiefs 
 
 differed in no way from tlie great lords who formed the escort of the Pliaraoh.^ 
 We see these provincial dignitaries represented in the white robe and 
 petticoat of starched, pleated, and gauffered linen ; an innate taste for 
 bright colours, even in those early times, being betrayed by the red or 
 yellow scarf in which they wrapped themselves, passing it over one shoulder 
 and round the waist, whence the ends depended and formed a kind of 
 apron. A panther's skin covered the back, and one or two ostrich-featliers 
 waved from the top of the head or were fastened on one side to the fillet 
 confining the hair, which was arranged in short curls and locks, stiffened 
 with gum and matted with grease, so as to form a sort of cap or grotesque 
 aureole round the skull. The men delighted to load themselves with rings, 
 bracelets, earrings, and necklaces, while from their arms, necks, and belts 
 hung long strings of glass beads, which jingled with every movement of the 
 wearer.^ They seem to have frequently chosen a woman as their ruler, and 
 her dress appears to have closely resembled that of the Egyptian ladies. She 
 appeared before her subjects in a chariot drawn by oxen, and protected from 
 the sun by an umbrella edged with fringe.^ The common people went about 
 
 ' Cf., in addition to the Ethiopian races represented in the woodcut on p. 232, the types of tributary 
 negro peoples shown, for instance, on the Theban tombs of the XVIII"' dynasty, and on those of 
 Rakhmiri (Vikey, Le Tombeau de lUhhmard, pi. vi., in the Me'nwires de la Misgiou du Caire, vol. v. 
 pp. 34-36), of Amttnizohu (Virey, Tombeau d'Am-n-l'eh, in the Mgmoires, vol. v. pp. 347, 348). and of 
 Harmhabi (liouiiiANT, Tombeau d'Harmhabi, in the M^moires, vol. v. pp. 422, 423, and pi. iv.). 
 
 ^ Cf., in regard to these strings of glass beads, the cut published by Bouriant, in Le Tombeau 
 d'Harmhabi, in tlie Mgmoires, vol. v. pi. iv. 
 
 ' Cf. the queen represented in the cut on p. 232 ; later on, when the African element overcame 
 
234 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 nearly naked, having merely a loin-cloth of some woven stuff or an animal's 
 skin thrown round their hips. Their heads were either shaven, or adorned with 
 tufts of hair stiffened with gum.^ The children of both sexes wore no clothes 
 until the age of puberty : the women vvrapped themselves in a rude garment 
 or in a covering of linen, and carried their children on the hip or in a basket 
 of esparto grass on the back, supported by a leather band which passed across 
 the forehead.^ One characteristic of all these tribes was their love of singing 
 and dancing, and their use of the drum and cymbals ; they were active and 
 industrious, and carefully cultivated the rich soil of the plain, devoting them- 
 selves to the raising of cattle, particularly of oxen, whose horns they were 
 accustomed to train fantastically into the shapes of lyres, bows, and spirals, with 
 bifurcations at the ends, or with small human jSgures as terminations. As in the 
 case of other negro tribes, they plied the blacksmith's and also the goldsmith's 
 trade, working up both gold and silver into rings, chains, and quaintly shaped 
 vases, some specimens of their art being little else than toys, similar in design 
 to those which delighted the Byzantine Caesars of later date. A wall-painting 
 remains of a gold epergne, which represents men and monkeys engaged in 
 gathering the fruit of a group of dom-palms. Two individuals lead each a tame 
 giraffe by the halter, others kneeling on the rim raise their hands to implore 
 mercy from an unseen enemy, while negro prisoners, grovelling on their stomachs, 
 painfully attempt to raise their head and shoulders from the ground. This, 
 doubtless, represents a scene from the everyday life of the people of the Upper 
 Nile, and gives a faithful picture of what took place among many of its tribes 
 during a rapid inroad of some viceroy of Kush or a raid by his lieutenants.^ 
 
 The resources which Thutmosis I. was able to draw regularly from these 
 southern regions, in addition to the wealth collected during his Syrian cam- 
 paign, enabled him to give a great impulse to building work. The tutelary deity 
 of his capital — Amon-Ra — who had ensured him the victory in all his battles, 
 had a prior claim on the bulk of the spoil ; he received it as a matter of course, 
 and his temple at Thebes was thereby considerably enlarged ; * we are not, 
 however, able to estimate exactly what proportion fell to other cities, such as 
 
 the Egyptian, the Ethiopian empire was governed by a succession of queens, the Candaces of classical 
 historians (Wiedemann, L'Etliiopie au temps de Tibere, p. 10). 
 
 ' BouBiANT, Le Tnmbeau d'Harmhabi, pi. iv. ; Scheil, Tomheau de Mai, in the M^moires de la 
 Mission Frangaise, vol. v. p. 551, where different examples of this mode of dressing the hair are shown. 
 
 See the processions of negro tributaries or captives in Champollion, Jllbjiumeiifs de I'Egypte et de 
 la Nubie, pis. xvi. and xvi. his, xxxv., Ixx., clviii., clxxvi. 3 ; Virey, Le Tomheau de Bekhmard, pi. viii., 
 and BouEiANT, Le Tomheau d'Harmliabi, pi. iv. {M^noires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. v.). 
 
 = Cf. the cut on p. 235. Some of these objects, mounted in gold or silver, and dating from the time 
 of Eamses II., are to be seen represented at Beit el-Wally (Champollion, Monuments, pis. Ixviii., Ixix. ; 
 EosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxiii. ; Lepsttis, Benltm., iii. 117). 
 
 * As to the part taken by Thtttmosis I. in the construction of the temple of Karnak, cf. E. de 
 EouGE, Etude des monuments du Massif de Karnalc, in the Mdanges d'Arch^ologie €gyptienne et 
 assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 41-48, and Mariette, Karnak Etude topographique et arch€ologique, pp. 27-30, 37. 
 
THE SUCCESSOBS OF THUTMOSIS I. — AHMASL 235 
 
 Kummeh,^ Elephantine/ Abydos,^ and Memphis,* where a few scattered blocks 
 of stone still bear the name of the king. Troubles broke out in Lower Egypt, 
 but they were speedily subdued by Thutmosis, and he was able to end his 
 
 SCENES FBOU ETIIK 
 
 days in the enjoyment of a profound peace, undisturbed by any care save that 
 of ensuring a regular succession to his throne, and of restraining the ambitions 
 of those who looked to become possessed of his heritage." His position was, 
 indeed, a curious one ; although de facto absolute in power, his children by Queen 
 Ahmasi took precedence of him, for by her mother's descent she had a better 
 right to the crown than her husband,'^ and legally tlie king should have retired 
 in favour of his sons as soon as they were old enough to reign. The eldest of 
 them, Uazmosu, died early.** The second, Amenmosii, lived at least to attain 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. r)9 a, where ThQtraosis II. substitutes bis own cartouches for those of Lis 
 father. The second of the two small grottoes at Ibriin, described by CiiAMroLLiox, Letlret Sorites 
 d'Egypte, 2nd edit., p. 129, and Monumenls de I' L'gyjite et de la Nubie, vol. i. i>p. 83, 84, was crrooeously 
 attributed to Thfttniosis I. : it is really the work of Thatmosis III., named Mankhopirkeri, a variant 
 of his cartouche prenomen. 
 
 ' Wiedemann, JEgyptische Geschichte, p. 326, found his name there cut in a block of brown freestone. 
 
 ' A stele at Abydos (Mariktte, Abydos, vol. ii. pi. 31) speaks of the building operations carried on 
 by Thfitmosij I. iu that town (E. and J. de Rougk, Inscriptiont hi^rog'yphiques, pis. xis.-xxii.) ; 
 Brugsch (Ueberdas Verbum &nx schworen, in the Zeitschri/t, 18G8, p. 77, and Genchicbte ^gyplen$,pp. 
 377-382) and Mariette (Catalogue G^n^ral,'No. 1048, p. 376) erroneously attribute it to Thutraosia III. 
 
 * GiifcnAVT, Inscription ingdite durvgne de Tlwtmes I., in the Recaeil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 142. 
 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, fiom a painting on the tomb of Hili (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 118). 
 
 * The expressions from which we gatlier that his reign was disturbed by outbreaks of internal 
 rebellion (Lursius, Denkm., iii. 18, 11. 8, 9; cf. E. de llouaiS, Etude des Monuments de Kariuik, in the 
 Melanges d'Arch^ologie, etc., vol. i. p. 47) seem to refer to a period subsequent to the Syrian expedition, 
 and prior to his alliance with the Princess Hatshopsitfl. 
 
 ' Cf. wiiat has already been said in regard to this (lueen and her rights on p. 104 of the present work. 
 
 " Uazmosft is represented on the tomb of Pahiri at El-Kab (Champollion, Monumenls, vol. i. pp. 
 651, 653 ; Lepsiuh, Denkm., iii. 10 b, 11 ; E. and J. de Uoi'gi;, Inscriptions hifroglyphiqtiet, pi. cclxix. ; 
 Tylok-Griffith, The Tomb of Paheri, pis. iv., vii., x.), where Mr. Griffith (pp. 6. 7) imagines he can 
 trace two distinct Uazmosli ; for the present, I am of opinion that there was but one. the son of 
 Tiifttmosis I. (Maspero, Les Momies royalex de D€ir el-Bahari, in the Mimoires de la Mission Franfaise, 
 vol. i. pp. 630-632). His funerary chapel was discovered at Thebes by Gbebaut, Le Mue€e Egyptien, 
 
236 
 
 TBE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 adolescence ; he was allowed to share the crown with his father from the fourth 
 year of the latter's reign, and he also held a military command in the Delta,^ 
 but before long he also died, and Thutmosis I. was left with only one son — a 
 
 Thutmosis like himself — to 
 ^ ' , ■ ' ' ^ ' ' " 1 succeed him. The mother 
 
 of this prince was a certain 
 i\[utnofrit,^ half-sister to the 
 king on his father's side, 
 who enjoyed such a high 
 rank in the royal family that 
 her husband allowed her to 
 be portrayed in royal dress ; 
 her pedigree on the mother's 
 side, however, was not so 
 , _ distinguished, and precluded 
 
 , : her son from being recog- 
 
 i iiised as heir-apparent, hence 
 the occupation of the " seat 
 ' of Horus " reverted once 
 more to a woman, Hatshop- 
 situ, the eldest daughter of 
 ' Ahmasi. Hatshopsitu her- 
 1 self was not, however, of 
 
 fc. ,t ' j. • purely divine descent. Her 
 
 ioKTK«,iT TJiE iHiLN \iiM ' maternalancestor,Sonisonbu, 
 had not been a scion of the 
 royal house, and this flaw in her pedigree threatened to mar, in her case, the 
 sanctity of the solar blood. According to Egyptian belief, this defect of 
 birth could only be remedied by a miracle,* and the ancestral god, becoming 
 
 pis. ii., vii., cf. Maspero, in the Bevue Critique, 1890, vol. ii. p. 410, et seq. ; it is in a very bad state 
 of preservation. 
 
 ' Amenmosii is represented at El-Kab, by the side of his brother Uazmosu (Champollion, Monu- 
 ments de VEgypte et de la Nubie, vol. i. p. 653 ; Lepsius, Deiikm., iii. II ; E. and J. de RoufxE, Inscrip- 
 tions hi^roglyjyhiques, pi. cccsix. ; Tylor-Gkipfith, The Tomb of Palter i, pi. x.). Also on a fragment 
 where we find him, in the fourth year of his father's rei^n, honoured with a cartouche at Memphis, 
 and consequently associated with his father in tlie royal power ; cf. Grebaut, Inscription inedite du 
 regne de Thotmes I., in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 142, and Maspero, Les Momies royales de 
 Deir el-Bahari, pp. 631, 632. 
 
 ' Mutnofrit was supposed by Mariette (Kama!;, pi. 38 b 4, and Text, pp. 59, 60) to have been a 
 daughter of Tliiitmositi II. ; the statue reproduced on p. 237 has shown us that she was wife of Thiit- 
 mosis I. and mother of Thutmosis II. (Piehl, Varia, in the Zeitschrift, 1887, p. 125; Maspero, Les 
 Momies royales de De'ir el-Bahari, in the M^moires de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. pp. 633, 634). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Naville (The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, p]. xi.). 
 
 ' Cf. as to this theor}- what has been said in Maspero, Dawn of Cidlization, pp. 258, 259, and on 
 pp. 77, 78 of the present work. A similar instance of divine substitution is known to us in the case of 
 
QUEEN HATSEOPSITU I. 
 
 237 
 
 incarnate in the earthly father at the moment of conception, had to condescend 
 to infuse fresh virtue into his race in this manner. The inscriptions with which 
 Hatshopsitu decorated her chapel relate how, on that fateful night, Amon 
 descended upon Ahmasi in a flood of per- 
 fume and light. The queen received him 
 favourably, and the divine spouse on leaving 
 her announced to her the approaching birth 
 of a daughter, in whom his valour and 
 strength should be manifested once more 
 here below. The sequel of tlie story is dis- 
 played in a series of pictures before our 
 eyes. The protecting divinities who preside 
 over the birth of children conduct the queen 
 to her couch, and the sorrowful resignation 
 depicted on her face, together with the 
 languid grace of her whole figure, display in 
 this portrait of her a finished work of art. 
 The child enters the world amid shouts of 
 joy, and the propitious genii vvho nourish 
 bot^ her and her double constitute them- 
 selves her nurses. At the appointed time, 
 her earthly father summons the great nold < 
 to a solemn festival, and presents to 
 them his daughter, who is to reign with 
 him over Egypt and the world.^ From 
 henceforth Hiitshopsitu adopts every 
 possible device to conceal her real sex. 
 She changes the termination of her name, and calls herself Hatshopsiu, the chief 
 of tlie nobles, in lieu of Hatshopsitii, the chief of the favourites.'' She becomes 
 the King Makeri, and on the occasion of all public ceremonies she appears in 
 male costume. We see her represented on the Theban monuments with 
 
 two other sovereigns, viz. Amenothes III., whose father, Thiitmosis IV., was born under conditions 
 analogous to thoso attending tlie birtli of ThiituiosiB I. ; and Ptolemy Ciosarion, whose father, Julius 
 CfBsar, was not of Egyptian blood. 
 
 ' These sculptures were brought to light by Xaville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, Introductory 
 Memoir, p. 15. The association of Hatshopsitft with her father on the throne, first suggested by E. de 
 Rouge {liludedcsmonumenU de Karnak, in the Melanges d' Arch^ologie, etc., pp. 46-48), has now been 
 placed beyond doubt by the inscriptions discovered and comiuented ou by Naville in 1895 (Trots 
 Inscriptions de la Reine Ualihepsou, in the Recueil de Traiaux, vol. xviii. pp. 91-99). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Qudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-lley ; cf. Gkebaut, Le Mutfe 
 £gyptien, pi. x. Tlie stiitue of Miktnofrit is now in the Gizch Museum (Viuey, Notiee det principaux 
 Monuments, pp. 70, 77, No. 231). 
 
 ' Naville, Trois Inscriptions de la Seine Hatshepsou, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. sviii. 
 pp. 92-94, where this important detail is very conclusively demonstrated. 
 
238 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 uncovered shoulders, devoid of breasts, wearing the short loin-cloth and the 
 
 kefli el], while the diadem rests 
 on her closely cut hair, and 
 the false beard depends from 
 her chin. She retained, how- 
 ever, the feminine pronoun in 
 speaking of herself, and also 
 an epithet, inserted in her 
 cartouche, which declared 
 her to be the betrothed of 
 Amon — hlmumit Amailnh} 
 Her father united her while 
 still young to her brother 
 Tiiiitmosis, who appears to 
 have been her junior, and 
 tliis fact doubtless explains 
 the very subordinate part 
 which he plays beside the 
 queen. When Thutraosis 1. 
 died, Egyptian etiquette Re- 
 manded that a man should 
 be at the head of affairs, and this youth succeeded his father in office : but 
 Hatshopsitu, while relinquishing the semblance of power and the externals of 
 pomp to her husband,^ kept the direction of the state entirely in her own hands. 
 
 ' Cf. Naville, The Temple of Beir el-Bahari, Introductory Memoir, p. 1.5, et seq. We know how 
 greatly puzzled the early Egyptologists were by this manner of depicting the queen, and how Cham- 
 pollion, in striving to explain the monuments of the period, was driven to suggest the existence of a 
 regent, Amenenthes, the male counterpart and husband of Hatshopsitu (Champollion, Lettres €erite» 
 d'ligijpte, 2nd edit., pp. 293-298), whose name he read Amense. This hypothesis, adopted by Eosellini 
 (Monumenti Storici, vol. i. pp. 220-230, and vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 129, et seq.) with some slight modifications, 
 was rejected by Birch. This latter writer pointed out the identity of the two personages separated by 
 CliampoUion, and proved them to be one and the same queen, the Amenses of Manetho ; he called her 
 Amun-num-he (Aeundale-Bonomi-Biech, Gallery of Antiquities selected from the British Museum, pp. 
 77-79), but he made her out to be a sister of Amenothes I., associated on the ihrone with her brothers 
 Thutmosis I. and Thutmosis II., and regent at the beginning of the reign of Thutmosis III. Hincks 
 tried to show that she was the daughter of Thutmosis I., tlie wife of Thutmosis II. and the sister of 
 Thutmosis III. (On the Years and Cycles used hy the Ancient Egyptians, in the Memoirs of the Dublin 
 Academy, vol. xviii. pt. 2, p. 192, et seq., and On the Defacement of Divine and Royal Names, pp. 3-5 ; 
 cf. Birch, On the Obelish on the Atmeidan at Constantinople, p. 4) ; it is only quite recently that her 
 true descent and place in the family tree has been recognised. She was, not the sister, but the aunt 
 of Thutraosis III. (Maspeko, Notes au jour lejour, § 16, in the Proceedings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., 
 1892, vol. xiv. pp. 170-182). The queen, called by Birch Amun-num-het, the latter part of her 
 name being dropped and the royal prenomen being joined to her own name, was subsequently styled 
 Ha-asu or Hatasu, and this form is still adopted by some writers; the true reading is Hatshopsitu or 
 Hatshepsitu, then Hatshopsiu or Hatshepsiil, as Naville lias pointed out. 
 
 - Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Naville, in The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pi. 
 xiii. ; cf. the statue in the Berlin Museum (Eeman, Ausfuhrliches Verzeichniss, p. 28, No. 2306). 
 
 ' It is evident, from the expressions employed by Thutmosis I. in associating his daughter with 
 himself on the throne, that she was unmarried at the time, and Naville thinks that she married her 
 
THUTMOSJS II. 
 
 239 
 
 The portraits of her which have been preserved 
 represent her as having refined features, with 
 a proud and energetic expression. The oval 
 of the face is elongated, the cheeks a little 
 hollow, and the eyes deep set under the 
 arch of the brow, while the lips are thin 
 and tightly closed. She governed vvith 
 so firm a hand that neither Egypt nor 
 its foreign vassals dared to make any 
 serious attempt to withdraw themselves 
 from her authority. One raid, in which 
 several prisoners were taken, punished a 
 rising of the Shausd in Central Syria,^ 
 while the usual expeditions maintained 
 order among the peoples of Ethiopia, 
 and quenched any attempt which they 
 might make to revolt. When in the 
 second year of his reign the news was 
 brought to Thiltmosis II. that the in- . . , , 
 
 habitants of the Upper Nile had ceased to 
 
 observe the conditions which his father had imposed u[)on them, he " became 
 furious as a panther," and assembling his troops set out for war without 
 further delay. The presence of the king with the army filled the rebels with 
 dismay, and a campaign of a few weeks put an end to their attempt at rebelling.^ 
 The earlier kings of the XVIII"' dynasty had chosen for their last resting- 
 
 brother Thutmosis II. after tlie death of her fatlier {The Temple oj Deir el-Dahari. Introductory Memoir, 
 p. 16, and Troit Inscriptionf, iu the Recueil, vol. xviii. p. 102). It appears to me more prol)able that 
 Thfttmosis I. married her to her brotlier after she had been raised to the throne, with a view to 
 avoiding complications wliich mi,i;ht have arisen in the royal family after liis own death. The 
 inscription at Sliutt-er-Ragel (Eisenlouu, An JJUtorical Monument, in the Proceedings of tlie Soc. 
 of Bibl. Arch., 1880-81, p. 101 ; Fundeus Petrik, A Season in Egypt, 1887, pi. xv., No. 47G, and p. 15). 
 which has furnislied Mariette witii the hypothesis tliat Thutmosis I. and Thutmosis H. reigned 
 simultaneously {Dnr el-Bahari, Text, p. 37), proves that tlie person mentioned in it, a certain Ponaiti. 
 flourished under both these Pharaohs, but by no means shows that these two reigned together; he 
 exercised the functions which he held by thoir authority during their succesgive reigns. 
 
 ' Inscription d'Ahinosi I'linnehhabit, in Ltpsiis, Auswahl der irichtigsteit Urkunden, pi. xiv. A, 
 11. 9, 10 ; Maspeuo, Notes siir different* points de Grammaire et d'llistoire, § xliv., in the Zeitschri/t, 
 1883, pp. 77, 78, where we should read the first name of Thutmosis II. instead of that of Thutmosis I. 
 inserted by a printer's error. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by JI. de Mertens. This was the head of one of 
 the sphinxes wliich formed an avenue at Deir el-Bahari; it was brought over by Lepsius and ie now 
 in the Berlin Museum (cf. Erman, Ausfiihrliches Verzeichniss, p. 79, No. 2301, and p. 83, No. 2279). 
 The fragment has undergone extensive restoration, but this has been done with the help of fragments 
 of other statues, in which the details here lost were in a good state of preservation. 
 
 ' Stele of the second year of Thfttmosis II., on the rocks at Assuan, Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 16 a; 
 .J. DE Morgan, Catalogue dcs Monuments et Inscriptiont, vol. i. pp. 3, 4. It was probably from this 
 expedition that the Plmraoh brought back the list of African names published by Naville, Trois 
 Inscriptions de la reine Ildtsheptu, in the Uecueil de Travaux, vol. xviii. pp. 81-92. 
 
240 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 place a spot on the left bank of the Nile at Thebes, where the cultivated land 
 joined the desert, close to the pyramids built by their predecessors.^ Probably, 
 after the burial of Amenothes, the space was fully occupied, for Thutmosis I. 
 had to seek his burying-ground some way up the ravine, the mouth of which 
 was blocked by their monuments. The Libyan chain here forms a kind of 
 amphitheatre of vertical cliffs, which descend to within some ninety feet of the 
 
 Wi 
 
 THE AJirniTllEATi;]; AT DeIr EL-BAHAb!, AS IT APPEARED BEPOEE NAVILLE'S EXCAVATIONS." 
 
 valley, where a sloping mass of detritus connects them by a gentle declivity 
 with the plain. The great lords and the queens in the times of the Antufs and 
 the Usirtasens had taken possession of this spot, but their chapels were by this 
 period in ruins, and their tombs almost all lay buried under the waves of sand 
 which the wind from the desert drives perpetually over the summit of the cliffs.^ 
 This site was seized on by the architects of Thutmosis, who laid there the 
 foundations of a building which was destined to be unique in the world. Its 
 ground plan consisted of an avenue of sphinxes, starting from the plain and 
 running between the tombs till it reached a large courtyard, terminated on the 
 west by a colonnade, which was supported by a double row of pillars. Above 
 
 ' Cf. what is said with regard to the necropolis where the Pharaohs of previous dynasties were 
 buried, in Maspero, Bawn of Cieilization, pp. 460, 461, 528-530, and p. 76 of the present work. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1884, from the edge of tbe 
 plateau overlooking the valley, on the path leading to tlie Tombs of the Kings. 
 
 * We still find there, for instance, the tombs of Queens Nofriii and Tumu (Maspero, Les Inscriptions 
 des Pyramidesde Saqqarah,Tp. 25, n. 1, a,ud Notes sur diffe'rents points de Grammaire et d'Eistoire, 
 ■§ xciii., in the Zeitschrift, 1888, p. 77). 
 
THE TEMPLE OF DEIR EL- BAH Alt 1. 241 
 
 ' ^' * platform,* connected with the upper 
 
 court by the central causeway which ran 
 through it from end to end ; this middle platform, like that below it, was 
 
 terminated on the west by a double colonnade, through which access was gained 
 to two chapels hollowed out of the mountain-side, while on the north it was 
 bordered with excellent effect by a line of proto-Doric columns ranged against 
 the face of the cliff. This northern colonnade was never completed, but the 
 existing part is of as exquisite proportions as anything that Greek art has ever 
 produced. At length we reach the upper platform, a nearly square courtyard, 
 cutting on one side into the mountain slope, the opposite side being enclosed 
 by a wall pierced by a single door, while to right and left ran two lines of 
 buildings destined for purposes connected with the daily worehip of the 
 temple. The sanctuary was cut out of the solid rock, but the walls were 
 faced with white limestone ; some of the chambers are vaulted, and all of 
 them decorated with bas-reliefs of exquisite workmanship, perhaps the finest 
 examples of this period.-^ Thutmosis I. scarcely did more than lay the 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a photograph supplied by Naville. 
 
 ' A sketch of the liistory of the temple was furnished in part by Marietto {Deir el-Bahari, Docu- 
 ments topographiqueSthisioHques et ethnographiques recueillis datis ce temple petidant les fouille$, Texte, 
 1877, pp. 1-11, 35-10), and fully by Nuvillo (The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, its Plan, iU Founders, 
 and its first Explorers, 1894, pp. 1-12, 19, 20), who completely cleared the ruins for the Egy}>t Explora- 
 tion Fund, in the years 1892-96. Mariette, struck by the strange appearance of the edifice, thought 
 that it betrayed a foreign influence, and supposed that Queen Hiitshopsita had constructed it on the 
 mofel of some buildings seen by her officers in the land of Puanit (Deir el-Bahari, pp. 10, 11). It is, 
 however, a purely Egyptian structure of the Hemi-Speos kind. 
 
 * The English nomenclature employed in describing this temple ia that used in the Quide to Deir 
 el-Bahari, jmblished by the Egypt Exploration Furul. — Tit. 
 
 It 
 
242 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 foundations of this magnificent building, but 
 bis mummy was buried in it witb great 
 pomp, to remain there until a period of dis- 
 turbance and general insecurity obliged 
 those in charge of the necropolis to 
 remove the body, together with those 
 of bis family, to some securer hiding- 
 place.^ The king was already 
 advanced in age at the time of 
 his death, being over fifty years 
 old, to judge by the incisor teeth, 
 which are worn and corroded 
 by the impurities of which the 
 Egyptian bread was full. The 
 body, though small and ema- 
 ciated, shows evidence of un- 
 usual muscular strength ; the 
 1^ head is bald, the features are refined, 
 and the mouth still bears an expres- 
 sion characteristic of shrewdness and 
 cunning.^ Thutmosis II. carried on 
 the works begun by his father, but did 
 not long survive him.^ The mask on 
 his coffin represents him with a smiling and amiable countenance, and with 
 the fine pathetic eyes which show his descent from the Pharaohs of the XIP'' 
 
 ' Both E. de Rouge {Etude des Mon. du Massif de Karnalc, in the Melanges d'Archeologie Egyptienne, 
 vol. i. pp. 48, 49) and Marietta (Deir el-Bahari, p. 35) were opposed to the view that the temple was 
 founded by Thutmosis I., and Naville agrees with them (The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pp. 16, 17). 
 Judging frojn the many new texts discovered by Naville, I am inclined to think that Thfitmosis I. 
 began the structure, but from plaus, it would appear, which had not been so fully developed as they 
 afterwards became. From indications to be found here and there in the inscriptions of the Ramesside 
 period, I am not, moreover, inclined to regard Deir el-Bahari as the funerary chapel of tombs which 
 were situated in some unknown place elsewhere (Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pp. 2, 3 ; Naville, The 
 Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pp. 6-8), but I believe that it included the burial-places of Thutmosis I., 
 Thfttmosis II., Queen Hatshopsitu, and of numerous representatives of their family ; indeed, it is 
 probable that Tiuitmosis III. and his children found here also their last resting-place. 
 
 ' The coffin of Thutmosis I. was usurped by the priest-king Pinozmfl I., son of Pionkhi (Maspero, 
 Les Mamies royales, in the M^m. de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. p. 545), and the mummy was lost. I 
 fancy 1 have discovered it in mummy No. 5283, of which the head presents a striking resemblance to 
 those of Ttifitmosis II. and III. (Id., ibid., pp. 581, 582), a fact which may be established by com- 
 paring the illustration given above with those on pages 243 and 290. 
 
 ' The latest year up to tlie present known of this king is the 11'"', found upon the Aswan stele 
 (Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 16 a). Erman (AEgypten, p. 71), followed by Ed. Meyer (Geschichte Mgyptens, 
 pp. 232, 238), thinks that Hatshopsitu could not have been free from complicity in the premature death 
 of Thfltmosis II. ; but I am inclined to believe, from the marks of disease found on the skin of hia 
 mummy, that the queen was innocent of the crime here ascribed to her (cf. "Wiedemann, ^gyptische 
 Geschichte, Supplement, p. 38). 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken by Emil Brugach-Bey in 1881 ; cf. Maspero, Les 
 Momies royales, in the Mi'moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 581, 582. 
 
 head of tue mu: 
 
 f THUTMOSIS I 
 
THE BUILDINGS OF KARNAK. 
 
 243 
 
 dynasty. His statues bear the same expression, which 
 indeed is that of the mummy itself. He resembles 
 Thutmosis I., but his features are not so marked, 
 and are characterised by greater gentleness. He 
 had scarcely reached the age of thirty when 
 he fell a victim to a disease of which the 
 process of embalming could not remove 
 the traces. The skin is scabrous in patches, ' 
 and covered with scars, while the upper 
 part of the skull is bald ; the body is thin 
 and somewhat shrunken, and appears to 
 have lacked vigour and muscular power.^ ; - 
 By his marriage with his sister, Thut- 
 mosis left daughters only,'^ but he had one 
 son, also a Thutmosis, by a woman of low birth, 
 perhaps merely a slave, whose name was Isis.'' 
 Hatshopsitu proclaimed this child her successor, fur 
 his youth and humble parentage could not excite her 
 jealousy. She betrothed him to her one surviving 
 
 daughter, Hatshopsitu II.,* and having thus settled the succession in the male 
 line, she continued to rule alone in the name of her nephew who was still 
 a minor, as she had done formerly in the case of her half-brother. 
 
 Her reign was a prosperous one, but whether the flourishing condition of 
 things was owing to the ability of her political administration or to her fortunate 
 choice.of ministers, we are unable to tell. She pressed forward the work of 
 building with great activity, under the direction of her architect Sanmiit,' not 
 only at Deir el-Bahari, but at Karnak, and indeed everywhere in Thebes. The 
 
 ' Maspeuo, Let Momies royales, in the M^m. de la Franfaise, vol. i. pp. 54.')-547, where a complete 
 description of the body is given from its examiuatioii by Dr. Fouquet. 
 
 ' Two daughters of Queen Haishopsitii I. are known, of whom one, NoflrQri, died young (Cbau- 
 POLLiON, Mon. de I'J^Jgypte el de la Nubie, pi. cxciv. 1-3 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 20 c, 25 i, 25 bit n, q\ 
 and H&tshopsitQ II. Matitri, who was married to her half-brother on her father's side, ThAtmosis 
 III., who was thus her cousin us well (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 25 bis q, 38 a, b). Amendthes II. was 
 offspring of this marriage. 
 
 ' The name of the mother of Thutmosis 111. was revealed to us on the wrappings found with the 
 mummy of this king in the hiding-place of Deir el-liahari (Maspero, Let Momies royales, in the Mfin. 
 de la Misiion Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 547, 548) ; the absence of princely titles, while it shows the humble 
 extraction of the lady Isis, explains at the same time the somewhat obscure relations between 
 HatshopsilCi and her nephew (Maspero, Nutet sur diffgreuts poinls de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeil- 
 schri/t, 1852, pp. 132, 133; cf. Naville, Tlie Temple of Deir el-Bahari, p. 14). 
 
 * Champollion, Mon. de VEgypte, etc., pi. cxcv. 3. 
 
 » Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph in the possession of Emil lirugsch-Bey, taken in 1886. 
 
 ' This is the individual represented on p. 245; besides his statue in the Berlin Museum (Erman, 
 AutfUhrlichea VerzeichHisi, p. 80, No. 229G), an inscription exists cut on the rocks at Asw4n, which 
 ascribes to him the erection of two obelisks, probably those at Karnak (I.epsids, Denkm., iii. 25 bit q 
 J. DE Morgan, Catalogue dea Monuments, vol. i. p. 41, No. 181 bis). A second statue of him was found 
 in 189G by Miss Benson in the temple of MQt at Karnak. 
 
244 
 
 THE EIQETEENTE THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 plans of the building had been arranged under Thutmosis I., and their 
 execution had been carried out so quickly, that in many cases the queen 
 had merely to see to the sculptural ornamentation on the all but com- 
 pleted walls. This work, however, afforded her sufficient excuse, according 
 to Egyptian custom, to attribute the whole structure to herself, and the 
 opinion she had of her own powers is exhibited with great naiveness 
 in her inscriptions. She loves to pose as premeditating 
 her actions long beforehand, and as never venturing on 
 the smallest undertaking without reference to her divine 
 father. " This is What I teach to mortals who shall live 
 in centuries to come, and whose hearts shall inquire 
 concerning the monument which I have raised to my 
 father, speaking and exclaiming as they contemplate it : 
 as for me, when I sat in the palace and thought upon 
 him who created me, my heart prompted me to raise to 
 him two obelisks of electrum, whose apices should pierce 
 the firmaments, before the noble gateway which is be- 
 tween the two great pylons of the King Thutmosis I. 
 And my heart led me to address these words to those 
 who shall see my monuments in after-years and who shall 
 speak of my great deeds : Beware of saying, ' I know not, 
 I know not why it was resolved to carve this mountai 
 wholly of gold ! ' These two obelisks, My Majesty h 
 made them of electrum for my father Amon, that m 
 name may remain and live on in this temple for ev 
 and ever ; for this single block of granite has been cu 
 THE COFFIN OF without let or obstacle, at the desire of My Majestyj 
 between the first of the second month of Pirit of the V 
 year, and the 30th of the fourth month of Shomu of the Vl*" year, whic 
 makes seven months from the day when they began to quarry it." ^ One of th 
 two monoliths is still standing among the ruins of Karnak, and the grace of i 
 outline, the finish of its hieroglyphics, and the beauty of the figures which 
 cover it, amply justify the pride which the queen and her brother felt in con- 
 templating it. The tops of the pyramids were gilt, so that "they could be seen 
 from both banks of the river," and " their brilliancy lit up the two lands of 
 
 ■ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph iu the possession of E. Brugsch-Bey, taken 
 in 1881. 
 
 2 Peisse d'Avennes, Monuments EgypUens, pi. xviii., West, 11. 5-8, North, 11. 1 , 2, 6-8 ; Lepsius, 
 Denlcm., in. 24 w, 11. 5-8, and n, 11. 1, 2, 6-8; cf. Lepage -Eenguf, in the Records of the Past, 1st 
 series, vol. xii. pp. 133-135. These two obelisks were cut in the quarry under the superintendence 
 of Sanmfit, as we are informed by the votive monuments put up by this individual at AswHn (Lepsius, 
 Denlcm., iii. 25 bisq; J. de Mobgan, Catalogue des Monuments, vol. i. p. 41, No. 181 Us). 
 
THE LAND OF INCENSE. 
 
 245 
 
 Egypt : " needless to say these metal apices have long disappeared.^ Later 
 on, in the VIP" or VIIF' year of the queen's reign, Amon enjoined a work 
 which was more difficult to carry out.^ On a day 
 when Hatshopsitu had gone to the temple to 
 oflfer prayers, "her supplications arose up 
 before the throne of the Lord of Karnak, 
 and a command was heard in the sanc- 
 tuary, a behest of the god himself, that 
 the ways which lead to Puanit should be ex- 
 plored, and that the roads to the ' Ladders 
 of Incense ' should be trodden." ^ The 
 aromatic gums required for the temple 
 service had hitherto reached the Theban 
 priests solely by means of foreign inter- 
 mediaries; so that in the slow transport 
 across Africa they lost much of their 
 freshness, besides being defiled by pass- 
 ing through impure hands. In addition 
 to these drawbacks, the merchants con- 
 founded under the one term "Aniti" sub- 
 stances which differed considerably both 
 in value and character, several of them, 
 indeed, scarcely coming under the cate- 
 gory of perfumes, and hence being un- 
 acceptable to the gods. One kind, however, found favour with them above all 
 
 ' Pkisse d'Avennes, Monumenln Hgypticns, South, 11. 6, 7 ; Lei'su s, Denim., iii. 24 *, 11. G, 7. 
 
 ' The date of this expeditiou dcpeuds upon an iuscription, incompletely reproduced by Dumichkn, 
 Die Flotte einer JEgyptitchen Kdnigin, pi. xviii. a .^, and p. 19 ; and in its entirety by Navillk, Trots 
 Intcriptions de la reine Hatshepsou, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xviii. pp. 10:f-106, which records 
 that in the year IX. the incense trees brought from Pftaiiit had been recently planted. The voyage 
 lasted probably from the year VII. to the year VIII. The illustrations of the voyage discovered by 
 Mariette in 1858 were first published by Dumichen, Die Flotte einer JUgyptiichen KSnigin, folio, 1868, 
 and in Ilistorische Inschri/ten, vol. ii. pis. viii.-xxii., and later by Mauiette, Dfir el-Bahari, Docu- 
 ments topographiques, etc., in folio, Text in quarto, 1877. Diimichon and Mariette, in the texts to 
 their respective collections of plates, examined them, and Ciiauas bestowed special considerations on 
 them, £<ude« sur V Antiquity hittorique, 2nd edit., pp. 151-172. They were afterwards studied by 
 Bbugsch, Geschichte uEgyptena, pp. 281-288 ; Maspero, De quelques Navigations de* £gyptiens sur let 
 cotes de la Mer Erythrie, pp. 9-25 ; Lieblein, Bandd und Schiff/ahrt auf dem Rothem Meere in alteti 
 Zeiten, pp. 23-37 ; Kiiall, Studien zur Geschichte des alten JEgtjptent, IV. Das Land Puut (in the 
 Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Vienna, 1890, vol. cxxi.) ; by Giiiiisr, Die Pharaonen in Ostafrika, 
 pp. 14-46, 131-100 ; and lastly by Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pp. 21-25. 
 
 ' DijMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. xx. 11. 2, etc.; Mauiette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 10, 
 11. 4-6. Tiie word "Ladders" is the translation of the Egyptian word "Khatitt," employed in the 
 text to designate the country laid out in terraces where the incense trees grew ; cf., with a different 
 meaning, the " ladders " (Echelles) of the eastern Mediterranean. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from a photograph by M. de Mertens : the original is in the Berlin 
 Museum, whither Lepsius brought it ; cf. Ekman, AmfUhrliche* Verzeichniss, p. 86, No. 2296. Sanmflt 
 is squatting and holding between his arms and knees the young king Th&tmosia III., whose head 
 with the youthful side lock appears from under his chin. 
 
 THE STATUE C 
 
246 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 others, being that which still abounds in Somali-land at the present day — a gum 
 secreted by the incense sycamore.' It 
 was accounted a pious work to send 
 and obtain it direct from the locality 
 in which it grew, and if possible to 
 procure the plants themselves for ac- 
 climatisation in the Nile valley. But 
 the relations maintained in former 
 times with the people of these aro- 
 matic regions had been suspended for 
 centuries. "None now climbed the 
 'Ladders of Incense,' none of the 
 Egyptians ; they knew of them from 
 hearsay, from the stories of people of 
 ancient times, for these 
 products were brought to 
 the kings of the Delta, 
 thy fathers, to one or 
 other of them, from the 
 times of thy ancestors 
 the kings of the Said who 
 lived of yore." ^ All that 
 could be recalled of this 
 country was summed up 
 in the facts, that it lay 
 to the south or to the 
 extreme east, that from 
 thence many of the 
 gods had come into 
 Egypt, while from out of it the sun rose anew every morning.* Amon, in his 
 omniscience, took upon himself to describe it and give an exact account of its 
 position. " The ' Ladders of Incense ' is a secret province of Tonutir, it is in 
 truth a place of delight. I created it, and I thereto lead Thy Majesty, together 
 
 > From the form of tlie trees depicted on the monument (of. p. 253 of the present volume, where 
 some are represented), it is certain that the Egyptians went to Pfianlt in searcli of the Boswellia 
 Thurifera Cart. (Loret, La Flore Pharaonique, 2nd edit., p. 96) ; but they brought back with them 
 other products also, which they confounded together under the name " incense." 
 
 ' DiiMiCHEN, Eist. Inschr., vol. ii. pi. xx. 11. 10-12 ; Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 10, 11. 10-12. 
 
 3 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
 * See pp. 84, 85 of the Daivn of Civilization concerning the Egyptian gods who came from Puanit, 
 and pp. 396-398, 433, 434, 494-498 for the relations between Pfianit and Egypt, both under the 
 Memphite, and during tlie first Theban empires. 
 
 HATSHOPSITU S OBELISK AT KARNAK.'' 
 
THE EXPEDITION TO PUANIT. 
 
 2A7 
 
 with Mut, Hathor, Unit, the Lady of Puanit, Uiiit-hikau, the magician and 
 regent of the gods, that the aromatic gum may be gathered at will, that the 
 vessels may be laden joyfully with living incense trees and with all the products 
 of this earth." ^ Hatshopsitu chose out five well-built galleys, and manned thera 
 with picked crews. She caused them to be laden with such merchandise as would 
 be most attractive to the barbarians, and placing the vessels under the command 
 of a royal envoy, she sent them forth on the Red Sea in quest of the incense.^ 
 
 We are not acquainted with the name of the port from which the fleet set 
 sail, nor do we know the number of weeks it took to reach the land of Puanit, 
 neither is there any record of the incidents which befell it by the way. 
 It sailed past the places frequented by the mariners of the XII"' dynasty — 
 Suakin, Massowah, and the islands of the Red Sea ; it touched at the country 
 of the Ilim which lay to the west of the Bab el-Mandeb, went safely through the 
 Straits, and landed at last in the Land of Perfumes on the Somali coast.^ There, 
 between the bay of Zeilah and Ras Hafun, stretched the Barbaric region, 
 frequented in later times by the merchants of Myos Hormos and of Berenice. 
 The first stations which the latter encountered beyond Cape Direh — Avalis, 
 Malao, Mundos, and Mosylon — were merely open roadsteads offering no secure 
 shelter ; * but beyond Mosylon, the classical navigators reported the existence 
 of several wadys, the last of which, the Elephant River, lying between 
 Ras el-Fil and Cape Guardafui, appears to have been large enough not only to 
 
 ' DuMiciiEN, Hist. Iiiechri/ten, vol. ii. pi. xs. 11. 13-15; Mariettk, Deirel-Bahari, pi. 10, 11. 13-15. 
 An enumeration of tiie divinities of Paanit is found us early as the Memoin of Sinuhil, 11. 209, 210; 
 of. Maspero, Le Papyrus de Berlin, No. I., in the Mdanges d' Archgologie tlijyftienne, vol. iii. p. 160. 
 
 ' It was for some time believed that the five vessels portrayed were merely representative of u 
 more numerous fleet (BiiUGSCii, Oesch. ^gypiens, p. 281) ; tlic proof that they formed the entire squadron 
 is given in Maspeuo, De quslques Navigalions des Egyptiens, p. 11, No. 1. 
 
 » That part of PuauJt where the Egyptians landed was at first located in Arabia by Brugsch 
 (Geogr. Insch., vol. ii. p. 14, and iii. pp. 63, 64), then transferred to Somali-land by Mariette (Le« LiUei 
 ggog. des Pylones de Karnah, pp. ()0-6C, and Deir el-Ba1iari, pp. 2G-35). whoso opinion was accepted by 
 most Egyptologists (Buugscii, Gesch. JEgypiens, pp. 281, 282 ; Maspeuo, De quelqucs Navigations des 
 Egyptiens, pp. 5, 6). Diimicheu, basing his hypothesis on a passage where Pftauit is mentioned as 
 "being on both sides of the sea" (Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 5, 2nd reg.), desired to apply the 
 name to the Arabian as well as to the African coast, to Yemen and Hadhramaut as well as to Somali- 
 land (Gesch. des Alten Jigyptens, pp. 119-122) ; this suggestion was adopted by Lieblein (Handel und 
 Schifffahrt, etc., p. 52, et seq.), and subsequently by Ed. Meyer, who believed that its inhabitanta 
 were the ancestors of the Sabaeans (Gasch. des Alten JEgyptem, p. 234). Since then Krall has 
 endeavoured to shorten the distance between this country and Egypt, and he places the Puanit of 
 Hatshopsitd between Suakin and Massowah (Studien zur Gesch. des Alten 2Egyp.,lV. Das Land Punt, 
 pp. 21, 22). This was, indeed, the part of the country known under the XII"' dynasty (of. Daion of 
 Civilization, pp. 495, 49G) at the time when it was believed that the Nile emptied itself thereabouts into 
 the Ked Sea, in the vicinity of the Island of the Serpent King (Maspero, Notes sur quelqties pointu 
 de Grammaire et d'Uist., § v., in the Rcc. de Travaux, vol. xvii.pp. 76-78), but I hold, with Mariette, 
 that the PilanSt where the Egyptians of Hatshopsltfl's time landed is the present Somali-laud— a view 
 which is also shared by Navillo (The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pp. 21, 22, and Egypt Expl. Fund, 
 Archseological Report, 1894-95, p. 34), but which Brugsch, in the latter years of his life, abandoned 
 (ScHWEiNFURTH, Uher seine lieise nach dem glUcklichen Arabia, p. 5, et seq., from the Verhandl. der 
 GeseU.fur Erdkunde zii Berlin, 1889, No. 7). 
 
 * For the roadsteads of Malao, Mundos, and Mosylon, cf. the infornation furnished in the Periplits 
 of the Erythra;an Sea, §§ 8, 9, 10, in Mlller-Didot, Geographi Grxci Minaret, vol. i. pp. 264, 265. 
 
248 
 
 THE EIQETEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 afford anchorage to several vessels of light draught, but to permit of their perform- 
 ing easily any evolutions required. During the Eoman period, it was there, and 
 there only, that the best kind of incense could be obtained, and it was probably at 
 this point also that the Egyptians of Hatshopsitu s time landed. The Egyptian 
 vessels sailed up the river till they reached a place beyond the influence of the tide, 
 
 and then dropped anchor in 
 front of a village scattered along 
 a bank fringed with sycamores 
 and palms.^ The huts of the in- 
 habitants were of circular shape, 
 each being surmounted with a 
 conical roof ; some of them were 
 made of closely plaited osiers, 
 and there was no opening in any 
 of them save the door. They 
 were built upon piles, as a pro- 
 tection from the rise of the river 
 and from wild animals, and 
 access to them was gained by 
 means of moveable ladders. 
 Oxen chewing the cud rested 
 beneath them. The natives 
 belonged to a light-coloured 
 race, and the portraits we possess of them resemble the Egyptian type in every 
 particular. They were tall and thin, and of a colour which varied between 
 brick-red and the darkest brown. Their beards were pointed, and the hair was 
 cut short in some instances, while in others it was arranged in close rows of 
 curls or in small plaits. The costume of the men consisted of a loin-cloth only, 
 while the dress of the women was a yellow garment without sleeves, drawn in 
 at the waist and falling halfway below the knee. 
 
 The royal envoy landed under an escort of eight soldiers and an ofiScer, but, 
 to prove his pacific intentions, he spread out upon a low table a variety of 
 
 ' I have shown, from a careful examination of the bas-reliefs, that the Egyptians must have 
 landed, not on the coast itself, as was at first believed (Dumichen, Bie Flotte einer ^gyptischen 
 ESnigin, pp. 17, 18; Chabas, Etudes sur VAntiq. Mstorique, 2nd edit., pp. 152, 170; Makiette, 
 Deir el-Bahari, Text, p. 14; Brugsch, Gesoh. Mgyp., p. 281, et seq.), but in the estuary of a river 
 (De quelques Navigations des Egyptiens, pp. 20, 21), and this observation has been accepted as decisive 
 by most Egyptologists (Keall, Studien zur GescMchte, etc., IV. Das Land Punt, p. 17 ; Naville, 
 Tlie Temple of Deir el-Bahari, p. 22); besides this, newly discovered fragments show the presence of 
 a hippopotamus (Naville, Egypt Expl. Fund, Archxol. Beport, 1894-95, p. 34). Since then I have 
 sought to identify the landing-place of the Egyptians with the most important of the creeks men- 
 tioned by the Grseco-Eoman merchants as accessible for their vessels {Periplus of the Erythrtean Sea, 
 § 10, in MuLLER-DiuoT, Geograplii Grxci Minores, vol. i. pp. 265, 266), viz. that which they called 
 the Elephant River, near to the present Eas el-Fil. 
 
 Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Gayet ; cf. Petrik, Racial Types, No. 105. 
 
 AN inhabitant OP THE LAND OF I 
 
EXCHANGE OF PRESENTS WITH THE NATIVES OF PUANIT. 249 
 
 presents, consisting of five bracelets, two gold necklaces, a dagger with strap 
 and sheath complete, a battle-axe, and eleven strings of glass beads. The 
 inhabitants, dazzled by the display of so many valuable objects, ran to meet 
 the new-comers, headed by their sheikh, and expressed a natural astonishment 
 at the sight of the strangers. " How is it," they exclaimed, " that you have 
 reached this country hitherto unknown to men ? Have you come down by way 
 
 A VILLAGE ON THE HANK OF THE UIVEU, WITH I.AUDEUS OF INIKN.SE. ' 
 
 Toniltir Sea? You have followed the path of the sun, for as for the king of the 
 land of Egypt, it is not possible to elude him, and we live, yea, we ourselves, by 
 the breath which he gives us." ^ The name of their chief was Parihu, who was 
 distinguished from his subjects by the boomerang which he carried, and also 
 by his dagger and necklace of beads ; his right leg, moreover, appears to have 
 been covered with a kind of sheath composed of rings of some yellow metal, 
 probably gold.^ He was accompanied by his wife Ati, riding on an ass, from which 
 she alighted in order to gain a closer view of the strangers. She was endowed 
 with a type of beauty much admired by the people of Central Africa, being so 
 inordinately fat that the shape of her body was scarcely recognisable under the 
 rolls of flesh which hung down from it. Her daughter, who appeared to be still 
 young, gave promise of one day rivalling, if not exceeding, her mother in size.* 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph; cf. Dumichen, Die Flotte einer J-'gyplitchen 
 KOnigin, pi. xv., and Mariette, Deir tl-Baliari, pi. 5. As to the houses, cf. the fragments recently 
 discovered by Naville, Egypt Expl. Fund, Arch. Report, 1894-95. 
 
 ' Dumichen, Ilutorhche Inschri/ten, vol. ii. pis. viii., x. ; Mauiette, Deir el-Baliari, pi. 5. 
 
 • Mariette compares this kind of armour to the " dangabor " of the Congo tribes {Deir el-Jiahari, 
 p. 29), but the " daugabor " is worn on the arm. Livingstone saw a woman, the sister of Sebituaneh, 
 the highest lady of the Sesketeh, who wore on each leg eighteen rings of solid brass as thick as the 
 finger, and three rings of copper above the knee. The weight of these shining rings impeded her 
 walking, and produced sores on her ankles ; but it was the fashion, and the inconvenience became 
 nothing. As to the pain, it was relieved by a bit of rag applied to the lower rings {Exploration of 
 the Zambesi, p. 262 of the Frencli translation). 
 
 * These are two instances of abnormal fat production — the earliest with which we are acquainted 
 (Chabas, Etudes aur VAntiquit€ historique, p. 154 ; Mauiette, Deir el-Bahari, p. 30). Several 
 similar instances are cited \)y Speke, The Sources of the Nile, p. 183, and in Sohweinfdbth, The 
 Heart of Africa, p. 282. 
 
250 TEE EIGETEENTE TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 After an exchange of compliments, the more serious business of the expedition 
 was introduced. The Egyptians pitched a tent, in which they placed the objects 
 of barter with which they were provided, and to prevent these from being too 
 
 great a temptation to the 
 natives, they surrounded 
 the tent with a line of 
 troops. The main con- 
 ditions of the exchange 
 were arranged at a ban- 
 quet, in which they spread 
 before the barbarians a 
 sumptuous display of 
 Egyptian delicacies, con- 
 sisting of bread, beer, 
 wine, meat, and carefully 
 prepared and flavoured 
 vegetables.^ Payment for 
 every object was to be 
 made at the actual moment 
 of purchase. Eor several days there was a constant stream of people, and asses 
 groaned beneath their burdens. The Egyptian purchases comprised the most 
 varied objects : ivory tusks, gold, ebony, cassia, myrrh, cynocephali and green 
 monkeys, greyhounds, leopard skins, large oxen, slaves, and last, but not least, 
 thirty-one incense trees, with their roots surrounded by a ball of earth and placed 
 in large baskets. The lading of the ships was a long and tedious affair. All 
 available space being at length exhausted, and as much cargo placed on 
 board as was compatible with the navigation of the vessel, the squadron 
 set sail and with all speed took its way northwards.^ 
 
 The Egyptians touched at several places on the coast on their return journey, 
 making friendly alliances with the inhabitants ; the Ilim added a quota to their 
 freight, for which room was with difficulty found on board, — it consisted not 
 only of the inevitable gold, ivory, and skins, but also of live leopards and a 
 giraffe, together with plants and fruits unknown on the banks of the Nile.^ 
 
 I PAEIHU AND THE PRINCESS C 
 
 ' DuMiCHEN, Hint. Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. x. ; Makiette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 5. 
 
 " Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey ; cf. Mariette, Deir el- 
 Bahari, pi. 43, and Voyage de la Baute-^gypte, vol. ii. pi. 62. 
 
 ' DuMiCHEN, Die Flotte, etc., pis. ii., xv., and Hist. Inschri/ten, vol. ii. pis. viii.-x., xiv., xv. ; 
 Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pis. 5, 6. 
 
 * As to the country of the Ilim, cf. Maspeko, Les llims, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. viii. p. 84 ; 
 and G. Tomkins, Remarks on Mr. Flinders Pttrie's Collection of Ethnographic Types from the Monu- 
 ments of Egypt, p. 214. Liebleia thought that their country was explored, not by the sailors who 
 voyaged to Ptianit, but by a different body who proceeded by laud {Die Inschriften des Tempels von 
 
THE RETURN OF THE FLEET TO EGYPT. 
 
 251 
 
 The fleet at length made its reappearance in Egyptian ports, having on board 
 the chiefs of several tribes on whose coasts the sailors had landed, and " bring- 
 ing back so much that the like had never been brought of the products of 
 Piianit to other kings, by the supreme favour of the venerable god, Amon Ka, 
 lord of Kamak." ^ The chiefs mentioned were probably young men of superior 
 
 THE EMBARKATION OF THK INCENSE SYUAM0KE3 OS BOARD THE EGYPTIAN FLEET.' 
 
 family, who had been confided to the officer in command of the squadron by 
 local sheikhs, as pledges to the Pharaoh of good will or as commercial hostages. 
 National vanity, no doubt, prompted the Egyptians to regard them as vassals 
 coming to do homage, and their gifts as tributes denoting subjection. The 
 Queen inaugurated a solemn festival in honour of the explorers. The Theban 
 militia was ordered out to meet them, the royal flotilla escorting them as far as 
 the temple landing-place, where a procession was formed to carry the spoil to 
 the feet of the god. The good Theban folk, assembled to witness their arrival, 
 beheld the march past of the native hostages, the incense svcamores, the 
 precious gum itself, the wild animals, the giiafl'e, and the oxen, whose numbers 
 were doubtless increased a hundredfold iu the accounts given to posterity with 
 the usual official exaggeration.'' The trees were planted at Deir el-Bahari, 
 
 Bir-el-Bahri, in the Zeittchri/t, 1885, pp. 127-132), und this view was accepted by Ed. Meyer 
 (Geachichte des Allen JEgyplens, pp. 236, 237). The completed text proves that there was but a 
 single expedition, and that the explorers of Puanit visited the Dim also. The chiefs and their 
 tributes are represented in DOmicuen, Hist. Inschriften, vol. ii. pis. xiv., xvii , as well ns in Maiiiette, 
 Deir d-Bahari, pis. G, 7. The giraffe which they gave docs not appear iu the cargo of the 
 vessels at Pdanit; the visit njust, therefore, have been paid on the return voyage, aud the giraffe was 
 probably represented on the destroyed part of the walls where Naville found the image of this 
 animal wandering at liberty among the woods (^Etjypt Expl. Fund, Arch. Report, 1804-95, p. 35). 
 ' Makiette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. G, second panel. 11. 3, 4. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato ; cf. Dumicuen, Die fto/te, etc., pi. ii., aud 
 Mabiette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 6. 
 
 ' The representation of the scene is reproduced in part by Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 17 a, aud com- 
 pletely by DijMiCHEN, Die FloUe, etc., pis. iv.-viii., x.-xiv.,and Hist. Inschriften, pis. xvii., xxi., xxii., 
 as well as in Mabiette, Deir el-Bahari, pis. 7, 9, 11, 12, and 15. 
 
252 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 where a sacred garden was prepared for them, square trenches being cut in the 
 rock and filled with earth, in which the sycamore, by frequent watering, came to 
 flourish well.^ The great heaps of fresh resin were next the objects of special 
 attention. Hatshopsitu " gave a bushel made of electrum to gauge the mass 
 of gum, it being the first time that they had the joy of measuring the per- 
 fumes for Amon, lord of Karnak, master of heaven, and of presenting to 
 him the wonderful products of Puanit. Thot, the lord of Hermopolis, noted 
 the quantities in writing ; Safkhitabui verified the list. Her Majesty herself 
 prepared from it, with her own hands, a perfumed unguent for her limbs ; 
 she gave forth the smell of the divine dew, her perfume reached even to 
 Puanit, her skin became like wrought gold,^ and her countenance shone 
 like the stars in the great festival hall, in the sight of the whole earth." ^ 
 Hatshopsitu commanded the history of the expedition to be carved on the wall 
 of the colonnades which lay on the west side of the middle platform of her 
 funerary chapel : we there see the little fleet with sails spread, winging its way 
 to the unknown country, its safe arrival at its destination, the meeting with 
 the natives, the animated palavering, the consent to exchange freely accorded ; 
 and thanks to the minuteness with which the smallest details have been 
 portrayed, we can as it were witness, as if on the spot, all the phases of life 
 on board ship, not only on Egyptian vessels, but, as we may infer, those of other 
 Oriental nations generally. For we may be tolerably sure that when the Phoeni- 
 cians ventured into the distant parts of the Mediterranean, it was after a 
 similar fashion that they managed and armed their vessels. Although the 
 natural features of the Asiatic or Greek coast on which they effected a landing 
 differed widely from those of Puanit, the Phoenician navigators were themselves 
 provided with similar objects of exchange, and in their commercial dealings 
 with the natives the methods of procedure of the European traders were 
 doubtless similar to those of the Egyptians with the barbarians of the Red 
 Sea.* 
 
 Hatshopsitu reigned for at least eight years after this memorable expedition 
 and traces of her further activity are to be observed in every part of the Nile 
 valley. She even turned her attention to the Delta, and began the task of 
 
 * Naville found these trenches still filled with vegetable mould, and iu several of them roots, 
 •which gave every indication of the purpose to which the trenches were applied (.Egypt Expl. Fund, 
 Arch. Report, 1894-95, pp. 36, 37). A scene represents seven of the incense sycamores still growing 
 in their pots, and oifered by the queen to the Majesty " of this god Amonra of Kamak " (Dumichen, 
 Hist. Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. sviii., where the draughtsman has by mistake drawn only five trees ; 
 cf. Mariette, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 8). The picture on the next page shows others planted in the 
 ground, in the temple of Deir el-Bahari, and sufficiently grown to shelter from the sun the oxen 
 brought from Puanit. 
 
 ^ In order to understand the full force of the imagery here employed, one must remember that the 
 Egyptian artists painted the flesh of women as light yellow ; see Bawn of Civilization, p. 47. 
 
 * Dumichen, Hist. Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. xviii. ; Maeiette, Deir el-Bahari, pis. 7, 8. 
 
 * For remarks on the commerce of the Phoenicians, see pp. 194-197 of the present work. 
 
EATSHOPSITWS WORKS IN THE DELTA. 
 
 253 
 
 reorganising this part of her kingdom, which had been much neglected by her 
 predecessors. The wars between the Theban princes and the lords of Avaris 
 had lasted over a century, and during that time no one had had either suflBcient 
 initiative or leisure to superintend the public works, which were more needed 
 
 AWW. OV Tllli 1NCKN8E TUBES BKOUGHT KUOM I'OaSIT TU Iifil 
 
 here than in any other part of Egypt. The canals were silted up with mud, 
 the marshes and the desert had encroached on tlie cultivated lands, the towns 
 had become impoverished, and there were some provinces whoso population 
 consisted solely of shepherds and bandits. Hatshopsitu desired to remedy these 
 evils, if only for the purpose of providing a practicable road for her armies 
 marching to Zalu en route for Syria.^ She also turned her attention to 
 the mines of Sinai, whicli had not been worked by the Egyptian kings 
 since the end of the XIP'' dynasty. In the year XVI. an othcer of the queen's 
 household was despatched to the Wady Magliarah, the site of the ancient works, 
 with orders to inspect the valleys, examine the veins, and restore there the 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclicr-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato ; cf. Naville, The Temple of Deir </- 
 Bahari, Introductory Memoir, pi. ix. 
 
 ' This follows from the great inscription at Stabl-Antar (Golknibchefk, Notice lur un texte 
 hi^roglyphique de Stabl-Antar, 11. 35-39, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. iii. pp. 2, 3, and vol. v. p. 20), 
 which is commonly interpreted as proving that the Shepherd-kings still held sway iti Egypt in the reign 
 of Thfitmosis III., and that they were driven out by him and his aunt (Navili.e, Tlie Temple of Deir 
 el-Bahari, p. 26). It seems to me that the queen is simply boasting that she had repaired the monu- 
 ments which had been injured by the Shepherds during the time they sojourned in Egypt, in the 
 land of Avaris. Up to the present time no trace of these restorations has been found on the sites. 
 The expedition to Piianlt being mentioned in lines 13, 14, they must be of h»ter date than the year 
 IX. of Hatshopsitu and Thfltmosis III. 
 
254 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 temple of the goddess Hathor; having accomplished his mission, he returned, 
 bringing with him a consignnient of those blue and green stones which were 
 so highly esteemed by the Egyptians.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Thutmosis HI. was approaching manhood, and his aunt, the 
 queen, instead of abdicating in his favour, associated him with herself more 
 frequently in the external acts of government.^ She was forced to yield him 
 precedence in those religious ceremonies which could be performed by a man 
 only, such as the dedication of one of the city gates of Ombos, and the foundation 
 and marking out of a temple at Medinet-Habu ; ^ but for the most part she obliged 
 him to remain in the background and take a secondary place beside her. We 
 are unable to determine the precise moment when this dual sovereignty came 
 to an end. It was still existent in the XVI"' year of the reign, but it had 
 ceased before the XXIP'' year.* Death alone could take the sceptre from the 
 hands that held it, aud Thutmosis had to curb his impatience for many a long 
 day before becoming the real master of Egypt.^ He was about twenty-five years 
 of age when this event took place, and he immediately revenged himself for 
 the long repression he had undergone, by endeavouring to destroy the very 
 remembrance of her whom he regarded as a usurper. Every portrait of her 
 that he could deface without exposing himself to being accused of sacrilege was 
 cut away, and he substituted for her name either that of Thutmosis I. or of 
 Thutmosis II.*^ A complete political change was effected both at home and 
 abroad from the first day of his accession to power. Hatshopsitu had been 
 averse to war. During the whole of her reign there had not been a single cam- 
 paign undertaken beyond the isthmus of Suez, and by the end of her life she 
 had lost nearly all that her father had gained in Syria ; the people of Kharu had 
 
 ' Stele of the year XVI., ia the Wady Maghaiah (Laborde, Voyage de 1' Arable Peir^e, pi. 8, 
 No. 1 ; LoTTiN DE Laval, La Peninsule Aralique, pi. iv. ; Lepsitjs, Denkm., lii. 23, No. 3). For 
 notice of the temple of Hathor here, see Dawn of CirilizaUon, pp. 474-476. 
 
 ^ The account of the youth of Thutmosis III., such as Brugsch made it out to be from an inscrip- 
 tion of this king (Maeiette, Karnak, pi. 16, 11. 47-49), the exile of the royal child at Bdto, his long 
 sojourn in the marshes, his triumphal return (GescMchte Mgyptens, pp. 288, 289, 365), must all be 
 rejected. Brugsch accepted as actual history a poetical passage where the king identifies himself 
 with Horus, son of lais, and goes so far as to attribute to himself the adventures of the god (Maspero, 
 in the Revue Critique, 1880, vol. i. p. 107, n. 1, &nd Notes sur diff brents points de Grammaire, § xxviii., 
 in the Zeitschrift, 1882, p. 133 ; Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, p. 27). 
 
 ' Dedication of the gate of Ombos by Thutmosis III. and by his queen, in Champoluon, Mon. de 
 I'iJgypte, etc., vol. i. pp. 231, 232, and in Uos^Li.mi, Monument i del Culto, pi. xxviii. and pp. 196-198 ; 
 scenes in the dedication of the little temple of Medinet-Habii, in Champollion, Mm. de I'Egypte, etc., 
 pi. cxcv., and in Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 38 a, b. 
 
 * Stele from Sinai, engraved in the XVI"' year of her joint reign with Thiitmosis III. (Labobde, 
 Voyage de VArabie P^tr^e, pi. 8, No. 1 ; Lottin de Laval, Voyage dans la Pininsule Arabique, pi. iv. ; 
 Lepsics, Denkm., iii. 28, No. 2). The earliest monument in which ThUtmosis III. appears as sole 
 sovereign is the year XXI. (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 30 a, 1. 20). 
 
 * Erman {Mgypten und .^gyptisehes Leben, p. 72) and Ed. Meyer (Geschichte des Alten Mgyptens, 
 p. 238) were inclined to think, without pressing the conjecture, that she was deposed by Thiitmosis. 
 
 " Naville {The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, Introd. Memoir, p. 28) thinks that we ought not to 
 attribute the mutilation of Hatshopsitu's monuments to Thutmosis III. only, for Amenothes III. must 
 take his responsibility for a good share in this work, as well as Amenothes IV. 
 
TEE DEPARTUBE OF THUTMOSIS III. FOR ASIA. 
 
 255 
 
 shaken off the yoke,^ probably at the instigation of the king of the Amorites,^ 
 and nothing remained, to Egypt of the Asiatic province but Gaza, Sharuhana,* 
 
 ThC'TMOSIS III., FliOM HIS STATUE IN 
 
 and the neighbouring villages. The young king set out with his army in 
 the latter days of the year XXII. He reached Gaza on the 3rd of the 
 
 ' E. de Rouge {Etude des Monuments du Masti/de Karnah, in the M^anges d'Arcli^ologie igyptienne, 
 vol. i. p. 50) thought that he had diacovored, in a slightly diimaged inscription bearing upon the 
 Pftanit expedition (DtMiciiEN, Uistorische Innchriften, vol. ii. pi. 14 ; Mabiettic, Deir el-Bahari, pi. 6), 
 the mention of a tribute paid by the Lotanil (cf. Bbloscii, Ges'-hichte JH'jypten*, p. 289 ; Wiedemann, 
 JEgtjptische Geschichte, p. 334). There is nothing in the passage cited but the mention of the usual 
 annual dues paid by tlic cliicifs of Pilanit and of the Ilim (Liebi.eiv, Schifffahrt und Handel, p. 30; 
 Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alien Ji:gyplens, p. 23.', u. 4). 
 
 ' This is at least wliat may be inferred from the account of the campaign, where the Prince of 
 Qodshfl, a town of the Amaflru (Amoritcs), figures at the head of the coalition formed against 
 Thatmosis III. (Masi-euo, Le Ricil de la Campagne contre Mageddo, in the Recueil de Travaux, 
 vol. ii. pp. 51, 52). 
 
 ' This is the conclusion to bo adopted from the beginning of the inscription of Thiitmosis III. : 
 " Now, during the duration of these same years, the country of the Lotanft was in discord until other 
 times succeeded them, when the people who were in the town of Sharahana, from the town of Ydna, 
 to the most distant regions of tiie earth, succeeded in making a revolt against his Majesty " (Maspebo, 
 E^cil de la campagne, etc., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Petrie ; cf. Orcurti, Catalogn illuslrato dei 
 Mouumenti Egizi, vol. i. p. .58, No. 2. 
 
256 
 
 THE EIQETEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 month of Pakhons, in time to keep the anniversary of his coronation in that 
 town, and to inaugurate the 24th year of his reign by festivals in honour 
 of his father Amon.^ They lasted the usual length of time, and all the 
 departments of State took part in them, but it was not a propitious moment 
 for lengthy ceremonies. The king left Gaza the following day, the 5th of 
 Pakhons ; he marched but slowly at first, following the usual caravan route, and 
 despatching troops right and left to levy contributions on the cities of the Plain 
 — Migdol, Yapu (Jaffa), Lotanu, Ono — and those within reach on the mountain 
 spurs, or situated within the easily accessible wadys, such as Sauka (Socho), 
 Hadid, and Harilu.^ On the 16th day he had not proceeded further than Yahmu, 
 where he received information which caused him to push quickly forward. The 
 lord of Qodshu had formed an alliance with the Syrian princes on the borders 
 of Naharaim, and had extorted from them promises of help ; he had already 
 gone so far as to summon contingents from the Upper Orontes, the Litany, 
 and the Upper Jordan, and was concentrating them at Megiddo, where he 
 proposed to stop the way of the invading army. Thutmosis called together his 
 principal officers, and having imparted the news to them, took counsel with them 
 as to a plan of attack. Three alternative routes were open to him. The most 
 direct approached the enemy's position on the front, crossing Mount Carmel by 
 the saddle now known as the Umm el-Fahm ; but the great drawback attached to 
 this route was its being so restricted that the troops would be forced to advance 
 in too thin a file ; and the head of the column would reach the plain and come 
 into actual conflict with the enemy while the rear-guard would only be entering 
 the defiles in the neighbourhood of Aluna. The second route bore a little to 
 the east, crossing the mountains beyond Dutina and reaching the plain near 
 Taanach ; but it offered the same disadvantages as the other. The third road 
 ran north of Zafiti, to meet the great highway which cuts the hill-district of 
 Nablus, skirting the foot of Tabor near Jenin, a little to the north of Megiddo. 
 It was not so direct as the other two, but it was easier for troops, and the king's 
 
 ' The account of this campaign has been preserved to us on a wall adjoining the granite sanctuary 
 at Karnak, and the fragments of it were examined by Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, etc., 
 vol. ii. pp. 154:-158, and afterwards published in their entirety by Lepstos, Denkm., iii. 31 6, 32. It had 
 been drawn up by one of the oflScials of Thutmosis III., the scribe Zannuui (cf. Wiedemann, Geschichte 
 der achtzehnten ^gyptischen Dynastie, p. 42 ; Maspeeo, Rapport sur une mission en Italie, in the 
 Recueil de Travaux, vol. iv. p. 130) : it was completely translated by Birch, The Annals of Thotmes 
 the Third, as derived from the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions, 1853, pp. 3-15 ; by Osbuen, The Monu- 
 mental History of Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 233-252 ; by Brugsch, Geschichte ^gyptens, pp. 295-305 ; and by 
 Maspero, Le B^cit de la campagne contre Mageddo sous Thoutmos III., in tlie Becueil de Travaux, 
 vol. ii. pp. 48-56, 139-150 ; critically examined by E. de Eouge, Notices de quelques fragments de 
 I' Inscription de Karnak, pp. 27, 28, and Etude sur divers Monuments du regne de Thoutmes III., 
 pp. 36-40 ; afterwards by Wiedemann, Geschichte der achtzehnten ^gyptischen Dynastie, pp. 44-49, and 
 Mgyptische Geschichte, pp. 346-349. 
 
 2 Maspero, Sur les noms de la liste de Thoutmos III qu'o7i pent rap-porter a la Judee, pp. 21, 22. 
 
THE BATTLE OF MEGIDDO. 257 
 
 generals advised that it should be followed. The king was so incensed that he 
 was tempted to attribute their prudence to cowardice. " By ray life ! by the 
 love that Ea hath for me, by tlie favour that I enjoy from my master Amon, by 
 the perpetual youth of my nostril in life and power, ]\[y i\rajesty will go by the 
 way of Aluua, and let him that will go by the roads of which ye have spoken, 
 and let him that will follow My Majesty. What will be said among the 
 vile enemies detested of Ra : ' Doth not His Majesty go by another way ? 
 For fear of us he gives us a wide berth,' they will cry." The king's coun- 
 sellors did not insist further. "May thy father Amon of Thebes protect 
 thee ! " they exclaimed ; " as for us, we will follow Thy Majesty whither- 
 soever thou goest, as it befitteth a servant to follow his master." The word 
 of command was given to the men ; Thutmosis himself led the vanguard, 
 and the whole army, horsemen and foot-soldiers, followed in single file, 
 wending their way through the thickets which covered the southern slopes 
 of Mount Carmel.^ 
 
 They pitched their camp on the evening of the 19th near Aluna, and on 
 the morning of the 20th they entered the wild defiles through which it was 
 necessary to pass in order to reach the enemy. The king had taken pre- 
 cautionary measures against any possible attempt of the natives to cut the main 
 column during this crossing of the mountains. His position might at any 
 moment have become a critical one, had the allies taken advantage of it and 
 attacked each battalion as it issued on to the plain before it could re-form. But 
 the Prince of Qodshu, either from ignorance of his adversary's movements, or 
 confident of victory in the open, declined to take the initiative. Towards one 
 o'clock in the afternoon, the Egyptians found themselves once more united on 
 the further side of the range, close to a torrent called the Qina, a little to the 
 south of Megiddo. When the camp was pitched, Thutmosis announced his 
 intention of engaging the enemy on the morrow. A council of war was held to 
 decide on the position that each corps should occupy, after which the oflicers 
 returned to their men to see that a liberal supply of rations was served out, and to 
 organise nn efficient system of patrols. They passed round the camp to the cry : 
 
 ' The p(]8ition of the towns mentioned and of the three roads has been ducusfcd by E. de Rongo 
 (£lude sur divers monuments de Thoulmea III., pp. .S7-39), also by F. dc Saulcy {Lettre a M. Chahas 
 sur quelques points de la Gebgraphie antique de la Syrie, etc., in the Melanges d' Archeologie Iigyptienne, 
 vol. i. pp. 120-127), wlio fixed the position of Yahiuu at El-Kheiiueh, and showed that the Egyptian 
 army must have passed through the defiles of Umm cl-Fahni. fonder disagreed with this opinion in 
 certain respects, and identified .Vluna, .\runa, at first with Arrabeh, and afterwards with Arraneh ; 
 he thought that Tiifttmosis came out upon Megiddo from the south-east, and he placetl Megiddo at 
 Mejeddah, near Btisan {PaleHine before Joshua, in the Quarterly statements, 187ti, pp. 00, 91, an.l 
 Megiddo, ibid., 1877, pp. 13-20), while Tomkins placed Aruna in the Wady el-Arrian (The h'nrual; 
 Tribute-Lists of Thotmes IIL, in the Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1877, vol. is. pp. 1{!2 ItH, and 
 Transactions, vol. ix. pp. 2GI, 202). W. Max Miillcr seems to place Yahmu too much to the north, in 
 the neighbourhood of Jctt {Aslen und Europa, pp. l.')7-U')<>). 
 
258 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 " Keep a good heart : courage ! Watch well, watch well ! Keep alive ia the 
 camp ! " The king refused to retire to rest until he had been assured that " the 
 country was quiet, and also the host, both to south and north." By dawn the 
 next day the whole army was in motion. It was formed into a single line, 
 the right wing protected by the torrent, the left extended into the plain, stretch- 
 ing beyond Megiddo towards the north-west. Tliutmosis and his guards occupied 
 the centre, standing " armed in his chariot of electrum like unto Horus bran- 
 dishing his pike, and like Montu the Theban god." The Syrians, who had not 
 expected such an early attack, were seized with panic, and fled in the direction 
 of the town, leaving their horses and chariots on the field ; but the citizens, 
 fearing lest in the confusion the Egyptians should effect an entrance with 
 the fugitives, had closed their gates and refused to open them. Some of the 
 townspeople, however, let down ropes to the leaders of the allied party, and drew 
 them up to the top of the ramparts : " and would to heaven that the soldiers of 
 His Majesty had not so far forgotten themselves as to gather up the spoil left 
 by the vile enemy ! They would then have entered Megiddo forthwith ; for 
 while the men of the garrison were drawing up the Lord of Qodshu and their 
 own prince, the fear of His Majesty was upon their limbs, and their hands failed 
 them by reason of the carnage which the royal uraeus carried into their ranks." 
 The victorious soldiery were dispersed over the fields, gathering together the 
 gilded and silvered chariots of the Syrian chiefs, collecting the scattered weapons 
 and the hands of the slain, and securing the prisoners; then rallying about the 
 king, they greeted him with acclamations and filed past to deliver up the spoil. 
 He reproached them for having allowed themselves to be drawn away from the 
 heat of pursuit. " Had you carried Megiddo, it would have been a favour 
 granted fo me by Ea my father this day ; for all the kings of the country being 
 shut up within it, it would have been as the taking of a thousand towns to have 
 seized Megiddo." The Egyptians had made little progress in the art of be- 
 sieging a stronghold since the times of the XIT" dynasty. When scaling failed, 
 they had no other resource than a blockade, and even the most stubborn of the 
 Pharaohs would naturally shrink from the tedium of such an undertaking. 
 Thutmosis, however, was not inclined to lose the opportunity of closing the 
 campaign by a decisive blow, and began the investment of the town according 
 to the prescribed modes. His men were placed under canvas, and working 
 under the protection of immense shields, supported on posts, they made a ditch 
 around the walls, strengthening it with a palisade. The king constructed 
 also on the east side a fort which he called " Manakhpirri-holds-the-Asiatics," 
 Famine soon told on the demoralised citizens, and their surrender brought 
 about the submission of the entire country. Most of the countries situated 
 between the Jordan and the sea — Shunem, Cana, Kinnereth, Hazor, Ecdippa 
 
777^ SUBJECTION OF SOUTHERN SYRIA. 
 
 259 
 
 Laish, Merom, and Acre — besides the cities of the Hauran — Hamath, Magato, 
 Ashtaroth, Ono-repha, and even Damascus itself — recognised the suzerainty 
 of Egypt, and their lords came in to the camp to do homage.^ The Syrian 
 losses did not amount to more than 83 killed and 400 prisoners, showing how 
 
 easily they had been routed ; but they had abandoned considerable supplies, 
 all of which had fallen into the hands of the victors. Some 724 chariots, 
 2041 mares, 200 suits of armour, r)02 bows, the tent of the Prince of Qpdshu 
 with its poles of cypress inlaid with gold, besides oxen, cows, goats, and more 
 than 20,000 sheep, were among the spoil. Before quitting the plain of Es- 
 draelon, the king caused an official survey of it to be made, and had the 
 harvest reaped. It yielded 208,000 bushels of wheat, not taking into account 
 what had been looted or damaged by the marauding soldiery. The return 
 homewards of the Egyptians must have resembled the exodus of some 
 emigrating tribe rather than the progress of a regular army.^ 
 
 Thiitmosis caused a long list of the vanquished to be engraved on the 
 walls of the temple which he was building at Karnak, thus affording tlio 
 good people of Thebes an opportunity for the first time of reading on the 
 monuments the titles of the king's Syrian subjects written in hieroglyphics. 
 One hundred and nineteen names follow each other in unbroken succession, 
 some of them representing mere villages, while others denoted powerful nations ; 
 
 ' Tlie names of these towns are inscribed on the lists of Earnak published by Maiiiette. Kaniak, 
 pis. 17-20; cf., for their identification, Maspero, Sur Us nomn de la liste de Thoutmos IIT. qu'on 
 peul atlribuer a la Galilee, Toinkins, Records of the Past, new series, vol. v., and W. Max Muller, Asien 
 und Europa, pp. 161, 162, 191-196. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato of the representation of the siege of DapQr 
 under Ramses II. 
 
 ' Maspero, Le recit de la campagne de Thoutmos IIT., in the Recueil, vol. ii. pp. 48-5G, 139-150. 
 
260 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the catalogue, however, was not to end even here. Having once set out on a 
 career of conquest, the Pharaoh had no inclination to lay aside his arms. From 
 the XXIIF" year of his reign to that of his death, we have a record of 
 twelve military expeditions, all of which he led in person. Southern Syria was 
 conquered at the outset — the whole of Kharu as far as the Lake of Gennesareth, 
 and the Amorite power was broken at one blow. The three succeeding 
 campaigns consolidated the rule of Egypt in the country of the Negeb, which 
 lay to the south-west of the Dead Sea, in Phoenicia, which prudently resigned 
 itself to its fate, and in tliat part of Lotanu occupying the northern part of the 
 
 basin of the Orontes.^ None of these expeditions appear to have been marked 
 by any successes comparable to the victory at Megiddo, for tlie coalition of 
 the Syrian chiefs did not survive the blow which they then sustained ; but 
 Qodshu long remained the centre of resistance, and the successive defeats which 
 its inhabitants suffered never disarmed for more than a short interval the hatred 
 which they felt for the Egyptian. • During these years of glorious activity 
 considerable tribute poured in to both Memphis and Thebes ; not only ingots 
 of gold and silver, bars and blocks of copper and lead, blocks of lapis-lazuli 
 and valuable vases, but horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and useful animals of every 
 kind, in addition to all of which we find, as in Hatshopsitu's reign, the mention 
 of rare plants and shrubs brought back from countries traversed by the armies 
 in their various expeditions. The Theban priests and savants exhibited much 
 interest in such curiosities, and their royal pupil gave orders to his generals 
 to collect for their benefit all that appeared either rare or novel. They 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-GuJin, from a photograph ; cf. Martette, Karnak, pi. 31. 
 
 2 We know of these three campaigns from the indirect testimony of the Annals, which end in 
 the year XXIX. with the mention of the fifth campaign (Lepsics, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, 
 pi. xii. 1. 1). Tlie only dated one is referred to the year XXV. (Mariette, Karnak, pi. 31), and we 
 know of that of the Negeb only by the Inscription of Amenemhnhi, II. 3-5 : the campaign began in the 
 Negeb of Judah, but the king carried it to Naharaim the same year. 
 
YEARS XXIII. TO XXVIII. OF TRUTMOSIS III. 
 
 261 
 
 endeavoured to acclimatise the species or the varieties likely to be useful, and 
 in order to preserve a record of these experiments, they caused a representation 
 of the strange plants or animals to be drawn on the walls of one of the chapels 
 which they were then building to one of their gods. These pictures may still be 
 seen there in interminable lines, portraying the specimens brought from the 
 Upper Lotiinu in the XXV"' year of Thutmosis, and we are able to distinguish, 
 
 II Mill A I. LISTS OP TuOtMOSIS III. ON ■ 
 AT KAllNAK.' 
 
 side by side with many plants peculiar to the regions of the Euphrates, others 
 having their habitat in the mountains and valleys of tropical Africa.'^ 
 
 This return to an aggressive policy on the part of the Egyptians, after the 
 weakness they had exhibited during the later period of Hatshopsitu .s regency, 
 seriously disconcerted the Asiatic sovereigns. Tliey had vainly flattered them- 
 selves that the invasion of Thutmosis I. was merely the caprice of an adventurous 
 prince, and they hoped that when his love of enterprise had expended itself, 
 Egypt would permanently witlidraw within her traditional boundaries, and that 
 the relations of Elam with Babylon, Carchemish with Qodshu, and the barbarians 
 of the Persian Gulf with the inhabitants of the Iranian table-land would resume 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
 ' Mariette, Karnah, pis. 28-31 : some of tlie figures have not been reproduced by Mnriette, and 
 they are still awaiting publication. Neither the plants nor the animals have been seriously studied ; 
 we have no certain knowledge as to which species belong to Asin and which to Africji. 
 
262 THE EIGBTEENTH THEBAN DTNASTT. 
 
 their former course. This vain delusion was dispelled by the advent of a new 
 Thutmosis, who showed clearly by his actions that he intended to establish and 
 maintain the sovereignty of Egypt over the western dependencies, at least, of 
 the ancient Chaldsean empire, that is to say, over the countries which bordered 
 the middle course of the Euphrates and the coasts of the Mediterranean. The 
 audacity of his marches, the valour of his men, the facility with which in 
 a few hours he had crushed the assembled forces of half Syria, left no room 
 to doubt that he was possessed of personal qualities and material resources 
 sufficient to carry out projects of the most ambitious character. Babylon, 
 enfeebled by the perpetual dissensions of its Cosssean princes, was no longer in 
 a position to contest with him the little authority she still retained over the 
 peoples of Naharaim or of Ccele-Syria ; protected by the distance which 
 separated her from the Nile valley, she preserved a sullen neutrality, while 
 Assyria hastened to form a peaceful alliance with the invading power. Again 
 and again its kings sent to Thutmosis presents in proportion to their resources, 
 and the Pharaoh naturally treated their advances as undeniable proofs of their 
 voluntary vassalage. Each time that he received from them a gift of metal 
 or lapis-lazuli, he proudly recorded their tribute in the annals of his reign ; 
 and if, in exchange, he sent them some Egyptian product, it was in smaller 
 quantities, as might be expected from a lord to his vassal.^ Sometimes there 
 would accompany the convoy, surrounded by an escort of slaves and women, 
 some princess, whom the king would place in his harem or graciously pass on 
 to one of his children ; but when, on the other hand, an even distant relative 
 of the Pharaoh was asked in marriage for some king on the banks of the 
 Tigris or Euphrates, the request was met with a disdainful negative : the 
 daughters of the Sun were of too noble a race to stoop to such alliances, and 
 they would count it a humiliation to be sent in marriage to a foreign 
 court.^ 
 
 Free transit on the main road which ran diagonally through Kharu was 
 ensured by fortresses constructed at strategic points,^ and from this time 
 forward Thutmosis was able to bring the whole force of his army to bear 
 
 ' The " tribute of Aesur " is mentioned in this way under the years XXIII. and XXIV. (Lepsius, 
 Denhm., iii. 32, 11. 32, 36). The presents sent by the Pharaoli in return are not mentioned in any 
 Egyptian text, but there is frequent reference to them in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Bezold-Budge, 
 The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, pp. xxs.-xxxii.). It may be mentioned liere 
 that the name of Nineveh does not occur on the Egyptian monuments, but only that of the 
 town Nil, in ■whicli ChampoUiou (^Grammaire £gyptienne, p. 150) wrongly recognised the later 
 capital of Assyria. 
 
 ^ On the subject of these complaints of King Kallimmasin of Babylon to Amenothes III., sec 
 Bezold-Budge, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, pp. xxviii., xxix. ; Tiele, Western Asia according to the 
 more recent Discoveries, pp. 12-14. 
 
 ' The castle, for instance, near Megiddo, previously referred to, which, after having contributed 
 to the siege of the town, probably served to keep it in subjection ; see p. 268 of the present work. 
 
THE CONQUEST OF UPPER LOTANU. 
 
 263 
 
 upon both Coele-Syria and Naharaim.^ He encamped, in the year XXVII., 
 on the table-land separating the Afrin and the Orontes from the Euphrates, 
 and from that centre devastated the district of Uanit,^ which lay to the west 
 
 SO.MIO OF Till; OlUliCT.S t'AKUIKD IN TKIBUTIO To Tllli hYUIANS.^ 
 
 of Aleppo ; then crossing " the water of Nahavaim " in the neighbourhood of 
 Carchemish, he penetrated into the heart of Mitanni,* The following year 
 he reappeared in the same region. Tunipa, which had made an obstinate 
 resistance, was taken, together with its king, and 321) of his nobles were forceil 
 
 ' Tlic accounts of the campaigns of Thfitmosis III. huve beon preserved iu the AnnuU iu a wry 
 mutilated condition, the fragments of which, discovered at different .times, were published by 
 Young, Hieroglyphics, pis. xli., xlii. ; Lepsids, Auswahl der wichtigsten Vrkunden, pi. xii., andi?en/.m., 
 iii. 30 a, 31 a ; by Makiutte, Letlre a M. le vicomte de Uougtf tur le r^tullat des fouilles enterprise! par 
 ordre du rot d'ligyptc, pp. 17, 21, and Karnnk, pi. 13. They were translated by Uirch, Obeeriations 
 on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, and The Annals of Thotmes III., in the Records of the Past, Ui 
 series, vol. ii. pp. 20-28; by Osbubn, The Monumental Hist, of Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 254-288; by E. de 
 Rouge, Notice de quelquesfragmentsde V Inscription de Karnak contenant les Annales de Thotmis III. ; 
 and by Brdgsch, Geschichte JSgyplens, pp. 294-326. The information they give has beon completed 
 in part by tiio Inscription of Amenemhahi, discovered, translated, and published by Ebers, Thaten 
 und Zeit Thotmes III, nach einer Inschrift im Grab des Amen-em-lieb zu Abd El-Qumah, in the Zeit- 
 schrift, 1873, pp. 3-9; Das Grab und die Biographic des Feldhauplmanns Amen-em-heb, in the 
 Zeitschrift der 1). MnrgenJ. Geeellschaft, vol. xxx. pp. 391-416, vol. xxxi. pp. 439, et seq. ; by Chabas, 
 Melanges Egyptologiquet, 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 279-306 (cf. Comptes rtndus de VAcadimie des Inscrip- 
 tions et Belles- Leltres, 1873, pp. 155, et seq.); by Biiicu, Inscription of Amen-em-heb, in the Records 
 of the Past, 1st series, vol. ii. pp. 57-64; and lastly, by Bni GscH, Oesch. JEgyptens, pp. :!;>5-338. 
 The Annals are nothing but extracts from an official account, made for Amon and his priests. 
 
 » The province of the Tree t)anu ; cf. with this designation the epitlitt " Shad Erini," " moun- 
 tain of the cedar tree," wliich the Assyrians bestowed on the Amanus (Fit. Delitz!<ch, Wo lag das 
 Parodies i pp. 101, 103). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after Champollion, Mon. de VEgypte, etc., pi. cxci. bis, and vol. i. 
 p. 843; cf. RosELLiNi, Monumenti Civili, pi. Ivii., cf. Ixii. 
 
 * Inscription of Amenemhahi, 11. 6-9, where perhaps two campaigns are to be distinguished. 
 
264 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 to yield themselves prisoners. Thutmosis " with a joyous heart " was carry- 
 ing them away captive, when it occurred to him that the district of Zahi, 
 which lay away for the most part from the great military high-roads, was 
 a tempting prey teeming with spoil. The barns were stored with wheat 
 and barley, the cellars were filled with wine, the harvest was not yet gathered 
 in, and the trees bent under the weight of their fruit. Having pillaged Sen- 
 zauru on the Orontes,^ he made his way to the westwards through the ravine 
 formed by the Nahr el-Kebir, and descended suddenly on the territory of 
 Arvad. The towns once more escaped pillage, but Thutmosis destroyed the 
 harvests, plundered the orchards, carried off the cattle, and pitilessly wasted 
 the whole of the maritime plain. There was such abundance within the 
 camp that the men were continually getting drunk, and spent their time 
 in anointing themselves with oil, which they could do only in Egypt at 
 the most solemn festivals.^ They returned to Syria in the year XXX., and 
 their good fortune again favoured them. The stubborn Qodshu was harshly 
 dealt with ; Simyra and Arvad, which hitherto had lield their own, now 
 opened their gates to him ; the lords of Upper Lotanu poured in their con- 
 tributions without delay, and gave up their sons and brothers as hostages.^ In 
 the year XXXI., the city of Anamut in Tikhisa, on the shores of Lake Nisrana, 
 yielded in its turn on the 3rd of Pakhons, the anniversary of his corona- 
 tion, the Lotanu renewed their homage to him in person. The return of 
 the expedition was a sort of triumphal procession. At every halting-place 
 the troops found quarters and provisions prepared for them, bread and cakes, 
 perfumes, oil, wine, and honey being provided in such quantities that they were 
 obliged on their departure to leave the greater part behind them. The scribes 
 took advantage of this peaceful state of affairs to draw up minute accounts 
 of the products of Lotanu — corn, barley, millet, fruits, and various kinds 
 of oil — prompted doubtless by the desire to arrive at a fairly just apportion- 
 ment of the tribute. Indeed, the results of the expedition were considered 
 so satisfactory that they were recorded on a special monument dedicated in the 
 palace at Thebes.^ The names of the towns and peoples might change with 
 
 • Seuzaurii was thought by Ebeks, Tliaten und Zeit Thotmes III., in the Zeitschrift, 187o, p. i, to 
 be " the double Tyre." Brugsch considered it to be Tyre itself (Der Tag der Thronbesteigung des 
 drillen Thutmes, iu the Zeitschrift, 1874, pp. 144, 145 ; of. W. Max Mullek, Asien und Europa, p. 185, 
 note 3). It is, I believe, the Sizara of classical writers, the Shaizar of the Arabs, and is mentioned 
 ill one of the Tel el-Amarna tablets in connection with Nii. 
 
 - The account of this campaign is taken from the Annah of Thutmosis III., 11. 1-7, except the 
 mention of Sinzauru, which occurs only in the Inscription of AmenemhaU, 11. 11-13. 
 
 ' Annals of Thutmosis III, 11. 7-9; Inscription of AmenemhaU, 11. 13-lG. For the meaning of 
 the geographical term Arvad, see p. 171, note 3, of the present volume. 
 
 ' The site of the Tikhisa country is imperfectly defined (Brugsch, Geogr. Insch., vol. i. p. 56; 
 ii. pp. 45, 46 ; W. Max MOllee, Asien und Europa, pp. 258, 259). Nisrana was seemingly applied to 
 the marshy lake into which the Koweik flows, and it is perhaps to be found iu the name Kin-nesrin 
 (Kan-nishraya iu Neubauer, G€og. du Talmud, p. 30). In this case Tikhisa would be the country 
 near the lake ; the district of the Grseco- Roman Chalkis is situated on the right of the military road. 
 
 ^ Annals of Thutmosis III, 11. 9-15 ; cf. the Inscription of AmenemhaU, 11. 15-21. 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OF THE YEAR XXXIIl. 265 
 
 every war, but the spoils suffered uo diminution. In the year XXXIIL, 
 the kingdoms situated to the west of the Euphrates were so far pacified that 
 Tliutmosis was able without risk to carry his arms into Mesopotamia. He 
 entered the country by tlie fords of Carchemish, near to the spot where his 
 grandfather, Thutmosis I., had erected his stele half a century previously. 
 He placed another beside this, and a third to the eastward to mark the 
 point to which he had extended the frontier of his empire. Tiie Mitanni, 
 who exercised a sort of hegemony over the whole of Xaharaim, were this 
 time the objects of his attack. Thirty-two of their towns fell one after 
 another, their kings were taken captive and the walls of their cities were 
 razed, without any serious resistance. The battalions of the enemy were 
 dispersed at the first shock, and Pharaoh " pursued them for the space of 
 a mile, without one of them daring to look behind him, for they thought 
 only of escape, and fled before him like a flock of goats." Thutmosis pushed 
 forward as far certainly as the Balikh, and perhaps on to the Kliabur or 
 even to the Hermus ; and as he approached the frontier, the king of Singar, a 
 vassal of Assyria, sent him presents of lapis-lazuli. When this prince had 
 retired, another chief, the lord of the Great Khati, whose territory had not 
 even been threatened by the invaders, deemed it prudent to follow the 
 example of the petty princes of the plain of the Euphrates, and despatched 
 envoys to the Pharaoh bearing presents of uo great value, but testifying to 
 his desire to live on good terms with Egypt. Still further on, the inhabitants 
 of Nii begged the king's acceptance of a troop of slaves and two hundred and 
 sixty mares ; he remained among them long enough to erect a stele com- 
 memorating his triumph, and to indulge in one of those extensive hunts which 
 were the delight of Oriental monarchs. The country abounded in elephants. 
 The soldiers were employed as beaters, and the king and his court succeeded 
 in killing one hundred and twenty head of big game, whose tusks were added 
 to the spoils. These numbers indicate how the extinction of such animals in 
 these parts was brought about. Beyond these regions, again, the sheikhs of 
 the Lamnaniu came to meet the Pharaoh. They were a poor people, and 
 had but little to oflfer, but among their gifts were some birds of a species 
 unknown to the Egyptians, and two geese, with which, however. His Majesty 
 deigned to be satisfied.^ 
 
 ' The campaign of the year XXXIII. is mcutiouod in the AnnaUuf Thutmoiit HI., 11. 17-27 ; the 
 reference to the elephant-hunt occurs only in the Inscription of Ameiiemhabi, 11. 22, 23; an allusion 
 to the defeat of the kings of Mitanui is found in u mutilated inscription from the tomb of Manakbpir- 
 risonbu (Virey, Le Tombcau de Ramcnhhepcrseub, in the Men. de la Mist, /ronf., vol. v. p. 205). It 
 was probably on his return from this campaign that Thutmosis caused the great list to be engraved 
 which, while it includes a certain number of names assigned to places beyond the Euphrates (Tom- 
 kins, On the Topog. of N. Syria, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc., vol. is. pp. 227-254 ; W. M. Mi lleb, Asien 
 undEuropa, pp. 281-292), ought necessarily to contain the cities of the Mitanni (MAUiETTE,A'ornafe, pis. 
 20, 21). As to the site of Nii and of the Lamnaniu-Labnaua.see p. 1-12, note 6, and p. 189 of this vol. 
 
266 
 
 TEE EIGETEENTE TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 In the year XXXIV. the Egyptians reappeared in Zahi. The people 
 of Anaugasa having revolted, two of their towns were taken, a third sur- 
 rendered, while the chiefs of the Lotanu hastened to meet their lord with 
 their usual tribute. Advantage was taken of the encampment being at the 
 foot of the Lebanon to procure wood for building purposes, such as beams 
 and planks, masts and yards for vessels, which were all shipped by the 
 Kefatiu at Byblos for exportation to the Delta.^ This expedition was, indeed, 
 little more than a military march through the country. It would appear that 
 the Syrians soon accustomed themselves to the presence of the Egyptians in 
 their midst, and their obedience henceforward could be fairly relied on. We 
 are unable to ascertain what were the circumstances or the intrigues which, 
 in the year XXXV., led to a sudden outbreak among the tribes settled on 
 the Euphrates and the Orontes. The King of Mitanni rallied round him the 
 princes of Naharaim, and awaited the attack of the Egyptians near Aruna. 
 Thutmosis displayed great personal courage, and the victory was at once 
 decisive. We find mention of only ten prisoners, one hundred and eighty 
 mares, and sixty chariots in the lists of the spoil.^ Anaugasa again revolted, 
 and was subdued afresh in the year XXXVIII. ; the Shausii rebelled in 
 the year XXXIX., and the Lotanu or some of the tribes connected with them 
 two years later.^ The campaign of the year XLII. proved more serious. 
 Troubles had arisen in the neighbourhood of Arvad. Thutmosis, instead 
 of following the usual caravan route, marched along the coast-road by way 
 of Phoenicia. He destroyed Arka in the Lebanon and the surrounding 
 strongholds, which were the haunts of robbers who lurked in the mountains ; 
 then turning to the north-east, he took Tunipa and extorted the usual tribute 
 from the inhabitants of Naharaim. On the other hand, the Prince of Qodshu, 
 trusting to the strength of his walled city, refused to do homage to the 
 Pharaoh, and a deadly struggle took place under the ramparts, in which each 
 side availed themselves of all the artifices which the strategic warfare of the 
 times allowed. On a day when the assailants and besieged were about to 
 come to close quarters, the Amorites let loose a mare among the chariotry 
 of Thutmosis. The Egyptian horses threatened to become unmanageable, and 
 had begun to break through the ranks, when Amenemhabi, an officer of the 
 guard, leaped to the ground, and, running up to the creature, disembowelled 
 it with a thrust of his sword ; this done, he cut off its tail and presented it 
 to the king. The besieged were eventually obliged to shut themselves 
 within their newly built walls, hoping by this means to tire out the patience 
 of their assailants ; but a picked body of men, led by the same brave 
 
 ' Annah of TMtmosis III., 11. 29-35 ; on the boats of Byblos, see pp. 172, 197 of the present work. 
 ^ Annah of Thutmosis III., II. 37-41. 
 
 ^ Annals of Tliutmosis III., 11. 43-63 ; the fragments of this part of the inscription are so few, that 
 it is hardly possible to do more than give a general view of the progress of the narrative. 
 
THE TBIBUTES OF ETHIOPIA. 
 
 267 
 
 Amenemhabi who had killed the mare, succeeded in making a breach and 
 forcing an entrance into the town.^ Even the numerous successful campaigns 
 we have mentioned, form but a part, though indeed an important part, of the 
 wars undertaken by Thutmosis to " fix his frontiers in the ends of the earth." 
 Scarcely a year elapsed without the viceroy of Ethiopia having a conflict 
 with one or other of the tribes of the Upper Nile ; ^ little merit as he might 
 gain in triumphing over such foes, the spoil taken from them formed a con- 
 siderable adjunct to the treasure collected in Syria, while the tributes from, 
 the people of Kush and the Uauaiu were paid with as great regularity as the 
 taxes levied" on the Egyptians themselves. It comprised gold both from the 
 mines and from the rivers, feathers, oxen witli curiously trained horns, giraffes, 
 lions, leopards, and slaves of all ages. The distant regions explored by 
 Hatshopsitu continued to pay a tribute at intervals. A fleet went to Piianit 
 to fetch large cargoes of incense,^ and from time to time some Ilim chief 
 would feel himself honoured by having one of his daughters accepted as an 
 inmate of the harem of the great king.* After the year XLII. we have 
 no further records of tlie reign, but there is no reason to suppose that its 
 closing years were less eventful or less prosperous than the earlier. Thutmosis 
 III., when conscious of failing powers, may have delegated the direction of 
 his armies to his sons or to his generals, but it is also quite possible that he 
 kept the supreme command in his own hands to the end of his days. Even 
 when old age approached and threatened to abate his vigour, he was upheld 
 by the belief that his father Amon was ever at hand to guide him with his 
 counsel and assist him in battle. "I give to thee, declared the god,° the 
 rebels that they may fall beneath thy sandals, that thou mayest crush the 
 rebellious, for I grant to thee by decree the earth in its length and breadth. 
 
 ' Annah of Thutmosis III., II. 64-72 ; tbeso liues tire ulmost as much mutilated as the accouut of 
 the preceding campaigns. Tlie siege of (iodshu, and the military exploits which rendered it famous, 
 are known to us only at present from the Intcrip. of A menemhabi, 11. 25 32 ; for Amenemhabi's exploit 
 in regaril to the mare, see Borohabdt, Zu Amen-em-heb, 11. 25-27, in Zeitschri/I, vol. xxxi. pp. G2, 63. 
 
 ' The tribute was divided, as I have already said (see p. 232, n. 2, of the present work), into that of 
 Kush and that of tJauait. They are both given for the year XXXI. (AnnaU of Thutmosis III., II. 15, 16), 
 lor the years XXXIII. (II. 27, 28). XXXIV. (11. 35, 30), as well as for the veiirs XXXVI., XXXVIII , 
 XXXIX., and XLI. 
 
 * Expedition to the land of Piianit in the year XXXIII. (Annals of Thutmosis III, 1. 27) and in 
 the year XXXVIII. (11. 8, 9 of the fragment published in Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 31 «)■ 
 
 * Annals of Thutmosis III., 1. :!5, in the year XXXIV.: the passage is mutilated, and Brugsch 
 thought that a son, and not a daughter, of the Prince of the Ilim was mentioned (Ge«. Jiijyptens, p. 317). 
 
 ' The stele containing this text was discovered by Mariette, and it was reproduced in the Album 
 photographique du Mutie de Boulaq, pi. 32, and in Karnak, pi. ii. The text was translated and 
 annotated by BiucH, On a Historical Tablet of thelieignof r/w</K)je« /7J. (extracted from Archeeologia, 
 vol. xxxviii. p. 373, et seq. ; cf. Tablet of Thothmes 111., in the Becords of the Past, Ist series, vol. ii. 
 pp. 29-34), afterwards by E. de Rocge, IJtude sur divers monuments du regne de Toulmes 111., pp. 5- 
 31 ; by Maspebo, Vu Genre f'.pistolaire. pp. 85-89, and Guide du Visiteur, pp. 72-84 ; by Brlgsch, 
 Gesch. ^gyptens, pp. 352-356; by Wieukmans, Gesch. der achlxehnten Jigyplischin Dynastie, pp. 
 74-76 : some interesting corrections have been made in these translations by Tiehl, Notet de 
 PhUologie ligyptienne, in the Proceedings of Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1892-93, vol. sv. pp. 259-264. 
 
268 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 The tribes of the West and those of the East are under the place of thy 
 countenance, and M'hen thou goest up into all the strange lands with a joyous 
 heart, there is none who will withstand Thy Majesty, for I am thy guide when 
 tliou treadest them underfoot. Thou hast crossed the water of the great curve 
 of Naharaim ^ in thy strength and in thy power, and I have commanded thee 
 to let them hear thy roaring which shall enter their dens, I have deprived 
 their nostrils of the breath of life, I have granted to thee that thy deeds shall 
 sink into their hearts, that my uraBUs which is upon thy head may burn them, 
 that it may bring prisoners in long files from the peoples of Qodi, that it may 
 consume with its flame those who are in the marshes,^ that it may cut off the 
 heads of the Asiatics without one of them being able to escape from its clutcli. 
 I grant to thee that thy conquests may embrace all lands, that the urteus 
 which shines upon my forehead may be thy vassal, so that in all the compass 
 of the heaven there may not be one to rise against thee, but that the people 
 may come bearing their tribute on their backs and bending before Thy Majesty 
 according to my behest ; I ordain that all aggressors arising in thy time shall 
 fail before thee, their heart burning within them, their limbs trembling ! 
 
 "I. — I am come that I may grant unto thee to crush the great ones of Zahi, 
 I throw them under thy feet across their mountains, — I grant to thee that 
 they shall see Thy Majesty as a lord of shining splendour when thou shinest 
 before them in my likeness ! 
 
 " II. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush those of the country 
 of Asia, to break the heads of the people of Lotanu, — I grant thee that they 
 may see Thy Majesty, clothed in thy panoply, when thou seizest thy arms, in 
 thy war-chariot. 
 
 " III. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush the land of the 
 East, and invade those who dwell in the provinces of Tonutir, — I grant that 
 they may see Thy Majesty as the comet which rains down the heat of its 
 flame and sheds its dew. 
 
 " IV. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush the land of the 
 West, so that Kafiti and Cyprus shall be in fear of thee, — I grant that they 
 may see Thy Majesty like the young bull, stout of heart, armed with horns 
 which none may resist, 
 
 " V. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush those who are in 
 their marshes, so that the countries of Mitanni may tremble for fear of thee, — 
 
 ' The Euphrates, in the great curve described by it across Naharaim, after issuing from the mountains 
 of Cilicia. For the impression made upon the Egyptians by this river, see p. 211 of the present work. 
 
 2 On the nature and fire-breathing character of the urseus which decorated the forehead of the 
 kings, see Dawn of Civilization, p. 265. 
 
 ' The meaning is doubtful. The word signifies pools, marshes, the provinces situated beyond 
 Egyptian territory, and consequently the distant parts of the world — those which are nearest the 
 ocean which encircles the earth, and which was considered as fed by the stagnant waters of the 
 celestial Nile, just as the extremities of Egypt were watered by those of tlie terrestrial Nile. Cf. 
 W. Max MiiLLBR, Asien und Europe, pp. 281-283. 
 
270 
 
 THE EIOHTEENTn THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 I grant that they may see Thy Majesty like the crocodile, lord of terrors, in 
 the midst of the water, which none can approach. 
 
 " VI. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush those who are 
 in the isles, so that the people who live in the midst of the Very-Green may 
 be reached by thy roaring, — I grant that they may see Thy Majesty like an 
 avenger who stands on the back of his victim. 
 
 " VII. — I am come, to grant that thou mayest crush the Tihonu, so that the 
 isles of the Utanatiu may be in the power of thy souls, — I grant that they 
 may see Thy Majesty like a spell-weaving lion, and that thou mayest make 
 corpses of tliem in the midst of their own valleys.^ 
 
 " VIII. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush the ends of the 
 earth, so that the circle which surrounds the ocean may be grasped in thy 
 fist, — I grant that they may see Thy Majesty as the sparrow-hawk, lord of 
 the wing, who sees at a glance all that he desires. 
 
 " IX. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush the peoples who are 
 in their " duars," so that thou mayest bring the Hiru-shaitu into captivity,^ — 
 I grant that they may see Thy Majesty like the jackal of the south, lord of 
 swiftness, the runner who prowls through the two lands. 
 
 " X. — I am come, to grant thee that thou mayest crush the nomads, so that 
 the Nubians as far as the land of Pidit are in thy grasp, — I grant that they 
 may see Thy Majesty like unto thy two brothers Horns and Sit, whose arms I 
 have joined in order to establish thy power." 
 
 The poem became celebrated. When Seti I., two centuries later, com- 
 manded the Poet Laureates of his court to celebrate his victories in verse, the 
 latter, despairing of producing anything better, borrowed the finest strophes 
 from this hymn to Thiitmosis III, merely changing the name of the hero.^ 
 The composition, unlike so many other triumphal inscriptions, is not a mere 
 piece of official rhetoric, in which the poverty of the subject is concealed by a 
 multitude of common-places whether historical or mythological. Egypt indeed 
 ruled the world, either directly or through her vassals, and from the mountains 
 of Abyssinia to those of Cilicia her armies held the nations in awe with the 
 threat of the Pharaoh. 
 
 ' For the translation of the last clause of the phrase, see Piehl, Yaria, § xxvi., in the Zeitsclirift, 
 1886, p. 19. The name of the people associated with the Tihonu was read at first Tanau, and identified 
 with the Danai of the Greeks (E. de Eouge. Mude sur divers monumtnts du regne de Thoutmes III., 
 p. 29). Chabas was inclined to read titena {Mudes surl'Antiq. Historique, 2nd edit., pp. 181, 182), and 
 Brugsch, tlthent (Oesch. JEgyptens, p. 355), more correctly Utanatiu, UtanS,ti, the people of Uatanit. 
 The juxtaposition of this name with that of the Libyans compels us to look towards the west for the site 
 of this people : may we assign to them the Ionian Islands, or even those in the western Mediterranean ? 
 
 ^ With regard to the Hirushaitu and their " duars," see Daicn of Civilization, pp. .S50-353. 
 
 ' The text of Seti I. was published in Champollion, Man. de V^gypte, etc., vol. ii. p. 96 ; cf. 
 Maspero, Bu Genre J^pistolaire cliez les Aiiciens i^gyptiens, p. 90, note 1. Wiedemann, Gescli. der 
 achtzehnten ^gyptischen Dynastie, p. 74, note 3, has pointed out in Dumichen, Historische Inschri/ten, 
 vol. i. pis. xi., xii., 1. 18, some expressions which recall those of our text. 
 
THE ORGANISATION OF THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE. 271 
 
 The conqueror, as a rule, did not retain any part of their territory. He 
 confined himself to the appropriation of the revenue of certain domains for the 
 benefit of his gods.^ Amon of Karnak thus became possessor of seven Syrian 
 towns which he owed to the generosity of the victorious Pharaohs.^ Certain 
 cities, like Tunipa, even begged for statues of Thutmosis for which they built a 
 temple and instituted a cultus. Amon and his fellow-gods too were adored 
 there, side by side with the sovereign the inhabitants had chosen to represent 
 them here below.^ These rites were at once a sign of servitude, and a proof of 
 gratitude for services rendered, or privileges which had been confirmed. The 
 princes of neighbouring regions repaired annually to these temples to renew 
 their oaths of allegiance, and to bring their tributes " before the face of the 
 king." * Taking everything into account, the condition of the Piiaraoh's 
 subjects might have been a pleasant one, had they been able to accept their 
 lot without any mental reservation. They retained their own laws, their 
 dynasties, and their frontiers, and paid a tax only in proportion to tlieir resources, 
 while the hostages given were answerable for their obedience. These hostages 
 were as a rule taken by Thutmosis from among the sons or the brothers of the 
 enemy's chief. They were carried to Thebes, where a suitable establishment 
 was assigned to them,'' the younger members receiving an education whicn 
 practically made them Egyptians. As soon as a vacancy occurred in the 
 succession either in Syria or in Ethiopia, the Pharaoh would choose from 
 among the members of the family whom he held in reserve, that prince on 
 whose loyalty he could best count, and placed him upon the throne." Tlie 
 
 ' Tlio seven towns which Amon possessed in Syria are mentioned, in the time of Ramses III , in 
 tlie list of the domains and revenues of the god {The Great Harris Papyrus, Bincii, pi. 68 a, 1. 1). 
 
 ^ In the year XXIII., on his return from Jiis first campaign, Thutmosis III. provided offerings, 
 guaranteed from the three towns Auaugasa, Inii4mu, and HilrnikarCl, for his father Amonra (Lkfsius, 
 Denlcm., iii. ;tO, 11. 8-10; Bruoscii, Jtecueil de Monuments, vol. i. pi. xlii. 11. 8-10). 
 
 ' The statues of Thutmosis III. and of the gods of Egypt erected at Tunipa are mentioned in a 
 letter from the inhabitants of that town to Ameuotlies III. (Uezold-Budge, Ttte Tdl el-Amarna 
 Tablets, No. 41, pp. l.xx., l.xxi. ; IIalevy, Notes G^ographiques, § 1, in the liei ue S^tilique, vol. i. 
 pp. :i79-:i82, and Correspondance d'Am^nophis III. el d' Am^nophis ihid., vol. ii. pp. 15, IC; 
 DuLATTBE, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of the liibl. Arch. Soc, 1892-9."{, vol. xv. 
 pp. 16-20). Later, Ramses II., speaking of the two towns in the country of the Khfiti in which 
 were two statues of His Majesty, mentions Tunipa us one of them (Brugscu, Ilecwil de Monuments, 
 vol. ii. pi. liv. 2, and Geschichte ^gyptens, p. 514). 
 
 * This is the expression used, in the time of Ramses III., in the Great Harris Papyrus, pi. ix. 
 11. 1-:! ; cf. BiiCGSCH, Gesch. ^gyptens, pp. 608, 609, and W. Max MiiLLEB, Asien und Europa, p. 271. 
 
 ' The various titles of tho lists of Thutmosis III. at Thebes show us "the cliildren of the 
 Syrian chiefs conducted as prisoners" into the town of Sflhanii (Mariette, Karnak, pi. 17), which is 
 elsewhere mentioned as the depot, the prison of tiie temple of Anion (/rf., pi. 19). W. Jlax MulKr 
 was tlie first to remark the historical value of this indication (^Asien und Europa, p. 268), but without 
 sufiBciently insisting on it ; the name indicates, perhaps, as he says, a groat prison, but a prison like 
 those where the princes of the family of the Ottoman sultans were confined by the reigning monarch 
 —a palace usually provided witli all the comforts of Oriental life. 
 
 " Annals of Thutmosis III., 1. 8. Among the Tel el-Amarna tablets there is a letter of a petty 
 Syrian king, Adadnirari, whose father was enthroned after a fashion in Nftkhassi by Thfltmosis III. 
 (Winokler-Abel, Der Thontafel/und von el-Amarna, No. 30, p. ;t7; Winokler, Verzeiehniss, etc., in 
 tlie Zeitschrift, pp. 52, 53, where the prince in question is wrongly given as a son of Thfttmosis III. 
 
272 
 
 THE EIQETEENTII THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 method of procedure was not always successful, since these princes, whom one 
 would have supposed from their training to have been the least likely to have 
 asserted themselves against the man to whom they owed their elevation, often 
 gav^e more trouble than others. The sense of the supreme power of Egypt, 
 which had been inculcated in them during their exile, seemed to be 
 weakened after their return to their native country, and to give place to 
 a sense of their own importance. Tlieir hearts misgave them as the time 
 approached for them to send their own children as pledges to their suzerain, 
 and also when called upon to transfer a considerable part of their revenue to 
 his treasury. They found, moreover, among their own cities and kinsfolk, 
 those who were adverse to the foreign yoke, and secretly urged their country- 
 men to revolt, or else competitors for the throne who took advantage of the 
 popular discontent to pose as champions of national independence, and it was 
 difficult for the vassal prince to counteract the intrigues of these adversaries 
 without openly declaring himself hostile to his foreign master.^ A time quickly 
 came when a vestige of fear alone constrained them to conceal their wish for 
 liberty ; the most trivial incident then sufficed to give them the necessary 
 encouragement, and decided them to throw off the mask, — a repulse or the 
 report of a repulse suffered by the Egyptians, the news of a popular rising in 
 some neighbouring state, the passing visit of a Chaldaean emissary who left 
 behind him the hope of support and perhaps of subsidies from Babylon, and 
 the unexpected arrival of a troop of mercenaries whose services might be hired 
 for the occasion.^ A rising of this sort usually brought about the most disas- 
 trous results. The native prince or the town itself could keep back the tribute 
 and own allegiance to no one during the few months required to convince 
 Pharaoh of their defection and to allow him to prepare the necessary means of 
 
 BoscAWKN, Some Letters to Amenophis III., in the Babylonian Oriental Record, vol. v. pp. 175-177 ; 
 Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 30, 31). Cf. the letter 
 of labitiri (Bezold-Bddge, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, 'No. 57, pp. Ixxvii., Ixxviii., and Delattre, 
 Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 503-505), where this individual 
 recalls the fact that he had passed his infancy in Egypt. 
 
 ' Thus, in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, Zimrida, governor of Sidou, gives information to 
 Anienothes 1I[. on the intrigues which the notables of the town were concocting against Egyptian 
 authority (Winckler-Abel, Der Tlionta/el/und von el-Amarna, No. 90, p. 93 ; cf. Delattre, Lettres 
 de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of Bibl. Aich. Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 317, 318); cf. 
 certain letters of Aziru (Winckler-Abel, op. cit.. No. 36, p. 43). Kibaddu relates in one of the.se 
 despatches that the notables of Byblos and the women of his haiem were urging him to revolt 
 (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 16, pp. xlix., 1.) ; later, a letter of Amunira to the King of 
 Egypt iufoims us that Kibaddu had been driven from Byblos by his own brother (Bezold-Budge, 
 Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 27, p. Ivi. ; cf. Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings 
 Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 367, 368). 
 
 2 Burnaburiash, King of Babylon, speaks of Syrian agents who had come to ask for supi ort from his 
 father, Kurigalzli, and adds that the latter had counselled submission (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna 
 Tablets, No. 3, pp. xxxi., xxxii. ; cf. Zimmern, Brief e aus dem Funde von el-Amarna, in the Zeitschrift fur 
 Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 152, 153, and Delattre, Lettres, etc., in the Proceedings, 1890-91, vol. xiii. p. 
 .541). In one of the letters preserved in the British Museum, Azirii defends himself for having received 
 an emissary of the King of the Khati (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 35, p. 73, 11. 47-50). 
 
THE CONDITION OF THE VASSAL STATES. 
 
 273 
 
 vengeance ; the advent of the Egyptians followed, and the work of repression 
 was systematically set in hand. They destroyed the harvests, whether green 
 or ready for the sickle, they cut down the palms and olive trees, they tore up 
 the vines, seized on the flocks, dismantled the strongholds, and took the 
 inhabitants prisoners.^ The rebellious prince had to deliver up his silver and 
 gold, the contents of his palace, even his child ren,^ and when he had finally 
 
 A SYRIAN TOWN AND ITS OUTSKIRTS AFTER AN EGYPTIAN' ARMY llAU PASSED THROUGH IT. ' 
 
 obtained peace by means of endless sacrifices, he found himself a vassal as 
 before, but with an empty treasury, a wasted country, and a decimated 
 people. In spite of all this, some headstrong native princes never re- 
 linquished the hope of freedom, and no sooner had they made good the 
 breaches in their walls as far as they were able, than they entered once 
 more on this unequal contest, though at the risk of bringing irreparable 
 disaster on their country. The majority of them, after one such struggle, 
 resigned themselves to the inevitable, and fulfilled their feudal obligations 
 regularly. They paid their fixed contribution, furnished rations and stores 
 
 ' Cf. the raiding, for instance, of the regions of Arvad and of the Zahi by Thfltmosis III., described 
 in the Annah, 11. 4, 5 ; see also what is said on this subject on pp. 263, 264 of the present work. 
 We are still in possei-sion of the threats which the messenger Khiui made against the rebellious chief 
 of a province of the Zahi— possibly Aziru (Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, No. 92, 
 pi. 95 o, recto, 11. 30-32 ; cf. Delattre, Azirou, in Proc. of Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. p. 225). 
 
 * See, in the accounts of the campaigns of Thatmosis, the record of the spoils, as well as the men- 
 tion of the children of the chiefs brought as prisoners into Egypt (Annals, 1. 8). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Gayet. It is a bas-relief of the time of Ramses II . 
 at Luxor, which was brought to light in the excavations of 1886. 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 to the army when passing through their territory, and informed the ministers 
 at Thebes of any intrigues among their neighbours.^ Years elapsed before they 
 could so far forget the failure of their first attempt to regain independence, 
 as to venture to make a second, and expose themselves to fresh reverses. 
 
 The administration of so vast an empire entailed but a small expenditure 
 on the Egyptians, and required the offices of merely a few functionaries.^ The 
 garrisons which they kept up in foreign provinces lived on the country, and 
 were composed mainly of light troops, archers, a certain proportion of heavy 
 infantry, and a few minor detachments of chariotry dispersed among the 
 principal fortresses.^ The officers in command had orders to interfere as little 
 as possible in local affairs, and to leave the natives to dispute or even to fight 
 among themselves unhindered, so long as their quarrels did not threaten the 
 security of the Pharaoh.* It was never part of the policy of Egypt to insist 
 on her foreign subjects keeping an unbroken peace among themselves. If, 
 theoretically, she did not recognise the right of private warfare, she at all 
 events tolerated its practice. It mattered little to her whether some particular 
 province passed out of the possession of a certain Eibaddu into that of a certain 
 Aziru, or vice versa, so long as both Eibaddu and Aziru remained her faithful 
 slaves.^ She never sought to repress their incessant quarrelling until such time 
 as it threatened to take the form of an insurrection against her own power. 
 Then alone did she throw off her neutrality ; taking the side of one or other of 
 
 ' We find in the Annals, 11. 12-14, 23, 24, 34, in addition to the enumeration of the tributes, the 
 mention of the foraging arrangements which the chiefs were compelled to make for the army on its 
 passage ; cf. the letter of Akizzi in Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 36, 11. 10-15, and 
 BoscAWEN, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, in the Babylonian and Oriental Becord, vol. vi. p. 34. We 
 find among the tablets letters from Aziru denouncing the intrigues of the Khati (Winckler-Abel, 
 Der Thontafel/und, Nos. 31-38, pis. 38-45; cf. Delattbe, Azirou, in tlie Proceedings, 1890-91, vol. 
 xiii. p. 215, et seq.); letters also of Eibaddu pointing out the misdeeds of Abdashirti (Winckler- 
 Abel, Der Thontafel/und, No. 72, pi. 76, and Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 12, pp. 
 xliv., xlv. ; cf. Delattbe, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xiv. pp. 345, 
 346, 349-352), and other communications of the same nature, which demonstrate the supervision 
 exercised by the petty Syrian princes over each other. 
 
 2 Under Thutmosis III. we have among others " Mir," or " Nasi situ mihatitu," " governors of 
 the northern countries," the Thutii who became afterwards a hero of romance (Deveria, CEuvres, 
 vol. i. p. 35, et seq.) ; cf. p. 277 of the present work. The individuals who bore this title held a 
 middle rank in the Egyptian hierarchy (Maspero, Mudes Egyptiennes, vol. ii. pp. 9, 49). On the 
 administration of the Syrian provinces, see W. Max MOller, Asien und Europa, pp. 273-275. 
 
 ^ The archers — •pidatiu, piddti, piddte — and the chariotry quartered in Syria are often mentioned 
 in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. Steindorfi" has recognised the term udu, auitu, meaning 
 infantry (see p. 213, note 4, of the present volume), in the word Heu, uiu,oi the Tel el-Amarna tablets 
 (ZiMMEEN, Die Keilscliriftbriefe aus Jerusalem, in the ZeitscJirift filr Assyriologie,vo\. vi. pp. 254, n. 4). 
 
 * A half at least of the Tel el-Amarna correspondence treats of provincial wars between the kings of 
 towns and countries subject to Egypt — wars of Abdashirti and his son Aziru against the cities of the 
 Phoenician coast (Delattre, Azirou, in the Proceedings, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 215-234, and Lettres de 
 Tell el-Amarna, ibid., 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 345-373, 501-520), wars of Abdikhiba, or Abdi-Tabba, 
 King of Jerusalem, against the chiefs of the neighbouring cities (Zimmebn, Die Keilscliriftbriefe aus 
 Jerusalem, in the Zeitschrift filr Assyriologie, vol. vi. pp. 245-263, and Palestina um der Jahr I4OO 
 vor Christi nach neuen Quellen, in the Zeitschrift des Palastina-Vereins, vol. xiii. p. 142, et seq.). 
 
 ^ See in Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 13, pp. xlvi., xlvii., 30, 31, the letter in which 
 Ribaddu denounces Aziru as a rebel, whilst Azirtt elsewhere professes his fidelity. 
 
TEE RELATIONS OF PHARAOH WITH HIS VASSALS. 275 
 
 the dissentients, she would grant him, as a pledge of help, ten, twenty, thirty, 
 or even more archers.^ No doubt the discipline and personal courage of these 
 veterans exercised a certain influence on the turn of events, but they were after 
 all a mere handful of men, and their individual action in the combat would 
 scarcely ever have been suflScient to decide the result ; the actual importance 
 of their support, in spite of their numerical inferiority, lay in the moral weight 
 they brought to the side on which they fought, since they represented the 
 whole army of the Pharaoh which lay behind them, and their presence in a 
 camp always ensured final success. The vanquished party had the right of 
 appeal to the sovereign, through whom he might obtain a mitigation of 
 the lot which his successful adversary had prepared for him ; it was to the 
 interest of Egypt to keep the balance of power as evenly as possible between 
 the various states which looked to her, and when she prevented one or other of 
 the princes from completely crushing his rivals, she was minimising the danger 
 which might soon arise from the vassal whom she had allowed to extend his 
 territory at the expense of others. 
 
 These relations gave rise to a perpetual exchange of letters and petitions 
 between the court of Thebes and the northern and southern provinces, in which 
 all the petty kings of Africa and Asia, of whatever colour or race, set forth, 
 either openly or covertly, their ambitious and their fears, imploring a favour 
 or begging for a subsidy, revealing the real or suspected intrigues of their 
 fellow-chiefs, and while loudly proclaiming their own loyalty, denouncing 
 the perfidy and the secret projects of their neighbours. As the Ethiopian 
 peoples did not, apparently, possess an alphabet of their own, half of the 
 correspondence which concerned them was carried on in Egyptian, and written 
 on papyrus. In Syria, however, where Babylonian civilization maintained itself 
 in spite of its conquest by Thutmosis, cuneiform writing was still employed, 
 and tablets of dried clay.^ It had, therefore, been found necessary to establish 
 in the Pharaoh's palace a department for this service, in which the scribes 
 should be competent to decipher the Chaldaean character. Dictionaries and 
 easy mythological texts had been procured for their instruction, by means of 
 
 ' Abiinilki (Abisharri) demands on one occasion from the King of Egypt ten men to defend Tyre 
 (Bezold-Bcdge, Tell el-Amama Tablets, No. 30, recto, 11. 14-lG, p. G4), on another occasion twenty 
 (lu.. Hid; No. 28, redo, 11. 17, 18, p. 59); the town of Gulii requisitioned thirty or forty to guard it 
 (Id., ibid.. No. 45, verso, 11. 30-32, p. 93; cf. Halevy, CorrespondaHce d'Ameuophes IIL, etc., in the 
 llevue Semitique, vol. ii. p. 20). Delattre thinks that these are rhetorical expressions answering to a 
 general word, just us if we should say " a handful of men " {Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Pro- 
 ceedings, 1892-93, vol. XV. p. 508); the difterence of value in the figures is to me a proof of their 
 reality. 
 
 ' Adiscovery madeby the fellahin, in 1887, at Tel el-Amarna, in the ruins of the palace of Khiiniaton 
 (Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pp. 23, 24), brought to light a portion of the correspondouce between Asiatic 
 moiiurcbs, whether vassals or iudependeiit of Egypt, with the oflBcers of Amenothes 111. and IV., and 
 with those Pharaohs themselves. The bibliography of the principal publications culled forth by the 
 discovery is to be found in Bjszold-Bvdge, Tell d-Amarna Tablets, pp. Ixxxvii.-xcii. 
 
276 
 
 TEE EIQHTEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 which they had learned the meaning of words and the construction of sentences.^ 
 Having once mastered the mechanism of the syllabary, they set to work to 
 translate the despatches, marking on the back of each the date and the place 
 from whence it came, and if necessary making a draft of the reply In these 
 the Pharaoh does not appear, as a rule, to have insisted on the endless titles 
 which we find so lavishly used in his inscriptions, but the shortened protocol 
 employed shows that the theory of his divinity was as fully acknowledged by 
 strangers as it was by his own subjects. They greet him as their sun, the god 
 before whom they prostrate themselves seven times seven, while they are his 
 slaves, his dogs, and the dust beneath his feet.^ The runners to whom these docu- 
 ments were entrusted, and who delivered them with their own hand, were not, as 
 a rule, persons of any consideration ; but for missions of grave importance " the 
 king's messengers " were employed, whose functions in time became extended to 
 a remarkable degree. Those who were restricted to a limited sphere of activity 
 were called "the king's messengers for the regions of the south," or "the king's 
 messengers for the regions of the north,'' according to their proficiency in the 
 idiom and customs of Africa or of Asia. Others were deemed capable of under- 
 taking missions wherever they might be required, and were, therefore, designated 
 by the bold title of " the king's messengers for all lands." * In this case 
 extended powers were conferred upon them, and they were permitted to 
 cut short the disputes between two cities in some province they had to 
 inspect, to excuse from tribute, to receive presents and hostages, and even 
 princesses destined for the harem of the Pharaoh, and also to grant the support 
 of troops to such as could give adequate reason for seeking it.^ Their tasks 
 were always of a delicate and not infrequently of a perilous nature, and 
 constantly exposed them to the danger of being robbed by highwaymen or 
 
 ' Delattre, La Trouvaille de Tell el-Amarna, pp. 16-18 ; cf. Boscawen, Syllabaries fruiii Tel el- 
 Amarna, in Bahyl. and Oriental Record, vol. vi. p. 120, and Sayce ia Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pp. 34-36. 
 
 ^ Several of these registrations are still to be read on the backs of the tablets at Berlin, London, 
 and Gizeh (Erman-Winckler, Verzeichniss der aus dern Funde herruhrenden Thontafeln, in Zeitschrift, 
 1889, vol. xsvii. pp. 62-64, and Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, pis. 5 h, 11, 19; 
 SCHEIL, Tablettes de Tell el-Amarna, in the Mg'm. de la Mission Frangaise du Caire, vol. vi. pp. 297-312). 
 
 ^ The protocols of the letters of Abdashirti may be taken as an example (Winckler-Abel, Der 
 Thontafelfund, No. 97, p. 99), or those of Abimilki (Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 30, p. Ixi.) 
 to Pharaoh (Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in Proc. Bibl. Ajch. Soc, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 501, 
 502, 505-508); sometimes there is a development of the protocol which assumes panegyrical features 
 similar to those met with in Egypt (Bezold-Bodge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 29, p. 62, 11. 4-15). 
 
 * As to the fiscal functions of the messengers, see "illKSVEVM, Etudes i:gyptiennes,\o\. ii. pp. 38, 39 ; 
 their political functions were brought to light in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. 
 
 ' The Tel el-Amarna correspondence shows the messengers in the time of Amenothes III. and IV. 
 as receiving tribute {Letter from Aziru, in Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 35, p. 73, 11. 
 54-56), as bringing an army to the succour of a chief in difficulties (Id., ibid., No. 28, p. 60, 11. 38- 
 47), as threatening with the anger of the Pharaoh the princes of doubtful loyalty (Winokler- 
 Abel, Der Thontafelfund, etc., p. 95 a, b), as giving to a faithful vassal compliments and honours 
 irom his suzerain {Letter of Abimilki, in Bezold-Bodge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 29, pp. 62, 63), 
 as charged with the conveyance of a gift of slaves (Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund, p. 36, verso, 
 11. 6, 7), or of escorting a princess to the harem of the Pharaoh (Id., ibid., p. 18 a, recto, 11. 8-27). 
 
TEE ROYAL MESSENGERS, THUTil. 
 
 277 
 
 maltreated by some insubordinate vassal, at times even running the risk of 
 mutilation or assassination by the way.^ They were obliged to brave the 
 dangers of the forests of Lebanon and of the Taurus, the solitudes of 
 Mesopotamia, the marshes of Chaldtea, the voyages to Puanit and Asia Minor. 
 Some took their way towards Assyria and Babylon, while others embarked at 
 Tyre or Sidoa for the islands of the ^gean Archipelago.^ The endurance of 
 all these oflScers, whether governors or messengers, their courage, their tact, the 
 ready wit they were obliged to summon to help them out of the diflSculties into 
 which their calling frequently brought them, all tended to enlist the public 
 sympathy in their favour.^ Many of them achieved a reputation, and were 
 made the heroes of popular romance. More than three centuries after it was 
 still related how one of them, by name Thutii, had reduced and humbled Jaffa, 
 whose chief had refused to come to terms. Tliutii set about his task by 
 feigning to throw off his allegiance to Thutmosis III,, and withdrew from the 
 Egyptian service, having first stolen the great magic wand of his lord ; he then 
 invited the rebellious chief into his camp, under pretence of showing him this 
 formidable talisman, and killed him after they had drunk together. The cunning 
 envoy then packed five hundred of his soldiers into jars, and caused them to be 
 carried on the backs of asses before the gates of the town, where he made the 
 herald of the murdered prince proclaim that the Egyptians had been defeated, 
 and that the pack train which accompanied him contained the spoil, among 
 which was Thiitii himself. The officer in charge of the city gate was deceived 
 by this harangue, the asses were admitted within the walls, where the soldiers 
 quitted their jars, massacred the garrison, and made themselves masters of the 
 town. The tale is, in the main, the story of Ali Baba and the forty thieves.* 
 The frontier was continually shifting, and Thutmosis III., like Thutmosis I., 
 
 ' A letter of Ribadilu, in the time of Amenothes III., represeuls a royal messeuger iis blockaded 
 iu Byljlos by the rebels (Bezold-Budqe, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 13, pp. 'M, 31, 11. 31-13). 
 
 ' We hear from the tablets of several messengers to Babylon, and the Mitanni, Rasi (WmcKLEB- 
 Abel, I)er Thonta/el/und, p. 1, II. IG, 17), Maui (Id., ibid., p. 18 a, b; Bezolu-Bldge, Tell el- 
 Amarna Tablets, pp. 18-21), Khamossi (Wincklek-Abel, Dcr TJionta/el/uiid, p. 20, recto, 1. 37). 
 The loyul messenger Thfttii, who governed the countries of the north, speaks of having satisfied the 
 heart of the king in " the islea which are in the midst of the sea " (Biuch-Chabas, M^nwire sur une 
 Faiire Egyptienne du Musie du Louvre, pp. 4, 18, et seq.). This was not, as some think, a case of 
 hyperbole (W. JIax MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, p. oGO, note 1), for the messengers could embark on 
 Phoenician vessels ; they had a less distance to cover in order to reach the ^gean than the royal 
 messenger of Queen Ha.tshopsitu had before arriving at the country of the Somalis and the " Ladders 
 of Incense " (see p. 246, et seq., of the present work). 
 
 ' The hero of the Anastasi Fapyrus, No. 1, with whom Chabas made us acquainted in his Voyage 
 d'un £'gyptien, is probably a typo of the " messenger " of tho time of Ramses II. ; in any case, his 
 itinerary and adventures are natural to a "royal messenger" comi)elled to traverse Syria alone. 
 
 * The story of Thutii was discovered and published by Goodwin, Tranalalion of a Fragment of an 
 Historical Narrative relating to the Reign of Tholmes III., iu tho Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. 
 Soc, vol. iii. p. 348, et seq., afterwards translated and anuotated by Maspeiio, Etudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. 
 pp. 49-72; cf. Les Conies populaircs de VEgypte antique, 2nd edit., pp. 147-160, aud Prof. F. Peteie, 
 Egyptian Tales, 2nd series, pp. 1-12. Tho resemblance to Ali Baba and the forty thieves was pointed 
 out by Biitcii, Egypt from the Earlier Times, pp. 203, 204. 
 
278 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 vainly endeavoured to give it a fixed character by erecting stelae along 
 the banks of the Euphrates, at those points where he contended it had 
 run formerly.^ While Kharu and Phoenicia were completely in the hands 
 of the conqueror, bis suzerainty became more uncertain as it extended 
 northwards in the direction of the Taurus. Beyond Qodshu, it could 
 only be maintained by means of constant supervision, and in Naharaim its 
 duration was coextensive with the sojourn of the conqueror in the locality 
 during his campaign, for it vanished of itself as soon as he had set out on his 
 return to Africa. It will be thus seen that, on the continent of Asia, Egypt 
 possessed a nucleus of territories, so far securely under her rule that they might 
 be actually reckoned as provinces ; beyond this immediate domain there was a 
 zone of waning influence, whose area varied with each reign, and even under 
 one king depended largely on the activity which he personally displayed. This 
 was always the case when the rulers of Egypt attempted to cany their 
 supremacy beyond the isthmus ; whether under the Ptolemies or the native 
 kings, the distance to which her influence extended was always practically the 
 same, and the teaching of history enables us to note its limits on the map with 
 relative accuracy.^ The coast towns, which were in maritime communication 
 with the ports of the Delta, submitted to the Egyptian yoke more readily than 
 those of the interior. But this submission could not be reckoned on beyond 
 Berytus, on the banks of the Lykos, though occasionally it stretched a little 
 further north as far as Byblos and Arvad ; even then it did not extend inland, 
 and the curve marking its limits traverses Coele-Syria from north-west to 
 south-east, terminating at Mount Hermon. Damascus, securely entrenched 
 behind Anti-Lebanon, almost always lay outside this limit. The rulers of 
 Egypt generally succeeded without much difficulty in keeping possession of the 
 countries lying to the south of this line ; it demanded merely a slight effort, 
 and this could be furnished for several centuries without encroaching seriously 
 on the resources of the country, or endangering its prosperity. When, however, 
 some province ventured to break away from the control of Egypt, the whole 
 mechanism of the government was put into operation to provide soldiers and 
 the necessary means for an expedition. Each stage of the advance beyond 
 the frontier demanded a greater expenditure of energy, which, with prolonged 
 distances, would naturally become exhausted. The expedition would scarcely 
 
 ' See the mention of these stelse at pp. 210, 265 of the present work. None of those which were 
 erected in Naharaim exist now, but we still have some others at the mouth of the Nahr el-Kelb, 
 which were put up in the time of Eamses II. (Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 197). 
 
 ^ The development of the Egyptian navy enabled the Ptolemies to exercise authority over the 
 coasts of Asia Minor and of Thrace, but this extension of their power beyond the indicated limits 
 only hastened the exhaustion of their empire (Dhoysen, Geschichte der Epigonen, 2nd edit., 
 vol. ii. pp. 161-163). This instance, like that of Mehemet Ali, thus confirms the position taken up 
 in the text. 
 
THE SUBJECTS AND ALLIES OF EGYPT. 
 
 279 
 
 have reached the Taurus or the Euphrates, before the force of circumstances 
 would bring about its recall homewards, leaving but a slight bond of vassalage 
 between the recently subdued countries and the conqueror, which would speedily 
 be cast off or give place to relations dictated by interest or courtesy. Thut- 
 mosis III. had to submit to this sort of necessary law ; a further extension of ter- 
 ritory had hardly been gained when his dominion began to shrink within the 
 frontiers that appeared to have been prescribed by nature for an empire like that 
 of Egypt. Kharu and Phoenicia proper paid him their tithes with due regularity; 
 the cities of the Amurru and of Zahi, of Damascus, Qodshu, Hamath, and even of 
 Tunipa, lying on the outskirts of these two subject nations, formed an ill-defined 
 borderland, kept in a state of perpetual disturbance by the secret intrigues 
 or open rebellions of the native princes. The kings of Alasia, Naharaim, and 
 Mitanni preserved their independence in spite of repeated reverses, and they 
 treated with the conqueror on equal terms.^ The tone of their letters to the 
 Pharaoh, the polite formulas with which they addressed him, the special 
 protocol which the Egyptian ministry had drawn up for their reply, all differ 
 widely from those which we see in the despatches coming from commanders 
 of garrisons or actual vassals. In the former it is no longer a slave or a 
 feudatory addressing his master and awaiting his orders, but equals holding 
 courteous communication with each other, the brother of Alasia or of Mitanni 
 with his brother of Egypt. They inform him of their good health, and then, 
 before entering on business, they express their good wishes for himself, his 
 wives, his sons, the lords of his court, his brave soldiers, and for his horses. 
 They were careful never to forget that with a single word their correspondent 
 could let loose upon them a whirlwind of chariots and archers without number, 
 but the respect they felt for his formidable power never degenerated into a 
 fear which would humiliate them before him with their faces in the dust. 
 
 This interchange of diplomatic compliments was called for by a variety 
 of exigencies, such as incidents arising on the frontier, secret intrigues, personal 
 alliances, and questions of general politics. The kings of Mesopotamia and of 
 Northern Syria, even those of Assyria and Chaldaea, who were preserved by 
 distance from the dangers of a direct invasion, were in constant fear of an 
 unexpected war, and heartily desired the downfall of Egypt ; they endeavoured 
 meanwhile to occupy the Pharaoh so fully at home that he had no leisure to 
 attack them. Even if they did not venture to give open encouragement to 
 the disposition in his subjects to revolt, they at least experienced no scruple 
 in hiring emissaries who secretly fanned the flame of discontent. The Pharaoh, 
 
 ' The diflference of tone between the letters of these kings and those of the other princes, as 
 well as the consequences arising from it, has been clearly defined by Delattre, La Corregpondance 
 Atiatique d'Amenophis IIL et cVAm^nophia IV., in the Revtte deg QuestioTU Historiques, vol. liv. 
 pp. 35i-361. 
 
280 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 aroused to indignation by such plotting, reminded them of their former oaths 
 and treaties. The king in question would thereupon deny everything, would 
 speak of his tried friendship, and recall the fact that he had refused to help 
 a rebel against his beloved brother,^ These protestations of innocence were 
 usually accompanied by presents, and produced a twofold effect. They soothed 
 the anger of the offended party, and suggested not only a courteous answer, 
 but the sending of still more valuable gifts. Oriental etiquette, even in those 
 early times, demanded that the present of a less rich or powerful friend should 
 place the recipient under the obligation of sending back a gift of still greater 
 worth. Every one, therefore, whether great or little, was obliged to regulate 
 his liberality according to the estimation in which he held himself, or to the 
 opinion which others formed of him, and a personage of such opulence as the 
 King of Egypt was constrained by the laws of common civility to display an 
 almost boundless generosity : was he not free to work the mines of the Divine 
 Land or the diggings of the Upper Nile ; and as for gold, " was it not as the 
 dust of his country " ? ^ He would have desired nothing better than to exhibit 
 such liberality, had not the repeated calls on his purse at last constrained 
 him to parsimony ; he would have been ruined, and Egypt with him, had he 
 given all that was expected of him.^ Except in a few extraordinary cases, 
 the gifts sent never realised the expectations of the recipients ; for instance, 
 when twenty or thirty pounds of precious metal were looked for, the amount 
 despatched would be merely two or three. The indignation of these dis- 
 appointed beggars and their recriminations were then most amusing : " From 
 the time when my father and thine entered into friendly relations, they loaded 
 each other with presents, and never waited to be asked to exchange amenities ; * 
 and now my brother sends me two minas of gold as a gift ! Send me abundance 
 of gold, as much as thy father sent, and even, for so it must be, more than 
 
 ' See the letter of Ameuothes III. to Kallimmasin of Babylon, where the King of Egypt complains 
 of the inimical designs which the Babylonian messengers had jjlanned against him, and of the 
 intrigues they had concocted on their return to their own country (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna 
 Tablets, No. 1, verso, pp. 2, 3, 1. 66, et seq. ; cf. Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceed- 
 ings, 1892-93, vol. XV. pp. 27, 28) ; see also the letter from Burnaburiash to Amenothes IV., in which 
 he defends himself from the accusation of having plotted against the King of Egypt at any time, and 
 recalls the circumstance that his father Kurigalzu had refused to encourage the rebellion of one of 
 the Syrian tribes, subjects of Amenothes III. (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 2, pp. 6, 7, 
 
 II. 19-30). 
 
 * See the letter of Dushratta, King of Mitanni, to the Pharaoh Amenothes IV. (Bezold-Budge, 
 Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 28, pp. 20, 21, verso, 11. 61, 62). 
 
 ' See Delattbe, Mariages princiers en Egypte, in the Bevue des Questions Historiques, vol. li. 
 p. 228, et seq., and Correspondance Asiatique d'Amenophis III., etc., ibid., vol. liv. pp. 360, 361, 380-382. 
 
 * Burnaburiash complains that the king's messengers had only brought him on one occasion two 
 minas of gold (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 2, p. 6, 1. 14), on another occasion twenty 
 minas ; moreover, that the quality of the metal was so bad that hardly five minas of pure gold could 
 be extracted from it (Id., ibid., p. 8, recto, 11, 18-21 ; cf. Halevy, La Correspondance d'Amenophis 
 
 III, etc., in the Revue S^mitique, vol. i. pp. 50-52). 
 
ROYAL PRESENTS AND MARRIAGES. 
 
 281 
 
 thy father." ^ Pretexts were never wanting to give reasonable weight to such 
 demands : one correspondent had begun to build a temple or a palace in one 
 of his capitals,^ another was reserving his fairest daughter for the Pharaoh, 
 and he gave him to understand that anything he might receive would help 
 to complete the bride's trousseau.^ The princesses thus sent from Babylon or 
 Mitanni to the court of Thebes enjoyed on their arrival a more honourable 
 welcome, and were assigned a more exalted rank than those who came from 
 Kharu and Phoenicia. As a matter of fact, they were not hostages given over 
 to the conqueror to be disposed of at will, but queens who were united in 
 legal marriage to an ally.^ Once admitted to the Pharaoh's court, they retained 
 their full rights as his wife, as well as their own fortune and mode of life. 
 Some would bring to their betrothed chests of jewels, utensils, and stuffs, 
 the enumeration of which would cover both sides of a large tablet ; ^ others 
 would arrive escorted by several hundred slaves or matrons as personal 
 attendants." A few of them preserved their original name,'' many assumed 
 an Egyptian designation,^ and so far adapted themselves to the costumes, 
 manners, and language of their adopted country, that they dropped all inter- 
 course with their native land, and became regular Egyptians. When, after 
 
 ' Literally, "and they would never make each other a fair requtBt." The meaniug I propoee 
 is doubtful, but it appears to bo required by the contest. The letter from which this passage was 
 taken is from Burnaburiash, King of Babylon, to Amenothes IV. (Bezold-Bcdge, Tell cl-Amarna 
 Tablets, No. 2, recto, p. 6, 11. 7-13). 
 
 * This is the protest advanced by Burnaburiash in the letter just cited, 11. 15, IG. 
 
 ' This seems to have been the motive in a somewhat embarrassing letter which Dushratla, King 
 of Mitanni, wrote to the Pharaoh Amenothes III. on the occasion of his flsing the dowry of hia 
 daughter (Winckleu-Auel, Der Thontafelfund, p. 18 a, t ; cf. Delattre, Lettre» de Ttll el-Amarna, 
 in the Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-91, vol. siii. pp. 552, 553). 
 
 • For the condition of these women, see Delattre, Mariages priiiciers en Egijpte, d'apres let lettret 
 de Tell el-Amarna, in the Revue des Questions Historiques, vol. li. pp. 222-235, and La Correspondance 
 Asialique d'Am^nophis III., etc., ibid., vol. liv. pp. 3G2-379. The daughter of the King of the Kh&ti, 
 wife of Ramses II., was treated, as we see from the monumenti^, with as much honour as would have 
 been accorded to Egyptian princesses of pure blood (Mabiette, Fragments relati/t aux fouillet de 
 San, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. is. pp. 10, 13). 
 
 ' Wincklek-Abel, Der Thontafelfund, pp. 25, 26, where the objects belongiug to the dowry 
 of the sister of King Dushratta of Mitanni, are enumerated on the occasion of her marriage with 
 Amenothes IV. 
 
 ' Gilukhipa, wiio was sent to Egypt to become the wife of Amenothes III, took with her a 
 company of three hundred and seventy women for her service (Brcgsch, Ueher ein merhveiirdiges 
 historisches Denkmal aus den Zeiten Amenophia III., in the Zeilschrift, 1880, i)p. 81-87; Birch, 
 Scarabxi of Amenophis III, in the Records of the Past, Ist series, vol. sii. pp. 39, 40). She was a 
 daughter of Sutarna, King of Mitanni, and is mentioned several times in the Tel el-Amarna corre- 
 spondence (Ebman, Neues aus der Tafeln von El-Ainarjia, in the Zeittchrift, vol. xxviii. p. 112 ; Evktts. 
 TatHm-hipa und Gilu-hipa, ibid., p. 1 13 ; Wincecler, Satarna, KSnig von Naharina, ibid., pp. 114, 115). 
 
 ' For example, Gilukhjpa, whose name is transcribed Kilagipa in Egyptian, and another princess 
 of Mitanni, niece of Gilukhipa, called Tadukhlpa, daughter of Dushratta and wife of Amenothes IV. 
 (Bezold-Bodge, Tell el-Amarrui Tablets, No. 9, p. 22, 11. 5, 6).. 
 
 ' The prince of the Khati's daughter who married Kamses II. is an example ; we know her only 
 by her Egyptian name M&itnofJidri (Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 19C a ; Mariette, Fragments et documents 
 relatifs aux fouilles de San, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. is. pp. 10, 13). The wife of Eamses III. 
 (Lepsius, KSnigtbuch, Nos. 490, 491) added to the Egyptian name of Isis her original name, 
 Humazarati. 
 
282 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 several years, an ambassador arrived with greetings from their father or 
 brother, he would be puzzled by the changed appearance of these ladies, and 
 would almost doubt their identity ; indeed, those only who had been about 
 them in childhood were in such cases able to recognise them.^ These 
 princesses all adopted the gods of their husbands,^ though without necessarily 
 renouncing their own. From time to time their parents would send them, 
 with much pomp, a statue of one of their national divinities — Ishtar, for 
 example — which, accompanied by native priests, would remain for some 
 months at the court.^ The children of these queens ranked next in order to 
 those whose mothers belonged to the solar race, but nothing prevented them 
 marrying their brothers or sisters of pure descent, and being eventually raised 
 to the throne. The members of their families who remained in Asia were 
 naturally proud of these bonds of close affinity with the Pharaoh, and they 
 rarely missed an opportunity of reminding him in their letters that they 
 stood to him in the relationship of brother-in-law, or one of his fathers-in- 
 law ; their vanity stood them in good stead, since it afforded them another 
 claim on the favours which they were perpetually asking of him.* 
 
 These foreign wives had often to interfere in some of the contentions 
 which were bound to arise between two States whose subjects were in 
 constant intercourse with one another. Invasions or provincial wars may have 
 affected or even temporarily suspended the passage to and fro of caravans 
 between the countries of the Tigris and those of the Nile ; but as soon as 
 peace was re-established, even though it were the insecure peace of those 
 distant ages, the desert traffic was again resumed and carried on with renewed 
 vigour. The Egyptian traders who penetrated into regions beyond the 
 Euphrates, carried with them, and almost unconsciously disseminated along the 
 whole extent of their route, the numberless products of Egyptian industry, 
 hitherto but little known outside their own country, and rendered expensive 
 owing to the difficulty of transmission or the greed of the merchants. The 
 Syrians now saw for the first time in great quantities, objects which had been 
 known to them hitherto merely through the few rare specimens which made 
 
 ' This was the case with the daughter of Kallimmasin, King of Babylon, mavried to Amenothes 
 III. (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 1, pp. 2-4, 11. 26-52, and pp. xxvi., xxvii.; cf. 
 Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 26, 27; Halevy, La 
 Correspondance d'AmenopMs III., etc., in the Revue S^mitique, vol. i. p. 51); her father's ambassador 
 did not recognise her. 
 
 ' The daughter of the King of the Kbati, wife of Eamses II., is represented in an attitude of 
 w^orship before her deified husband and two Egyptian gods (Lepsius, Detikm., iii. 196 a). 
 
 ' Dushrattaof Mitanni, sending a statue of Ishtar to his daughter, wife of Amenothes III., reminds 
 her that the same statue had already made the voyage to Egypt in the time of his father Sutarna 
 (Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 10, pp. 21, 25, 11. 13-32, and pp. xlii., xliii.). 
 
 * Dushratta of Mitanni never loses an opportunity of calling Amenothes III., husband of his sister 
 Gilukhipa, and of one of his daughters, " akhiya," my brother, and " khatani-ya," my son-in-law 
 (Wincklbe-Abel, Der Thontafelfund, p. 17, 11. 1-3). 
 
TRADE BETWEEN EGYPT AND ASIA. 
 
 283 
 
 THIS I.OTANU AND TIIK lUiLDSMITHS' WOIIK CONSTlTl-TINll THEIK TKIDVTE.' 
 
 their way across the frontier : arms, stuffs, metal implements, household utensils 
 — in fine, all the objects which ministered to daily needs or to luxury. These 
 were now offered to them at reasonable prices, either by the hawkers who 
 accompanied the army or by the soldiers themselves, always ready, as soldiers 
 are, to part with their possessions in order to procure a few extra pleasures in 
 the intervals of fighting. On the other hand, whole convoys of spoil were 
 despatched to Egypt after every successful campaign, and their contents were 
 distributed in varying proportions among all classes of society, from the militia- 
 man belonging to some feudal contingent, who received, as a reward of his 
 valour, some half-dozen necklaces or bracelets, to the great lord of ancient 
 family or the Crown Prince, who carried off waggon-loads of booty in their 
 train. These distributions must have stimulated a passion for all Syrian 
 goods, and as the spoil was insufficient to satisfy the increasing demands of 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a photograph by lusiugcT. The scene here reproduced occurs in most 
 of the Thebau tombs of the XVIII"" dynasty. 
 
284 
 
 IHE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the consumer, the waning commerce which had been carried on from early 
 times was once more revived and extended, till every route, whether by land 
 or water, between Thebes, Memphis, and the Asiatic cities, was thronged 
 by those engaged in its pursuit. It would take too long to enumerate the 
 various objects of merchandise brought in almost daily to the marts on 
 the Nile by Phoenician vessels or the owners of caravans.^ They comprised 
 slaves destined for the workshop or the harem,^ Hittite bulls and stallions, 
 horses from Singar, oxen from Alasia,^ rare and curious animals such 
 as elephants from Nii, and brown bears from the Lebanon,* smoked and 
 salted fish, live birds of many-coloured plumage,^ goldsmiths' work ^ and 
 precious stones, of which lapis-lazuli was the chief, wood for building or for 
 ornamental work— pine, cypress, yew, cedar, and oak,'' musical instruments,^ 
 helmets, leathern jerkins covered with metal scales, weapons of bronze and iron,^ 
 
 ' A partial list has been drawn up by Beugsch, GescMclite Mgyptens, pp. 342-345 ; by Eeman, 
 JEgypten und Mgyptisches Leben, pp. 681, 682 ; by Bondi, Dem Hebrdiscli-Phonisischen Sprachzweige 
 angehorige Lehnwdrter, p. 24, et seq. ; and by W. Max Mullee, Asien und Europa, pp. 305-309. 
 
 ' Syrian slaves are mentioned along with Ethiopian in the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xvi. 
 11. 2-5 ; and there is mention in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence of Hittite slaves whom Dushratta of 
 Mitanni brought to Amenothes III. (Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 9, p. 23, 11. 36-38), and 
 of other presents of the same kind made by the King of Alasia as a testimony of his grateful homage. 
 
 ' Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xvii. 11. 8, 9 ; cf. as to the horses, p. 215 of the present work. 
 
 * The elephant and the bear are represented on the tomb of Kakhmiri among the articles of 
 tribute brought into Egypt (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., pi. clsxvi. 1, 2 ; Rosellini, 
 Monumenti Civili, pi. xxii. 3, 5 ; Virey, Le Tombeau de Behhmara, pi. vii., in the M^moires de la 
 Mission, vol. v. ; Hamy, Etudes sur les peintures ethniques d'un tombeau th^ain, pp. 14-16). 
 
 = Annals of TMtmosis III., U. 24, 25 ; Mabiette, Karnah, pi. 13, 1. 24, 
 
 " The Annals of Tliutmosis III. make a record in each campaign of the importation of gold and 
 silver vases, objects in lapis-lazuli and crystal, or of blocks of the same materials (11. 3, 5, 6, 14, 15, 
 22, 25, 26, 31, 32, 33, 35); the Theban tombs of this period afford examples of the vases and blocks 
 brought by the Syrians (Vieey, Le Tombeau de Bekhmara, pis. v., vii., viii., in tlie M^moires de la 
 Mission Frangaise, vol. v. ; Le Tombeau, de Bamenlchepersenb, ibid., p. 202, et seq.). The Tell el- 
 Amarna letters also mention vessels of gold or blocks of precious stone sent as presents or as objects of 
 exchange to the Pharaoh by the King of Babylon (Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 2, 
 p. 7, 1. 36, No. 3, p. 9, 11. 40-44), by the King of Mitanni (Id,, ibid.. No. 9, p. 23, 11. 41-45), by the 
 King of the Hittites (Winckleb-Abel, Ber Thontafelfund, p. 14, 11. 11-15), and by other princes. 
 The lapis-lazuli of Babylon, which probably came from Persia, was that which was most prized by 
 the Egyptians on account of the golden sparks in it, which enhanced the blue colour; this is, 
 perhaps, the Uknu of the cuneiform inscriptions, which has been read for a long time as "crystal " 
 (Lyon, On a Lapis-lazuli Disc bearing a Cuneiform Inscription, in the Proceedings of the American 
 Oriental Society, 1889, pp. cxxiv.-cxxvii. ; Steindokff, UgnU Stein = Lapis-Lazuli, in the Zeitsclirift 
 fiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 194-197). 
 
 ' Building and ornamental woods are often mentioned in the inscriptions of Thutmosis III. (Annals, 
 11. 26, 31, 32, 34). A scene at Kariiak represents Seti I. causing building-wood to be cut in the 
 region of the Lebanon (Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, etc., pi. cccxxxix., and vol. ii. pp. 87, 88 ; 
 KosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. xlvi. 1). A letter of the King of Alasia speaks of contributions of 
 wood which several of his subjects had to make to the King of Egypt (Bezold-Bddge, Tell el-Amarna 
 Tablets, No. 5, p. 12, 11. 27-29, and p. xsxv.). 
 
 * Some stringed instruments of music, and two or three kinds of flutes and flageolets, are designated 
 in Egyptian by names borrowed from some Semitic tongue — a fact which proves that they were im- 
 ported (Anastasi Papyrus, No. 4, pi. xii. 1. 1, et seq.); the wooden framework of the harp, decorated 
 with sculptured heads of Astarte, figures among the objects coming from Syria in the temple of the 
 Theban Amon (Peisse, Hist, de VArt Egyptien, vol. ii. pi. 99) ; cf. the cut on p. 283 of the present work. 
 
 " Several names of arms borrowed from some Semitic dialect have been noticed in the texts of 
 this period. The objects as well as the words must have been imported into Egypt, e.g. the quiver 
 (Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xxv. 1. 7; Ddmichen, Eistorisclie Inschriften, vol. i. pi. iv. 1. 25), the 
 
TEE RESOURCES AND DANGERS OF COMMERCE. 
 
 285 
 
 chariots,^ dyed and embroidered stuffs,^ perfumes/ dried cakes, oil, wines of 
 Kharu, liqueurs from Alasia, Khati, Singar, Naharaim, Amurru, and beer from 
 Qodi.'^ On arriving at the frontier, whether by sea or by land, the majority 
 
 sword and javelins used by the cbarioteers {Anatiasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xvii. L 1). Cuirasses and 
 leathern jerkins arc mentioned in the inscriptions of Thfltmosis IH. (^Annah, 11. 11, 41 ; Maspero, 
 Le ricit de la campagne contre Mageddo, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. p. 47). 
 ' Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a photograph of Prisso d'Avennes' sketch. 
 
 ' Cliariots plated with gold and silver figure frequently among the spoils of Thfttmosis III. 
 (Maspero, R€cit de la campagne, etc., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 142-144, 14C, 147, 
 149, 150; AnnaU, 11. 8-11, 34-42): the Anasiasi Papyrus, No. 1, contains a detailed description of 
 Syrian chariots — Markabilti — with a reference to the locidities where certain parts of them were made ; 
 —the country of the Amurru, that of Aftpa, the town of Pahira (pi. svi. 1. 6, et seq.). The Tel el- Amarna 
 correspondence mentions very frequently chariots sent to the Pharaoh by the King of Babylon, either 
 as presents (Bezold-Budgij, Tell el-Amarna Tahh ts, No 2, p. 7, 11. ;!7, 38) or to bo sold in Egypt (Id.. 
 ibid.. No. 1, p. 5, 11. 88-95) ; others sent by the King of Alasia (Ii)., ibid.. No. 6. p. 14, 11. 21, 22) 
 and by the King of Mitanni (Id., ibid., No. 9, p. 23, 11. 3G-40). 
 
 ' Some linen, cotton, or woollen stuflfs are mentioned in the Anattasi Papyrus, No. 4, pi. xvii. 
 1. 2, et seq., and elsewliere as coming from Syria. The Egyptian love of white linen always prevented 
 their estimating highly the coloured and brocaded stuft's of Asia ; and one sees nowhere, in the 
 representations, any examples of stuflfs of such origin, except on furniture or in ships equipped with 
 something of tlie kind in the form of sails. 
 
 * The perfumed oils of Syria are mentioned in a general way iu the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, 
 pi. XV. 11. 4, 5, pi. xvi. 1. '^ ; the King of Alasia speaks of essences whicli he is sending to Amenotbes 
 III. (BEZOLD-BuncE, Tell el-Amarua Tablets, No. 6, pp. 14, 15, 11. 25, 50-53); the King of Mitanni 
 refers to bottles of oil which ho is forwarding to Gilukhipa (Id., ibid.. No. 9, p. 28, 1. 44) and to Tii 
 (No. 11, p. 27, 11. 56-58). 
 
 ' A list of cakes of Syrian origin is found ia the Aiuistasi Papyrus (No. 1, pi. xvii. 11. 5, G) ; also 
 a reference to balsamic oils from Naharaim, and to various oils which had arrived in the ports of the 
 Delta (pi. XV. 11. 4, 5), to the wines of Syria (pi. xvi. 1. 1), to palm wine and various liqueurs manu- 
 factured in Alasia, in Singar, among the Khati, Amorites, and the jieople of Tikhisa (pi. xv. 11. 2-4) ; 
 finally, to the beer of Qodi (pi. xvi. 11. 1, 4). 
 
286 
 
 THE EIGETEENTE TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 of these objects had to pay the custom dues which were rigorously collected by 
 the officers of the Pharaoh. This, no doubt, was a reprisal tariff, since inde- 
 pendent sovereigns, such as those of Mitanni, Assyria, and Babylon, were accus- 
 tomed to impose a similar duty on all the products of Egypt.-^ The latter, 
 indeed, supplied more than she received, for many articles which reached her 
 in their raw condition were, by means of native industry, worked up and 
 exported as ornaments, vases, and highly decorated weapons, which, in the 
 course of international traffic, were dispersed to all four corners of the earth. 
 The merchants of Babylon and Assyria had little to fear as long as they kept 
 within the domains of their own sovereign or in those of the Pharaoh ; but 
 no sooner did they venture within the borders of those turbulent states which 
 separated the two great powers, than they were exposed to dangers at every 
 turn. Safe-conducts were of little use if they had not taken the additional 
 precaution of providing a strong escort and carefully guarding their caravan, 
 for the Shausu concealed in the depths of the Lebanon or the needy sheikhs 
 of Kharu could never resist the temptation to rob the passing traveller.^ The 
 victims complained to their king, who felt no hesitation in passing on their 
 woes to the sovereign under whose rule the pillagers were supposed to 
 live. He demanded their punishment, but his request was not always 
 granted, owing to the difficulties of finding out and seizing the offenders. An 
 indemnity, however, could be obtained which would nearly compensate the 
 merchants for the loss sustained. In many cases justice had but little to 
 do with the negotiations, in which self-interest was the chief motive ; but 
 repeated refusals would have discouraged traders, and by lessening the 
 facilities of transit, have diminished the revenue which the state drew from 
 its foreign commerce. 
 
 The question became a more delicate one when it concerned the rights of 
 subjects residing out of their native country. Foreigners, as a rule, were well 
 received in Egypt ; the whole country was open to them ; they could marry 
 they could acquire houses and lands, they enjoyed permission to follow their own 
 religion unhindered, they were eligible for public honours, and more than one 
 of the officers of the crown whose tombs we see at Thebes were themselves 
 
 ' See Sayce, Patriarchal Palesline, pp. 84, 85; cf. Maspeko, i:tudes tgyptitnnes, vol. ii. pp. 47-50 
 and see Brugsch, Die ^gyptologie, pp. 217, 255, for the mention of the maritime custom-house. 
 
 2 The scribe who in the reign of Eamses II. composed the Travels of an Egyptian, speaks in several 
 places of marauding tribes and robbers, who infested the roads followed by the hero (Anastasi Papyrus, 
 No. 1, pi. sx. 11. 1-6 ; pi. xxiii. 11. 6, 7 ; pi. xxiv. 1. 8 ; pi. xxv. 1. 7, et seq.). The Tel el-Amarna corre 
 spoiidence contains a letter from the King of Alasia, who exculpates himself from being implicated 
 in the harsh treatment certain Egyptians had received in passing through his territory (Winckler- 
 Abel, Der Thontafelfund, p. 10, 11. 7-22) ; and another letter in which the King of Babylon com 
 plains that Chaldaean merchants had been robbed at Khinnatun, in Galilee, by the Prince of Akku 
 (Acre) and his accomplices : one of them had his feet cut off, and the other was still a prisoner in 
 Akku, and Burnaburiash demands from Amenothes IV. the death of the guilty persons (Winckler- 
 Abel, Der Thontafelfund, p. 7, 1. 8, et seq.). 
 
PROTECTION GRANTED TO NATIONAL INDUSTRIES. 287 
 
 Syrians, or born of Syrian parents on the banks of the Nile.^ Hence, those who 
 settled in Egypt without any intention of returning to their own country enjoyed 
 all the advantages possessed by the natives, whereas those who took up a merely 
 temporary abode there were more limited in their privileges. They were 
 granted the permission to hold property in the country, and also the right to 
 buy and sell there, but they were not allowed to transmit their possessions at 
 will, and if by chance they died on Egyptian soil, their goods lapsed as a forfeit 
 to the crown. The heirs remaining in the native country of the dead man, who 
 were ruined by this confiscation, sometimes petitioned the king to interfere in 
 their favour with a view of obtaining restitution. If the Pharaoh consented to 
 waive his right of forfeiture, and made over the confiscated objects or their 
 equivalent to the relatives of the deceased, it was solely by an act of mercy, and 
 as an example to foreign governments to treat Egyptians with a like clemency 
 should they chance to proffer a similar request.^ It is also not improbable that 
 the sovereigns themselves had a personal interest in more than one commercial 
 undertaking, and that they were the partners, or, at any rate, interested in the 
 enterprises, of many of their subjects, so that any loss sustained by one of the 
 latter would eventually fall upon themselves. They had, in fact, reserved to 
 themselves the privilege of carrying on several lucrative industries, and of 
 disposing of the products to foreign buyers, either to those who purchased them 
 out and out, or else through the medium of agents, to whom they intrusted 
 certain quantities of the goods for warehousing. The King of Babylon, taking 
 advantage of the fashion which prompted the Egyptians to acquire objects of 
 Chaldtean goldsmiths' and cabinet-makers' art, caused ingots of gold to be sent to 
 him by the Pharaoh, which he returned worked up into vases, ornaments, house- 
 hold utensils, and plated chariots. He further fixed the value of all such objects, 
 and took a considerable commission for having acted as intermediary in the trans- 
 action." In Alasia, which was the land of metals, the king appears to have held a 
 monopoly of the bronze. Whether he smelted it in the country, or received it from 
 more distant regions ready prepared, we cannot say, but he claimed and retained 
 for himself the payment for all that the Pharaoh deigned to order of him.* 
 
 ' See letter from the King of Alasia (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amanui Tablels, No. 5, p. 13, 11. 30- 
 34), where there is question of a merohiint who hud died in E^ypt. Among other monuments proving 
 the presence of Syrians ahout the Pharaoh, is the stele of Ben-Azaiia, of tlio town of Zairubizana (of. 
 Sayce, Correspondence between Fahsiine and Egypt, in the Becordt of the Past, 2nd series, vol. v. 
 p. 99, note 1), surnamed Ramscs-Empiri (Mariette, Abydos, vol. ii. pi. 50, und Cat. Generale de» 
 Monuments d' Abydos, No. 1136, pp. 422, 423): he was surrouudeil with Semites like himself. 
 
 ^ All this seems to result from a letter in which the King of Alasia demands from AmCtiothes III. 
 the restitution of the goods of one of liis subjects who had died in Egypt (Bezold-Bcuge, Tell el- 
 Amarna Tablets, No. 5, p. 13, 11. 30-34, and p. xxxv. ; cf. Boscawen, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, in Babyl. 
 and Oriental Record, vol. vi. pp. 30, 31) ; the tone of the letter is that of one asking a favour, and on the 
 supposition that the King of Egypt liad a right to keep the property of a foreigner dying on his territory. 
 
 ' Letter of Burnaburiash to Ameuothes IV. (cf. Delattbe, La Correspondance Asiaiique d'Aminophis 
 III., etc., in the Revue des Questions Ilistoriques, vol. liv. pp. 382-388). 
 
 ' Letter from the King of Alasia to Ameuothes III. (Bezold-Bcuge, Tell el-AmariM Tablets, No. 5, 
 
288 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 From such instances we can well understand the jealous watch which these 
 sovereigns exercised, lest any individual connected with corporations of workmen 
 should leave the kingdom and establish himself in another country without 
 special permission. Any emigrant who opened a workshop and initiated his 
 new compatriots in the technique or professional secrets of his craft, was regarded 
 by the authorities as the most dangerous of all evil-doers. By thus introducing 
 his trade into a rival state, he deprived his own people of a good customer, and 
 thus rendered himself liable to the penalties inflicted on those who were guilty 
 of treason. His savings were confiscated, his house razed to the ground, and his 
 whole family — parents, wives, and children — treated as partakers in his crime. 
 As for himself, if justice succeeded in overtaking him, he was punished with 
 death, or at least with mutilation, such as the loss of eyes and ears, or amputation 
 of the feet.^ This severity did not prevent the frequent occurrence of such 
 cases, and it was found necessary to deal with them by the insertion of a special 
 extradition clause in treaties of peace and other alliances. The two contracting 
 parties decided against conceding the right of habitation to skilled workmen 
 who s hould take refuge with either party on the territory of the other, and they 
 agreed to seize such workmen forthwith, and mutually restore them, but 
 under the express condition that neither they nor any of their belongings should 
 incur any penalty for the desertion of their country. It would be curious 
 to know if all the arrangements agreed to by the kings of those times were 
 sanctioned, as in the above instance, by properly drawn up agreements. Certain 
 expressions occur in their correspondence which seem to prove that this was the 
 case, and that the relations between them, of which we can catch traces, resulted 
 not merely from a state of things which, according to their ideas, did not neces- 
 sitate any diplomatic sanction, but from conventions agreed to after some war, 
 or entered on without any previous struggle, when there was no question at 
 issue between the two states.^ When once the Syrian conquest had been 
 effected, Egypt gave permanency to its results by means of a series of inter- 
 national decrees, which officially established the constitution of her empire 
 and brought about her concerted action with the Asiatic powers. 
 
 p. 12, 11. 10-22), where, whilst pretending tohave nothing else in view than making a present to his roy 
 brother, he proposes to make an exchange of some bronze for the products of Egypt, especially for gol 
 
 1 Treaty of Bamses 11. with the King of the Khati, §§ xii.-xvi., xx., xxi. ; of. E. de Eouge, Trait 
 entre Bamses II. et le prince de Ch€ta, in Eggee, ttudes sur les trait^s publics, pp. 248-251, and Chaba 
 Vm/age d'un tgijptien, pp. 337-339. 
 
 ' The treaty of Eamses 11. with the King of the Khati, the only one which has come down to 
 was a renewal of other treaties effected one after the other between the fathers and grandfathers 
 the two contracting sovereigns (§ viii. ; cf. E. de Rouge, Traits entre Bamses II. et le prince de Chda 
 p. 247, and Chabas, Voyage d'un jSgyptien, p. 336). Some of the Tel el-Amarna letters probably refer 
 to treaties of this kind ; e.g. that of Burnaburiash of Babylon, who says that since the time 
 Karaindash there had been an exchange of ambassadors and friendship between the sovereigns 
 Chaldjea and of Egypt (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 3, p. 8, 11. 8-10), and also that 
 of Dushratta of Mitanni, who reminds Queen Tii of the secret negotiations which had taken p 
 between him and Amenothes III. (Id., ibid.. No. 11, p. 20, 11. 17, 18). 
 
AMEND TEES 11. 
 
 289 
 
 She already occupied an important position among them, when Thutmosis 
 III; died, on the last day of Phamenoth, in the LV"* year of his reign.^ He was 
 buried, probably, at Deir el-Bahari, in the family tomb wherein 
 tlie most illustrious members of his house had been laid to 
 rest since the time of Thutmosis I. His mummy was 
 not securely hidden away, for towards the close of the 
 XX"" dynasty it was torn out of the coffin by robbers, who 
 stripped it and rifled it of the jewels with which it was 
 covered, injuring it in their haste to carry away the spoil. 
 It was subsequently re-interred, and has remained undis- 
 turbed until the present day ; but before re-burial some 
 renovation of the wrappings was necessary, and as portions 
 of the body had become loose, the restorers, in order to 
 give the mummy the necessary firmness, compressed it 
 between four oar-shaped slips of wood, painted white, 
 and placed, three inside the wrappings and one out- 
 side, under the bands which confined the winding- 
 sheet. Happily the face, which had been plastered 
 over with pitch at the time of embalming, did 
 not suffer at all from this rough treatment, and 
 appeared intact when the protecting mask was 
 removed. Its appearance does not answer to our 
 ideal of the conqueror. His statues, though not 
 representing him as a type of manly beauty, yet 
 
 give him refined, intelligent features, but a comparison with the mummy shows 
 that the artists have idealised their model. Tlie forehead is abnormally low, 
 the eyes deeply sunk, the jaw heavy, the lips thick, and the cheek-bones 
 extremely prominent ; the whole recalling the physiognomy of Thutmosis II., 
 though with a greater show of energy. Thutmosis III. is a fellah of the 
 old stock, squat, thickset, vulgar in character and expression, but not lacking in 
 firmness and vigour.^ Amenothes II., who succeeded him, must have closely 
 
 ' Inscription of AmenemJiaU, 11. 35-37 ; cf. EnEBS, Thaten uttd Zeil Tutmet III, in the Zeitschri/I, 
 1873, p. 7, and Chabas. Mdanges Kgyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 288, 302-304. Dr. INIahler 
 {ESnig Thutmosig III., in the ZeiUchrift, 1889, pp. U7-105) has, with grent precision, fixed the date 
 of the accession of Thutmosis III. as the 20th of March, 1503, and that of bis death as the 14th of 
 February, 1449 u.c. I liave mentioned {Dawn of Civilization, i)p. 209, 210) the reasons whicli 
 seem to mc to make the application of astronomical calculations to Egyptian dates difficult. I do not 
 think that the data furnished to Dr. Mahler by Brugsch will admit of such exact conclusions being 
 drawn from them, and I should fix the fifty-four years of the reign of Thutmosis III. in a less decided 
 manner, between 1550 and 1490 n.c, allowing, as I have said before, for an error of half a century 
 more or less in the dates which go back to the time of the second Theban empire. 
 
 " Drawn by Fauciier-Gudin, from the photograph taken by Emil Brugsch-Bey in 1881 ; cf. 
 Maspero, Les Mamies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the M(fmoires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. pi. vi. a. 
 
 " Id., ibid., in the Memoires, vol. i. pp. 547, 548. The restored remains allow us to estimate the 
 height at about 5 ft. 3 in. By the orders of Mons. Gre'baut, the head has been freed from the 
 mask of bitumen which covered it. 
 
 iCtmo.sis III. 
 
290 
 
 TEE EIQETEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 resembled him, if we may trust his official por- 
 traits. He was the son of a princess of the 
 blood, Hatshop?itu II., daughter of the great 
 Hatshopsitu,^ and consequently he came into 
 (| his inheritance with stronger claims to it than 
 ; any other Pharaoh since the time of Ameno- 
 ^ thes I. Possibly his father may have associated 
 M him with himself on the throne as soon as 
 w the young prince attained his majority ; ^ at 
 any rate, his accession aroused no appreciable 
 opposition in the country, and if any diffi- 
 culties were made, they must have come from 
 outside. It is always a dangerous moment 
 in the existence of a newly formed empire 
 when its founder having passed away, and 
 the conquered people not having yet become 
 accustomed to a subject condition, they are 
 
 HEAD OF THE MDMMY OP THUTMosis III.' callcd upon to su bmit to &, succcssor of 
 whom they know little or nothing. It is 
 always problematical whether the new sovereign will display as great activity 
 and be as successful as the old one ; whether he will be capable of turning 
 to good account the armies which his predecessor commanded with such 
 skill, and led so bravely against the enemy ; whether, again, he will have 
 sufficient tact to estimate correctly the burden of taxation which each 
 province is capable of bearing, and to lighten it when there is a risk of its 
 becoming too heavy. If he does not show from the first that it is his piirpose 
 to maintain his patrimony intact at all costs, or if his officers, no longer con- 
 trolled by a strong hand, betray any indecision in command, his subjects will 
 become unruly, and the change of monarch will soon furnish a pretext for wide- 
 spread rebellion. The beginning of the reign of Amenothes II. was marked by a 
 revolt of the Libyans inhabiting the Theban Oasis, but this rising was soon put 
 down by that Amenemhabi who had so distinguished himself under Thutmosis.* 
 
 ' His parentage is proved by the pictures preserved in the tomb of his foster-father, where he is- 
 represented in company with the royal mother, Maritii Hatshopsitu (Ohampollion, Monuments, pi. 
 els. 2; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 62 h, c; cf. pi. ^4 a). 
 
 ^ It is thus that Wiedemann (^gyptische GescMchte, p. 375) e.xplains his presence by the side of 
 Thutmosis III. on certain bas-reliefs in the temple of Amada (Ohampollion, Monuments, pis. Iv.-lvii., 
 lix., and vol. i. pp. 101-105; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 65 6, e). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph lent by M. Gre'baut, and taken in 1890 by Emil Brugsch- 
 Bey ; cf. the statue of the king on p. 255 of the present volume. 
 
 * Inscription of Amenemhabi, 11. 39-42. Brugsch (GescMchte JEgyptens, p. 388) and Wiedemann 
 { JEgyp. Geseh., p. 374) place this expedition at the time when Amenothes If. was either hereditary prince 
 or associated with his father: the inscription of Amenemhabi places it explicitly after the death of Thfit- 
 mosis III., and this evidence outweighs every other consideration until further discoveries are made. 
 
THE VICTORIES OF AMENOTBES IL IN SYRIA. 
 
 291 
 
 Soon after, fresh troubles broke out in different parts of Syria, in Galilee, 
 in the country of the Amurru, and among the peoples of Naharaim. The 
 king's prompt action, how- 
 ever, prevented their re- 
 sulting in a general war.^ 
 He marched in person 
 against the malcontents, 
 reduced the town of Sham- 
 shiaduma, fell upon the 
 Lamnaniu, and attacked 
 their chief, slaying him 
 with his own hand, and 
 carrying off numbers of 
 captives. He crossed the 
 Orontes on the 26th of 
 Pachons, in the year II., 
 and seeing some mounted 
 troops in the distance, 
 rushed upon them and over- 
 threw them ; they proved 
 to be the advanced guard 
 of the enemy's force, which 
 he encountered shortly 
 afterwards and routed, col- 
 lecting in the pursuit con- 
 siderable booty. He finally 
 reached Naharaim, where 
 he experienced in the main 
 but a feeble resistance. 
 
 Nii surrendered without resistance on the lUth of Epiphi, and its inhabi- 
 tants, both men and women, with cerisers in their hands, assembled on 
 the walls and prostrated themselves before the conqueror. At Akaiti, where 
 
 ' The campaigns of Amenotlu 8 II. were related on a granite stele, which was placed against the 
 second of the southern pylons at Knrnak; its inscription has bi'en published by Ciiajipollion, Monu- 
 ments, vol. ii. p. 185; by E. and J. de Rougk, Inscriptions hi^roglyphiquei recueillies en £gypte, pis. 
 clxxv., clxxvi. ; by Bouuiant, Notes de voyage, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. pp. 160, IGl ; and 
 ill part by Wiedemann, Texts of the Second Fart of the XVIII''- Dynasty, in the Proceedings of the 
 Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1888-811, vol. xi. pp. 422, 423. It has been translated and commented on by Maspero, 
 Notes sur quelques points, etc., in the Zeitschrift, 1879, pp. 55-58, and later by Eumax, T)er Syrische 
 Feldzug Amenophis IL, in the Zeitschrift, 1887, vol. x.\ix. pp. 39-41, who has suggested several important 
 corrections in the text. The date of this monument is almost certainly the year II. ; there is strong 
 evidence in favour of this, if it is compared with the inscription of Amada, where Amenothes II. 
 relates that in the year III. he sacrificed the prisoners whom ho had taken in the country of Tikhisa. 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudin; see the entire statue in the vignette on p. 209 of the presfnt volume. 
 
292 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the partisans of the Egyptian government had suffered persecution from a 
 considerable section of the natives, order was at once re-established as soon as 
 the king's approach was made known. No doubt the rapidity of his marches 
 and the vigour of his attacks, while putting an end to the hostile attitude of 
 the smaller vassal states, were effectual in inducing the sovereigns of Alasia, 
 of Mitanni,^ and of the Hittites to renew with Amenothes the friendly relations 
 which they had established with his father.^ This one campaign, which lasted 
 three or four months, secured a lasting peace in the north, but in the south 
 a disturbance again broke out among the Barbarians of the Upper Nile. 
 Amenothes suppressed it,^ and, in order to prevent a repetition of it, was 
 guilty of an act of cruel severity quite in accordance with the manners of the 
 time. He had taken prisoner seven chiefs in the country of Tikhisa, and had 
 brought them, chained, in triumph to Thebes, on the forecastle of his ship. 
 He sacrificed six of them himself before Amon, and exposed their heads and 
 hands on the fajade of the temple of Karnak ; the seventh was subjected to a 
 similar fate at Napata at the beginning of his third year, and thenceforth the 
 sheikhs of Kush thought twice before defying the authority of the Pharaoh.* 
 
 Amenothes' reign was a short one, lasting ten years at most,^ and the end 
 of it seems to have been darkened by the open or secret rivalries which the 
 question of the succession usually stirred up among the kings' sons. The 
 king had daughters only by his marriage with one of his full sisters, who 
 like himself possessed all the rights of sovereignty ; those of his sons who 
 did not die young were the children of princesses of inferior rank or of 
 concubines, and it was a subject of anxiety among these princes which of 
 them would be chosen to inherit the crown and be united in marriage 
 with the king's heiresses, Khtiit and Mutemuau. One of his sons, named 
 
 ' Amenothes II. mentions tribute from Mitanni on one of the columns which he decorated at 
 Karnak, in the Hall of the Caryatides, close to the pillars finished by his predecessors (E. and J. de 
 BouGE, Inscriptions hi^roglyphiques, pi. clxxvii. 1. 1 ; Piehl, Sur I'Origine des colonnes de la Salle des 
 Caryatides du Grand Temple de Karnak, in the Actes du Congres de Leyden, 4th part, pp. 213, 216). 
 
 ^ Tlie cartouches on the pedestal of the throne of Amenothes II., in the tomb of one of his ofBcers 
 at Sheikh-Abd-el-Qurneh, represent — together with the inhabitants of the Oasis, Libya, and Kush — 
 the Kefaliu, the people of Naharaim, and the Upper Lotanu, that is to say, the entire dominion of 
 Thutmosis III., besides the people of Manus, probably Mallos, in the Cilician plain (Ebers, ^gypten 
 vnd die Bueher Moses, p. 130 ; W. Max Mijller, Asien und Europa, pp. 340, 344, 345 ; cf. Champollion 
 Monuments, pi. clx. 3, and vol. i. p. 500 ; Lepsius, Benkm., iii. 63 a). 
 
 ' From the remains of a stele at Ibiim, where Amenothes II. related the suppression of this revolt 
 (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. p. 85). 
 
 * Inscription in the temple of Amada, published by Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. pp. 105- 
 107, and more fully by Lepsius, Benkm., iii. 65 a, 11. 16-20. It is there said tliat the king offered 
 this sacrifice on his return from his first expedition into Asia, and for this reason I have connected 
 the facts thus related with those known to ua through the stele of Karnak. For the interpretation 
 of the last lines of the Inscription of Amada, cf. Budgsch, Histoire d'Bgypte, pp. 110, 111, and 
 GescMchte Mgyptens, pp. 389-391 ; Chabas, Les Liscriptions des Mines d'or, pp. 19-21. 
 
 ' The last known date of his reign is that of the year V., which has been preserved in one of 
 the papyri in the BIbliotheque Nationale in Paris (Pleyte, Les Papyrus Bollin de la Bibliotheque 
 Imp^riale, pi, xv. pp. 23, 24). 
 
i l :\T srUlNX AND THE ClIAfEL OF THUTMOSIS IV. 
 
 DnuMi \<\ Fuu( liLi-(;udiii, from the photograph taken iu 1887 by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
294 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 Thiitmosis, who resided at the " White Wall," was in the habit of betaking 
 himself frequently to the Libyan desert to practise with the javelin, or to 
 pursue the hunt of lions and gazelles in his chariot. On these occasions it 
 was his pleasure to preserve the strictest incognito, and he was accompanied 
 by two discreet servants only. One day, when chance had brought him into 
 the neighbourhood of the Great Pyramid, he lay down for his accustomed 
 siesta in the sliade cast by the Sphinx, the miraculous image of Khopri the 
 most powerful, the god to whom all men in Memphis and the neighbouring 
 towns raised adoring hands filled with, offerings. The gigantic statue 
 was at that time more than half buried, and its head alone was seen 
 above the sand. As soon as the prince was asleep it spoke gently to h.im, as 
 a father to his son : " Behold me, gaze on me, 0 my son Thutmosis, for I, thy 
 father Harmakhis-Khopri-Tumu, grant thee sovereignty over the two countries, 
 in both the South and the North, and thou shalt wear both the white and the 
 red crown on the throne of Sibu, the sovereign, possessing the earth in its 
 length and breadth ; the flashing eye of the lord of all shall cause to rain 
 on thee the possessions of Egypt, vast tribute from all foreign countries, and 
 a long life for many years as one chosen by the Sun, for my countenance is 
 thine, my heart is thine, no other than thyself is mine ! Now am I covered 
 by the sand of the mountain on which I rest, and have given thee this prize 
 that thou mayest do for me what my heart desires, for I know that thou 
 art my son, my defender ; draw nigh, I am with thee, I am thy well-beloved 
 father." The prince understood that the god promised him the kingdom on 
 condition of his swearing to clear the sand from the statue. He was, in fact, 
 chosen to be the husband of the queens, and immediately after his accession 
 he fulfilled his oath ; he removed the sand, built a chapel between the 
 paws, and erected against the breast of the statue a stele of red granite, on 
 which he related his ad. venture. -"^ His reign was as short as that of Amenothes, 
 and his campaigns both in Asia and Ethiopia were unimportant.^ He had 
 succeeded to an empire so firmly established from Naharaim to Kari,^ that, 
 
 ' Stele of the Sphinx, discovered by Caviglia in 1818, and published in Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 
 80 ; in Pereing-Vyse, Operations carried on at the Pyramids of Gizeh, vol. iii. pi. vi., and p. 107, et 
 seq., and in I.epsius, Denlcm., iii. 63. It was translated by Brugsch, Der Traum Koiiigs Thutmes IV. 
 bei dem Sphinx (in the ZeiUchrift, 1876, pp. 89-95), and Geschichte Mgyptens, pp. 391-398 ; afterwards 
 by BiKCH, Dream of Thothmes IV., in the Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. xii. pp. 43-49; and by 
 Mallet, The Slele of Thothmes IV. of the XVIIl"' Dynasty, in the Records of the Past, 2ud series, vol. 
 ii. pp. 45-56. The importance of this text in determining the position of Thutmosis IV. in the family 
 of Amenothes II. has not been generally recognised. 
 
 ^ The latest date of his reign at present known is that of the year VII., on the rocks of Konosso 
 (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. p. 164 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 69 a), and on a stele of SarLut el- 
 Khadim (in the Survey of Sinai, Text, p. 188). There is an allusion to his wars against the Ethiopians 
 in an inscription of Auiada (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 69 /), and to his campaigns against the peoples of 
 tlie North and South on the stele of Nofirhait (Maeiette, Ahydos, vol. ii. pi. 47, and Catalogue General, 
 Xo. 1060, p. 384). 
 
 ^ The peoples of Naharaim and of Northern Syria are represented bringing him tribute, in a tomb 
 
DREAM OF THUTMOSIS IV. UNDER THE SHADOW OF THE SPHINX. 295 
 
 SPUINX OF GIZEU.' 
 
 apparently, no re- 
 liellion could dis- 
 turb its peace. One 
 of the two heiress- 
 princesses, Khuit, the 
 daughter, sister, and wife of a king, had no living male offspring, but her 
 companion Mutemuaii had at least one son, named Amenothes. In his case, 
 again, the noble birth of the mother atoned for the defects of the paternal 
 origin. Moreover, according to tradition, Amon-Ka himself had intervened to 
 renew the blood of his descendants : he appeared in the person of Tliutmosis 
 IV., and under this guise became the father of the heir of the Pharaohs.^ 
 Like Queen Ahmasis in the bas-reliefs of Deir el-Bahari, Mutemuaii is shown 
 on those of Luxor in the arms of her divine lover, and subsequently greeted by 
 
 at Shcikh-Abd-el-Qftrneh (Champoi,lion, MonumenU, vol. i. pp. 499, 839, 840, and pi. clx. 1). Tlie in- 
 scription published by Mauiette, Karnak, pi. 33, 1. 4, speaks of tlie first expedition of Thfltmosis IV. 
 to the land of [Naharai]ua, and of the gifts which he lavished on this occasion on the temple of Amon. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken in 1885 by Einil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
 ' The bas-reliefs relating to this incarnation of Amon are published in CnAMroLLiON, Monuments, 
 pis. cxcix. 3, cclxv. 1, cccxxxix.-cccxli. ; Eoskllini, Monumcnti Iteali, pis. xxxviii.-xli. ; Lepsius, 
 Denkm., iii. 74 c, 75 a-d ; Gayet, Le Temple de Luxor, pis. Ixii.-lxviii. It was at first thought that 
 MCltemflafl was an Ethiopian (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 42 ; Birch, On 
 a Remarkable Object of the Reign of Amenophis III., p. 3, and History of Egypt, p. 107; G. Rawlinson, 
 History of Ancient Egypt, vol. ii. p. 261), afterwards that she was a Syrian (Jensen, Aus dem Briefe 
 im Mitanni Sprache), who had changed her name on arriving at the court of her husband (Ebman, 
 Neuesausden Tafeln von El-Amarna, in tlie Zeitschrift, vol. xxviii. pp. 112, 114). The manner in 
 which she is represented at Luxor, and in all the texts wlierc she figures, proves not only that she 
 was of Egyptian race, but that she was the daughter of Amenothes II., and born of the marriage 
 of that prince with one of his sisters, who was herself an hereditary princess. 
 
296 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 him with the title of mother ; in another bas-relief we see the queen led to her 
 couch by the goddesses who preside over the birth of children ; her son 
 Amenothes, on coming into the world with his double, is placed in the hands 
 of the two ISTiles, to receive the nourishment and the education meet for the 
 children of the gods. He profited fully by 
 M them, for he remained in power forty years, 
 and his reign was one of the most pros- 
 perous ever witnessed by Egypt during the 
 j Theban dynasties. 
 
 Amenothes III. had spent but little of his 
 time in war. He had undertaken the usual 
 ! raids in the South against the negroes and the 
 
 tribes of the Upper Nile. In his fifth year, 
 a general defection of the sheikhs obliged him 
 y to invade the province of Abhait, near Semneh, 
 
 j 7 which he devastated at the head of the troops 
 
 collected by Marimosu, the Prince of Kush ; 
 the punishment was salutary, the booty con- 
 ; j J siderable, and a lengthy peace was re-estab- 
 
 ni EEx uuTLMi \r lishcd.^ Tho object of his rare expeditions 
 
 into Naharaim was not so much to add new 
 provinces to his empire, as to prevent disturbances in the old ones. The kings 
 of Alasia, of the Khati, of Mitanni, of Singar,^ of Assyria, and of Babylon did not 
 dare to provoke so powerful a neighbour.* The remembrance of the victories 
 of Thutmosis III. was still fresh in their memories, and, even had their hands 
 been free, would have made them cautious in dealing with his great-grandson ; 
 but they were incessantly engaged in internecine quarrels, and had recourse to 
 
 ' StelsB of the year V., in the island of Kouosso (Champollion, Monumenis, vol. i. pp. 164, 165; 
 Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 82 a), and between Aswan and Philpe (Id., ibid., iii. 81 g) ; stelae of Aswan (Id., 
 ibid., iii. 81 h) and of Semneh (Birch, On a Remarlcable Egyptian Object of the Reign of AmenopMs 
 III., pp. 5, 6). The long list of names of African peoples, engraved on the base of the colossus A 18 
 in the Louvre, belonged to the Pharaoh of the XII"' dynasty, who erected the statue (cf. Maspeeo, 
 Bawn of Civilization, p. 491) ; Amenothes III. usurped it, probably because his campaigns had led 
 him into the countries inliabited by the same peoples. The tribute paid by the people of tlauait is 
 mentioned in the tomb of Hiii at Sheikh- Abd-el-Qiirneh (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. p. 478). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the photograph, taken in 1881 by Daniel He'ron, of one of the 
 bas-reliefs in the temple of Luxor. 
 
 ^ Amenothes entitles himself on a scarabseus " he who takes prisoner the country of Singar " 
 (Petrie, Historical Scarabs, pi. 40, No. 1266); no other document has yet been discovered to show 
 whether this ia hyperbole, or whether he really reached tliis distant region. 
 
 * The lists of the time of Amenothes III. contain the names of Phoenicia, Naharaim, Singar, 
 Qodshu, Tunipa, Patina, Carchemish, and Assur ; that is to say, of all the subject or allied nations 
 mentioned in the correspondence of Tel el-Amarna (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 87 fZ-88, list of Soleb). 
 Certain episodes of these expeditious had been engraved on the exterior face of the pylon constructed by 
 the king for the temple of Amon at Karnak ; at the present time they are concealed by the wall at the 
 lower end of the Hypostyle Hall (Mariette, Karnak, Texte, p. 26). The tribute of the Lotanu was repre- 
 sented on the tomb of Hui, at Shtikh-Abd-el-Qurnch (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. pp. 479, 480). 
 
3.^ /I/ 
 
 { Colossal Head m the British Museum 
 
THE RELATIONS OF A ME NO TEES III. WITH ASIA. '297 
 
 Pharaoh merely to enlist his support, or at any rate make sure of his 
 neutrality, and prevent him from joiniiifr tlieir adversaries. Whatever might 
 have been the nature of 
 their private sentiments, 
 they professed to be anxious 
 to maintain, for their mu- 
 tual interests, the relations 
 with Egypt entered on 
 half a century before, and 
 as the surest method of 
 attaining their object was 
 by a good marriage, they 
 would each seek an Egyp- 
 tian wife for himself, or 
 would offer Amenothes a 
 princess of one of their 
 own royal families. The 
 Egyptian king was, how- 
 ever, firm in refusing to 
 bestow a princess of the 
 solar blood even on the 
 most powerful of the foreign 
 kings ; liis pride rebelled at the thought that she miglit one day be consigned 
 to a place among the inferior wives or concubines, but he gladly accepted, 
 and even sought for wives for himself, from among the Syrian and Chaldeean 
 princesses.^ Kallimmasiu of Babylon gave Amenothes first his sister, and 
 when age had deprived this princess of her beauty, then his daughter 
 Irtabi in marriage.'^ Sutarna of Mitanni had in the same way given the 
 Pharaoh his daughter Gilukhipa ; indeed, most of the kings of that period 
 had one or two relations in the harem at Thebes, This connexion usually 
 proved a support to the Asiatic sovereigns, such alliances being a safeguard 
 
 ' Drawn by Bomlier, from a pliotoprrapli taken in 1881 by Daniel HtTon. 
 
 ' Letter from Burnabuiinsh, to whom Amenothes III. refused an Egyptinn princess (WiscKLEii- 
 Abel, Der Thonlafelfund von El-Amarna, p. 3, 11. 4-;i'2 ; of. Delattre, Mariages princiers quinze siecles 
 avant I'lire chrAienne, in the Revue des Questions IHstoriques, Jan. 1892, vol. li. pp. 232, 233). 
 
 ' Letter from Amenothes III. to Kallimmaein, concerning a sister of the latter, who was married to 
 the King of Egypt, but of whom there are no furtlier records remaining at Babylon, and also one 
 of his daughters whom Amei Olhcs had demanded in marriage (Bezold-Bl'dge, Tell el-Amarmi 
 Tablets, No. 1, pp. 1-4,11. 10-06,97); and letters from Kallimmasin, consenting to bestow his daughter 
 Ittabi on the Pharaoh (WiNCKLER- Abel, 7>er rAo«<(i/e//u«d von El-Amarna, p. 1, 11. 7. 8), and pro- 
 posing to give to Amenothes whichever one he might choose of the daughters of his house (Bezold- 
 BuDGE, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 3, p. 9, 11. 29-32). 
 
 * On the marriages with the princesses of Mitanni, cf. the notes of Erman, Evetti*, s nd Winckler 
 in the Zeitschrift fur JEgyptische Spraclie, vol. xxviii. pp. 112-115. 
 
298 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 against the rivalries of their brothers or cousins. At times, however, they 
 were the means of exposing them to serious dangers. When Sutarna died he 
 was succeeded by his son Dushratta, but a numerous party put forward 
 another prince, named Artassumara, who was probably Gilukhipa's brother, 
 on the mother's side ; ^ a Hittite king of the name of Pirkhi espoused the 
 cause of the pretender, and a civil war broke out. Dushratta was victorious, 
 and caused his brother to be strangled, but was not without anxiety as to the 
 
 consequences which might follow this execution 
 
 ^ should Gilukhipa desire to avenge the victim, and 
 
 ^ "(F A ^^^^ ^^^"^ anger of the suzerain 
 
 ^*^^^-^,)^ 2S ^f^ii^'l against him. Dushratta, therefore, wrote a humble 
 
 t // r " f'-^^^^V ft*^^4 epistle, showing that he had received provocation, 
 ■> f ^gtyf f\ A ^^.r" \ and that he had found it necessary to strike 
 a decisive blow to save his own life; the 
 rol/SnriTX*- ^/■Jfti tablet was accompanied by various presents 
 t. tuT^ i 1 ^ .. f ■ ' ■ W to the royal pair, comprising horses, slaves, 
 
 ■^j^jUj^a^S /^l,v| ^ *7 jewels, and perfumes.^ Gilukhipa, however, 
 ^ bore Dushratta no ill-will, and the latter's 
 
 f> ICS. r%^' ^u^^^ anxieties were allayed. The so-called expe- 
 : V |j ^ W^B^p^^^" ditions of Amenothes to the Syrian provinces 
 Ifeu C ^^„.:-^^,>mW must constantly have been merely visits of inspec- 
 tion, during which amusements, and especially the 
 chase, occupied nearly as important a place as 
 war and politics. Amenothes III. took to heart that pre-eminently royal duty 
 of ridding the country of wild beasts, and fulfilled it more conscientiously 
 than any of his predecessors. He had killed 112 lions during the first 
 ten years of his reign, and as it was an exploit of which he was re- 
 markably proud, he perpetuated the memory of it in a special inscription, 
 which he caused to be engraved on numbers of large scarabs of fine 
 green enamel.* Egypt prospered under his peaceable government, and if 
 the king made no great efforts to extend her frontiers, he spared no pains 
 to enrich the country by developing industry and agriculture, and also 
 
 • Her exact relationship is not explicitly expressed, but is implied in the facts, for there seems 
 DO reason why Gilukhipa should have taken the part of one brother rather than another, unless 
 Artassumara had been nearer to her than Dushratta; that is to say, her brother on the mother's side 
 as well as on the father's. 
 
 ^ Letter from Dushratta to the Pharaoh Amenothes III., in Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund 
 von El-Amarna, No. 9, pp. 22, 23 ; Delattre, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of the 
 Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 118-122. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the photograph published ia Mariette, Album photographique 
 du Musge de Boulaq, pi. 36, No. 532. 
 
 * Scarabs of this type are very numerous: most of them will be found catalogued in Wiede- 
 mann, Mgyptische Geschichle, p. 381, note 6. The text has been translated by Birch, Scarahsei of 
 AmenopMs III., in the Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. xii. p. 40. 
 
THE TEMPLES AND RELIGIONS OF NUBIA. 299 
 
 endeavoured to perfect the military organisation wliich had rendered the 
 conquest of tlie East so easy a matter. A census, undertaken by his minister 
 Amenothes, the son of Hapi, ensured a more correct assessment of the taxes, 
 and a regular scheme of recruiting for the army. Whole tribes of slaves 
 were brought into the country by means of the border raids which were 
 always taking place, and their opportune arrival helped to fill up the vacancies 
 which repeated wars had caused among the rural and urban population ; such 
 a strong impetus to agriculture was also given by this importation, that when, 
 towards the middle of the reign, the minister Khamhait presented the tax- 
 gatherers at court, he was able to boast that he had stored in the State 
 granaries a larger quantity of corn than had been gathered in for thirty years.^ 
 The traffic carried on between Asia and the Delta by means of both Egyptian 
 and foreign ships was controlled by custom-houses erected at the mouths of 
 the Nile, the coast being protected by cruising vessels against the attacks 
 of pirates. The fortresses of the isthmus and of the Libyan border, having 
 been restored or rebuilt, constituted a check on the turbulence of the nomad 
 tribes, while garrisons posted at intervals at the entrance to the Wadys leading 
 to the desert restrained the plunderers scattered between the Nile and the 
 Red Sea, and between the chain of Oases and the unexplored regions of the 
 Sahara.^ Egypt was at once the most powerful as well as the most prosperous 
 kingdom in the world, being able to command more labour and more precious 
 metals for the embellishment of her towns and the construction of her monu- 
 ments than any other. 
 
 Public works had been carried on briskly under Thutmosis III. and his 
 successors. The taste for building, thwarted at first by the necessity of 
 financial reforms, and then by that of defraying the heavy expenses incurred 
 through the expulsion of the Hyksos and the earlier foreign wars, had free 
 scope as soon as spoil from the Syrian victories began to pour in year by year. 
 While the treasure seized from the enemy provided the money, the majority 
 of the prisoners were used as workmen, so that temples, palaces, and citadels 
 began to rise as if by magic from one end of the valley to the other.^ Nubia, 
 divided into provinces, formed merely an extension of the ancient feudal Egypt 
 ' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 76 b, 77 c. 
 
 ' All this information is gathered from the ioscriptiou ou the statue of Amenothes, the son of 
 JIapi, which was discovered and published by Mariette, Karnah, pis. 36, 37 ; cf. E. and J. de Rouge, 
 Inter iptions hiiroglyphiques recueillies en Egypte, pis. xxiii.-xxviii. Tlie importance of it was pointed 
 out, and the text translated by Buuoscu, Noch einmal Amenholep der Sohn des Hapu, in the Zeit- 
 fchri/t, 1876, pp. 90-101, and Geschichte JEgyptent, pp. 403-406. 
 
 ' For this use of prisoners of war, cf. the picture from the tomb of Rakhmiri on p. 300 of the present 
 work, in which most of the earlier Egyptologists believed they recognised tlie Hebrews, condemned 
 by Pharaoli to build the cities of Romses aud Pithom in the Delta (Chami-ollion, Monuments, pi. 
 clxv. 1-3; RosELLiNi, Monumenii Civili, pis. xlvii., xlix. 1 ; Lepsus, Denkm., iii. _40, 41 ; VniEY, Le 
 Tombeau de Rekhmara, pis. xiii., xix., in the M^moires de la Miwion Jrancaite, vol. v.). 
 
300 
 
 TEE EIGETEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 — at any rate as far as the neighbourhood of the Tacazzeh — though the Egyptian 
 religion had here assumed a peculiar character. The conquest of Nubia having 
 been almost entirely the work of the Theban dynasties, the Theban triad, 
 Amon, Maut, and Montu, and their immediate followers were paramount in 
 this region, while in the north, in witness of the ancient Elephantinite coloni- 
 sation, we find Khnumu of the cataract being worshipped, in connexion with 
 Didun, father of the indigenous Nubians.^ The worship of Amon had been 
 the means of introducing that of Ea and of Horus, and Osiris as lord of the 
 dead, while Phtah, Sokhit, Atumu, and the Memphite and Heliopolitan gods 
 
 A GANG OF SYRIAN PEISONEKS MAKING BI.ICK FOR THE TEMPLE OF AMON.^ 
 
 were worshipped only in isolated parts of the province. A being, however, 
 of less exalted rank shared with the lords of heaven the favour of the people. 
 This was the Pharaoh, who as the son of Amon was foreordained to receive 
 divine honours, sometimes figuring, as at Bohani, as the third member of a 
 triad, at other times as head of the Ennead. TJsirtasen III. had had his chapels 
 at Semneh and at Kummeh,^ they were restored by Thutmosis III., who 
 claimed a share of the worship offered in them, and whose son, Amenothes 
 II., also assumed the symbols and functions of divinity. Amenothes I. was 
 venerated in the province of Kari,* and Amenothes III., when founding the 
 fortress Hait-Kbammait'' in the neighbourhood of a Nubian village, on a 
 
 ' On the introduction of the god Amon into Nubia, see the principal article of Lepsics, Ueher die 
 WidderMpftgen Goiter Ammon wad Khnumis, in Beziehung auf die Ammons-Oase und die gehornten 
 Eopfe griechischer Miinzen, in the Zeitsclirift, 1877, pp. 14-22 ; on the Elephantinite conquest in the 
 time of the Memphite kings, cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 478. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the chromolithograph in Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 40. 
 
 ' On the cultus of the kings of the XII"' dynasty, see Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 479 ; cf. 
 Cetjm, Steliefrom Wady Ealfa, in the Proceedings, 1893-94, vol. xvi. pp. 16, 17. 
 
 * Bebgmann, InschriftHche Denkmaler, in the Beciieil, vol. ix. p. 50; cf on the same subject, p. 100, 
 note 3, of the present volume. 
 
 ^ The name signifies literally " the Citadel of Khammait," and it is formed, as Lepsius recognised 
 from the first, from the name of the Sparrow-hawk Khammait, " Mait rising as Goddess," which 
 Amenothes had assumed on his accession (Briefe aus Mgypten, etc., p. 415). 
 
SOLEB AND THE TEMPLE OF AMENoTHES HI. 
 
 301 
 
 spot now known as Soleb, built a temple there, of whicli he himself was the 
 protecting genius.^ The edifice was of considerable size, and the columns and 
 walls remaining reveal an art as perfect as that shown in the best monuments 
 at Thebes. It was approached by an avenue of ram-headed sphinxes, while 
 colossal statues of lions and hawks, the sacred animals 
 of the district, adorned the building. The sovereign 
 condescended to preside in person at its dedication on 
 one of his journeys to the southern part of his empire, 
 and the mutilated pictures still visible on the 
 fapade show the order and detail of the ceremony 
 observed on this occasion. The king, with the 
 crown upon his head, stood before the centre gate, 
 accompanied by the queen and his minister Ame- 
 nothes, the son of Hapi, who was better 
 acquainted than any other man of his 
 
 time with the mysteries of the ritual.'^ 
 The king then struck the door twelve 
 times with his mace of white 
 stone, and when the approach 
 to the first hall was opened, 
 he repeated the operation at 
 the threshold of the sanctuary 
 previous to entering and placing 
 his statue there. He deposited 
 it on the painted and gilded 
 
 wooden platform on which the gods were exhibited on feast-days, and 
 enthroned beside it the other images which were thenceforth to constitute 
 the local Ennoad, after which he kindled the sacred fire before them. The 
 queen, with the priests and nobles, all bearing torches, then passed through 
 the halls, stopping from time to time to perform acts of purification, or to 
 recite formulas to dispel evil spirits and pernicious influences; finally, a 
 triumphal procession was formed, and the whole cort('(je returned to the 
 
 ONE OF THE BAMS OK 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 83-88. Lepsius had recogtiiscd tlio nature of tlie divinity wor8hipi)ed in 
 this temple {liriefe aus JEgypten and JElhiopien, pp. 256, 4ir.) ; the deifltd statue of tlic kin-, "liis 
 living statue on earth," which represented the god of the temple, is there named " Nibmiiilri, lord 
 of Nubia " (Id., Denhm., iii. pi. 87 a-c). Thutraosis III. had alreatly worked at Soleb. 
 
 » On Amenothes, the son of Hapi, see pp. 298, 299 of tiie present volume ; it will be seen in the 
 following chapter, in connection with the Egyptian accounts of the Exodus, what tradition made 
 of liim. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from a photograph by Mens, de Mertcns; the original was carried 
 away from Soleb by Lepsius, and is at the present time in tlie Berlin Museum (Erman, Aumhrlicluo 
 Verzeichnisf, 1891, pp. 23, 24, No. 7262). 
 
302 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 palace, where a banquet brought the day's festivities to a close.^ It was 
 Amenothes III. himself, or rather one of bis statues animated by his double, 
 who occupied the chief place in the new building. Indeed, wherever we 
 come across a temple in Nubia dedicated to a king, we find the homage of the 
 inhabitants always offered to the image of the founder, which spoke to them 
 in oracles.^ All the southern part of the country beyond the second cataract 
 is full of traces of Amenothes, and the evidence of the veneration shown to 
 him would lead us to conclude that he played an important part in the 
 organisation of the country. Sedeinga possessed a small temple under the 
 patronage of his wife Tii.^ The ruins of a sanctuary which he dedicated 
 to Amon, the Sun-god, have been discovered at Gebel-Barkal ; Amenothes 
 seems to have been the first to perceive the advantages offered by the site, 
 and to have endeavoured to transform the barbarian village of Napata into 
 a large Egyptian city. Some of the monuments with which he adorned Soleb 
 were transported, in later times, to Gebel-Barkal, among them some rams 
 and lions of rare beauty. They lie at rest with their paws crossed, the head 
 erect, and their expression suggesting both power and repose.* As we descend 
 the Nile, traces of the work of this king are less frequent, and their place 
 is taken by those of his predecessors, as at Sai,^ at Semneh,^ at VVady Haifa,'' 
 at Amada,^ at Ibrim,^ and at Dakkeh.^" Distinct traces of Amenothes again 
 
 ' Thus the small te'jQple of Sai rah, to the north of Wad y Haifa, is dedicated to " the liying statue 
 of Kamses II. in the land of Nubia," a statue to which his Majesty gave the name of " tTsirmari 
 Zosir-Shafi" (Sayce, Gleanings from the Land of Egypt, in the Becueil, vol. xvii. p. 163). 
 
 2 These scenes and legends are represented in Lepsihs, Denkm., in. 83, et seq. ; they were first 
 studied by Lefebuee, Rites ^gyptiens. Construction et protection des edifices, pp. 38-41, who was also 
 the first to recognise their value in the history of religions. 
 
 ^ Lepsius, Denkm., in. 82 e-i; cf. Briefe aiis Mgypten und Mthiopien, p. 257. 
 
 * Cailliaud, Voyage a Meroe, vol. iii. p. 21C ; Lepsius, Denkm., i. 120, iii. 89, 90 a-l. One of the 
 rams was removed from Gebel Barkal by Lepsius {Briefe aus Mgijpten, pp. 239, 240), and is now in 
 the Berlin Museum, as well as the pedestal of one of the hawks (Erman, Ausfuhrliches Verzeichniss, 
 1894, Nos. 7262 and 1622, pp. 23, 24, 27). Prisse has shown (Notice svr les AntiquH€i Egyptiennes du 
 Mus^e Britannique, pp. 10, 11) that these two monuments originally adorned the temple of Soleb, 
 and that they were afterwards transported to Napata by an Ethiopian king, who engraved his name 
 on the pedestal of one of them (cf. Lepsius, Briefe aus Mgrjpten, p. 415, and Denkm., iii. 89 h). 
 
 ^ Buildings of Thutmosis III. and Amenothes II. at Sai (Lepsius, Briefe, etc., p. 257, and Denkm., 
 iii. 57, h, c). 
 
 « Buildings of Thutmosis III. at Semneh and at Kummeh (Cailliaud, Voyage ci Mgrog, Atlas, vol. 
 ii. pis. 27-29 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 47-59 a, 64-66). 
 
 ' Buildings or donations of Thutmosis III. at Wady Haifa (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. p. 37 : 
 Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 16 ; Wiedemann, Varia, in the Becueil, vol. xvii. p. 6), of Amenothes II. (Cham- 
 POLLiON, Monuments, vol. i. p. 30), and of Thutmosis IV. (Crum, Stelx from Wady Haifa, in the 
 Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1893-94, vol. xvi. pp. 17-19). 
 
 « Buildings of Thutmosis IIL at Amada (Champollion, Monuments, pis. xliv., xlv., xlvii., xlviii., 
 and vol. i. pp. 96-107; Kosellini, Monu. Star., pis. xxxv., xxxvi. ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 45), finished 
 by Amenothes II. (Champollion, Monuments, pis. xlv.-xlix., and vol. i. pp. 100-107 ; Kosellini, 
 Monu. Stor., vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 191-199 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii.65)audby Thiltmosis IV. (Champollion, 
 Monuments, vol. i. pp. 96-100). 
 
 » Small chapels of Thutmosis IIL at Ibrim (Id., ibid., vol. i. pp. 79-84; Kosellini, Monu. Stor., 
 vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 171), and of Amenothes IL (Champollion, Monuments, pi. xxxix. 1, 2, and vol. i. 
 pp. 84-86). 
 
 '» Kemains bearing the name of Thutmosis III. at Dakkeh (Wiedemann, ^gyplisclie Gescli., p. 364). 
 
THE TEMPLES OF ELEPHANTINE. 
 
 303 
 
 appear in the neighbourhood of the first cataract, and in 
 the island of Elephantine, which he endeavoured to restore 
 to its ancient splendour. Two of the small buildings which 
 he there dedicated to Khnumu, the local god, were still in 
 existence at the beginning of 
 
 the present century. That ,^----:,3^JS^^^iX^\K\A^^ \ 
 least damaged, on the I, ^^^^^SS^^I^S^ttjSKlk 
 south side of the island, A -^i^S^B^^^B^Kt^^^^^^^^ 
 consisted of a single ffflflSf^^^B MBBS^^^^^^B 
 chamber nearly y^S3PrlvSi6SiG5P^9i^^^l 
 forty feet in MSmiaim^timmKiEtg^^--'^ ' ■ 
 
 ter- ^^^^^^^Q^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 
 
 rainating in a 
 
 cornice, 
 
 ONE OF THE LIONS OF OKI 
 
 r.KHEL DARKAI.. 
 
 rested on a hollow substructure raised rather more than six feet above the 
 ground, and surrounded by a breast-high parapet. A portico ran round the 
 building, having seven square pillars on each of its two sides, while at 
 each end stood two columns having lotus-shaped capitals ; a flight of ten 
 or twelve steps between two walls of tlie same height as the basement, 
 projected in front, and afforded access to the cella. The two columns of 
 the fayade were further ai)art than those at the opposite end of the 
 building, and showed a glimpse of a richly decorated door, while a second 
 door opened under the peristyle at the further extremity. The walls were 
 covered with the half-brutish profile of the good Khnilmii, and those of 
 his two companions, Aniikit and Satit, the spirits of stormy waters. The 
 treatment of these figures was broad and simple, the style fi'ee, light, and 
 graceful, the colouring soft; and the harmonious beauty of the whole is 
 unsurpassed by anything at Thebes itself It was, in fact, a kind of oratory, 
 built on a scale to suit the capacities of a decaying town, but the design 
 was so delicately conceived in its miniature proportions that nothing more 
 graceful can be imagined.'-^ 
 
 ' Drawn by Fuucher-Gudin, froiu one of tlio two lions of Gebol Barkal in the Urilisli Museum. 
 Tlie cartouches on its chest are those of the Ethiopian king Ankhnofiribri Asaro-MinnioD, wlio appro- 
 priated these lions about the Persian period ; those of Amenothes III. can still be read on the base. 
 
 ' Amenothes II. erected some small obelisks at Elephantine, one of which is at present in Eng- 
 land (Prisse, Collections d'AntiquiUt £gyptienneg au Caire, pp. 4, 5). The two buildings of Afueuothes 
 III. at Elephantine were still in existence at the beginning of the present century. They have been 
 described and drawn by Frencii scholars (Jomard, Descriplion cTile d' Elephantine, in the Dencripticn 
 de I'Egypte, vol. i. pp. 180-197, and Anliquil^s, vol. i. pis. 35-;!8) ; between 1822 and 1825 tiiey were 
 destroyed, and the materials used for building barracks and magazines at Syene (Champollion, 
 Leltres ecritet d'jSgypte, 2nd edit., pp. Ill, 171, 172, 382, 456, and Monuments, vol. i. pp. 215, 221 ; 
 Gliddon, An Appeal to the Antiquaries of Europe on the Detiruclion of the Monumentu of Egypt, pp. 
 38-41). 
 
304 
 
 THE EIQETEENTH TBEBA'N DYNASTY. 
 
 Ancient Egypt and its feudal cities, Ombos,'^ Edfu,^ Nekhalit/ Esneh/ 
 Medamot/ Coptos,^ Denderah,' Abydos,^ Memphis,^ and Heliopolis/" profited 
 largely by the generosity of the Pharaohs. Since the close of the XIP" 
 dynasty these cities had depended entirely on their own resources, and their 
 public buildings were either in ruins, or quite inadequate to the needs of the 
 population, but now gold from Syria and Kush furnished them with the means 
 of restoration. The Delta itself shared in this architectural revival, but it had 
 suffered too severely under the struggle between the Theban kings and the 
 Shepherds to recover itself as quickly as the remainder of the country. All 
 effort was concentrated on those of its nomes which lay on the Eastern 
 frontier, or which were crossed by the Pharaohs in their journeys into Asia, 
 such as the Bubastite " and Athribite nomes ; the rest remained sunk in their 
 
 ' Buildings of Tlmtmosis III. at Ombos (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. pp. 231, 232, 247; 
 EosELLiNi, Monu. Stor., vol. iii. pt. ],p. 180, and Monumenti del Culto, pi. sxviii., and pp. 196-199 ; 
 Lepsixjs, llenhm., iii. 'Z8; Maspero, Notes sur quelques points, etc., ^ x\v., in the Zeitschri/t, 1883, 
 pp. 78, 79). 
 
 ^ The works undertaken by Thutmosis III. in the temple of Edfu are mentioned in an inscription 
 of the Ptolemaic period (Dumichen, Bauurkunde der Tempelanlagen von Edfu, in the Zeitschri/t, 1871, 
 pp. 97, 98); some portions are still to be seen among the ruins of the town (Champollion, Lettres 
 ecrites, etc., 2nd edit., p. 202; Eosellini, Monu. Stor., vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 181). 
 
 Buildings of Thfitmosis III. and Amenothes III. at El-Kab (Champollion, Lettres, 2nd edit., 
 IK 194, and Monuments, vol. i. pp. 166, 265, 266, 274 ; Lepsius, Denltm., iii. 80). 
 
 * An inscription of the Eoman period attributes the rebuilding of the great temple of Esneh to 
 Thutmosis III. (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. p. 728; Lepsius, Denkm., vi. 77 d, 18 a). Gre'baut 
 discovered some fragments of it in the quay of the modern town. 
 
 * Amenothes II. appears to have built the existing temple (Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. 
 p. 291 ; BouEiANT, Petits Monuments et Petits Textes, in the Recueil, vol. vii. p. 129). 
 
 « Remains of the temple of Thutmosis III. at Coptos (Wilkinson, Modern Egypt and Thebes, 
 ]). 411 ; cf. Petrie, Catalogue of a Collection of Antiquities from the Temple of Coptos, discovered 1894, 
 jip. 5, 9, 11). One of the pillars was overturned by treasure-seekers in 1883. 
 
 ■ Rebuilding of the temple of Hathor by Thutmosis III., from an inscription published by 
 Dumichen, Bauurkunde der Tempelanlagen von Denderah, pis. xiv., xvi., and BaugescMclite des Dendera- 
 tempels, p. 14, et seq. ; Mariette, Denderah, vol. iii. pi. 78. Some fragments found in the Ptolemaic 
 masonry bear the cartouche of Thutmosis IV. (Id., ibid., Supplement, pi. H, a, h). 
 
 8 Works of Thutmosis I. and Thutmosis HI. in the temple of Osiris (E. and J. de Rouge, Inscrip- 
 tions hi^roglyphiques, etc., pis. xix.-xxii. ; Mariette, Abydos, vol. ii. i^l. 31, and Catalogue G^ngral des 
 Monuments d' Abydos, No. 1, p. 6, No. 1048, p. 376). 
 
 " Amenothes II. certainly carried on works at Mempliis, for he opened a new quarry at Tfirah, in 
 the year IV. (Pereing-Vyse, Operations carried on at the Pyramids, vol. iii. pi. on p. 94) : on the 
 clearing of the Spliinx of Gizeli by Thutmosis IV., see p. 294 of the present volume. Amenothes 
 
 III. also worked limestone quarries (Perring-Vyse, Operations, vol. iii. pp. 96-98; Lepsics, Denhm., 
 iii. 71 a, b), and built at Saqqarah the earliest chapels of the Serapeum which are at present known 
 to us (Mariette, Renseignements sur les soixanie-quatre Apis, in the Bulletin Arch^ologique de 
 VAth^nxum Frangais, 18.55, p. 53). 
 
 "> Stele of the year XL VII., where Thutmosis III. relates the building of a wall in the temple of 
 Ra (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 29 &); also remains of bas-reliefs representing that prince (Brugsch, 
 Recueil de Monuments, vol. i. pi. x. 23 a, b, and pp. 20, 21). 
 
 " Remains of a building of Amenothes II. discovered by Naville, Bubasiis, pi. xxxv. d, and 
 pp. 30, 31 ; monuments of Amenothes III. at Bubastis (Id., ibid., pis. xiii., xxv. b, xxxv. e-h, and 
 pp. 31-34). It was perhaps from thence that the columns named after Amenothes II. and Thutmosis 
 
 IV. Were brought, which were carried to Alexandria in Roman times, and recently presented to the 
 Vienna Museum (E. de Bergmann, Inschriftliche Denhmdler, in the Recueil, vol. vii. pp. 147-149). 
 
 Monuments of Amenothes III. at Athribis, from whence came the serpent in the Gizeh Museum 
 (Mariette-Maspeeo, Monuments divers, pi. 63 b, and p. 21). 
 
THE TEMPLES OF MAUT AT KABNAK, AND OF AMON AT LUKOR. 305 
 
 ancient torpor.^ Beyond the Red Sea the mines were actively worked,^ and 
 even the oases of the Libyan desert took part in the national revival, and 
 buildings rose in their midst of a size proportionate to their slender 
 revenues.* Thebes naturally came in for the largest share of the spoils of war. 
 Although her kings had become the rulers of the world, they had not, like the 
 Pharaohs of the XII"^ and XIII"' dynasties, forsaken her for some more illus- 
 trious city : here they had their ordinary residence as well as their seat of 
 government, hither they returned after each campaign to celebrate their 
 victory, and hither they sent the prisoners and the spoil which they had re- 
 served for their own royal use. In the course of one or two generations 
 Thebes had spread in every direction, and had enclosed within her circuit 
 
 ' Drawn by FQUcUer-Gudin, from the Description de I'Ajypte, Ant., vol. i. p. 35. A good restoro- 
 tion of it, made from the statements in the Detcription, is to bo found in Pebbot-Chipiez, Histoire 
 de VArt dam I'Anliijuil^, vol. i. pp. 402, 403. 
 
 ' Mariette, Deuxieine Letlre h M. le vicomie de Bougg sur fc« j'ouiUc* de Tani$, pp. 13, 14, and 
 E. UE Rouge, Legom professges au College de France, Feb. -June, 18G9, iu the Melanges d' Archfologie, 
 vol. ii. pp. 284, 285, attribute this torpor, at lea.st as far as Tanis is concerned, to the aversion felt by 
 the Pharaohs of Egyptian blood for the Uyksos capital, and for llie provinces where the invaders bad 
 formerly established themselves in largo numbers. 
 
 ' Restoration of the temple of Hathor, at Sarbut-el-KhadIm (for this temple, cf. Maspebo, Dawn 
 of Civilization, pp. 474-476), by Thiitmosis III., and stelte of the years XXV., XXVI., and XXVII. 
 of that Pharaoh in the same locality (Lottin de Laval, Voyage de VArabie Pitrie, pi. ii. 1, 2, xv. ; 
 Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 29 n; Survey of Sinai, vol. iii. pi. 14, and vol. iv. pp. 186-188). Stelas of the 
 year VII. of Thfttmosis IV. and of the year XXXVI. of AinenOthcs III. are also to be found there 
 (Survey of Sinai, vol. iv. p. 188 ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 71 c, d). 
 
 * Stele of Thatmosis II. at El-Aidn ia the Small Oasis, and remains of buildings at El-BadUi 
 (Ascheuson in the Zeitschrifl, 1876, p. 120); unfortunately these fragments have been hitherto 
 unpublished, 
 
 X 
 
306 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the neighbouring villages of Ashiru, the fief of Maut, and Apit-risit, the southern 
 Thebes, which lay at the confluence of the Nile with one of the largest of the 
 canals which watered the plain. The monuments in these two new quarters 
 of the town were unworthy of the city of which they now formed part, and 
 Amenothes III. consequently bestowed much pains on improving them. He 
 entirely rebuilt the sanctuary of Maut, enlarged the sacred lake, and collected 
 within one of the courts of the temple several hundred statues in black granite 
 of the Memphite divinity, the lioness-headed Sokhit, whom he identified with 
 his Theban goddess.^ The statues were crowded together so closely that they 
 were in actual contact with each other in places, and must have presented 
 
 THE GREAT COURT OP THE TEMPLE OF I 
 
 t DURING THE INUNDATION.^ 
 
 something of the appearance of a regiment drawn up in battle array. The J 
 succeeding Pharaohs soon came to look upon this temple as a kind of store- 
 house, whence they might provide themselves with ready-made figures tol 
 decorate their buildings either at Thebes or in other royal cities. About i 
 hundred of them, however, still remain, most of them without feet, arms,! 
 or head ; some overturned on the ground, others considerably out of the I 
 
 • Maeiette, KarnaJt, Texte, pp. 4, 14, 15. Ramses II. placed a certain number of them in the ■ 
 small temple of Mesheikh (Maspeeo, Etudes de Mythologie et d'ArchMogie Egyptiennes, vol. i. p. 219). J 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato, taken iu the autumn of 1893. 
 
TEE GREAT TEMPLE OF AMON AT KABNAK. 
 
 807 
 
 perpendicular, from the earth having given way beneath them, and a small 
 number only still perfect and in situ. At Luxor Amenothes demolished the 
 small temple with which the sovereigns of the XII"' and XIII"' dynasties had 
 been satisfied,^ and replaced it by a structure which is still one of the finest 
 yet remaining of the times of the Pharaolis. The naos rose sheer above the 
 waters of the Nile, indeed its cornices pnijected over the river, and a stair- 
 case at the south side allowed the priests and devotees to embark directly 
 from the rear of the building. The sanctuary was a single chamber, with 
 an opening on its side, but so completely shut out from the daylight by the 
 
 I'AKT OF TUE AVENI K OF HAMS, HKTWEEK THE TEMI'I.ES OK A3ION AND MaCt.= 
 
 long dark hall at whose extremity it was placed as to be in perpetual obscurity. 
 It was flanked by narrow, dimly lighted chambers, and was approached through 
 a pronaos with four rows of columns, a vast court surrounded with porticoes 
 occupying the foreground. At the present time the thick walls which en- 
 closed the entire building are nearly level with the ground, half the ceilings 
 have crumbled away, air and light penetrate into every nook, and during the 
 
 ' Cf. Maspero, Daim of Civilization, pp. 508, 530; Amenothes III. saul that he bad restored tho 
 A))it-iisit (Grkbaxjt, FouiUesde Louxor,\n the DuUttin del'Institut Egyytien, 1889, vol. x. pp. 335, 33G). 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato, taken in 1887. 
 
308 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 THE PYLONS OP ThCtMOSIS 111. AND IIAUMHABI AT KARNAK.' 
 
 inundation the water flowing into the courts, transformed them until recently 
 into lakes, whither the flocks and herds of the village resorted in the heat of 
 the day to batlie or quench their thirst. Pictures of mysterious events never 
 meant for the public gaze now display their secrets in the light of the sun, 
 and reveal to the eyes of the profane the supernatural events which preceded 
 the birth of the king. On the northern side an avenue of sphinxes and crio- 
 sphinxes led to the gates of old Thebes.^ At present most of these creatures 
 are buried under the ruins of the modern, town, or covered by the earth which 
 overlies the ancient road ; but a few are still visible, broken and shapeless from 
 barbarous usage, and hardly retaining any traces of the inscriptions in which 
 Amenothes claimed them boastingly as his work. Triumphal processions pass- 
 ing along this route from Luxor to Karnak would at length reach the great 
 court before the temple of Amon, or, by turning a little to the right after 
 passing the temple of Maut, would arrive in front of the southern facade, 
 near the two gilded obelisks whose splendour once rejoiced the heart of the 
 famous Hatshopsitu. Thutmosis III. was also determined on his part to spare 
 no expense to make the temple of his god of proportions suitable to the patron 
 of so vast an empire. Not only did he complete those portions which his pre- 
 decessors had merely sketched out, but on the south side towards Ashiru he 
 also built a long row of pylons, now half ruined, on which he engraved, according 
 to custom, the list of nations and cities which he had subdued in Asia and 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
 * Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, vol. ii. p. 205. 
 
TEE TOMB OF AMEN 0 TEES III. 
 
 309 
 
 processions, and he enclosed the whole 
 with a stone rampart. The outline of the sacred lake, on which the mystic boats 
 were launched on the nights of festivals, was also made more symmetrical, and 
 its margin edged with masonry.'-* By these alterations the harmonious pro- 
 portion between the main buildings and the facade had been destroyed, and tlie 
 exterior wall was now too wide for the pylon at the entrance. Amenothes III. 
 remedied this defect by erecting in front a fourth pylon, which was loftier, 
 larger, and in all respects more worthy to stand before the eidarged temple. 
 Its walls were partially covered with battle-scenes, which informed all be- 
 holders of the glory of the conqueror,'' 
 
 Progress had been no less marked on the left bank of the river. As long 
 as Thebes had been merely a small provincial town, its cemeteries had covered 
 but a moderate area, including the sandy plain and low mounds opposite 
 Karnak and the valley of Deir el-Bahari beyond ; but now that the city had 
 more than doubled its extent, the space required for the dead was propor- 
 tionately greater. The tombs of private persons began to spread towards 
 the south, and soou reached the slopes of the Assassif, the hill of Slieikh- 
 Abd-el-Qiirnah and the district of Qiirnet-Miirrai— in fact, all that part which 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beiito: tlic building near the centre of the picture i> 
 the covered walk constructed by Thutmosis III. 
 
 ' The part taken by Thfltmosis III. and his successors iu the construction of the temples of 
 Karnak has been determined by E. de RouGii, (Aude des Monuments rfu Massif de Karnak, in the 
 Melanges d'Archeblogie, vol. i. pp. 40-4."), 67, t)8, and by Mabiettk, Karnak, Texle, pp. 3, 16, Ti-M, 
 47, .51, .')4 ; and their conclusions have been but slightly modified by later research. 
 
 ' Mariette, Karnak, Texte, pp. 8, 9, 26, 27. Portions of tiio military bas-reliefs which coven d 
 the e xterior face of the pylon are still to be seen through the gups in the wall at the end of the great 
 Hall of Pillars built by Seti I. and Ramses 11. 
 
310 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the people of the country called the " Brow " of Thebes.^ On the borders of the 
 cultivated land a row of chapels and mastabas with pyramidal roofs sheltered 
 the remains of the princes and princesses of the royal family. The Pharaohs 
 themselves were buried either separately under their respective brick pyramids 
 or in groups in a temple, as was the case with the first three Thutmosis and 
 Hatshopsitu at Deir el-Bahari. Amenothes II. and Thutmosis IV. could doubt- 
 less have found room in this crowded necropolis,^ although the space was 
 becoming limited, but the pride of the Pharaohs began to rebel against this 
 promiscuous burial side by side with their subjects. Amenothes III. sought 
 for a site, therefore, where he would have ample room to display his mag- 
 nificence, far from the vulgar crowd, and found what he desired at the further 
 end of the valley which opens out behind the village of Qurnah. Here, an 
 hour's journey from the bank of the Nile, he cut for himself a magnificent 
 rock-tomb with galleries, halls, and deep pits, the walls being decorated 
 with representations of the Voyage of the Sun through the regions which 
 he traverses during the twelve hours of his nocturnal course. A sarcophagus 
 of red granite received his mummy, and Ushabti's of extraordinary dimensions 
 and admirable workmanship mounted guard around him, so as to release 
 him from the corvee in the fields of lalu.^ The chapel usually attached to 
 such tombs is not to be found in the neighbourhood. As the road to the 
 funeral valley was a difficult one, and as it would be unreasonable to condemn 
 an entire priesthood to live in solitude, the king decided to separate the 
 component parts which had hitherto been united in every tomb since the 
 Memphite period, and to place the vault for the mummy and the passages 
 leading to it some distance away in the mountains, while the necessary 
 buildings for the cultus of the statue and the accommodation of the priests 
 were transferred to the plain, and were built at the southern extremity of 
 the lands which were at that time held by private persons.* The divine 
 character of Amenothes, ascribed to him on account of his solar origin 
 and the co-operation of Amon-Ra at his birth, was, owing to this separation 
 of the funerary constituents, brought into further prominence. When once 
 
 ' Maspeeo, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Histoire, in the Eecueil, vol. ii. p. 112. 
 
 = The generally received opinion is that these sovereigns of the XYlIl"' dynasty were buried in 
 the Biban el-MolCik, but 1 have made several examinations of this valley, and cannot think that this 
 was the case. On the contrary, the scattered notices in the fragments of papyrus preserved at Turin 
 seem to me to indicate that Amenothes II. and Thutoiosis IV. must have been buried in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Assassif or of Delr el-Bahari. 
 
 ' Several of these Ushahti, or " Eesi3ondents," are reproduced in the Description de VEgypte, Ant., 
 vol. ii. pis. 80, 81 ; cf. Pierret, Catalogue de la Salle Eistoriqiie de la Gahrie Egyptienne du Mus^e du 
 Louvre, No. 12, p. 12, and for the smaller Ushahti of various materials, Nos. 50-52, p. 24. 
 
 ■* This division of the royal tomb into two separate parts, and the nature of the temples which 
 rise on the left bank of the Nile at Thebes, were first pointed out by Mariette, Itingraire des Invitee, 
 p. 97, et seq. ; cf. the development of Mariette's theory in Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'Art dans 
 V Antiquity, vol. i. pp. 26G-280. 
 
THE CHAPEL AND COLOSSI OF MEMNON. 
 
 311 
 
 the body which he had animated while on earth was removed and hidden 
 from sight, the people soon became accustomed to think only of his Double 
 enthroned in the recesses of the sanctuary: seeing him receive there the 
 same honours as the gods themselves, they came naturally to regard him as 
 a deity himself. The arrangement of his temple differed in no way from 
 
 THK TWO COLOSSI OF MEMNO.N IX THE PLAIN OP THEBES.' 
 
 those in which Amon, Mailt, and Montu were worshipped, while it sur- 
 passed in size and splendour most of the sanctuaries dedicated to the patron 
 gods of the chief towns of the nomes.^ It contained, moreover, colossal 
 statues, objects which are never found associated with the heavenly gods. 
 Several of these figures have been broken to pieces, and only a few scattered 
 fragments of them remain, but two of them still maintain their positions on 
 each side of the entrance, with their faces towards the east. They are each 
 formed of a single block of red breccia from Syene/' and are fifty-three feet 
 high, but the more northerly one was shattered in the earthquake which 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. The •' Vocal Statue of Memnon " 
 is that on the right-hand side of the illustration. 
 
 * The remaius of this temple have been described and restored by Jollois-Devilliers, Detcrip- 
 tion des Colosges de la plaiTie de Thebes et de» Ruines qui Ze« environnent, in the Detcription de PEgypte, 
 vol. ii, pp. 179-201 ; all that has been said about them since has been taken almost exclusively from 
 this description. 
 
 ' It is often asserted that they are made of rose granite, but JoUois and Devilliera describe them 
 as being of " a species of sandstone breccia, composed of a mass of agate flint, conglomerated together 
 by a remarkably bard cement. This material, being very dense and of a heterogeneous composition, 
 presents to the sculptor perhaps greater difficulties than even granite " {Description des Coloises de la 
 riaine de Thebes, in the Description de I'L'gyple, vol. ii. p. 154). 
 
312 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 completed the ruin of Thebes in the year 27 B.C. The upper part toppled over 
 with the shock, and was dashed to pieces on the floor of the cOurt, while the 
 lower half remained in its place. Soon after the disaster it began to be 
 rumoured that sounds like those produced by the breaking of a harp-string 
 proceeded from the pedestal at sunrise, whereupon travellers flocked to witness 
 the miracle, and legend soon began to take possession of the giant who 
 spoke in this marvellous way. In vain did the Egyptians of the neigh- 
 bourhood declare that the statue represented the Pharaoh Amenothes; the 
 Greeks refused to believe them, and forthwith recognised in the colossus an 
 image of Memnon the Ethiopian, son of Tithonus and Aurora, slain by their 
 own Achilles beneath the walls of Troy — maintaining that the music heard 
 every morning was the clear and harmonious voice of the hero saluting his 
 mother. Towards the middle of the second century of our era, Hadrian 
 undertook a journey to Upper Egypt, and heard the wonderful song ; sixty 
 years later, Septimus Severus restored the statue by the employment of 
 courses of stones, which were so arranged as to form a rough representation 
 of a human head and shoulders. His piety, however, was not rewarded as 
 he expected, for Memnon became silent, and his oracle fell into oblivion.^ 
 The temple no louger exists, and a few ridges alone mark the spot where 
 it rose ; but the two colossi remain at their post, in the same condition 
 in which they were left by the Roman Caesar : the features are quite 
 obliterated, and the legs and the supporting female figures on either side are 
 scored all over with Greek and Latin inscriptions expressing the apprecia- 
 tion of ancient tourists. Although the statues tower high above the fields 
 of corn and hersim which surround them, our first view of them, owing to 
 the scale of proportion observed in their construction, so different from that 
 to which we are accustomed, gives us the impression that they are smaller 
 than they really are, and it is only when we stand close to one of them and 
 notice the insignificant appearance of the crowd of sightseers clustered on its 
 pedestal that we realize the immensity of the colossi. 
 
 The descendants of Ahmosis had by their energy won for Thebes not only 
 the supremacy over the peoples of Egypt and of the known world, but had 
 also secured for the Theban deities pre-eminence over all their rivals. The 
 booty collected both in Syria and Ethiopia went to enrich the god Amon as 
 much as it did the kings themselves ; every victory brought him the tenth part 
 of the spoil gathered on the field of battle, of the tribute levied on vassals, and 
 of the prisoners taken as slaves. When Thutmosis III., after having reduced 
 
 ' Tlie hi&tory of this statue has beeu collected and related by Letronne, La Statue vocale de 
 Memnon, consid^r^e dans ses rapports avec I'Ugypte et la Grtce, in tlie (Ev.vres choisies, 1st series, 
 vol. i. pp. 1-236. The bibliography of the subject since Letronne's time is to be found nearly 
 complete in Wiedemann, ^gyptische GescMclde, p. 387, note 5, and Appendix, p. 44. 
 
THE INCREASING GREATNESS OF AMON AND HIS PRIESTS. 313 
 
 Megiddo, organised a systematic plundering of the surrounding country, it was 
 for the benefit of Amon-Ka that he reaped the fields and sent their harvest into 
 Egypt ;^ if during his journeys he collected useful plants or rare aoimals, 
 it was that he raight dispose of them in the groves or gardens of Amon as 
 
 treasury. His successors acted in a similar manner, and in the reigns of 
 Amenothes II., Thutmosis IV., and Amenothes III., the patrimony of the Theban 
 priesthood continued to increase.^ Tiie Pharaohs, perpetually called upon as 
 they were to recompense one or other of their servants, were never able to retain 
 for long their share of the spoils of war. Gold and silver, lands, jewels, and 
 slaves passed as quickly out of their hands as they had fallen into them, 
 and although their fortune was continually having additions made to it in 
 every fresh campaign, yet the increase was rarely in proportion to the trouble 
 expended. The god, on the contrary, received what he got for all time, and 
 gave back nothing in return: fresh accumulations of precious metals were 
 continually being added to his store, his meadows were enriched by the 
 
 ' The gifts of Thatmosis III. to bis fatlier Amon, on his return from his first campaign, are 
 enumerated in Lepsics, Denkm., iii. 30 h ; of. Bui gsch, Recueil de Mouumentr, vol. i. pis. xliii., xliv. 
 
 * On the sending of plants and animals, of. p. 201 of the present volume. 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Insingor, taken in 1S8(J. 
 
 ♦ For inscriptions, unfortunately much mutilated, which mentioned the donations of Thutmosis IV. 
 and .Vmenothes III. in favour of Amon-Ra, see Makiettit, Karnal-. Texte, pp. 56. 57, and pie. 33-35. 
 
.314 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 addition of vineyards, and with his palm forests he combined fish-ponds full of 
 fish ; he added farms and villages to those he already possessed, and each 
 reign saw the list of his possessions increase.^ He had his own labourers, his 
 own tradespeople, his own fishermen, soldiers, and scribes, and, presiding over 
 all these, a learned hierarchy of divines, priests, and prophets, who administered 
 .everything. This immense domain,^ which was a kind of State within the 
 State, was ruled over by a single high priest, chosen by the sovereign from 
 among the prophets. He was the irresponsible head of it, and his spiritual 
 iimbition had increased step by step with the extension of his material 
 resources. As the human Pharaoh showed himself entitled to homage from 
 the lords of the earth, the priests came at length to the conclusion that Amon 
 had a right to the allegiance of the lords of heaven, and that he was the 
 Supreme Being, in respect of whom the others were of little or no account, 
 and as he was the only god who was everywhere victorious, he came at length 
 to be regarded by them as the only god in existence. It was impossible that 
 the kings could see this rapid development of sacerdotal power without 
 anxiety, and with all their devotion to the patron of their city, solicitude 
 for their own authority compelled them to seek elsewhere for another divinity, 
 whose influence might in some degree counterbalance that of Amon. The 
 only one who could vie with him at Thebes, either for the antiquity of his 
 worship or for the rank which he occupied in the public esteem, was the Sun- 
 lord of Heliopolis, head of the first Ennead. Thutmosis IV. owed his crown 
 to him, and displayed his gratitude in clearing away the sand from the Sphinx, 
 in which the spirit of Harmakhis was considered to dwell ; ^ and Amenothes 
 III., although claiming to be the son of Amon himself, inherited the dis- 
 position shown by Thutmosis in favour of the Heliopolitan religions, but 
 instead of attaching himself to the forms most venerated by theologians, he 
 bestowed his affection on a more popular deity — Atonu, the fiery disk.* He 
 
 ' We possess no catalogues of this period, but the Great Harris Papyrus has preserved the list of 
 Amon's possessions in the time of Bamses III. ; cf. Erman, JEgypten, p. 405, et seq. 
 
 ^ Devebia, Monument biographique de Bakenchonsou, pp. 13, 16, and M^moires et fragments, 
 vol. i. pp. 286, 289 ; A. Baillet, De I'iHection et de la dure'e des fonctions du Grand-prelre d' Amman 
 ii Thebes (extract from the Revue Arch^ologique, 1862, vol. viii.). 
 
 ' On the connexion of this king with the god, cf. pp. 292-294: of the present volume. 
 
 * The worship of the solar disk was first studied by Nestok L'hote, Lettres Sorites d'Egypte, pp. 
 54, 55 (cf. Lepsius, Ueber den ersten Mgyptischen Gotterkreis, in the Memoirs of the Berlin Academy, 
 1851, pp. 196-202), and by Peisse d'Avennes, Remarks on the Ancient Materials of the Fropylxa at 
 Karnak (in the Transactions of the Society of Literature, new series, vol. i. pp. 76-92); the documents 
 ■which explain the nature of it were first examined by Bkugsch, Histoire d'JSgypte, pp. 119, 120 (cf. 
 Geschichte Mgyptens, pp. 426-428), by Bouriant, A Thebes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. vi. pp. 
 53-55, and Deux Jours defouilles a Tell el-Amarna, in the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. 
 pp. 1-22, by Ed. Meyee, Geschichte des Alien Mgyptens, pp. 267-269, and finally by Breasted, De 
 Hymnis in Solem sub rege Amenophide IV. conceptis, 1895. Atonu, the name given to the disk, has 
 been compared with Adonai or Adonis, and the form of its worship explained by a Syrian influence ; 
 this theory still has some upholders (Bryant-Eead, An Inscription of Khuenaten, in the Proceedings 
 of the Sec. Bibl. Arch., 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 206, 207). Other scholars have thought that Khunia- 
 
THE MARRIAGE OF AMEN 0 THE S III. WITH TIL 
 
 315 
 
 may have been influenced in his choice by private reasons. Like his pre- 
 decessors, he had taken, while still very young, wives — - — ^ 
 from among his own family, but neither these jtr"' /''T"^"^ .iff^^^ 
 reasonable ties, nor his numerous diplomatic * <Afah ri 
 
 alliances with foreign princesses, were enough 
 for him. From the very beginning of his 
 reign he had loved a maiden who was not of 
 the blood of the Pharaohs, Tii, the daughter 
 of IiJiia and his wife Tuia.^ Connexions of 
 this kind had been frequently formed by 
 his ancestors, but the Egyptian women of 
 inferior rank whom they had brought into 
 their harems had always remained in the 
 background, and if the sons of these concu- 
 bines were ever fortunate enough to come to 
 the throne, it was in default of heirs of pure 
 blood. Amenothes III. married Tii, gave lier 
 her dowry the town of Zalu in Lower Egypt,'^ and 
 raised her to the position of queen, in spite of her 
 
 low extraction. She busied herself in the affairs of State, took precedence of 
 
 tonu'8 reform was an attempt to establisli a monotheistic religion in Egypt (Tiei.e, Geschichle der 
 Religion im Altertum, vol. i. pj). 81-02 ; Bkeasted, De Uymnis in Solem, pp. G-9). 
 
 ' For the last thirty years Queen Tii Las been th.; subject of many hypotheses and of much con- 
 fusion. The scarabasi engmvcd under Amenothes III. (JtosiiLLiNi, Mon. Stor., pi. xliv. 1, and vol. 
 iii. pt. 1, pp. 200-208 ; cf. Biuch, Scarahaei of Amemphis III., in the Record* of the Pcut, Ist series, 
 p. 39) say explicitly that the was the daughter of two personages, luia and Tiiia, but these names aie 
 not accompanied by any of the signs which are characteristic of foreign names, and were considered 
 Egyptian by contemporaries. Hincks was the first who seems to havo believed her to be a Syrian ; 
 he compares her father's name with that of Levi, and attributes the religious revolution which followed 
 to the influence of her foreign education. This theory has continued to predominate ; it is found in 
 Mauiette, Aperfu de VHUtoire d'£gyple, edit, of 1874, pp. 70, 71 ; in liitiGSCH, GeschichU Mjyyten*, 
 p. 418; and in Lai th, Am JEgyptem Vorz.it, p. 268. -Wiedeman.v, JEgyptuche Oetchichle, 393, 
 :i94, and Eu. Mkyeii, Geschichte des Alien Ji'gypleus, p. 260, prefer a Libyan origin to the Asiatic one, 
 and latterly there has been an attempt to recognise in Tii one of the princesses of Mitauni mentioned 
 in the correspondence of Tel el-Amarna (Budge, On Cuneiform Despatches, in the Proceedings Soc. 
 Bibl. Arch., 1887-88, vol. x. pp. 555, 550; Pethie, Tdl el-Amarna, j,. 40). As long ago as 1877, I 
 showed at the Ecole des Hautos Ktudes that Tii was an Egyjitian of middle rank, probably of Helio- 
 pohtan ori^iu, and pointed out shortly the reasons for this opinion given in Rayet, Les Monumeitts 
 de I'Art Antique, vol. i.. Notice 7, in the Rapport sur une Mission en Italie (Recueil de Travaux, vol. 
 lu. pp. 127, 128), and finally in the Revue Critique, 1893, vol. i. pp. 422, 423; they have been further 
 develoi)ed by Boubiant, Le Tombeau de Ramses a Ch^ikh Ahd-el-Kournah (in the Revue Arclufologique, 
 1882, vol. xliii. p. 279, et seq.). and A Thebes (in the Recueil, vol. vi. pp. 51-55), and partially 
 adopted by Ed. Meyer, Geschichte der Allen Mjyptens, p. 200, et seq. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a pliotograpb of the scarabaus preserved at Gizeh, and pub- 
 lished in Mauiette, Album du Musg-e de Boulaq, pi. ;S0, No. 541. 
 
 ' The scarabasus of the Vatican described by Kosellini, Mon. Stor., vol. iii pt. 1, pp 203-208, 
 and Jlfo«. Reali, pi. xliv. 2, speaks of a basin dug by the king in the town of ZklH, which belonged 
 to Til ; cf. Steun, Hieroglyphisch-Koptisches, in the Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 87, note 2. BincH, Scarabmi 
 ofAmenophis III, in the Records of the Past, Ist series, vol. xii. 41, and Wiedemann, ^gyptische 
 Geschichte, p. 382, read Zartlkha, as the name of the town. 
 
316 
 
 THE EIOHTEENTE TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 the princesses of the solar family, and appeared at her husband's side in 
 public ceremonies, and was so figured on the monuments. If, as there is 
 reason to believe, she was born near Heliopolis, it is easy to understand how 
 her influence may have led Amenothes to pay special honour to a Heliopolitan 
 divinity. He had built, at an early period of his reign, a sanctuary to Atonu 
 at Memphis,-^ and in the X''^ year he constructed for him a chapel at Thebes 
 itself,^ to the south of the last pylon of Thutmosis III., and endowed this deity 
 with property at the expense of Am on. 
 
 He had several sons ; ^ but the one who succeeded him, and who, like him, 
 was named Amenothes, was the most paradoxical of all the Egyptian sovereigns 
 of ancient times.* He made up for the inferiority of his birth, on account of 
 the plebeian origin of his mother Tii,^ by his marriage with Nofiititi, a princess 
 of the pure solar race." Tii, long accustomed to the management of affairs, 
 
 ' Maeiette, Monuments divers, pi. 56 b, and p. 18, wliere the collective representations, and above 
 all the presence of the name of Amon, show that the stele belongs to the reign of Amenothes III. 
 
 = This temple seems to have been raised on the site of the building marked S (E. de Kouge, 
 Etude sur les monuments du Massif de Karnah, in the Mdanges d'Arch^ologie, etc., vol. i. pp. 42-45 ; 
 Maeiette, Karnalc, pi. 1, A-D, and Texte, pp. 11, 12), which is usually attributed to Amenothes II. 
 and AmcLothes III. The blocks bearing the name of Amenothes II. had been used previously, like 
 most of those which bear the cartouches of Amenothes III. The temple of Atonu, which was 
 demolished by Harmhabi or one of the Eamses, was subsequently rebuilt with the remains of earlier 
 edifices, and dedicated to Amon. 
 
 ' One of them, Thutmosis, was high priest of Phtah (Mariette, Henseignements sur les soixante- 
 quatre Apis, in Bull. Arch, de I'Ath^n. Franfais, 1855, p. 53), and we possess several monuments erected 
 by him in the temple of Memphis (Daresst, Notes et Bemarques, in the Becueil, vol. xiv. pp. 174, 175) ; 
 another, Tutenkhamon, subsequently became king (cf. pp. 334, 335 of the present volume). He also 
 had several daughters by Tii — Sitamon (Birch, On a Bemarhahle Object of the Beign of Amenophis III., 
 p. 3; cf. KosELLiNi, Man. Stor., vol. i. p. 240), Isis, and Honitmarhabi (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 86 a, b). 
 
 * The absence of any cartouches of Amenothes IV. or his successors in the table of Abydos pre- 
 vented Champollion aud Rosellini from classifying these sovereigns with any precision. Nestor 
 L'hote tried to recognise in the first of them, whom he called Bahhen-Bahhnan, a king belonging to 
 the very ancient dynasties, perhaps the Hyksos Apakhnan (^Lettres e'crites d'Bgypte, pp. 55, 56, 66, 
 67, 69-72), but Lepsius (Briefe aus Mgypten, pp. 100, 101) and Hincks (Ore the defacement of Egyptian 
 Monuments, pp. 5-9) showed that he must be placed between Amenothes III. and Harmhabi, that he 
 was first called Amenothes like his father, but that he afterwards took the name of Bakhnaten, which 
 is now read Khunaten or Khfiniaton. His singular aspect made it difiScultto decide at first whether 
 a man or a woman was represented (Nestor L'hute, Z/e»re« gcrites d'Egypte, pp. 58,59; Bunsen, 
 Mgyptens Stelle in der WeltgescMchte, vol. iii. pp. 88, 89). Mariette, while pronouncing him to be a 
 man, thought that he had perhaps been taken prisoner in the Sudan and mutilated, which would 
 have expliiined his effeminate appearance, almost like that of an eunuch {Benseignements, etc., in the 
 Bulletin Arch., etc., 1855, p. 57). Recent attempts have been made to prove that Amenothes IV. and 
 Khilniaton were two distinct persons (Villiers-Stuart, .^/^«7e Gleanings, pp. 299-301, and Egypt after 
 the War, pp. 373-391), or that Khuniaton was a queen (LEFEBURE.S'ur Bifferents Mots et Noms Bgyptiens, 
 Proceedings, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 479-483); but they have hitherto been rejected by Egyptologists. 
 
 ^ The filiation of Ameiiothes IV. and Tii has given rise to more than one controversy. The 
 Egyptian texts do not define it explicitly, and the title borne by Tii (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 101, 102) 
 has been considered by some to prove that Amenothes IV. was her son (Brdgsch, Getchichte 
 Mgyptens, pp. 419, 420 ; Wiedemann, .^gyptische Geschichte. p. 401 ; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Allen 
 Mgyptens, p. 260), and by others that she was the mother of Queen Nofrititi (Wiedemann, Inscriptions 
 of the Time of Amenophis IV., Proceedings Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1894-95, vol. xviii. pp. 156, 157). [The 
 Tel el-Amarna correspondence solves the question, however, as it gives a letter from Dusliiatta to 
 Khuniaton (trans, by Prof. Sayce in the Becords of the Past, new ser.), in which Tii is called "thy 
 mother." — Ed.] 
 
 " Nofrititi, the wife of Amenothes IV., like all the princesses of that time, has been supposed to 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF AMENOTRES IV. 317 
 
 exerted her influence over him even more than she had done over her husband. 
 Without officially assuming the rank, she certainly for several years possessed 
 the power, of regent, and gave a definite Oriental impress to her son's religious 
 policy. No outward changes were made at first ; Amenothes, although showing 
 his preference for Heliopolis by inscribing in his protocol the title of prophet 
 of Harmakhis, which he may, however, have borne before his accession,^ main- 
 tained his residence at Thebes, as his father had done before him, continued to 
 sacrifice to the Theban divinities, and to follow the ancient paths and the con- 
 ventional practices.^ He either built a temple to the Theban god, or enlarged the 
 one which his father had constructed at Karnak, and even opened new quarries 
 at Syene and Silsileh for providing granite and sandstone for the adornment 
 of this monument.^ His devotion to the invincible Disk, however, soon began 
 to assert itself, and rendered more and more irksome to him the religious obser- 
 vances which he had constrained himself to follow. There was notliing and no 
 one to hinder him from giving free course to his inclinations, and the nobles 
 and priests were too well trained in obedience to venture to censure anything 
 he might do, even were it to result in putting the whole population into 
 motion, from Elephantine to the sea-coast, to prepare for the intruded deity 
 a dwelling wliich should eclipse in magnificence the splendour of the great 
 temple. A few of those around him had become converted of their own 
 accord to his favourite worship, but these formed a very small minority. 
 Thebes had belonged to Amon so long that the king could never hope to 
 bring it to regard Atonu as anything but a being of inferior rank. Each 
 city belonged to some god, to whom was attributed its origin, its development, 
 
 be of Syrian origin, and to have cbangeJ her name on lier arrivnl in Egypt (Lefkdi re, Sur DifffrenU 
 Mots et Noms ^gypiiens, in the Proceedings, 1890-91, vol. xiii. p. 478; Bhyant-Uead, An Inscription 
 of Khuenalen, ibid., 1892-93, vol. .\v. p. 20G). The place whicii she holds beside her husband is the 
 same us that which belongs to legitimate queens, like Nofritari, Abmosis, and llutshoptitil, nnd the 
 example of these princesses is enough to show us what was her real position ; she was most probably u 
 daughter of one of the princesses of the solar blood, perhaps of one of the sisters of Amenothes III., 
 and Amenothes IV. married lier so as to obtain through her the rights which wore wanting to him 
 through his mother Tii. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denim., iii. 110 t, 1.2. 
 
 ' The tomb of llamses, governor of Thebei and priest of Malt, shows us in one part of it the king, 
 still faithful to his name of Amenothes, paying homage to the god Amon, lord of Karnak (Villiers- 
 Stdart, Egypt after the War, pi. 27, and pp. 38t)-388 ; Boubiant, Le Tombeau de Itamses a Clieikh Abd 
 el-Gournah, in the Jtevue Archgologique, 1882, vol. sliii. p. 279, et seq.), while everywhere else the 
 worship of Atonu predominates. The cartouches on the tomb of P4ri, road by Bouriant Akhopirflri 
 {Notes de Voyage, in the Becueil, vol. xiv. pp. 70, 71), and by Scheil more coirectly Nofirkhopiriiri 
 (Le Tombeau de Pari, in the M€moires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. v. p. 588), seem to me to repre- 
 sent a transitional form of the protocol of Amenothes IV., and not the name of a new Pharaoh ; the 
 inscription in which they are to be found bears the date of his third year. 
 
 • Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 110 t. Cf. Bkugsch, Gesch. JEgyptens, pp. 424, 425, where the value of 
 this monument has been well shown; the king in it still calls himself Amenothes. The remains of 
 the temple, used later by Harmhabt, have been collected and commented on for the first time by 
 Prisse d'Avennes, Remarks on the Ancient Materials of tlie Propylxa of Karnak, in the Transactions 
 of the Society of Literature, uevi series, vol. i. pp. 70-92, and Monuments Egyptiens, pis. x., xi., and 
 subsequently by Bocriant, A Thebes, in the Hecueil, vol. vi. pp. 53-55. 
 
318 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 and its prosperity, and whom it could not forsake without renouncing its very 
 existence. If Thebes became separated from Amon it would be Thebes no 
 longer, and of this Amenothes was so well aware that he never attempted to 
 induce it to renounce its patron. His residence among surroundings which 
 he detested at length became so intolerable, that he resolved to leave the 
 place and create a new capital elsewhere. The choice of a new abode would 
 have presented no difficulty to him had he been able to make up his mind to 
 relegate Atomi to the second rank of divinities; Memphis, Heracleopolis, 
 Siut, Khmunu, and, in fact, all the towns of the valley would have deemed 
 themselves fortunate in securing the inheritance of their rival, but not one 
 of them would be false to its convictions or accept the degradation of its own 
 divine founder, whether Phtah, Harshafitu, Anubis, or Thot. A newly pro- 
 moted god demanded a new city ; Amenothes, therefore, made selection of a 
 broad plain extending on the right bank of the Nile, in the eastern part of 
 the Hermopolitan nome, to which he removed with all his court about the 
 fourth or fifth year of his reign. ^ He found here several obscure villages 
 without any historical or religious traditions, and but thinly populated; 
 Amenothes chose one of them, the Et-Tel of the present day, and built 
 there a palace for himself and a temple for his god.^ The temple, like that 
 of Ea at Heliopolis, was named Hait-Banhonu, the Mansion of the Obelisk.^ 
 It covered an immense area, of which the sanctuary, however, occupied an 
 inconsiderable part ; it was flanked by brick storehouses, and the whole was 
 surrounded by a thick wall. The remains show that the temple was built 
 of white limestone, of fine quality, but that it was almost devoid of ornament, 
 for there was no time to cover it with the usual decorations.* The palace was 
 
 > The last date with the name of Amenothes is that of the j-ear V., on a papyrus from the Fayum 
 (Petr)e, Itlahun, Kahun and Gurob, p. 50) ; elsewhere we find from the year VI. the name of KhAniaton 
 (Prisse d'Avennes, Monumenis Egyptien, pis. xii.-xiv. ; Lepsius, Denkm., in. 110 by the side of 
 monuments with the cartouche of Amenothes (Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pi. xiii.) ; we may conclude 
 from this that the foundation of the town dates from the year IV. or V. at the latest, when the prince, 
 having renounced the worship of Amon, left Thebes that he might he able to celebrate freely that of 
 Atona. 
 
 " For the desciiption of the plain and of the ruins of Tel el-Amarna, see Jomaed, Description cles 
 Antiquity's de I'Heptanomide, in the Description de VEgypte, vol. iv. pp. 308-312, and Nestok L'hote, 
 Lettres gerites de I'Egypte, pp. 53-78 ; and for its present condition, Villiers- Stuart, Egypt after the 
 War, pp. 434-444, and above all, Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pp. 1-6. The plan of it is briefly described 
 in the Description de I'Egypte, Ant., vol. iv. pi. 63, folio 6; in Lepsius, Denkm., i. 63, 64, who 
 seems to have developed the indications in the Description; and by Prisse d'Avennes, Histoire 
 de I' Art Egyptien, who confines himself to reproducing the data given in the Description and by 
 Lepsius. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 97 6, where the king speaks of the chambers he has caused to be built and 
 decorated in Hait-BanbonH of Pa-Atonfl. 
 
 ♦ The ruins of the temple have been explored by Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pp. 18-20, and the plan 
 of it is given on plate xxxvii. of that work. The opinion of Brugsch {Gesch. ^gyptens, p. 421), that 
 the arrangement of the various parts differed from that of other temples, and was the effect of foreign 
 influence, has not been borne out by the excavations of Prof. Petrie, the little which he has brought 
 to light being entirely of Egyptian character. The temple is represented on the tomb of the high 
 priest Mariri (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 94-96 ; cf. Ebsian, Mgypten, pp. 387-390). 
 
TEE FOUNDATION OF KHUITATONU. 
 
 built of brick ; it was approached by a colossal gateway, and contained vast 
 halls, interspersed Avith small apartments for the accommodation of the house- 
 hold, and storehouses for the necessary provisions, besides gardens which had 
 been hastily planted with rare shrubs and sycamores. Fragments of furniture 
 and of the roughest of the utensils contained in the different chambers are still 
 unearthed from among the heaps of rubbish, and the cellars especially are full 
 of potsherds and cracked jars, on which we can still see written an indica- 
 tion of the reign and the year when the wine they once contained was made. 
 
 L ThuiUter, dell- 
 
 Altars of massive masonry rose in the midst of the courts, on which the king 
 or one of his ministers heaped offerings and burnt incense morning, noon, and 
 evening, in honour of the three decisive moments in the life of Atouu.' A 
 few painted and gilded columns supported the roofs of the principal apart- 
 ments in which the Pharaoh held his audiences, but elsewhere the walls and 
 pillars were coated with cream-coloured stucco or whitewash, on which scenes 
 of private life were depicted in colours. The pavement, like the walls, was also 
 decorated.'-^ In one of the halls which seems to have belonged to the harem, 
 
 ' Naville discovered at Dtir el-Bahari a similar altar, nearly intact {The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, 
 pp. 10-12). No other example was before known in any of the ruined towns or temples, and no one 
 had any idea of the dimensions to which these altars attained. 
 
 * Petrik, Tell el-AmarnOy pp. 7-16 ; also the remains reproduced in pis. v.-xii. The plan of the 
 palace is to be found in pi. xxsvi. of the same work. 
 
320 
 
 THE EIOETEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 there is still to be seen distinctly the picture of a rectangular piece of water 
 containing fish and lotus-flowers in full bloom ; the edge is adorned with 
 water-plants and flowering shrubs, among which birds fly and calves graze 
 and gambol ; on the right and left were depicted rows of stands laden with 
 fruit, while at each end of the room were seen the grinning faces of a gang 
 of negro and Syrian prisoners, separated from each other by gigantic arches. 
 The tone of colouring is bright and cheerful, and the animals are treated 
 with great freedom and facility.^ The Pharaoh had collected about him 
 several of the best artists then to be found at Thebes, placing them under 
 the direction of Bauki, the chief of the corporation of sculptors,'^ and probably 
 others subsequently joined these from provincial studios. Work for them was 
 not lacking, for houses had to be built for all the courtiers and government 
 officials who had been obliged to follow the king, and in a few years a large 
 town had sprung up, which was called Khuitatonu, or the " Horizon of the 
 Disk." It was built on a regular plan, with straight streets and open spaces, 
 and divided into two separate quarters, interspersed with orchards and shady 
 trellises.^ Workmen soon began to flock to the new city — metal-founders, 
 glass-founders, w eavers ; in fine, all who followed any trade indispensable to 
 the luxury of a capital. The king appropriated a territory for it from the 
 ancient nome of the Hare, thus compelling the god Thot to contribute to 
 the fortune of Atonu ; he fixed its limits by means of stelae placed in the 
 mountains, from Gebel-Tunah to Deshluit on the west, and from Sheikh-Said 
 to El-Hauata on the eastern bank ; * it was a new nome improvised for the 
 divine parvenu. 
 
 Atonu was one of the forms of the Sun, and perhaps the most material 
 one of all those devised by the Egyptians. He was defined as " the good 
 god who rejoices in truth, the lord of the solar course, the lord of the disk, 
 the lord of heaven, the lord of earth, the living disk which lights up the 
 two worlds, the living Harmakhis who rises on the horizon bearing his name 
 
 ' The vignette ou p. 321 gives only an idea of it. To judge of the delicacy of detail and the rich- 
 ness of the effect, see the coloured plates in which Petrie has reproduced the principal scenes (Tell 
 el-Amarna, pis. iii., iv.). 
 
 Bauki belonged to a family of artists, and his father Mani had filled before him the post of 
 chief ©f the sculptors (Mariette, Monuments divers, pi. 26 u). The part played by these personages 
 was first defined by Biugsch, with perhaps some exaggeration of their artistic merit and originality 
 of talent (Gesohichte Mgyptens, pp. 421-423). 
 
 ^ Nestor L'hote, Lettres Veritas d'Egypte, pp. 76, 77, who considers them two separate 
 towns. 
 
 * We know at pi esent of fourteen of these stelse, and the position of the principal of them will be 
 seen in the map of the nome. The earliest discovered were published by Pkisse d'Avennes, Monu- 
 ments iJgyptiens, pis. xii.-xiv., partly from the copies made by Nestor L'hote ; and others have been 
 gradually added to them tiirough the labours of Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 91, 110 a, 6, of Daeessy, Tom- 
 beaux et Steles- Limites de Ragi-Qandil, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xv. pp. 36-62, and of Petrie, 
 Tell el-Amarna, pp. 5, 6. A certain number must still remain to be discovered on both banks of 
 the Nile. 
 
Y 
 
322 
 
 TEE EIGETEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 of Shu, which is disk, the eternal infuser of life." ^ His priests exercised the 
 same functions as those of Heliopolis, and his high priest was called "Oirimau," 
 like the high priest of Ea in Aunu. This functionary was a certain Mariri, 
 upon whom the king showered his favours, and he was for some time the chief 
 authority in the State after the Pharaoh himself.^ Atonu was represented 
 sometimes by the ordinary figure of Horus,^ sometimes by the solar disk, but a 
 disk whose rays were prolonged towards the earth, like so many arms ready to 
 lay hold with their little hands of the offerings of the faithful, or to distribute 
 to mortals the crux ansata, the symbol of life. The other gods, except Amon, 
 were sharers with humanity in his benefits. Atonu proscribed him, and tolerated 
 him only at Thebes ; he required, moreover, that the name of Amon should be 
 effaced wherever it occurred, but he respected Ea and Horus and Harmakhis — 
 all, in fact, but Amon : he was content with being regarded as their king, and 
 he strove rather to become their chief than their destroyer.* His nature, 
 moreover, had nothing in it of the mysterious or ambiguous ; he was the 
 glorious torch which gave light to humanity, and which was seen every day 
 to flame in the heavens without ever losing its brilliance or becoming weaker. 
 When he hides himself "the world rests in darkness, like those dead who lie 
 in their rock-tombs, with their heads swathed, their nostrils stuffed up, their 
 eyes sightless, and whose whole property might be stolen from them, even 
 that which they have under their head, without their knowing it ; the lion 
 issues from his lair, the serpent roams ready to bite, it is as obscure as in a. 
 dark room, the earth is silent whilst he who creates everything dwells in his 
 horizon." He has hardly arisen when " Egypt becomes festal, one awakens,, 
 one rises on one's feet; when thou hast caused men to clothe themselves, they 
 adore thee with outstretched hands, and the whole earth attends to its work, 
 the animals betake themselves to their herbage, trees and green crops abound,, 
 birds fly to their marshy thickets with wings outstretched in adoration of thy 
 double, the cattle skip, all the birds which were in their nests shake them- 
 selves when thou risest for them ; the boats come and go, for every way is- 
 open at thy appearance, the fish of the river leap before thee as soon as 
 thy rays descend upon the ocean." It is not without reason that all living 
 things thus rejoice at his advent; all of them owe their existence to him, for 
 " he creates the female germ, he gives virility to men, and furnishes life to 
 
 ' This is the title of Atonu, considered as god-king in Lepsius, DenJcm., iii. 105 b, 107 d, I. 1. 
 
 ^ Some of the bas-reliefs from his tomb are reproduced in Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 97 h-e. 
 
 ^ BouEiANT, A Thebes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 53. It was probably this form of 
 Horus which had, in the temple at Thebes, the statue called " tlie red image of Atonu in Paatonu" 
 (BouEiANT, Le Tombeau de Ramses a Ch^ikh-abd-el-Gournah, p. 7). 
 
 * Prisse d'Avennes {Bemarlcs on Propylxa at Karnalt, in the Transactions of the Society of Litera- 
 ture, 2nd series, vol. i. pp. 76-92) has found at Karnak, on fragments of the temple, the names of other 
 divinities than Atonu worshipped by Khiiniatonu. 
 
ATONU AND HIS WORSHIP. 
 
 323 
 
 the infant in its mother's womb ; he calms and stills its weeping, he nourishes 
 it in the maternal womb, giving forth the breathings which animate all that 
 he creates, and when the infant escapes from the womb on the day of its 
 birth, thou openest his mouth for speech, and thou satisfiest his necessities. 
 When the chick is in the egg, a cackle in a stone, thou givest to it air while 
 within to keep it alive; when thou hast caused it to be developed in the 
 egg to the point of being able to break it, it goes forth proclaiming its 
 existence by its cackling, and walks on its feet from the moment of its leaving 
 the egg." Atonu presides over the universe and arranges within it the lot of 
 human beings, both Egyptians and foreigners. The celestial Nile springs up 
 in Hades far away in the north ; he makes its current run down to earth, and 
 spreads its waters over the fields during the inundation in order to nourish his 
 creatures. He rules the seasons, winter and summer ; he constructed the far- 
 off sky in order to display himself therein, and to look down upon his works 
 below. From the moment that he reveals himself there, " cities, towns, tribes, 
 routes, rivers — all eyes are lifted to him, for he is the disk of the day upon 
 the earth." ^ The sanctuary in which he is invoked contains only his divine 
 shadow ; ^ for he himself never leaves the firmament. His worship assumes 
 none of the severe and gloomy forms of the Theban cults: songs rewound 
 therein, and hymns accompanied by the harp or flute ;^ bread, cakes, vegetables, 
 fruits, and flowers are associated with his rites, and only on very rare occasions 
 one of those bloody sacrifices in which the other gods delight. The king 
 made himself supreme pontiff of Atonu, and took precedence of the high 
 priest. He himself celebrated the rites at the altar of the god, and we see him 
 there standing erect, his hands outstretched, offering incense and invoking 
 blessings from on high."* Like the Caliph Hakim of a later age, he formed a 
 school to propagate his new doctrines, and preached them before his courtiers : 
 if they wished to please him, they had to accept his teaching, and show 
 that they had profited by it.*^ The renunciation of the traditional religious 
 
 ' These extracts are taken from the hymns of Tel el-Amarnn. They have been translated by 
 BouKiANT, Beux jours de fouilles a Tell el-Amarna, in the M^moirea de la Minion Francaise, vol. i. 
 pp. 2-7, and afterwards by Breasted, De Hymnis in Solem tub Rege Amenophide IV. conceptis, 1895. 
 
 ' In one of the tombs at Tel cl-Amarna the king is depicted leading his mother Tii to the temple of 
 Atonil in order to sue " the Sliadow of Ra" (Lepsics, Venhm., iii. 101, 102), and it was thought with 
 some reason that " tiic Shadow of Ra " was one of the names of the temple (Bryant-Read, An Inrcrip- 
 tion of Kliuenaten, in tlie Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 208, 213, 215). I think 
 that this designation applied also to the statue or symbol of the god ; the gliadow of a god was attached 
 to tlie statue in the same manner as the " double," and transformetl it into an animated body. 
 
 ' Choirs of singers and musicians are represented in Lepsr s, Denkm., iii. 94, 90 a, lOG a ; some 
 of them seem to be blind. 
 
 * Nestou L'iiote, Lettres (criles d'Hgijpte, pp. 02,63. The altar on which the king stands upright 
 is one of tlioao cubi s of masonry of wiiich Naville discoveretl such a fine example in the temple of 
 Hatshof sitil at Deir el-Bahaii {The Temple of Deir el-liahari, pp. 10-12). 
 
 * Lei'sius, Denkm., iii. 107 a, 1. 10, where Tutft, the royal messenger who carried the letters of Tel 
 (•l-.\marna, says tliat every morning he took lessons from the king, " becinise of the great love which 
 .lie bore to the royal teaching." Ai aflirms, moreover (ibid., 107 d, 1. 4), that his name penetrated 
 
324 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 observances of the solar house involved also the rejection of such personal 
 names as implied an ardent devotion to the banished god ; in place of 
 Amenothes, "he to whom Amon is united," the king assumed after a time 
 the name of Khuniatonu, " the Glory of the Disk," and all the members 
 of his family, as well as his adherents at court, whose appellations involved 
 the name of the same god, soon followed his example. The proscription of 
 Amon extended to inscriptions, so that while his name or figure, wherever 
 either could be got at, was chiselled out, the vulture, the emblem of Mut, 
 which expressed the idea of mother, was also avoided.^ The king would 
 have nothing about him to suggest to eye or ear the remembrance of 
 the gods or doctrines of Thebes. It would consequently have been fatal 
 to them and their pretensions to the primacy of Egypt if the reign of 
 the young king had continued as long as might naturally have been ex- 
 pected. After having been for nearly two centuries almost the national 
 head of Africa, Amon was degraded by a single blow to the secondary rank 
 and languishing existence in which he had lived before the expulsion of the 
 Hyksos. He had surrendered his sceptre as king of heaven and earth, not 
 to any of his rivals who in old times had enjoyed the highest rank, but 
 to an individual of a lower order, a sort of demigod, while he himself had 
 thus become merely a local deity, confined to the corner of the Said in 
 which he had had his origin. There was not even left to him the peaceful 
 possession of this restricted domain, for he was obliged to act as host to 
 the enemy who had deposed him : the temple of Atonu was erected at the 
 door of his own sanctuary, and without leaving their courts the priests of 
 Amon could hear at the hours of worship the chants intoned by hundreds of 
 heretics in the temple of the Disk. Amon's priests saw, moreover, the royal 
 gifts flowing into other treasuries, and the gold of Syria and Ethiopia no longer 
 came into their hands. Should they stifle their complaints, and bow to this 
 insulting oppression, or should they raise a protest against the action which had 
 condemned them to obscurity and a restricted existence ? If they had given 
 indications of resistance, they would have been obliged to submit to prompt 
 repression, but we see no sign of this. The bulk of the people — clerical as well 
 as lay — accepted the deposition with complacency, and the nobles hastened to 
 
 into the palace owing to the zeal with which he applied himself " to hear the doctrine " of the king. 
 Khfiniatonu, speaking elsewhere to the high priest Mariii, calls him " my servant — sotmu asM— who 
 hears the doctrine " (Id., ibid., 97). Other expressions of a similar kind are found in many of the 
 inscriptions in the tombs at Tel el-Amarna, leaving no doubt in the mind as to the proselytising spirit 
 which animated the prince. The Galiph Hakim seems to me, of all known individuals, to resemble 
 Khuniatonft the most, both in his character and in the role he played ; his reign seems to have repro- 
 duced in Mahometan Egypt that of Khuiiiatonft in the Egypt of the Pharaohs. 
 
 ' Lepsids, Ueber den 1""" JEgyptischen Gotterkreis, in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences in 
 Berlin, 1851, pp. 198, 199. We find, however, some instances where the draughtsman, either from 
 custom or design, had used the vulture to express the word maut, " the mother," without troubling 
 himself to think whether it answered to the name of the goddess. 
 
TEE DEPOSITION OF AMON AT THEBES. 
 
 325 
 
 offer their adherence to that which afterwards became the official confession of 
 faith of the Lord King.^ The lord of Tliebes itself, a certain Eamses, bowed his 
 head to the new cult, and 
 the bas-reliefs of his tomb 
 display to our eyes tli(; 
 proofs of his apostasy : 
 on the right-hand sidr 
 Araon is the only object 
 of his devotion, while on 
 the left he declares him- 
 self an adherent of Atonii. 
 Eeligious formularies, 
 divine appellations, tlic 
 representations of tln' 
 costume, expression, and 
 demeanour of the figures 
 are at issue with each 
 other in the scenes on 
 the two sides of the door, 
 and if we were to trust 
 to appearances only, one 
 would think that the two 
 pictures belonged to two 
 separate reigns, and were 
 concerned with two indi- 
 viduals strangers to each 
 other.^ 
 
 The rupture between the past and the present was so complete, In fact, tliat 
 the sovereign was obliged to change, if not his face and expression, at least the 
 
 ' The political character of this reaction against the growing power of tlio high priests and the 
 town of Amon was pointed out for the first time by Maspero in 1878, in his course of lectures at the 
 School for Advanced Studios, and dealt with briefly by O. Rayet, Let Monument* de I'Art antique, vol. i.. 
 Amenophis IV., slaluelle en steatite jaune, mmfe da Louvre, pp. 3, 4 ; cf. Bouuiant, A Tliebet, in tho 
 Recueil de Travaux, vol. vi. p. 53. This idea was developed by Ed. Meyku, Geschichte de» AHi r- 
 thums, vol. i. pp. 269-274, and Geschichte Mgijplent, p. 260, et seq. ; cf. Wiedemann, Geschichte vou 
 Alien Mgypten, pp. 97-104, and Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im AUertum, vol. i. p. 89. Ed. Jleyer 
 and Tifclo blend with the political idea a monotheistic conception which does not seem to me to be 
 fully justified, at least at present, by anything in the materials we possess. 
 
 ' His tomb was discovered in 1878 by Villieiss-Stuart, Nile Gleanings, pp. 297-302, and Egypt 
 after the War, pp. 369-392 ; cf. Bovriant, Le Tomheau de Ramsh a Ch^ikh-Abd-d-Gournah, in tlie 
 Revue Arch€ologique, 1882, vol. ii., and A Thebes, in the Recueil, vol. vi. pp. 55, 56. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pi. i. 10, and frontis- 
 piece ; cf. the drawing in Lepsius, Denkm., iii. Ill, in which the likeness to that given above is 
 striking. Petrie thinks that the monument discovered by him, which is of fine plaster, is a cast of 
 the dead king, executed possibly to enable the sculptors to make Ufhabtiu, " Respondents," for him 
 (Tell el-Amarna, pp. 17, 18, 40). 
 
326 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 mode in which they were represented. The name and personality of an Egyptian 
 were so closely allied that interference with one implied interference with the 
 other.^ Khuniatonu could not continue to be such as he was when Amen6thes> 
 and, in fact, their respective portraits differ from each other to that degree that 
 
 there is some doubt at moments as to 
 their identity. Amenothes is hardly 
 to be distinguished from his father : 
 he has the same regular and somewhat 
 heavy features, the same idealised 
 body and conventional shape as those 
 which we find in the orthodox 
 Pharaohs. Khuniatonu affects a long 
 and narrow head, conical at the top, 
 with a retreating forehead, a large 
 aquiline and pointed nose, a small 
 mouth, an enormous chin projecting 
 in front, the whole being supported by 
 a long, thin neck. His shoulders are 
 narrow, with little display of muscle, 
 but his breasts are so full, his abdomen 
 so prominent, and his hips so large, 
 that one would think they belonged 
 to a woman. Etiquette required the 
 attendants upon the king, and those 
 who aspired to his favour, to be por- 
 trayed in the bas-reliefs of temples 
 or tombs in all points, both as regards 
 face and demeanour, like the king 
 himself. Hence it is that the majority of his contemporaries, after having 
 borne the likeness of Amenothes, came to adopt, without a break, that of 
 Khuniatonu. The scenes at Tel el-Amarna contain, therefore, nothing but 
 angular profiles, pointed skulls, ample breasts, flowing figures, and swelling 
 stomachs. The outline of these is one that lends itself readily to caricature, 
 and the artists have exaggerated the various details with the intention, it may 
 be, of rendering the representations grotesque. There was nothing ridiculous, 
 however, in the king, their model, and several of his statues attribute to him 
 a languid, almost valetudinarian grace, which is by no means lacking in 
 dignity. He was a good and affectionate man, and was passionately fond of 
 
 ' Cf. Bawn of Civilization, pp. 259. 260, for further information on this subject. 
 2 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Faucher-Gudin ; cf. Maspero, in O. Kayet, Les 
 Monuments de I'Art antique, vol. i. The lower part of the legs has been restored by a modern sculptor. 
 
 FROM THE STATOETTE IN 1 
 
EEUNIA TONU'S ADMINIS TRA TION. 
 
 327 
 
 kiiCniatonO with bis wife upon his 
 
 his wife, Nofrititi, associating her with himself in his sovereign acts. If he 
 set out to visit the temple, she followed him in a chariot ; ' if he was about to 
 reward one of his faithful subjects, she stood beside him and helped to dis- 
 tribute the golden necklaces.^ She joined him in his prayers to the Solar 
 Disk ;^ she ministered to him in domestic life, when, having broken away from 
 the worries of his public duties,* he sought relaxation in his harem ; and their 
 union was so tender, that we find her on one occasion, at least, seated in a 
 coaxing attitude on her husband's knees — a unique 
 instance of such affection among all the represen- 
 tations on the monuments of Egypt. They had 
 six daughters, whom they brought up to 
 live with them on terms of the closest 
 intimacy : they accompanied th 
 father and mother everywhere, 
 and are exhibited as playing 
 around the throne while their 
 parents are engaged in per- 
 forming the duties of their 
 office.^ The gentleness and 
 gaiety of the king were 
 reflected in the life of his subjects : all the scenes which they have left us 
 consist entirely of processions, cavalcades, banquets, and entertainments. 
 Klmniatonu was prodigal in the gifts of gold and the eulogies which he bestowed 
 on Mariri, the chief priest : the people dance around him while he is receiving 
 from the king the just recompense of his activity.' When Hiiia, who came 
 back from Syria in the XIP" year of the king's reign, brought solemnly before 
 him the tribute he had collected, the king, borne in his jolting palanquin on 
 the shoulders of his officers, proceeded to the temple to return thanks to his 
 god, to the accompaniment of chants and the waving of the great faus.*^ When 
 the divine father Ai had married the governess of one of the king's daughters, 
 the whole city gave itself up to enjoyment, and wine flowed freely during the 
 wedding feast." Notwithstanding the frequent festivals, the king found time 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 92, 93. 
 2 Id., ibid., iii. 97 e, 103, 109. 
 
 ' Nestok L'hote, Leltres Sorites d'L'gyple, p. 59 ; PitissE d'Avexnes, lUst. Je I'Art Lgyptkii ; 
 Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 91 a, lOG b, 110 a, b. 
 
 * Nestob L'lioiE, Letlres ^crites d'Hgypte, pp. CO, 07 ; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 98 b. 
 
 * Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 93, where the princesses are seen following the king to the temple of 
 Atonft ill a chariot ; ibid., 103, 109, where they are present at the distribution of the golden necklaces. 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from a drawing by Petkie, Tell el-Amarna, pi. i. 10, and pis. 40, 41. 
 A picture iu Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 99 b, shows them seated on the same scat and embracing each other. 
 
 ' Nestok L'hote, Leltres icrites d'L'gyple, pp. 01-00; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 91-"J1, 97. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 100 b. We ought possibly to read the name Hditi ; the cuneiform tran- 
 scriptions, however, place after the » a final a, which inclines mo to prefer Huiu. 
 
 » Lepsius, Denhm., 103, 100 a. 
 
328 
 
 THE EiaETEENTH TEEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 KHUNIATON© AND HIS WIPE KEWAEDING ONE OF THE GREAT OFFICERS OP THE COURT.* 
 
 to watch jealously over the ordinary progress of government and foreign 
 affairs. The architects, too, were not allowed to stand idle, and without 
 taking into account the repairs of existing buildings, had plenty to do 
 in constructing edifices in honour of Atonu in the principal towns of the 
 Nile valley, at Memphis,^ Heliopolis,^ Hermopolis,'^ Hermonthis,^ and in the 
 Fayum.^ The provinces in Ethiopia remained practically in the same 
 condition as in the time of Amenothes III. ; Kush was pacified, notwith- 
 standing the raids which the tribes of the desert were accustomed to make 
 from time to time, only to receive on each occasion rigorous chastisement 
 from the king's viceroy. The sudden degradation of Amon had not brought 
 about any coldness between the Pharaoh and his princely allies in Asia. The 
 aged Amenothes had, towards the end of his reign, asked the hand of Dushratta's 
 daughter in marriage, and the Mitannian king, highly flattered by the request,, 
 saw his opportunity and took advantage of it in the interest of his treasury. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger, taken in 1882. 
 
 2 C. Nicholson, On some Bemains of the Dislc-Worahippers at Memphis, in the Mgyptiaea, pp. 115- 
 1 34 ; Mariette, Monuments Divers, pi. 27 e. 
 
 ' Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, § xvii. c, in Zeitschri/t, 1881, p. 116. The greater 
 part of the fragments from Heliopolis are walled up in the mosque of the Caliph Hakim at Cairo. 
 
 * A granite altar from Ashmunen is described by Prisse d'Avennes, Lettre a M. ChampolUon- 
 Figeac, in the Bevue Arch^ologique, 1847, p. 730; I saw, in 1882, in the village of Ashmuneu itself, 
 some insignificant remains which seemed to bear the cartouche of Khuniatonu. 
 
 ^ Wiedemann, Mgyptische Gesohiehte, p. 400. 
 Petrie, lllahun, Kahun and Guroh, pp. 16, 20, and pi. xxiv. 10. 
 
 ' The name and the figure of Khuniatonu are met with on the gate of the temple of Soleh 
 (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 110 Ic), and he received in his XII"" year the tributes of Kush, as well as. 
 those of Syria (Id., ibid., pi. 100 I, 11. 1, 2). 
 
KEUNIATON&S RELATIONS WITH SYRIA. 
 
 329 
 
 He discussed the amount of the dowry, demanded a considerable sum of gold, 
 and when the affair had been finally arranged to his satisfaction, he despatched 
 the princess to the banks of the Nile. On her arrival she found her aflSanced 
 husband was dead, or, at all events, dying. Amenothes IV., however, stepped 
 into his father's place, and inherited his bride with his crown.^ The new king's 
 relations with other foreign 
 princes were no lessfriendly ; 
 the chief of the Khati 
 (Hittites) complimented 
 him on his accession,^ the 
 King of Alasia wrote to him 
 to express his earnest desire 
 for a continuance of peace 
 between the two states.^ 
 Burnaburiash of Babylon 
 had, it is true, hoped to 
 obtain an Egyptian prin- 
 cess in marriage for his son, 
 and being disappointed, 
 had endeavoured to pick a 
 quarrel over the value of 
 the presents which had 
 been sent him, together 
 with the notice of the ac- 
 cession of the new sovereign. 
 But his kingdom lay too faraway to make his ill-will of much consequence, and 
 his complaints passed unheeded." In Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia the situation 
 remained unchanged. The vassal cities were in a perpetual state of disturbance, 
 though not more so than in the past. Azirii, son of Abdashirti, chief of the 
 country of the Amorites, had always, even during the lifetime of Amenothes III., 
 been the most turbulent of vassals.*^ The smaller states of the Orontes and of the 
 coast about Arvad had been laid waste by his repeated incursions and troubled 
 by his intrigues. He had taken and pillaged twenty towns, among which 
 
 ' Marriage of Amenothes IV. with Tadukhtpa, daughter of Dushratta (Bezold-Bidge, Tell el- 
 Amarna Tahleln in the British Museum, No. 11, p. 26, 11. 4, 5). 
 
 " Winckler-Abel, Der Thontufelfund von El-Amama, No. 18, pi. 15 ; cf. Delattre. Lettres Je TtU 
 el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 548-550. 
 
 ' Bezold-Bddgk, Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, No. 0, pp. 14, 15, and xxxvi. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Inainger. The tomb is that of Tutii. 
 
 « Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, etc., Nos. 2-4, pis. 0-11, and pp. xxx.-xxxiii. 
 
 " For further account of this stirring personage, cf. the memoir of Pi:RE Delattke, Aziru, in the 
 Proceedings of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 215-234, and Lettres de Tell el-AmarnOy 
 in the Proceedings, 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. lG-20, 21, 22, 345-373, 501, 502, 508-510, 516-520. 
 
330 THE EIGHTEENTH TEE BAN DYNASTY. 
 
 were Simyra, Sini, Irqata, and Qodshu, and he was already threatening Byblos, 
 Berytus, and Sidon. It was useless to complain of him, for he always 
 managed to exculpate himself to the royal messengers. Khai, Dudu, Ame- 
 nemaupit had iu turn all pronounced him innocent. Pharaoh himself, after 
 citing him to appear in Egypt to give an explanation of his conduct, had 
 allowed himself to be won over by his fair speaking, and had dismissed him 
 uncondemned. Other princes, who lacked his cleverness and power, tried 
 to imitate him, and from north to south the whole of Syria could only be 
 compared to some great arena, in which fighting was continually carried on 
 between one tribe or town and another — Tyre against Sidon, Sidon against 
 Byblos, Jerusalem against Lachisli. All of them appealed to Khuniatonu, and 
 endeavoured to enlist him on their side. Their despatches arrived by scores, 
 and the perusal of them at the present day would lead us to imagine that 
 Egypt had all but lost her supremacy. The Egyptian ministers, however, were 
 entirely unmoved by them, and continued to refuse material support to any 
 of the numerous rivals, except in a few rare cases, where a too prolonged 
 indifference would have provoked an open revolt in some part of the country. 
 
 Khuniatonu died young, about the XVIII"^ year of his reign.^ He was 
 buried in the depths of a ravine in the mountain-side to the east of the town, 
 and his tomb remained unknown till within the last few years. Although one 
 of his daughters who died before her father had been interred there, the place 
 seems to have been entirely unprepared for the reception of the king's body. 
 The funeral chamber and the passages are scarcely even rough-hewn, and the 
 reception halls show a mere commencement of decoration.^ The other tombs 
 of the locality are divided into two groups, separated by the ravine reserved for 
 the burying-place of the royal house. The noble families possessed each their 
 own tomb on the slopes of the hillside ; the common people were laid to rest in 
 pits lower down, almost on the level of the plain. The cutting and decoration of 
 all these tombs had been entrusted to a company of contractors, who had exe- 
 cuted them according to two or three stereotyped plans, without any variation, 
 except in size.^ Nearly all the walls are bare, or present but few inscriptions ; 
 those tombs only are completed whose occupants died before the Pharaoh. 
 The fajades of the tombs are cut in the rock, and contain, for the most part, 
 
 ' The length of KhuniatoDu's reiga was fixed by QrifBth with almost absolute certainty by means 
 of the dates written in ink on the jars of wine and preserves found in the ruins of the palace (Petrie, 
 Tell el-Amarna, pp. 32-34, and pis. xxii.-xxv. 
 
 ^ The tomb has been found, as I anticipated, in the ravine which separates the northern from the 
 southern group of burying-places. The Arabs opened it in 1891, and Grebaut has since completely 
 excavated it (Daressy, Tombeaux et Steles-limites de Hagi-Qandil, in the Becueilde Travaux, vol. zv. 
 p. U2). The scenes depicted in it are connected with the death and funeral of the Princess Maqita- 
 tonfi (BouRiANT, Notes de voyage, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xviii. pp. 121-127. 
 
 ' Nestor L'hote, Lettres ^crites d'J^gijpte, p. 53, et seq. ; Bodbiant, Deux Jours de fouilles a Tell 
 el-Amarna, in the Memoires de la Mission fratifaise du Caire, vol. i. pp. 8, 9, 15, 16, 21, 22. 
 
THE TOMBS OF TEL EL-AMARNA. 331 
 
 INTEIUOK OF A TOMl! AT TEL EL-AMAllNA.' 
 
 but one door, the jarabs of which are covered on both sides by several lines of 
 hieroglyphs; and it is just possible to distinguish traces of the adoration of the 
 radiant Disk on the lintels, together with the cartouches containing the names 
 of the king and god. The chapel is a large rectanguUir chamber, from one end 
 of wliich opens the inclined passage leading to tiie coflin. The roof is some- 
 times supported by columns, having capitals decorated with designs of flowers 
 or of geese hung from the abacus by their feet with their heads turned ujjwards.^ 
 The religious teaching at Tel el-Amarna presents no difterence in the main 
 from that which prevailed in other parts of Egypt.'' The Double of Osiris was 
 supposed to reside in the tomb, or else to take wing to heaven and embark 
 with Atonu, as elsewhere he would embark with Ra. The same funerary 
 furniture is needed for the deceased as in other local cults — ornaments of 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, after a photograph by Insinger of the interior of the tomb of TfttA. 
 
 ^ Cf. the drawing of the column ornamented with geese, in Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 106 c ; Pbisse 
 d'Avennes, Histoire de I'Art Egtjplien. Fragments of similar columns have been found in the palace 
 of the king, in the middle of the ruins of the towu, by Petiiie, Tell el-Amarna, pis. vii., xi. 0, and p. 8. 
 
 ' According to Bueasted, De Uymnis in Solem sub Amenophide IV. conceptis, p. 8, tliere was an 
 essential diflforcnce. But the peculiar treatment of the Iwoextremilit s of the sign for the sky, which 
 surmounts the great scene on tlie tomb of Ahmosis, shows lliat there had been no change in the ideas 
 concerning the two horizons or the divine tree found in them (Nestor L'hOte, Papierg inediU, vol. iii. 
 fol. 286j : the aspirations for the soul of Mariri, the high priest of Atonu (In., ibid., fol. 284), or for 
 that of the sculptor Buiika, are the same as those usually found (Bbugsch, GeschicUe JSgyptens, pp. 
 422, 423), and the formula on the funerary stelas differs only in the name of the god from that on the 
 ordinary stelsB of the same kind (Wiedemakn, Inscriptions of the Time of Amenophis 1 V., in the Pro- 
 ceedimjs of the Society of Biblical Archseology, vol. xvii pp. 153-156). 
 
332 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 vitreous paste, amulets, and Ushabtiu, or " Kespondents," to labour for the dead 
 man in the fields of lalu. Those of Khuniatonu were, like those of Ameno- 
 thes III., actual statuettes in granite of admirable workmanship.^ The dead 
 who reached the divine abode, retained the same rank in life that they had pos- 
 sessed here below, and in order to ensure the enjoyment of it, they related, or 
 caused to be depicted in their tombs, the events of their earthly career. A citizen 
 of Khuitatonu would naturally represent the manners and customs of his native 
 town, and this would account for the local colouring of the scenes in which we 
 see him taking part. They bear no resemblance to the traditional pictures 
 of the buildings and gardens of Thebes with which we are familiar ; we have 
 instead the palaces, colonnades, and pylons of the rising city, its courts planted 
 with sycamores, its treasuries, and its storehouses. The sun's disk hovers above 
 and darts its prehensile rays over every object ; its hands present the crux 
 ansata to the nostrils of the various members of the family, they touch caress- 
 ingly the queen and her daughters, they handle the offerings of bread and 
 cakes, they extend even into the government warehouses to pilfer or to bless. 
 Throughout all these scenes Khuniatonu and the ladies of his harem seem to 
 be ubiquitous : here he visits one of the officers, there he repairs to the temple 
 for the dedication of its sanctuary. His chariot, followed at a little distance 
 by that of the princesses, makes its way peaceably through the streets. The 
 police of the city and the soldiers of the guard, whether Egyptians or foreigners, 
 run before him and clear a path among the crowd, the high priest Mariri stands 
 at the gate to receive him, and the ceremony is brought to a close by a dis- 
 tribution of gold necklaces or rings, while the populace dance with delight 
 before the sovereign. Meantime the slaves have cooked the repast, the dancers 
 and musicians within their chambers have rehearsed for the evening's festival, 
 and the inmates of the house carry on animated dialogues during their meal. 
 The style and the technique of these wall-paintings differ in no way irom those 
 in the necropolis of the preceding period, and there can be no doubt that the 
 artists who decorated these monuments were trained in the schools of Thebes. 
 Their drawing is often very refined, and there is great freedom in their com- 
 position ; the perspective of some of the bas-reliefs almost comes up to our own, 
 and the movement of animated crowds is indicated with perfect accuracy. It 
 is, however, not safe to conclude from these examples that the artists who 
 executed them would have developed Egyptian art in a new direction, had not 
 subsequent events caused a reaction against the worship of Atonu and his 
 followers. Although the tombs in which they worked differ from the 
 generality of Egyptian burying-places, their originality does not arise from any 
 
 > For these granite Ushabtiu, cf. Petkie, Tell el-Amama, pp. 17, 18. For others of the same period, 
 see Wiedemann, On a Monument of the Time of King Klm-n-Aten, in Proceedings, vol. Hi. pp. 200-203. 
 
THE ART OF THE TIME OF KHUNIATON'u. 333 
 
 effort, either conscious or otherwise, to break through the ordinary routine of 
 the art of the time ; it is rather the result of the extraordinary appearance of 
 the sovereign whose features they were called on to portray, and the novelty 
 of several of the subjects whicli they had to treat. That artist among them 
 who first gave concrete form to the ideas circulated by the priests of Atonu, 
 and drew the model 
 cartoons, evidently pos- 
 sessed a master - hand, 
 and was endowed with un- 
 deniable originality and 
 power. No other Egyp- 
 tian draughtsman ever 
 expressed a child's grace 
 as he did, and the por- 
 traits which he sketched 
 of the daughters of 
 Khuniatonii playing un- 
 dressed at their mother's 
 side, are examples of a 
 reserved and delicate 
 grace. But these models, 
 when once composed and 
 finished even to the 
 smallest details, were 
 entrusted for execution to workmen of mediocre powers, who were recruited 
 not only from Thebes, but from the neighbouring cities of Hermopolis and 
 Sidt. These estimable people, with a praiseworthy patience, traced bit by bit 
 the cartoons confided to them, omitting or adding individuals or groups accord- 
 ing to the extent of the wall-space they had to cover, or to the number of 
 relatives and servants whom the proprietor of the tomb desired should share 
 in his future happiness. The style of these draughtsmen betrays the influence 
 of the second-rate schools in which they had learned their craft, and the 
 clumsiness of their work would often repel us, were it not that the interest of 
 the episodes portrayed redeems it in the eyes of the Egyptologist. 
 
 KhuniatonA left no son to succeed him ; two of his sons-in-law succes- 
 sively occupied the throne — Saakeri,'^ who had married his eldest daughter 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-GudiD, from a photograph by Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pi. 1, No. 12. 
 
 ' This king's name wns discovered by Prisse u'Avennes, Monuments Egyptient, p. 3, and was in- 
 correctly copied by him, so that Hrugsch {Gcsch. JEgijptens, p. 433) renders it Sa'necht, and Wiedemann 
 {JEgijpt. Gesch., p. 403) Ra-se &a-ka, while Polrie (TeH el-Amama, p. 29, and pi. xv. 102-105) gives to it 
 the form Samankhkeii Zosirkhopirft. I know of no example, during this period, of the verb monhhu 
 being expressed by the mallet only ; I therefore read provisionally the name Saakeri with the sign da. 
 
334 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 Maritatonu, and Tutankhamon, the husband of Ankhnasaton. The first had 
 been associated in the sovereignty by his father-in-law;^ he showed himself 
 a zealous partisan of the "Disk," and he continued to reside in the new 
 capital during the few years of his sole reign.^ The second son-in-law was 
 a son of Amenothes III., probably by a concubine.^ He returned to the 
 religion of Amon, and his wife, abjuring the creed of her father, changed her 
 name from Ankhnasaton to that of Ankhnasamon. Her husband abandoned 
 Khuitatonu * at the end of two or three years, and after his departure the 
 town fell into decadence as quickly as it had arisen. The streets were unfre- 
 quented, the palaces and temples stood empty, the tombs remained unfinished 
 and unoccupied, and its patron god returned to his former state, and was 
 relegated to the third or fourth rank in the Egyptian Pantheon. The town 
 struggled for a short time against its adverse fate, which was no doubt re- 
 tarded owing to the various industries founded in it by Khuniatonu, the manu- 
 factories of enamel and coloured glass requiring the presence of many 
 workmen ; ^ but the latter emigrated ere long to Thebes or the neighbouring 
 city of Hermopolis, and the " Horizon of Atonu " disappeared from the list 
 of nomes, leaving of what might have been the capital of the Egyptian empire, 
 merely a mound of crumbling bricks with two or three fellahin villages 
 scattered on the eastern bank of the Nile.^ Thebes, whose influence and 
 population had meanwhile never lessened, resumed her supremacy undisturbed. 
 If, out of respect for the past, Tutankhamon continued the decoration of the 
 
 ' Lepsius, Benltm., iii. 99 a, where he and his wife are represented by the side of Khftniatoufl, 
 with the protocol and the attributes of royalty. Petrie assigns to this double reign those minor 
 objects on which the king's prenomen Ankhkhopiruri is followed by the epithet beloved of Udnird, 
 which formed part of the name of KliCmiatonft (Tell el-Amarna, p. 42). 
 
 2 Petrie thinks, on the testimony of the lists of Manetho, which give twelve years to Akenkheres, 
 daughter of Horos (MiiLLER-DiDOT, Fragmenta Historicorum Grsecorum, vol. ii. pp. 573-578), that 
 Saakeri reigned twelve years, and only two or three years as sole monarch without his father-in-law 
 (Tell el-Amarna, pp. 43, 44). I think these two or three years a probable maximum length of his reign, 
 whatever may be the value we should here assign to the lists of Manetho. 
 
 ^ This relationship was recognised by the early Egyptologists (Wilkinson, Extracts from several 
 Hieroglyphic Subjects, p. 11 ; Leemans, Lettre a M. Francois Salvolini, p. 68, et seq. ; E. de Eouge, 
 Lettre a M. Alfred Maury, in the Revue ArcMologique, 1847, pp. 120-123; Maeiette, Renseignements 
 8ur les soixante-quatre Apis, in the Bulletin Arch€ologique de I'AtMnssum Frangais, 1855, pp. 53, 58), 
 but was forgotten for some thirty years. It has been again pointed out by Loeet, Tout-ankh-amen, fih 
 d'Am^nopMs III., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xi. p. 212 (cf. Lepebuee, Sur diff^rents Mots et Nomt 
 Egyptiens, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaiology, 1890-91, vol. xiii. p. 478). The 
 Princess Maritri was neither his mother nor his grandmother, as Wiedemann (JSgyptische GeschieUe, 
 p. 404) and Lefe'bure (Sur diff€rents Mots et Noms Egypliens, p. 478) have afiSrmed, but was the mother 
 of a King Nibkhopirniri, whoso position cannot yet be determined (Maeiette, Abydos, vol. ii. pi. 40 n). 
 
 * Petrie, in Tell el-Amarna, pp. 43, 44, judging from the number of minor objects which he has 
 found in his excavations at Tel el-Amarna, believes that ho can fix the length of Tutankhamen's 
 sojourn at Khuitatonu at six years, and that of his whole reign at nine years. 
 
 * Numerous specimens may be seen in Petrie's Tell el-Amarna, pis. xiii.-xx. 
 
 Petrie thinks that the temples and palaces were systematically destroyed by Harmhabi, and the 
 ruins used by him in the buildings which he erected at different places in Egypt (I'ell el-Amarna, 
 p. 44). But there is no need for this theory : the beauty of the limestone which Khuniatonfl had 
 used sufficiently accounts for the rapid disappearance of the deserted edifices. 
 
THE SUCCESSOR OF KHUNIATONU. 
 
 335 
 
 1 ril^Li^n'hiiti! 1 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 BAKCOPHAGUS OF TUE I'UAUAOH Al.' 
 
 temple of Atonu at Karnak,^ he placed in every other locality the name and 
 figure of Amon ; a little stucco spread over the parts which had been mutilated, 
 enabled the outlines to be restored to their original purity, and the alteration was 
 rendered invisible by a few coats of colour. Tutankhamon was succeeded by 
 the divine father Ai, whom Khuniatonu had assigned as husband to one of his 
 relatives named Tii, so called after the widow of Amenothes III. Ai laboured 
 no less diligently than his predecessor to keep up the traditions which had 
 been temporarily interrupted.^ He had been a faithful worshipper of the Disk, 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after the drawing of Prisse d'AvenneB(cf. Ilistoire de I' Art Ji'gyptien. 
 vol. ii., and Lepsius, Denhm., 113 rt.f/.)- 
 
 * Stones from this temple bearing the name of Atontt have been noticed by Nestou L'hote, Lettret 
 Sorites d' Kgypie, pp. 94-97, by Puisse d'Avennes, Monuments £gyptien», pi. xi. 1, and by LEran s 
 DenJcm., iii. 119 a, b (cf. Pieul, Letlre tt M. A. Erman, sur une dAouverte concemant le tecond pylone 
 de Karnak, in tho Zeitschrift, 1883, p. 41), in the construction of tho pylons of Uarmhahi at ELarnak, 
 and even in the buildings of Seti I. and llamses II. at Luxor. 
 
 ' The name of this king and his place in the sequence of dynasties have been frequently dis- 
 cussed by early Egyptologists. ChampoUiou called liim Skhai, and placed him before the XV'Il'" 
 dynasty (Lettres ecrites d'Egypte, 2nd edit., p. 247). In this lie was followed by Charles Lcnormant 
 (Eclaircisscments tur le cercucil dii Roi Memphile Myr^rinus, p. 24), while Rosellini (Monumenti Slorici, 
 vol. i. p. 145) calls him Ntttei or Terei, and Nestor L'hote {Lettret €crites d'Egypte, pp. 95, 90) Pinii- 
 terei, in order to identify him with Binolhris of the II'"' dynasty. Wilkinson {Modem Egypt and 
 Thehet, 2nd edit., vol. ii. p. 256) styles him Eesii, and Major Felix Asa {Xoti' sopia le Dinattie dci 
 Faraoni, p. 18). Prisse reads his name Schal or Schcrai, and gives him his true position {Rtchercliet 
 sur leg ligendei royales et I'^poque du rigne de Schai et Scherai, in the Revue Arch^ologique, vol. ii. pp. 
 457-474), while Lepsius and Bunsen (/Egyple/ig Stelle, vol. iii. pp. 88, 89), though they keep the form 
 Beneter, Beneter-Imesi, place him among the last Pharaohs of the XVIII"' dynasty. E. de Rouge, 
 after having proposed the reading Acherei (Examen de Pouvrage de M. le Chevalier de Bunsen, ii. pp. 
 57, 58), at last found tho true one, viz. the divine father Ai {Notice des Monuments Kgyptiens du 
 Louvre, 1849, p. 57). Tho order of succession of tho three sovereigns is not quite certain ; the one 
 given in the text is accepted as the most probable by the majority of historians (Bui gsch, Geschichte 
 JEgyptens, pp. 433-438 ; Wiedemann, JEgyptische Geschichte, pp. 403-40G). Ed. Meyer {Geschichte 
 des Alten JEgyptens, pp. 209-271) reverses tho order of the two last, and places Tutankhamon's reign 
 before that of Ai, but Petrie's discoveries {Tdl el-Amarna, pp. 42-41) have now rendered this view 
 improbable. 
 
336 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 and had given orders for the construction of two funerary chapels for himself 
 in the mountain-side above Tel el-Amarna, the paintings in which indicate 
 a complete adherence to the faith of the reigning king. But on becoming 
 Pharaoh, he was proportionally zealous in his submission to the gods of Thebes, 
 and in order to mark more fully his return to the ancient belief, he chose for 
 his royal burying-place a site close to that in which rested the body of Amen&- 
 thes III.^ His sarcophagus, a large oblong of carved rose granite, still lies 
 open and broken on the spot. Figures of goddesses stand at the four angles 
 and extend their winged arms along its sides, as if to embrace the mummy of 
 the sovereign.^ Tutankhamen and Ai were obeyed from one end of Egypt to 
 the other, from Napata to the shores of the Mediterranean. The peoples of 
 Syria raised no disturbances during their reigns, and paid their accustomed 
 tribute regularly ; ^ if their rule was short, it was at least happy. It would 
 appear, however, that after their deaths, troubles arose in the state. The lists 
 of Manetho give two or three princes — Eathotis, Khebres, and Akherres — whose 
 names are not found on the monuments.* It is possible that we ought not to 
 regard them as historical personages, but merely as heroes of popular romance, 
 of the same type as those introduced so freely into the history of the preceding 
 dynasties by the chroniclers of the Saite and Greek periods.^ They were, 
 perhaps, merely short-lived pretenders who were overthrown one by the other 
 before either had succeeded in establishing himself on the seat of Horus. Be 
 that as it may, the XVIII'^ dynasty drew to its close amid strife and quarrel- 
 ling, without our being able to discover the cause of its overthrow, or the 
 name of the last of its sovereigns.^ 
 
 Scarcely half a century had elapsed between the moment when the XVIIP" 
 dynasty reached the height of its power under Amenothes III. and that of its 
 downfall. It is impossible to introduce with impunity changes of any kind 
 into the constitution or working of so complicated a machine as an empire 
 
 ' The first tomb seems to have been dug before his marriage, at the time when lie had no definite 
 ambitions ; the second (the No. 3 of Lepsius) was prepared for him and his wife Til. The identity 
 of the divine father Ai of Tel el-Araarna with the Pharaoh Ai wlio was buried at Thebes has been 
 shown by Lepsius {Brief e aus Mgypten und Jithiopien, p. 415); only Wiedemann, as far as I know, 
 has contested it. 
 
 ' For the description of the tomb, see Nestor L'HorE, Lettres Sorites d'£grjpte, pp. 2-11. 
 
 ' Tutankhamen receives the tribute of the Kushites as well as that of the Syrians (Champollion, 
 Monuments de l'£gypte et de la Nuhie, vol. i. pp. 477-480; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 115-118); Ai is 
 represented at Shataui in Nubia as accompanied by Pauiru, the prince of Kush (Lepsius, Denkm., 
 iii. 114 c. h.). 
 
 * Manetho, in Muller-Didot, Fragmenta Historicorum Grxcorum, vol. ii. pp. 573-578. Wiede- 
 mann (JEgyptische Geschichte, pp. 406-408) has collected six royal names which, with much hesi- 
 tation, he places about this time. 
 
 ^ Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Histoire, in the Becueil de Travaux, 
 vol. xvii. pp. 56-68, 121-138. 
 
 The list of kings who make up the XVIII*'' dynasty can be established with certainty, with the 
 exception of the order of the three last sovereigns who succeed Khuniatonil. It is here given in its 
 
THE END OF THE DYNASTY. 
 
 337 
 
 founded on conquest. When the parts of the mechanism have been once put 
 together and set in motion, and have become accustomed to work harmoniously 
 at a proper pace, interference with it must not be attempted except to replace 
 such parts as are broken or worn out, by others exactly like them. To make 
 alterations while the machine is in motion, or to introduce new combinations, 
 however ingenious, into any part of the original plan, might produce an 
 accident or a breakage of the gearing when perhaps it would be least expected. 
 When the devout Khuniatonu exchanged one city and one god for another, he 
 thought that he was merely transposing equivalents, and that the safety of 
 the commonwealth was not concerned in the operation. Whether it was 
 Amon or Atonu who presided over the destinies of his people, or whether 
 Thebes or Tel el-Amarna were the centre of impulse, was, in his opinion, 
 merely a question of internal arrangement whicli could not affect the economy 
 of the whole. But events soon showed that he was mistaken in his calculations. 
 It is probable tliat if, on the expulsion of the Hyksos, the earlier princes of the 
 dynasty had attempted an alteration in the national religion, or had moved the 
 capital to any other city they might select, the remainder of the kingdom 
 would not have been affected by the change. But after several centuries of 
 faithful adherence to Amon in his city of Thebes, the governing power would 
 
 authentic form, as the monuments liavc permitted us to reconstruct it, and in its Greek form as it is 
 found in the lists of Mnnetlio : 
 
 AcCOIimNO TO THE MoxrsiKXTs. 
 I. AuMosi I. Nim'Aiiirui}. 
 II. AmkshotpO I. ZoSIKKEIli. 
 
 III. ThUTm6.S1 I. AKIlI'IUKEKi. 
 
 IV. ThOtmOsi II. AunpiHNiiti. 
 V. ThOtmosi III. Manakui'ihki. 
 
 VI. AMENiiorrO II. AKHPiHuui. I 
 VII. ThOtmosi IV. MANAKiiriHLui. | 
 
 VIII. AmENHOTPO III. NlDMAUll?. 1 
 ,v fAMENHOTPU IV.l x- . . , 
 
 {kuuniatonO ) J^^^'^-^HOPiavHi-fAKiui. 
 X. SAKEut SozinKiiopinC ANKiiKuopiuCui. 
 XI. TCtankiiamonC HAQ-ON-iiT.sh' Nibkho- 
 pIkCk!. 
 
 XII. IotnOtik Ai NfjTUi-iiiQ-Oisii' KiioniiKiiu- 
 piuCiii iiii-MAiT. 
 
 Manetho's list, as we have it, is a very ill-made extract, wherein the oflicial kings are mi.\ed up with 
 the legitimate queens, as well as, at least towards the end, with persons of doubtful authenticity. 
 Several kings, between Khuniatonu and HarmhabI, are sometimes added at the end of the list 
 (Wiedemann, ^gyptische Geschichte, pp. 4()C 408) ; some of these, 1 think, belonged to previous 
 dynasties, e.g. Teti to tUe VP" (cf. Dawn of Civilization, p. 41G, note 3), Kaiiotpu to the XVII"' (cf. 
 p. 77 of this volume) ; several are heroes of romance, as Meruebplitah or Merkhopirphtah (Maspeko, 
 Lm Contes populaires, 2ud edit., pp. xxxviii.-xl.), wliile the names of the others are either variants 
 from the cartouche names of known princes, or cUe are nicknames, such as was Sesfl, Ses'ttrl for 
 Ramses II. Dr. Mahler believes that he can fix, witliin a few days, the date of the kings of whom 
 the list is composed, from Ahmosis I. to Ai. I hold to tlie approximate date which I have given on 
 p. 107 of this volume, and I give the years ICOO to 1350 as the period of the dynasty, with a possible 
 error of about fifty years, more or less. 
 
 Z 
 
 ACCOKDING TO MaNETHO. 
 
 I. Amosis. 
 
 II. Kheuhos. 
 
 III. Ami^noputiii.s. 
 
 IV. Amensis. 
 
 V. MlSAPHRlS. 
 \l. MlSPUBAGMOLTIIoSIS. 
 VII. TUOUTMOSIS. 
 
 VIII. Amex6phis. 
 
 IX. HOuos. 
 X. Akuerkes I. 
 
 XI. Rathos. 
 XII. Kheukes. 
 XIII. Akiikkiies 11. 
 
338 
 
 TEE EIGHTEENTH THEBAN DYNASTY. 
 
 find it no easy matter to accomplish such a resolution. During three centuries 
 the dynasty had become wedded to the city and to its patron deity, and the 
 locality had become so closely associated with the dynasty, that any blow aimed 
 at the god could not fail to destroy the dynasty with it ; indeed, had the 
 experiment of Khuniatonu been prolonged beyond a few years, it might have 
 entailed the ruin of the whole country. All who came into contact with 
 Egypt, or were under her rule, whether Asiatics or Africans, were quick to 
 detect any change in her administration, and to remark a falling away from the 
 traditional systems of the times of Thutmosis III. and Amenothes II. The 
 successors of the heretic king had the sense to perceive at once the first 
 symptoms of disorder, and to refrain from persevering in his errors ; but how- 
 ever quick they were to undo his work, they could not foresee its serious con- 
 sequences. His immediate followers were powerless to maintain their dynasty, 
 and their posterity had to make way for a family who had not incurred the 
 hatred of Amon, or rather that of his priests. If those who followed them were 
 able by their tact and energy to set Egypt on her feet again, they were at the 
 same time unable to restore her former prosperity or her boundless confidence 
 in herself. 
 
THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 THE XlXra DYNASTY: HARMHABi— THE HITTITE EMPIRE IN SYRIA AND IS ASIA MINOR — 
 SETI I. AND RAMSES II.— THE PEOPLE OF THE SEA : mInEPHTAH AND THE ISRAELITE 
 EXODUS. 
 
 The birth and untecedeuts of Hurmhabt, his youth, his enthioneinent—The final triumph 
 of Amoii aiul his priests — Harmhabi infuses order into the government : his wars against 
 the Ethiopians and Asiatics— The Khdti, their civilization, religion; their political an<l 
 military constit^Uimi ; tlie extension of their empire totoards the north — I7»e countries ami 
 popnlatiom of Asia Minor; commercial routes between the Euphrates ami the jEgean Sea 
 — The treaty concluded betiueen Harmhabi and Sapalidn. 
 
 Ramies I. and the uncertainties as to his origin — Seti I. and the campai{/n against Syria 
 in the l" year of his reign; the re-establishment of the Egyptian empire — Working of the 
 gold-mines at Elba)' — The monuments constructed by Seti I. in ^'vbia, at Karnak, Lnior, 
 and Abydos—The valley of the kings and tomh of Seti I. at Thebes. 
 
 Ramses II., his infancy, his association in the Government, his debut in Ethiopia: he 
 huUds a residence in the Delta— His campaign against the Khdti in the 5'* year of his 
 reign— The taking of Qodsh/), the victory of Ramies II. and the truce established u-ith Khdtu- 
 saru: the poem of PentaMrtt—His treaty tvith tlie Khdti in the 21" year of his reign: the 
 
( 340 ) 
 
 halance of power in Syria: the marriage of JRam.ies II. v;ith a Hittite princess — Public 
 ivorJcs: the Speos at Aba-Simbel ; Luxor, Kaniak, the Eamessemn, the monuments in the 
 Delta — Tlie regencij of KhamoisU and Miiirplifuli, the legend of Sesostris, the coffin and 
 mimimii of Ramses II. 
 
 Minephtah — The hingdom of Libya, the pcaiile if flu- scu—Tlie first invasion of Libya : 
 the Egyptian victorij at Firii'i; thr friiunpli if Miinplitnh — Seti II., Amenmeses, SijMah- 
 Minephtah—TJie foi 'eign ca2)tires in KgypA ; lln- Exudns of the Hebrews and their marcli 
 to Sinai — An Egiiptian romance of the Exotfns: Amcnopliis, son of Pa-apis. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 The XIX'i' dynasty : Harmlmbi— The Ilittite empire in Syr 
 Ramses II.— The people of tlie sea : :\Iinc-plitah ( 
 
 I and in Asia Minor — Set! I. :« 
 id tlie Israelite Exo<lu.s. 
 
 TirHILE none of tliese ephemeral Pharaohs left behind 
 them a son, either legitimate or illegitimate, there 
 was no lack of princesses, any of which, having on her 
 iiccession to the throne to choose a consort after her 
 own heart, might thus become the founder of a new 
 dynasty. By such a chance alliance Harmhabi, 
 who was himself descended from Thutmosis III,, 
 was raised to the kingly office."'^ His mother, 
 Mutnozmit, was of the royal line, and one of the 
 most beautiful statues in the Gizeh Museum 
 probably represents her. The body is mutilated, 
 but the head is charming in its intelligent and 
 animated expression, in its full eyes and some- 
 what large, but finely modelled, mouth. The 
 material of the statue is a fine-grained limestone, 
 and its milky whiteness tends to soften the malign 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Erail Brujj;seh-Bey ; the vignette, which is by Fancher- 
 Gudin, represents a photograph by Petrie of Amonru and Harmhabi, a group now in the Turin Museum 
 (Orccrti, Catalogo illustrato dei Monumenti Egitii, vol. i. pp. 59, 60). 
 
 ' A fragment of an inscription at Karnak calls Thutmosis III. " the father of his fathers " 
 (Wilkinson, Materia Uieroglijphica, pt. ii. pi. 1; Lrrs-.i s, Denkm., iii. 119 c). ChampoUion called 
 
342 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 character of her look and smile.^ It is possible that Mutnozmit was the 
 daughter of Araenothes III. by his marriage with one of his sisters: it 
 was from her, at any rate, and not from his great-grandfather, that Harmhabi 
 derived his indisputable claims to royalty.^ He was born, probably, in the 
 last years of Amenotlies, when Tii was the exclusive favourite of the sovereign ; 
 but it was alleged later on, when Harmhabi had emerged from obscurity, that 
 Araon, destining him for the throne, had condescended to become his father by 
 Mutnozmit — a customary procedure with the god when his race on earth 
 threatened to become debased.^ It was he who had rocked the newly born 
 infant to sleep, and, while Harsiesis was strengthening his limbs with protective 
 amulets, had spread over the child's skin the freshness and brilliance which are 
 the peculiar privilege of the immortals. While still in the nursery, the great 
 and the insignificant alike prostrated themselves before Harmhabi, making him 
 liberal offerings. Every one recognised in him, even when still a lad and inca- 
 pable of reflection, the carriage and complexion of a god, and Horus of Cynopolis 
 was accustomed to follow his steps, knowing that the time of his advancement 
 was near. After having called the attention of the Egyptians to Harmhabi, 
 Amon was anxious, in fact, to hasten the coming of the day when he might confer 
 upon him supreme rank, and for this purpose inclined the heart of the reign- 
 ing Pharaoh towards him. Ai proclaimed him his heir over the whole land.* 
 
 him Hornemneb (Lettres a M. le due de Blacas, vol. i. pp. 47-83), Eosellini, Horhemheb, H6r-em-hbai 
 {Monumenti Storici, vol. i. p. 241, and vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 275), and both identified him with the Horos 
 of Manetho, hence the custom among Egyptologists for a long time to designate him by the name 
 Horus. De've'ria was the first to show that the name corresponded with the Armais of the lists 
 of Manetho {Le Papyrus jadiciare de Turin, pp. 68-81), and, in fact, Armais is the Greek transcrip- 
 tion of the group Harmhabi in the bilingual texts of the Ptolemaic period (Brugsch, Sammlung 
 Demotisch-Griecliischer Eigennamen JEgyptischer Privatleute, p. 17, No. 150). 
 
 ' See the tail-piece at bottom of p. 338 of the present work, drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a 
 photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. Mariette called her Taia, thinking it was a statute of Tii. Ex- 
 cavations at Karnak have resulted in the discovery of some parts of the body which have inclined me 
 to see in the statue some woman of the family of Harmhabi (Guide du Visiteur au Mus^e du Boulaq, 
 p. 425, No. 617), probably Mutnozmit. 
 
 " Mutnozmit was at first considered the daughter and successor of Harmhabi (Champolhon, 
 Lettres a M. le due de Blacas, vol. i. pp. 50-64 : Koselliki, Mon. Storici, vol. i. pp. 240-244, and vol. 
 iii. pt. 1, pp. 290-292 ; Champollion-Figeac, L'£gypte Ancienne, pp. 320-322), or his wife (Wilkinson, 
 Materia Hieroglyph., pt. ii. pi. 1 ; Lepsids, Konigsbuch, pi. xxx., No. 411 ; Brugsch, Eist. d'Egyple, p. 125, 
 and Gesch. ^gyptens, pp. 421, 439, 441 ; Wiedemann, JEgyjjtische Gesch., p. 411 ; Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des 
 Alten ^gyptens, p. 273). Birch showed that the monuments did not confirm these hypotheses, and he 
 was inclined to think that she was Harmhabi's mother (Inscription of Haremhebi on Ms Statue at Turin, 
 in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 490, 491). As far as I can see for the present, it is the only solu- 
 tion which agrees with the evidence on the principal monument which has made known her existence. 
 
 ' All that we know of the youth of Harmhabi is contained in the texts on a group preserved in 
 the Turin Museum, and pointed out by Cliampollion (Lettres a de Blacas, vol. i. pp. 48-64), translated 
 and published subsequently by Birch (Inscription of Haremhebi, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. 
 pp. 486-495, and Inscrip. of Haremhebi, in Records of the Past, Ist ser., vol. x. pp. 29-36) and by Brugsch 
 (Gefch. .SJgyptens, pp. 440-444). The first lines of the inscription seem to me to contain an account of 
 the union of Amon with the queen, analogous to those at Deir el-Bahari treating of the birth of 
 Hatshopsitu, and to those at Luxor bearing upon AmeiiOthes III. (cf. pp. 236, 237, 295, 296 of the 
 present work), and to prove for certain that Plarmhabi's mother was a princess of the royal line by right. 
 
 * The king is not named in the inscription. It cannot liave been Amenothes IV., lor au individual 
 
THE YOUTH AND ENTHRONEMENT OF HARMHABI. 343 
 
 He never gave cause for any dissatisfaction when called to court, and 
 when he was asked questions by the monarch he replied always in fit terms, 
 in such words as were calculated to produce serenity, and thus gained for 
 himself a reputation as the incarnation of wisdom, all his plans and intentions 
 appearing to have been conceived by Thot the Ibis himself. For many years 
 he held a place of confidence with the sovereign. The nobles, from the moment 
 he appeared at the gate of the palace, bowed their backs before him ; the 
 barbaric chiefs from the north or south stretched out their arras as soon as 
 they approached him, and gave him the adoration they would bestow upon a 
 god.^ His favourite residence was Memphis, his preference for it arising from 
 his having possibly been born there, or from its having been assigned to him 
 for his abode. Here he constructed for himself a magnificent tomb, the bas- 
 reliefs of which exhibit him as already king, with the sceptre in his hand aiid 
 the urseus on his brow, while the adjoining cartouche does not as yet contain his 
 name.^ He was the mighty of the mighty, the great among the great, the 
 general of generals, the messenger who ran to convey orders to the people of 
 Asia and Ethiopia, the indispensable companion in council or on the field of 
 battle, at the time when Horus of Cynopolis resolved to seat him upon his 
 eternal throne. Ai no longer occupied it. Horus took Harmhabi with him to 
 
 of the importance of Harmhabi, living alougsiile this king, would at least Lave had a tomb began 
 for him at Tel el-Amama. We may hesitate between AI and Tiltankhamon ; but the inscription 
 seems to say definitely that Harmliabi succeeded directly to the king under whom he had held im- 
 portant offices for many years, and tliis compels us to fix upon Ai, who, as we have said at p. 334, 
 et seq., was, to all appearances, the Inst of tlic so-called heretical sovereigns. 
 
 ' Turin Inscription, 11. 2-11; cf. BiH( ii, Inscription of Haremhebi, iu the Tratmiclioni Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 492, 493, and Inscription of Haremhebi, in the Records of the Past, 1st series, 
 vol. s. pp. 31-33; Brugsch, Gesrhichte AJgyplens, pp. 440, 441. The description given follows the 
 text closely, and preserves the chief expressions. 
 
 - This part of tile account is not borrowed from tlie Turin inscription, but is based upon a study 
 of a certain number of texts iiud representations all coming from Harmliabi's tomb at Saqqftrah, and 
 now scattered among the various museums— at Gizeli (Makiette, Monuments Divers, pis. 74, 75, and 
 text, pp. 25, 26), at Leyden (Leemans, Description raisonn^e des Mon. figyptiens, pp. 40, 41, c. 1-3, 
 and Monuments du d'Antiquit^s, vol. i. pis. 21-24), at London (Biiiuii, Guide to the Egyptian 
 
 Galleries, Nos. 550-552, p. :tG ; cf. Siiaki'e, Egyptian Inscriptions, vol. ii. pi. 92), ut Alexandria 
 (Wiedemann, Texts of the Second Fart of the X Villi'- Dynasty, in the Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc.. 
 1888-89, vol. xi. p. 424). Birch was the first to assign those monuments to the Piiaraoh Harmhabi, 
 supposing nt the same time that ho had been detlironed by Ilnmses I., and had lived at Memphis iu 
 an intermediate position between that of a prince and that of a private individual {Insc. of Harem- 
 hebi, in the Transactions, vol. iii. p. 491); tliis opinion was adopted by Ed. Meyer (Die SteU des 
 Horemheb, in the Zeitschri/t, 1875, pp. 148, 149), rejected hy Wiedemann {JEgyptische Getchichte, 
 pp. 412, 413, and Supplement, p. 48) and by myself (Ilist. Ancienne ties Peuples de I'Orient, 4th edit., 
 p. 213, note 6). After full examination, I think tiie Harmhabi of the tomb at Saqqarah and the 
 Pharaoh Harmhabi arc one and the same person; Harmhabi, sufHciently high placed to warrant his 
 wearing the uraaus, but not liigh enough to have his name inscribed in a cartouche, must have had his 
 tomb constructed at Saqqarali, as Ai and possibly Ramses I. had theirs built for them at Tel el- 
 Amarna (see pp. 335, 336 of the present work) : this is now the opinion of Ed. Meyer, as recorded 
 iu his Geschichte des Alien JEgyptens, pp. 271, 272. 
 
 ' The fragments of the tomb preserved at Leyden (cf. Leem ans, Description raisonn€e des Monuments 
 igyptiens, p. 40) show him leading to the Pharaoh Asiatics and Ethiopians, burthened with tribute ; 
 the expressions and titles given in the text ou tiiis page are borrowed from the fragments at GJzeh 
 (Mariette-Maspeuo, Monuments Divers, pi. 74, pp. 25, 26). 
 
344 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 Thebes,escorted him thither amid expressions of general joy, and led him to Amon 
 in order that the god might bestow upon him the right to reign. The reception 
 took place in the temple of Luxor, which served as a kind of private chapel 
 for the descendants of Amenothes. Amon rejoiced to see Harmbabi, the heir of 
 the two worlds ; he took him with him to the royal palace, introduced him into 
 the apartments of his august daughter, Mutnozmit ; then, after she had recog- 
 nised her child and had pressed him to her bosom, all the gods broke out into 
 acclamations, and their cries ascended up to heaven.^ " Behold, Amon arrives 
 with his son before him, at the palace, in order to put upon his head the diadem, 
 and to prolong the length of his life ! We install him, therefore, in his office, 
 we give to him the insignia of Ea, we pray Amon for him whom he has brought 
 as our protector : may he as king have the festivals of Ea and the years of 
 H6rus ; may he accomplish his good pleasure in Thebes, in Heliopolis, in Mem- 
 phis, and may he add to the veneration with which these cities are invested." 
 And they immediately decided that the new Pharaoh should be called Horus- 
 sturdy-bull, mighty in wise projects, lord of the Vulture and of the very marvel- 
 lous Uraeus in Thebes, the conquering Horus who takes pleasure in the truth, 
 and who maintains the two lands, the lord of the south and north, Sozir 
 Khopiiuii chosen of Ea, the offspring of the Sun, Harmhabi Miamun, giver of 
 life. The cortege came afterwards to the palace, the king walking before Amon : 
 there the god embraced his son, placed the diadems upon his head, delivered to 
 him the rule of the whole world, over foreign populations as well as those of 
 Egypt, inasmuch as he possessed this power as the sovereign of the universe.^ 
 
 This is the customary subject of the records of enthronement. Pharaoh is 
 the son of a god, chosen by his father, from among all those who might have 
 a claim to it, to occupy for a time the throne of Horus ; and as he became king 
 only by a divine decree, he had publicly to express, at the moment of his eleva- 
 tion, his debt of gratitude to, and his boundless respect for, the deity, who had 
 made him what he was. In this case, however, the protocol embodied some- 
 thing more than the traditional formality, and its hackneyed phrases borrowed a 
 special meaning from the circumstances of the moment. Amon, who had been 
 
 ■ Owing to a gap, the text cannot be accurately translated at this point (Turin Inscription^ 
 11. 15, 16). The reading can be made out that Amon " betook himself to the palace, placing the prince 
 before him, as far as the sanctuary of his (Amon's) daughter, the very august . . . ; she poured water 
 on his hands, she embraced the beauties (of the prince), she placed herself before him." It will be 
 seen that the name of the daughter of Amon is wanting, and Birch thought that a terrestrial princess 
 whom Harmhabi had married was in question (Inscription of Haremhehi on a Statue at Turin, in the 
 Transactions of the Biblical Archoeological Society, vol. iii. pp. 489-491), Mutnozmit, according to 
 Brugsch (Geschichte Mgyptens, pp. 442-444). If the reference is not to a goddess, who along with 
 Amon took part in the ceremonies, but to Mutnozmit, we must come to the conclusion that she, a» 
 heir and queen by birth, must liave ceded her rights by some ritual to her son before he could be 
 crowned. 
 
 2 Turin Inscription, 11. 11^-20; cf. Brugsch, Geschichte Mjyptens, pp. 441-443. 
 
THE FINAL TRIUMPH OF AMON AND HIS PRIESTS. 
 
 345 
 
 insulted and proscribed by Khuniatonu, bad not fully recovered bis prestige 
 under tbe rule of tbe immediate successors of bis enemy. Tbey bad restored 
 to bim bis privileges and bis worsbip, tbey bad become reconciled to bim, and 
 avowed themselves bis faitbful ones, but all tbis was as much an act of political 
 necessity as a matter of religion : tliey still continued to tolerate, if not to 
 favour, Ibe rival doctrinal system, and the temple of tbe hateful Disk still 
 dishonoured by its vicinity tbe sanctuary of Karnak, Harmliabi, ou the other 
 hand, was devoted to Amon, who had moulded bim in embryo, and bad trained 
 
 THK FIRST I'Yl.ON OK UAUMElAIli AT KAUNAK.' 
 
 bim from bis birth to worship none but bim. Harmbabi's triuinpli marked the 
 end of tiie evil days, and inaugurated a new era, in which Amon saw himself 
 again master of Thebes and of tbe world. Immediately after his enthronement 
 Harmbabi rivalled tbe first Araenothes in his zeal for tbe interests of bis divine 
 father: he overturned the obelisks of Atonii and the building before which tbey 
 stood ; then, that no trace of them might remain, be worked up the stones into 
 tbe masonry of two pylons, which be set up upon the site, to tbe south of the 
 gates of Tbvitmosis III. They remained concealed in the new fabric for 
 centuries, but in tbe year 27 B.C. a great earthquake brought them abruptly to 
 light. We find everywhere among tbe ruins, at tbe foot of the dislocated 
 gates, or at the bases of the headless colossal figures, heaps of blocks detached 
 from the structure, ou which can be made out remnants of prayers addressed 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiii. from a photograph taken by Beato in 1884. 
 
■346 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 to the Disk, scenes of worship, and cartouches of Amenothes IV., Ai, and 
 Tutankhamon.^ The work begun by Harmhabi at Thebes was continued with 
 ■unabated zeal through the length of the whole river- valley. "He restored the 
 sanctuaries from the marshes of Athu even to Nubia ; he repaired their sculp- 
 tures so that they were better than before, not to speak of the fine things he 
 •did in them, rejoicing the eyes of Ea. That which he had found injured he 
 •put into its original condition, erecting a hundred statues, carefully formed of 
 •valuable stone, for every one which was lacking. He inspected the ruined towns 
 of the gods in the land, and made them such as they had been in the time of 
 the first Ennead,^ and he allotted to them estates and offerings for every day, as 
 Avell as a set of sacred vessels entirely of gold and silver ; he settled priests in 
 them, bookmen, carefully chosen soldiers, and assigned to them fields, cattle, 
 all the necessary material to make prayers to Ea every morning." ^ These 
 measures were inspired by consideration for the ancient deities ; but he added 
 to them others, which tended to secure the welfare of the people and the 
 stability of the government. Up to this time the officials and the Egyptian 
 soldiers had displayed a tendency to oppress the fellahin, without taking into 
 •consideration the injury to the treasury occasioned by their rapacity. Constant 
 supervision was the only means of restraining them, for even the best-served 
 Pharaohs, Thutmosis, and Amenothes III. themselves, were obliged to have 
 •frequent recourse to the rigour of the law to keep the scandalous depredations 
 of the officials within bounds.* The religious disputes of the preceding years, 
 in enfeebling the authority of the central power, had given a free hand to these 
 oppressors. The scribes and tax-collectors were accustomed to exact contribu- 
 tions for the public service from the ships, whether laden or not, of those who 
 were in a small way of business, and once they had laid their hands upon them, 
 they did not readily let them go. The poor fellow falling into their clutches 
 ■lost his cargo, and he was at Iiis wits' end to know how to deliver at the royal 
 storehouses the various wares with which he calculated to pay his taxes. No 
 sooner had the Court arrived at some place than the servants scoured the neigli- 
 ■bourhood, confiscating the land produce, and seizing upon slaves, under pretence 
 that they were acting for the king, while they had only their personal ends in 
 view. Soldiers appropriated all the hides of animals with the object, doubtless, of 
 making from them leather jackets and helmets, or of duplicating their shields, 
 
 ' The relics of these inscriptions have been put together in Nestor L'hote, Papierg in^dits, 
 -vol. iii. pp. 80, 96, 97, 101, 104, 105, in Prisse d'Avennes, Monuments, pis. x., xi., and in Lepsius, 
 Denlcm., iii. 110 c-g, 110 a, h. 
 
 2 For the meaning of this expression, see Dawn of Civilization, pp. 142, 159. 
 
 ^ Turin Inscription, 11. 22-25 ; cf. Brugsch, Geschichte ^-Egyptens, pp. 443, 444. 
 
 * Harmhabi refers to the edicts of Thutmosis III. (Inscription of Ilarmhahi, 1. 29); for the fiscal 
 ■measures of Amenothes III., see p. 299 of the present work. 
 
HARMHABI INFUSES ORDER INTO THE GOVERNMENT. 347 
 
 with the result that when the treasury iaaade its claim for leather, none was to 
 be found. It was hardly possible, moreover, to bring the culprits to justice, for 
 the chief men of the towns and villages, the prophets, and all those who ought 
 to have looked after the interests of the taxpayer, took money from the 
 criminals for protecting them from justice, and compelled the innocent victims 
 also to purchase their protection. Harmhabi, 
 who was continually looking for opportunities to 
 put down injustice and to punish deceit, at 
 length decided to promulgate a very severe edict 
 against tlie magistrates and the double-dealing 
 officials : any of them who was found to have 
 neglected his duty was to have his nose cut off, 
 and was to be sent into perpetual exile to Zalu, 
 on the eastern frontier.^ His commands, faith- 
 fully carried out, soon produced a salutary effect, 
 and as he would on no account relax the 
 severity of the sentence, exactions were no longer 
 heard of, to the advantage of the revenue of the amesothes iv., fkom a fuagment 
 State. On the last day of each month the gates harmhabI.' 
 of his palace were open to every one. Any one on giving his name to the 
 guard could enter the court of honour, where lie would find food in abundance 
 to satisfy his hunger while he was awaiting an audience. The king all the 
 while was seated in the sight of all at the tribune, whence he would throw 
 among his faithful friends necklaces and bracelets of gold : he inquired into 
 complaints one after another, heard every case, announced his judgments in 
 brief words, and dismissed his subjects, who went away proud and happy at 
 having had their affairs dealt with by the sovereign himself^ 
 
 The portraits of Harmhabi which have come down to us give us the impres- 
 sion of a character at once energetic and agreeable. The most beautiful of tliese 
 is little more than a fragment broken off a black granite statue. Its mournful 
 expression is not pleasing to the spectator, and at the first view alienates 
 his sympathy. 'J he face, which is still youthful, breathes an air of melancholy, 
 
 ' See pp. 22, 23 of the present work for a notice of Zalu and its convicts. 
 
 ' Drawn by F«uoher-Gudin, from a sketch by Prisse u'Avennes, Monuments /Jgyptient, pi. xi. 
 n. 2 li is one of tlio bas-reliefs of the temple of Atonft at Karnak, re-employed by llurmbabi in the 
 construction of one of his own pylons. 
 
 ' All these details are taken from a stele discovered in 18S2 (Masi'ERO, Notes sur qiielques 
 ]ioiniB de Grammaire, in the Zeituchrift, 1S82, p. 134), published in a brief summary by Bouriant 
 (i4 Tliihes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. vi. pp. 41-56), afterwards translated and commented upon 
 by AV. Max Miiller (Erklarung des Grosten Dehrett des KOuiys Uar-em-hebe, in the Zeitschri/I, 1888, 
 pp. 70-94). The text is so mutilated that it is impossible to give a literal rendering of it in all 
 its parts, but tlio sense is sutliciently clear to warrant our filling up the whole with considerable 
 ■crtainty. 
 
348 
 
 THE EEACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 an expression which is somewhat rare among the Pharaohs of the best period r 
 the thin and straight nose is well set on the face, the elongated eyes have some- 
 what heavy lids ; the large, fleshy lips, slightly contracted at the corners of the 
 £1^. mouth, are cut with a sharpness that gives them singular 
 i^igour, and the firm and finely modelled chin loses 
 little of its form from the false beard depending from 
 it. Every detail is treated with such freedom that 
 one would think the sculptor must have had some 
 soft material to work upon, rather than a 
 rock almost hard enough to defy the 
 chisel ; the command over it is so com- 
 plete that the difficulty of the work is 
 forgotten in the perfection of the result. 
 The dreamy expression of his face, 
 however, did not prevent Harmhabi 
 from displaying beyond Egypt, as 
 within it, singular activity. Although 
 Egypt had never given up its claims to 
 dominion over the whole river-valley, 
 as far as the plains of Sennar, yet 
 since the time of Amenothes 111. no 
 sovereign had condescended, it would 
 appear, to conduct in person the ex- 
 peditions directed against the tribes 
 of the Upper Nile. Harmhabi was 
 anxious to revive the custom which 
 imposed upon the Pharaohs the obliga- 
 tion to make their first essay in arms in Ethiopia, as Horus, son of Isis, had 
 done of yore, and he seized the pretext of the occurrence of certain raids there 
 to lead a body of troops himself into the heart of the negro country. He had 
 just ordered at this time the construction of the two southern pylons at Karnak, 
 and there was great activity in the quarries of Silsileh. A commemorative 
 chapel also was in course of excavation here in the sandstone rock, and he had 
 dedicated it to his father, Amon-Ea of Thebes, coupling with him the local 
 
 > Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. This monument was 
 reproduced in Mariette, Album photograpMque du Musee de Boulaq, pi. 34 ; in Eatet, Monuments 
 de I'Art Antique, vol. i. ; afterwards in Perrot-Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. i. p. 711, 
 and in Maspero, ArcMologie tgyptienne, p. 222. Mariette was under the impression that it was a 
 statue of Minephtah, son and successor of Eamses II. {Notices des principaux Monuments, 1876, p. 92, 
 No. 22). While carrying out excavations at Karnak at the spot where it had beea found, I brought 
 to light other fragments, from which it seems to be clear that it represents Harmhabi, and not 
 Minephtah (Guide du Visiteur au Mus€e de Boulaq, p. 425, No. 610) ; the expression is very similar 
 to that of the statue at Turin. 
 
HARMIIABrS WARS IN ETHIOPIA. 349 
 divinities, Hapi the Nile, and Sobku the patron of Ombos. The sanctuary is 
 excavated somewhat deeply into the hillside, and the dark rooms within it are 
 decorated with the usual scenes of worship, but the vaulted approach to them 
 
 Till-; VAl Lll'.D I'A.SSAt 
 
 displays upon its western wall the victory of the king. We see here a figure 
 receiving from Amon the assurance of a long and happy life, and another letting 
 fly his arrows at a host of fleeing enemies ; Ethiopians raise their heads to him 
 in suppliant gesture ; soldiers march past with their captives ; above one of the 
 
 ' Drawu by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger. 
 
350 
 
 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 doors we see twelve military leaders marching and carrying the king aloft upon 
 their shoulders, while a group of priests and nobles salute him, offering incense,^ 
 At this period Egyptian ships were ploughing the Eed Sea, and their captains 
 were renewing official relations with Puanit. Somali chiefs were paying visits 
 to the pal ace, as in the time of Thutmosis III.^ The wars of Amon had, in 
 fact, begun again. The god, having suffered neglect for half a century, had a 
 greater need than ever of gold and silver to fill his coffers ; he required masons 
 for his buildings, slaves and cattle for his farms, perfumed essences and 
 incense for his daily rites. His resources had gradually become exhausted, 
 and his treasury would soon be empty if he did not employ the usual means 
 to replenish it. He incited Harmhabi to proceed against the countries from 
 which in olden times he had enriched himself — to the south in the first place, 
 and then, having decreed victory there, and having naturally taken for himself 
 the greater part of the spoils, he turned his attention to Asia. In the latter 
 campaign the Egyptian troops took once more the route through Coele-Syria, 
 and if the expedition experienced here more difficulties than on the banks of 
 the Upper Nile, it was, nevertheless, brought to an equally triumphant conclusion. 
 Those of their adversaries who had offered an obstinate resistance were trans- 
 ported into other lands, and the rebel cities were either razed to the ground or 
 given to the flames : the inhabitants having taken refuge in the mountains, 
 where they were in danger of perishing from hunger, made supplications for 
 peace, which was granted to them on the usual conditions of doing homage and 
 paying tribute.^ We do not exactly know how far he penetrated into the 
 country ; the list of the towns and nations over which he boasts of having 
 triumphed contains, along with names unknown to us, some already famous 
 or soon to become so — Arvad, Pibukhu, the Khati, and possibly Alasia.* The 
 Haui-Nibu themselves must have felt the effects of the campaign, for several of 
 their chiefs, associated, doubtless, with the Phoenicians, presented themselves 
 
 ' Champollios, Monuments de VUgypte, etc., pis. ex., cxiii., aud vol. i. pp. 260, 261 ; Rosellini,. 
 Monumenti Storici, pi. xliv. 2-5, and vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 277-287; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 120, 121. The 
 significauce of the monument was pointed out first by Champollion, Lettres Sorites d'Egypte, 2nd 
 edit, pp. 185-187. The series of races conquered was represented at Karnak on the internal face of 
 one of the pylons built by Harmhabi (Champollion, Mon. de VEgypte, vol. ii. pp. 177, 178 ; Eosellini,. 
 Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 289) ; it appears to have been "usurped " by Ramses II. 
 
 * Champollion, Monuments, etc., vol. ii. pp. 179, 180 ; Beugsch, Becueil de Monuments, vol. ii. 
 pi. Ivii. 3, and p. 69 ; Mariette, Monuments diverges, pi. 88, and Text, p. 27 ; Bouriant, Lettre a M. 
 W. Max Mailer, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 43. 
 
 ' These details are taken from the fragment of an inscription now in the museum at Vienna, and 
 published by Wiedemann {Texts of the Second Part of the XFIIl"' Dynasty, in the Proceedings of the 
 Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1886-89, vol. xi. p. 425), afterwards by Bergmann (Ansiedlung Semitischer Nomaden 
 in jEgypteri, in the Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. pp. 125-127) ; Bergmann, and also Erman, think that we 
 have in this text the indication of an immigration into Egypt of a tribe of the Monatiu. 
 
 * The list of northern tribes owing allegiance more or less to Harmhabi, was published in 1882. 
 (Maspero, Hid. Ani-i.enne des peuples de I'Orient, 4th edit., p. 213, note 5) ; it was also published by 
 Bouriant (Lettre a M. W. M. Miiller, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 41-44), and commented 
 upon briefly by W. Max Miiller (Asien und Europa, p. 292). 
 
THE KHATI. 
 
 351 
 
 before the Pharaoh at Thebes.^ Egypt was maintaining, therefore, its ascend- 
 ency, or at least appearing to maintain it in those regions where the kings 
 of the XVIII*'' dynasty had ruled after the campaigns of Thutmosis I.,. 
 Thutmosis III., and Amenothes II. Its influence, nevertheless, was not so 
 undisputed as in former days; not that the Egyptian soldiers were less valiant, 
 but owing to the fact that another power had risen up alongside them whose 
 
 tj\ mg4 \ * 
 
 THE TRIUMPH OF HAUMHABI IS THE SANCTUAKY OP GEBEL 8ILSILEH.' 
 
 armies were strong enough to encounter them on the field of battle and to 
 obtain a victory over them. 
 
 Beyond Naliaraim, in the deep recesses of the Amanus and Taurus, there 
 had lived, for no one knows how many centuries, the rude and warlike tribe* 
 of the Khati, related not so much to the Semites of the Syrian plain as 
 to the populations of doubtful race and language who occupied the upper 
 basins of the Halys and Euphrates.** The Chaldajau conquest had barely 
 
 ' Wiedemann, Texts of the Second Part of the XVlll"' Dynasty, in tlie Proceedings of the Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc, 1888-89, vol. xi. pp. 423, 424 ; Bouriant, Lettre a M. W.M. Muller sur lemur d'Horemheb 
 it Karnalc, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 42. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Daniel Heron. The black spots are due to the 
 torches of the fellahia of the noighhourhood who have visited the rock-tomb in bygone yeiirs. 
 
 ' Upon the vocalisation Khiti of this name, see p. 126, note G, of the present work. Haii'vy asserts 
 that the Khati were Semites, and bases liis assertion on materials of the Assyrian period (La Lanque 
 des Hitlites d'apres les lextes Astyriens, in the Recherches Bibliques, pp. 270-288, and Deux Inscriptions 
 HM^ennes de Zindjirii, in the Revue Semitique, vol. i. pp. 242-258). The Kh&ti, absorbed in Syria 
 by the Semite?, with whom they were blended, appear to have been by origin a non-Semitic people,, 
 as Sayco and others have pointed out (T/ie Hamathite Inscription', in the Transactions of the Bibl. 
 
352 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 touched them ; the Egyptian campaign had not more effect, and Thut- 
 mosis III. himself, after having crossed their frontiers and sacked several 
 of their towns, made no serious pretence to reckon them among his subjects.^ 
 Their chiefs were accustomed, like their neighbours, to use, for correspondence 
 with other countries, the cuneiform mode of writing ; they had among them, 
 therefore, for this purpose, a host of scribes, interpreters, and official registrars 
 of events, such as we find to have accompanied the sovereigns of Assyria and 
 Babylon.^ These chiefs were accustomed to send from time to time a present 
 to the Pharaoh, which the latter was pleased to regard as a tribute,^ or they 
 would offer, perhaps, one of their daughters in marriage to the king at 
 Thebes, and after the marriage show themselves anxious to maintain good 
 faith with their son-in-law. They had, moreover, commercial relations with 
 Egypt, and furnished it with cattle, chariots, and those splendid Cappa- 
 docian horses whose breed was celebrated down to the Greek period.* They 
 were already, indeed, people of consideration ; their territory was so extensive 
 that the contemporaries of Thutmosis III. called them the Greater Khati ; 
 and the epithet " vile," which the chancellors of the Pharaohs added to their 
 name, only shows by its virulence the impression which they had produced upon 
 
 Arch. Soc, vol. v. pp. 27, 29, and The Monuments of the HittUes, ibid., vol. vii. pp. 251, 252, 288-203), 
 alao F. Lenormant (Les Origines de I'Histoire, vol. ii. p. 267, et seq.), Ed. Meyer (Geseh. des AHer- 
 ihums, vol. i. p. 213, and Gesch. des Allen Mgyptens, p. 226), Lantsheere (Be la Race et de la Langue 
 des Eittites, in the Compte-rendu du Congres des Catholiques, 1891, V"^ Section, p. 173, et seq.), W. M. 
 Miiller (Asien und Earopa, p. 317, et seq.), Winckler (Geschichte Israels, vol. 1. pp. 134-136), and the 
 greater number of scholars who have dealt with the question. 
 
 ' See pp. 265, 278, 279 of the present work. Upon this ignoring of the KhS-ti in the time of 
 Thutmosis III., cf. the position taken up by E. de Eodge in Lefons professees au College de France, 
 in the Mdanges d' Arch^Aogie Egyptienne et Assyrienne, vol. ii. pp. 270, 271 ; this was the first serious 
 contribution to the discussion of the subject, and has served as the starting-point of subsequent works 
 on the rise of the Hittite power. 
 
 2 A letter from the King of the Khati to tlie Pharaoh Amenothes IV. is written in cuneiform 
 writing and in a Semitic language (Winukler-Abei., Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, p. 17 ; cf. 
 Delattee, Lettres de Tell el-Amarnu, in the Froeeedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-01, vol. xiii. pp. 
 548-550). It has been thought that other documents, drawn up in a non-Semitic language and 
 coming from Mitanni and Arzapi (Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund, pis. 9, 28-33; cf. the essays 
 of Jensen, Vorstudien zur Entzifferung des Mitauni ■ Brunnow, Die Mitani-Sprache, and Sayce, The 
 Language of Mitanni, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assi/riologie, vol. v. pp. 166-27-1:), contain a dialect of the 
 Hittite speech or that language itself. A " writer of books," attached to the per.son of the Hittite 
 King Kbatusaru, is named amongst the dead found on the field of battle at Qodshu (E. de Kouge, 
 Le Poeme de Pen-ta-our, 1856, pp. 9, 10). 
 
 ^ It is thus perhaps we must understand the mention of tribute from the Khati in the Annals of 
 Thutmosis III., 1. 26, in the year XXXIII., also in the year XL. (Lepsius, DenJcm., in. 30 a, 1. 7). 
 One of the Tel el-Amarua letters refers to presents of this kind (Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund, 
 No. 18, pi. 15), which the King of Khati addresses to Amenothes IV. to celebrate his enthronement, 
 and to ask him to maintain with himself the traditional good relations of their two families; see 
 p. 329 of the present work. 
 
 * The horses of the Khati were called ahari, strong, vigorous, as also their bulls {Anastasi Papyrus 
 IV., pi. xvii. 11. 8, 9 ; cf. Bondi, Dem Eebriiitch-phdnizischen Sprachzipeige angehorige Lehnworter, 
 pp. 24-26). The King of Alasia, while olfering to AmenOtlies III. a profitable speculation, advises 
 him to have nothing to do with the King of the Khati or with the King of Sangar (Bezold-Budge, 
 Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 5, p. 13, 11. 20, 21), and tlius furnishes proof that the Egyptians held 
 constant commercial relations with the Khati. 
 
HITTITE CIVILIZATION. 
 
 353 
 
 the mind of their adversaries.^ Their type of face distinguishes them clearly 
 from the nations conterminous with them on the south. The Egyptian 
 draughtsmen represented them as squat and short in stature, though vigorous, 
 strong-limbed, and with broad and full shoulders in youth, but as inclined 
 frequently to obesity in 
 old age. The head is 
 long and heavy, the 
 forehead flattened, the 
 chin moderate in size, 
 the nose prominent, the 
 eyebrows and cheeks pro- 
 jecting, the eyes small, 
 oblique, and deep - set, 
 the mouth fleshy, ami 
 usually framed in by twd 
 deep wrinkles ; the flesh 
 colour is a yellowish or 
 reddish white, but clearer 
 than that of the Phoe- 
 nicians or the Anmrru.^ Their ordinary costume consisted, sometimes of a 
 shirt with short sleeves, sometimes of a sort of loin-cloth, more or less ample 
 according to the rank of the individual wearing it, and bound round the waist 
 by a belt. To these they added a scanty mantle, red or blue, fringed like that 
 of the Chalda3ans, which they passed over the left shoulder and brought back 
 under the right, so as to leave the latter exposed. They wore shoes with 
 thick soles, turning up distinctly at the toes,* and they encased their hands 
 
 • AnnaU of Thutmosis III., 1. 2G, aud Lepsrs, Denkm., iii. 30 a, 1. 7 : M. de Rouge suggested that 
 Khati " the Little " was the name of tlie Hittites of Hebron {Lemons, in the Milange» d' Archfologie, 
 vol. ii. p. 270). The cxprpssion, " Khati the Great," has been compared with that of Khanirabhat, 
 " Khani the Great," wliich in the .Assyrian texts wouhl seem to designate a part of Cappadocia, in which 
 tlie province of Miliddi occurs, ami the identification of the two lias found an ardent defender in W. 
 Max MijLLEli, Aiien und Kuropa, p. :}20; cf Niehchu, Sludicn uiid Bemerhungen zur Getchichle de» Altfn 
 Orients, pp. 91-96. Until further light is thrown upon it, the most probable reading of the wonl is 
 not Khiini-ra&bat, but Khanif/a/bat (Jensen, Vorsludien zur Etittifferung de» Milanni, in the Zeilgchrift 
 fur Assyriologie, vol. v. p. 177, note 1, and Grumllagen fiireine Entzifferung d>r Ciliciichen Inschriffen, 
 pp. 4, 5; WiNCKi.ER, Qesch. Bahyloniens und Asgyrieng, pp. 174. 259). The name Khani-Galbnt is 
 possibly preserved in Julbat, which the Arab geographers applied in the Middle Ages to a province 
 situated in Lesser Armenia (Halevy, Deux Inscriptions het^ennet de Zindjirli, in the Revue 
 Semitique, vol. i. p. 244). 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchor-Gudiii, from a photograpli by Insinger. These were three Hittite soldiera 
 engaged in the battle of Qodshfl in Ihe time of Ramses IL 
 
 ' Sayce-Menant, Les H^lgem, Uittoire d'un Empire oubhV, p. 6, and Sayce, The liacet of Ihe Old 
 Testament pp. 132-140 ; F. Lenormaxt, Les Origines de V Uittoire, vol. iii. pp. 279-280 ; W.Max 
 Miji LER, Asien und Europa, p. 331. Races of a similar typo still exist in Coole-Syria (Condei!, Htth 
 and Moab, pp. IG, 22) and in Anatolia (Wilson, Recent Biblical Research in Palestine, Syria, and Asia 
 Minor, in the Quarterly Statements of the Palestine Expl. Fund, 1881. p. 49). 
 
 * This detail, which cannot fail to be of considerable importance, was pointed out for the first time 
 
 2 A 
 
354 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 in gloves, reaching halfway up the arm. They shaved off both moustache 
 and beard, but gave free growth to their hair, which they divided into 
 two or three locks, and allowed to fall upon their backs and breasts. The 
 king's head-dress, which was distinctive of royalty, was a tall pointed hat, 
 resembling to some extent the white crown of the Pharaohs. The dress of the 
 people, taken all together, was of better and thicker material than that of 
 the Syrians or Egyptians.^ The mountains and elevated plateaus which they 
 inhabited were subject to extraordinary vicissitudes of heat and cold. If the 
 summer burnt up everything, the winter reigned here with an extreme rigour, 
 and dragged on for months : clothing and foot-gear had to be seen to, if the 
 snow and the icy winds of December were to be resisted. The character of their 
 towns, and the domestic life of their nobles and the common people, can only 
 be guessed at. Some, at least, of the peasants must have sheltered themselves 
 in villages half underground, similar to those which are still to be found in 
 this region.^ The town-folk and the nobles had adopted for the most part 
 the Chaldiean or Egyptian manners and customs in use among the Semites 
 of Syria. As to their religion, they reverenced a number of secondary deities 
 who had their abode in the tempest, in the clouds, the sea, the rivers, the 
 springs, the mountains, and the forests. Above this crowd there were several 
 sovereign divinities of the thunder or the air, sun-gods and moon-gods, of which 
 the chief was called Khati, and was considered to be the father of the nation.^ 
 They ascribed to all their deities a warlike and savage character. The 
 Egyptians pictured some of them as a kind of Ra,* others as representing Sit, 
 
 by Sayce (cf. Weight, The Empire of the Hitliles, 1st edit., pp. xii., xiii.). This characteristic is 
 found on the majority of the monuments which the peoples of Asia Minor have left to us (Perrot, 
 Me'moires cU ArcMologie, etc., pp. 52, 53, and Eistoire de VArt dans V Antiquity, vol. iv. pp. 562-564), 
 and it is one of the most striking indications of the northern origin of the Khati (F. Lenormant, Les 
 Origines de I'Eisloire, vol. iii. p. 299, et seq. ; W. Max MOller, Aiiien und Europa, pp. 327, 328 ; see 
 Jensen for doubts on this subject Grundlage fiir eine Entzifferung der Cilicisehen Inschriften, pp. 5, 6). 
 The Egyptian artists and modern draughtsmen have often neglected it, and the majority of them 
 have represented the Khati without shoes. 
 
 ' The information about the costume of the Khati was put together first by Osburn, Egypt, her 
 Testimony to the Truth, pp. 130-132 ; afterwards completed by F. Lenormant, Les Origines de 
 .Z'.ffts<08Ve, vol. iii. pp. 297-299, 303-305 ; by Perrot-Chipiez, Eistoire de I'Art, vol. iv. pp. 562-564 ; 
 and lastly by W. Max MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, pp. 324-330. 
 
 = Perrot-Chipiez, Eistoire de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. iv. p. 587. 
 
 ^ The little that can be gathered about the religion of the Khati has been summarised by E. de 
 Rouge, Legons pro/ess^es au College de France, in the Melanges d'AreheoIogie, vol. ii. pp. 274, 275, 
 278-280 ; afterwards by F. Lenormant, Les Origines, vol. iii. pp. 305-313, and by Wright, The 
 Empire of the Eittites, 1st edit., pp. 73-78 ; cf. W. Max MijLLER, Asien und Europa, pp. 330, 331. The 
 principal source of our information is the treaty of Ramses II. with Khatusaru, of which the later 
 clauses (11. 26-32, 36, 37) invoke the gods of Egypt and those of the Khati ; see the text in Bouriant's 
 Notes de Voyage, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. pp. 157-160. 
 
 * The Cilician inscriptions of the Grseco-Roman period reveal the existence in this region of a 
 god 'Poj, 'Pwj (Sachau, Bemerhungen zu Cilicisehen Eigennamen, in the Zeitschrift filr Assyriologie, 
 vol. vii. pp. 88-90). Did this god exist among the Khati, and did the similarity of the pronunciation 
 of it to that of the god Ra suggest to the Egyptians the existence of a similar god among these people, 
 or did they simply translate into tlieir language tlie name of the Hittite god representing the sun ? 
 
THE RELIGION OF THE EH ATI. 
 
 355 
 
 or rather Sutkhu, that patron of the Hyksos which was identified by them with 
 Sit: every town had its tutelary heroes, of whom they 
 were accustomed to speak as if of its Siitkhu — 
 Siitkhu of Paliqa, Sutkhii of Khissapa, Siitkhii <.l 
 Sarsu, Siitkhu of Salpina. The goddesses in theii 
 eyes also became Astartes, and this one fact suggest < 
 that these deities were, like their Phoenician and 
 Canaanite sisters, of a double nature — in one aspect 
 chaste, fierce, and warlike, and in another lascivious 
 and pacific. One god was called Mauru, another Targu, 
 others Qaui and Khepa.^ Tishubu, the Rararaan of 
 the Assyrians, was doubtless lord of the tempest and 
 of the atmosphere ; Shausbe answered to Shala and to 
 Ishtar the queen of love ; ^ but we are frequently in 
 ignorance as to the attributes covered by each of 
 these divine names, and as to the forms with which 
 they were invested. The majority of them, both male 
 and female, were of gigantic stature, and weic 
 arrayed in the vesture of earthly kings and queens : 
 they brandished their arms, displayed the insignia 
 of their authority, such as a flower or bunch of 
 grapes, and while receiving the offerings of the people were seated on a chair 
 
 ' The names Mauru and Qaui are deduced from tlie tonus Maurusaru and Qauisaru, which were 
 borne by the Khati (E. de Rouge, Lefons, in the M^langrs d'ArcMologie £gyptunne el Auyrienne, 
 vol. ii. pp. 274, 275) : Qaui was probably the eponymous hero of the Qui people, as Kh&ti was of the 
 Khati. Tarku and Tisubu appear to me to be contained in the names Targanunasa, Targazntas, and 
 Tartisubu (E. ue Rouge, 11. p. 275); Tisubu is probably the TCssupas mentioned in the letter from 
 Dushratfa written in Mitannian (S.wce, The Language of the Mitannt, in the Zeitschri/l fur Attyrio- 
 logie, vol. v. pp. 2G'J, 270 ; of. Jensen, Vorstudien zur Entzifferung de» Milanni, in the Zeitschri/t fiir 
 Assyriologie, vol. vi. pp. 59, CO, 65, 06, 68), and identical with the Tushupu of another letter from the 
 same king (Bezold-ISudge, Tell el-Atnarna Tablet$, No. 8, p. 18, 2, 11. 15, 75; cf. Zimmebn, Btiefe aut 
 dem Funde in El-Aniarna, in the Zeilschri/t fur Auyriologie, vol. v. pp. 154, 155, 162, 163), and in a 
 despatch from Tarkondaruush (Ahel-Winckler, I>er Thnnla/clfund, 'So. 10,1. 22; cf. Boissier in 
 the Zeitechrifl fur Assyriologie, vol. ix. pp. 421, 422). Targu, Targii, Turganu. resemble the god 
 Tarkhu, which is known to us from the proper names of these regions preserved in Assyrian and 
 (rreek inscriptions (Sayce, The Monuments of the Uittites, in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 
 vol. vii. pp. 284-286 ; Jensen, Vorstudien, etc., in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. vL p. 70 ; Sachai', 
 Bemerkungen zu Cilicischen Eigennamen, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 90-94). Upon 
 the resemblance between this god and the Cossajan Turgu (p. 11 5 of the present work), see Hilprecut, 
 Bie Votiv-Inschrift eines nicht erkannten KassilenhSuigs, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. 
 p. 316, n. 3. Khoba, Khepa, Khipa, is said to be a denomination of Ramman (Boissieb, Notes $ur Us 
 letlres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. p. 348); we find it in the names 
 of the princesses Tadu-khipa, Gilu-khipn, Puu-khipa. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from the picture in Lei-sius, Denkm., iii. 19(; a. It represents 
 Khatusaru, King of the Kh£lti, who was for thirty years a contemjiorary of Ramses II. 
 
 ' The association of Tushupu, Tessupas, Tisubu, with Ramm^nu is made out from an Assyrian 
 tablet published by Bezold {Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1886-87, vol. ix. p. 377, and A 
 Cuneiform List of Gods, 1888-89, vol. xi. pi. i. 1. 18): it was reserved for Sayce {The Language of 
 
356 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 before an altar, or stood each on the animal representing him — such as a lion, a 
 stag, or wild goat.^ The temples of their towns have disappeared, but they could 
 never have been, it would seem, either large or magnificent : the favourite places 
 of worship were the tops of mountains, in the vicinity of springs, or the depths- 
 of mysterious grottoes, where the deity revealed himself to his priests, and 
 received the faithful at the solemn festivals celebrated several times a year.^ 
 
 We know as little about their political organisation as about their religion. 
 We may believe, however, that it was feudal in character, and that every clan 
 had its hereditary chief and its proper gods : the clans collectively rendered 
 obedience to a common king, whose effective authority depended upon his- 
 character and age.^ The various contingents which the sovereign could 
 collect together and lead would, if he were an incapable general, be of little 
 avail against the well-officered and veteran troops of Egypt. Still they were 
 not to be despised, and contained the elements of an excellent army, superior 
 both in quality and quantity to any which Syria had ever been able to put into 
 the field. The infantry consisted of a limited number of archers or slingers. 
 They had usually neither shield nor cuirass, but merely, in the way of pro- 
 tective armour, a padded head-dress, ornamented with a tuft. The bulk of 
 the army carried short lances and broad-bladed choppers, or more generally, 
 short thin-handled swords with flat two-edged blades, very broad at the base 
 and terminating in a point. Their mode of attack was in close phalanxes,, 
 whose shock must have been hard to bear, for the soldiers forming them were 
 in part at least recruited from among the strong and hardy mountaineers of 
 the Taurus.* The chariotry comprised the nobles and the elite of the army,, 
 but it was differently constituted from that of the Egyptians, and employed 
 other tactics. The Hittite chariots were heavier, and the framework, instead 
 of being a mere skeleton, was panelled on the sides, the contour at the top 
 
 Mitanni, in the Zeitschrijt fur Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 269, 270) and Jensen (Vontudien, in tlie Zeit- 
 schrifl fiir Assyriologie, vol. vi. pp. 59, 60) to determine the nature of the god. Shauebe (Abel- 
 WiNCKLEE, Der Thontafelfund, pi. 33, 1. 98) has been identified with Ishtar or Shala by Jensen 
 ( Vorstudien, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. v. p. 202, note 1 ; vol. vi. p. 71). 
 
 • For figures of this character, of which several will be reproduced later on, see Perrot-Chipiez,. 
 Hist, de VArt dans I' Antiquity, vol. iv. pp. 525, 526, 549, 550, 767. 
 
 2 The religious cities and the festivals of the Greek epoch are described by Strabo, XII. ii. §§ 3, 
 6, 7, pp. 535, 536, 537 ; these festivals were very ancient, and their institution, if not the method of 
 celebrating them, may go back to the time of Ihe Hittite empire (E am say-Hogarth, Pre-hellenic 
 Monuments of Gappadocia, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. p. 77, et seq.). 
 
 ' The description of the battle of Qodshu in the time of Ramses II. shows us the King of the 
 Khati surrounded by his vassals (see the passage in pp. 397, 398 of the present work). The evidence 
 of the existence of a similar feudal organisation from the time of the XVIII"' dynasty is furnished 
 by a letter of Dushratta, King of Mitanni, where he relates to Ameuothes IV. Ihe revolt of his brother 
 Artassumara (see p. 298 of the present work), and speaks of the help which one of the neighbouring 
 chiefs, Pirkhi, and all the Khati had given to the rebel. 
 
 * The passages bearing upon the weapons of the Khati have been put together by W. Max 
 MuLLEB, Asien rmd Earopa nach altdgyptischen DenlmdJern, pp. 324-329. 
 
POLITICAL AND MILITARY ORGANISATION OF THE EBATL 357 
 
 being sometimes quite square, at other times rudely curved. It was bound 
 together in the front by two disks of metal, and strengthened by strips of 
 copper or bronze, which were sometimes plated with silver or gold. There 
 were no quiver-cases as in Egyptian chariots, for the Hittite charioteers rarely 
 resorted to the bow and arrow. The occupants of a chariot were three in 
 number— the driver ; the shield-bearer, whose office it was to protect his com- 
 panions by means of a shield, 
 sometimes of a round form, 
 with a segment taken out 
 on each side, and some- 
 times square; and finally, 
 the warrior, with his sword 
 and lance. The Hittite 
 princes whom fortune had 
 brought into relations with 
 Thutraosis III. and Ameno- 
 
 thes II. were not able to a hittitk chaiuot with ns turee occui-ants.' 
 
 avail themselves properly of 
 
 the latent forces around them. It was owing probably to the feebleness of their 
 character or to the turbulence of their barons that we must ascribe the poor 
 part they played in the revolutions of the Eastern world at this time. The 
 establishment of a strong military power on their southern frontier was certain, 
 moreover, to be anything but pleasing to them ; if they preferred not to risk 
 everything by entering into a great struggle with the invaders, they could, 
 without compromising themselves too much, harass them with sudden attacks, 
 and intrigue in an underhand way against them to their own profit. Pharaoh's 
 generals were accustomed to punish, one after the other, these bands of invading 
 tribes,^ and the sculptors duly recorded their names on a pylon at Thebes 
 among those of the conquered nations, but these disasters had little effect in 
 restraining the Hitlites. They continued, in spite of them, to march south- 
 ward, and the letters from the Egyptian governors record their progress year 
 after year. They had a hand in all the plots which were being hatched 
 among the Syrians, and all the disaffected who wished to be free from foreign 
 oppression — such as xVbdashirti and his son Aziru — addressed themselves to 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from Champollion's Montimenli de I'f^gypte et de la Kuhie, 
 pi. xxvi. This is one of the Hittite chariots which took part in the battle of Qodshu in the lime 
 of Kamaes II. ; cf. Kosellisi, Monumenti Storici, pi. ciii., and the vignette on p. 225 of the present 
 work. 
 
 ' There is an allusion to these incursions of the Kh&ti in the letters from Aziru (Wincrleb- Abel, 
 Der Thoniafelfund, p. 38, 11. 21-29; 39,11. 20-27; 40, 11. 37-40; 43, 11. 27-32; 45, 11. 13-26), in those 
 from Akizzi (Bezold-Bvdge, TM tl-Amarna Tablets, No. 30, p. 75, 11. 32 37, nnd No. 37, p. 76, 1. 9, 
 et seq.). 
 
358 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 them for help in the way of chariots and men.^ Even in the time of Amenothes 
 III. they had endeavoured to reap profit from the discords of Mitanni, and had 
 asserted their supremacy over it. Dushratta, however, was able to defeat one 
 of their chiefs.^ Kepulsed on this side, they fell back upon that part of 
 Naharaim lying between the Euphrates and Orontes, and made themselves 
 masters of one town after another in spite of the despairing appeals of the 
 conquered to the Theban king. From the accession of Khuniatonu, they set 
 to work to annex the countries of Nukhassi, Nii, Tunipa, and Zinzauru : they 
 looked with covetous eyes upon Phoenicia, and were already menacing Coele- 
 Syria.^ The religious confusion in Egypt under Tutankhamen and Ai left 
 them a free field for their ambitions, and whem Harmhabi ventured to cross 
 to the east of the isthmus, he found them definitely installed in the region 
 stretching from the Mediterranean and the Lebanon to the Euphrates. Their 
 then reigning prince, Sopalulu, appeared to have been the founder of a new 
 dynasty : he united the forces of the country in a solid body, and was 
 within a little of making a single state out of all Northern Syria.* All 
 Naharaim had submitted to him : Zahi, Alasia, and the Amurru had passed 
 under his government from that of the Pharaohs ; Carchemish, Tunipa, Nii, 
 Hamath, figured among his royal cities, and Qodshu was the defence of his 
 southern frontier. His progress towards the east was not less considerable. 
 Mitanni, Arzapi, and the principalities of the Euphrates as far as the Balikh, 
 possibly even to the Khabur,^ paid him homage : beyond this, Assyria and 
 Chaldsea barred his way. Here, as on his other frontiers, fortune brought 
 him face to face with the most formidable powers of the Asiatic world. 
 
 Had he sufficient forces at his disposal to triumph over them, or only 
 
 ■ Aziru defends himself ia one of Lis letters against the accusation of having received four 
 messengers from the King of the Khati, while he refused to receive those from Egypt (Bezold-Budge, 
 Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 35, p. 73, 11. 47-53). The complicity of Aziru with the Khati is denounced 
 in an appeal from the inhabitants of Tunipa (Id., ibid., No. 41, pp. 84, 85, 11. 21-28). In a mutilated 
 letter, published by Bezold-Budge, ibid., No. 46, p. 95, an unknown person calls attention to the 
 negotiations which a petty Syrian prince had entered into with the King of the Khati. 
 
 ^ See p. 29S of the present work for the account of the quarrel between Dushratta and the Khati. 
 
 ' See the letter from Akizzi, in which this individual relates the evils resulting from an invasion 
 of the Khati, and asks help for himself and for the kings of Nukhassi, Nii, and Zizauru (Bezold- 
 Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 37, p. 78, 1. 40, et seq.). See also the letter from the inhabitants 
 of Tunipa, who ask that an Egyptian army might be sent to protect them from Aziru and the Khati 
 (Id., ibid.. No. 41, pp. 84, 85, 11. 21-28). 
 
 * Sapalulu has the same name as that we meet with later on in the country of Patin, in the time 
 of Salmanasar III., viz. Sapalulme (Monolith, col. i. 11. 41, 42). It is known to us only from a treaty 
 with the Khati, which makes him coeval with Eamses I. (1. 3 ; cf. p. 401 of the present work) : it 
 was with him probably that Harmhabi had to deal in his Syrian campaigns (W. Max Mullee, Asien 
 und Europa, pp. 322, 332). The limit of his empire towards the south is gathered in a measure from 
 what we know of the wars of Seti I. with the Khati. The latter prince was obliged to capture 
 Qodshu, and to conquer the people of the Lebanon (see p. 371 of the present work). 
 
 * The text of the poem of Pentauirit (ed. J. de Kouge, in Bevue tgyptolog., vol. iii. pp. 151, 159-lGl), 
 mentions, among the countries confederate with the Khati, all Naharaim ; that is to say, the country 
 on either side of the Euphrates, embracing Mitanni and the principalities named in the Amarna cor- 
 respondence, and in addition some provinces whose sites have not yet been discovered, but which may 
 be placed without much risk of error to the north of the Taurus ; see p. 389 of the present work. 
 
EXTENSION OF THE HITTITE EMPIRE TOWARDS THE NORTH. 359 
 
 enough to hold his ground ? Both hypotheses could have been answered in 
 the affirmative if each one of these great powers, confiding in its own resources, 
 had attacked him separately. The Amorites, tlie people of Zahi, Ala^a, and 
 Naharaim, together with recruits from Hittite tribes, would then have put him 
 in a position to resist, and even to carry off victory with a high hand in the final 
 struggle. But an alliance between Assyria or Babylon and Thebes was always 
 possible. There had been such things before, in the time of Thutmosis IV. and 
 in that of Amenothes III.,^ but they were lukewarm agreements, and their 
 effect was not much to boast of, for the two parties to the covenant had then 
 no common enemy to deal with, and their mutual interests were not, therefore, 
 bound up with their united action. The circumstances were very different now. 
 The rapid growth of a nascent kingdom, the restless spirit of its people, its 
 trespasses on domains in wliich the older powers had been accustomed to hold 
 the upper hand, — did not all this tend to transform the convention, more 
 commercial than military, with which up to this time they had been content, 
 into an offensive and defensive treaty ? If they decided to act in concert, 
 how could Sapalulu or his successors, seeing that he was obliged to defend 
 himself on two frontiers at the same moment, muster sufficient resources to 
 withstand the double assault? The Hittites, as we know them more espe- 
 cially from the hieroglyphic inscriptions, might be regarded as the lords 
 only of Northern Syria, and their power be measured merely by the extent 
 of territory which they occupied to tlie south of the Taurus and on the 
 two banks of the Middle Euphrates. But this does not by any means 
 represent the real facts. This was but the half of their empire ; the rest 
 extended to tlie westward and northward, beyond the mountains into that 
 region, known afterwards as Asia Minor, in which Egyptian tradition had 
 from ancient times confused some twenty nations under the common vague 
 epithet of Haui-nibu.^ Official language still employed it as a convenient 
 and comprehensive term, but the voyages of the Phoenicians and the travels 
 of the "Royal Messengers," as well as, probably, the maritime commerce 
 of the merchants of the Delta, had taught the scribes for more than a cen- 
 tury and a half to make distinctions among tiiese nations which they had 
 previously summed up in one. The Luku^ were to be found there, as well as 
 
 ' See pp. 288, 29G, 297 of the present work for notices of tliese alliances. 
 
 ' See the passages in the Vatcn of Civilhalion, pp. 391-393, bearing ou the Haui-nibii. 
 
 » The Luku, Luka, nro mentioned in the Amarua correspondence under the form Lukki (Abel- 
 WiNCKLER, Der Thontafelfund, No. 11, pi. 10, 11. 10-22 ; cf. Uelattbe, Lettres de Tell el-Amartia, iu 
 Proc. Bibl. Arcli. Soc, 1892-93, vol. xiv. pp. 129-131), as pirates and highway robbers. The identity of 
 these people with the Lycians was pointed out for the first time by E. de Rouge, Exlrait d'un Mi'm., etc., 
 p. 4. It was opposed by Brugsch, who prefers the identification with the Ligyes (Ge»ch. JEgypfens, 
 p. 578), by Uuger {Manetho, p. 218), by Halovy {j^tudes Berberes, pt. 1, Essai d'Kpigr. Libyque, pp. 171- 
 173), by Wiedemann (Die aUe$ten Beziehungen zwischen Mgijittvn und Griechenland, pp. 9-11, and ^gypt. 
 Gesch., p. 475), by Ed. Meyer (Getch. des Alterthums, vol. i. pp. 278, 312, and GeBch. des Alien .Egypteiit. 
 p. 281). Along with W. Max Muller, I hold it as well established {Atien und Europa, pp. 354-399). 
 
360 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 the Danauna/ the Shardana,^ and others besides, who lay behind one another 
 on the coast. Of the second line of populations behind the region of the coast 
 tribes, we have up to the preseut no means of knowing anything with certainty. 
 Asia Minor, furthermore, is divided into two regions, so distinctly separated by 
 nature as well as by races that one would be almost inclined to regard them 
 as two countries foreign to each other.^ In its centre it consists of a well- 
 defined undulating plain, having a gentle slope towards the Black Sea, and of 
 the shape of a kind of convex trapezium, clearly bounded towards the north 
 by the highlands of Pontus, and on the south by the tortuous chain of the 
 Taurus. A line of low hills fringes the country on the west, from the 
 Olympus of Mysia to the Taurus of Pisidia. Towards the east it is bounded 
 by broken chains of mountains of unequal height, to which the name Anti- 
 Taurus is not very appropriately applied. An immense volcanic cone. Mount 
 Argseus, looks down from a height of some 13,000 feet over the wide isthmus 
 which connects the country with the lands of the Euphrates. This volcano is 
 now extinct, but it still preserved in old days something of its languishing 
 energy, throwing out flames * at intervals above the sacred forests which clothed 
 its slopes. The rivers having their sources in the region just described, have 
 not all succeeded in piercing the obstacles which separate them from the sea, 
 but the Pyramus and the Sarus find their way into the Mediterranean and the 
 Iris, Halys and Sangarios into the Euxine. The others flow into the lowlands, 
 
 • Tlie Danauna are mentioned along with the Luku in the Amarna correspondence (Bezold- 
 BuDGE, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 30, p. 65, 11. 52-55, and p. Ixi. ; of. Delattre, Lettres de Tell el- 
 A^narna, in the Proceedings Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1892-93, vol. xiv. pp. 6, 7, 8). E. de Kouge' (Mude sur 
 Monuments de Thutmes HI., p. 29 ; cf. F. Lenormant, Les Premieres Civilisations, vol. ii. p. 413, Les 
 Antiquite's de la Troade, vol. i. pp. 73, 76, Les Origines de I'Histoire, vol. iii. pp. 46-48) tried to 
 identify them with the Danaans ; Chabas (Etudes sur V Antiquity histoiique, 2nd edit., p. 292, and 
 Recherehes four servir a I'histoire de la XIX' dynastie, pp. 38 40) with the Daunians of Italy ; and 
 Brugsch {Gesch. ^gyptens, p. 578) with the Libyans inhabiting the Tsenia of Lake Mareotis. The 
 termination, -auna, -6na of this word appears to be the ending in -awv (see a possible explanation of 
 this term in Jensen, Vorstudien, in the Zeitsehri/t fiir Assyriologie,Yo\. vi. pp. 68, 69) found in Asiatic 
 names like Lykaon by the side of Lykos, Kataon by the side of Ketis and Kat-patuka; while the 
 form of the name Danaos is preserved in Greek legend, Danaon is found only on Oriental monu- 
 ments. The Danauna came " from their islands," that is to say, from the coasts of Asia Minor, or 
 from Greece, the term not being pressed too literally, as the Egyptians were inclined to call all 
 distant lands situated to the north beyond the Mediterranean Sea " islands." 
 
 ^ E. de Rouge (Exlrait d'un me'moire sur les Attaques dirig€es contre I'JiJgypte par les peuples de la 
 M^diterrane'e, pp. 19-25) was inclined to identify the Shardana with the Sardes and the island of 
 Sardinia; also Chabas (Etudes sur V Antiquity Historique, 2nd edit., 186, 187, 224, 298-308, 317-321, 
 and Recherehes pour servir a I'histoire de la XIX" dynastie, pp. 35-38). Unger (Manetho, p. 218) made 
 them out to be- the Khartanoi of Libya, and was followed by Brugsch {Gesch. Mgyptens, pp. 578, 579). 
 W. Max Miiller {Asien und Europa, pp. 371-379) revived the hypotheses of De Rouge and Chabas, and 
 saw in them bands from the Italian island. I am still persuaded, as I was twenty-five years ago, 
 that they were Asiatics — the Mseonian tribe which gave its name to Sardis (Revue Critique, 1873, 
 vol. i. pp. 84-86; 1878, vol. i. p. 320; 1880, vol. i. pp. 109, 110 : cf. F. Lenormant, Les Antiquit^s de 
 la Troade, i. pp. 73, 75 ; Brugsch, Troie et I'Egypte, in Schliemann, Troie, Egger's trans., p. 983). 
 The Serdani or Shardana are mentioned as serving in the Egyptian army in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. 
 
 ^ I am obliged here, for want of space, to limit my original plan. I have preserved of it only a 
 summary description of Asia Minor, and the most necessary facts for understanding the history of 
 Egypt and Syria. Cf. for the geographical positions, Elisee Reclus, G^ogr. Univ., vol. ix. p. 461, et seq. 
 
 ♦ Strabo, xiv. ii. § 7, p. 538. 
 
362 
 
 TEE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 forming meres, marshes, and lakes of fluctuating extent. The largest of these 
 lakes, called Tatta, is salt, and its superficial extent varies with the season. 
 In brief, the plateau of this region is nothing but an extension of the highlands 
 of Central Asia, and has the same vegetation, fauna, and climate, the same 
 extremes of temperature, the same aridity, and the same wretched and poverty- 
 stricken character as the latter. The maritime portions are of an entirely 
 difierent aspect. The western coast which stretches into the ^gean is furrowed 
 by deep valleys, opening out as they reach the sea, and the rivers — the Caicus, 
 the Hermos, the Cayster, and Meander — which flow through them are 
 effective makers of soil, bringing down with them, as they do, a continual 
 supply of alluvium, which, deposited at their mouths, causes the land to 
 encroach there upon the sea. The littoral is penetrated here and there by 
 deep creeks, and is fringed with beautiful islands — Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Cos, 
 Ehodes — of which the majority are near enough to the continent to act as 
 defences of the seaboard, and to guard the mouths of the rivers, while they are 
 far enough away to be secure from the effects of any violent disturbances 
 which might arise in the mainland. The Cyclades, distributed in two lines, 
 are scattered, as it were, at hazard between Asia and Europe, like great blocks 
 which have fallen around the piers of a broken bridge. The passage from one 
 to the other is an easy matter, and owing to them, the sea rather serves to bring 
 together the two continents than to divide them. Two groups of heights, 
 imperfectly connected with the central plateau, tower above the Mgean slope — 
 wooded Ida on the north, veiled in cloud, rich in the flocks and herds upon its 
 sides, and in the metals within its bosom ; and on the south, the volcanic bastions 
 of Lycia, where tradition was wont to place the fire-breathing Chimaera. A 
 rocky and irregularly broken coast stretches to the west of Lycia, in a line 
 almost parallel with the Taurus, through which, at intervals, torrents leaping 
 from the heights make their way into the sea. At the extreme eastern point 
 of the coast, almost at the angle where the Cilician littoral meets that of Syria, 
 the Pyramus and the Sarus have brought down between them sufficient material 
 to form an alluvial plain, which the classical geographers designated by the 
 name of the Level Cilicia, to distinguish it from the rough region of the 
 interior, Cilicia Trachea. 
 
 The populations dwelling in this peninsula belong to very varied races. On 
 the south and south-west certain Semites had found an abode— the mysterious 
 inhabitants of Solyma, and especially the Phoenicians in their scattered 
 trading-stations.^ On the north-east, beside the Khati, distributed throughout 
 the valleys of the Anti-Taurus, between the Euphrates and Mount Argaius,. 
 there were tribes allied to the Khati - — possibly at this time the Tabal and 
 
 ' See pp. 202, 203 of the present work for notices of the Phceuician trading posts. 
 
 2 A certain number of these tribes or of their towns are to be found in the list contained in the 
 
THE POPULATIONS OF ASIA MINOB. 
 
 363- 
 
 the Mushka — and, on the shores of the Black Sea, those workers in metal, 
 which, following the Greeks, we may call, for want of a better designation, 
 the Chalybes.^ We are at a loss to know the distribution of tribes in the 
 centre and in the north-west, but the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, we may 
 rest assured, never formed an ethnographical frontier. The continents on- 
 either side of them appear at this point to form the banks of a river, or the 
 two slopes of a single valley, whose bottom lies buried beneath the waters. 
 The barbarians of the Balkans had forced their way across at several points. 
 Dardanians were to be encountered in the neighbourhood of Mount Ida, as well 
 as on the banks of the Axios, from early times, and the Kebrenes of Macedonia 
 had colonised a district of the Troad near Ilion, while the great nation of 
 the Mysians had issued, like them, from tlie European populations of the 
 Hebrus and the Strymon. The hero Dardanos, according to legend, had at 
 first founded, under the auspices of the Idoean Zeus, the town of Dardania ; and 
 afterwards a portion of his progeny followed the course of the Scamander, 
 and entrenched themselves upon a precipitous hill, from the top of which they 
 could look far and wide over the plain and sea,'^ The most ancient Ilion, at 
 first a village, abandoned on more than one occasion in the course of centuries, 
 was rebuilt and transformed, earlier than the XV"' century before Christ, into 
 an important citadel, the capital of a warlike and prosperous kingdom. The 
 ruins on the spot prove the existence of a primitive civilization analogous to 
 that of the islands of the Archipelago before the arrival of the Phoenician 
 navigators.^ We find that among both, at the outset, flint and bone, clay, 
 baked and unbaked, formed the only materials for their utensils and furniture ; 
 metals were afterwards introduced, and we can trace their progressive employ- 
 ment to the gradual exclusion of the older implements. These ancient Trojans 
 used copper, and we encounter only rarely a kind of bronze, in which the 
 proportion of tin was too slight to give the requisite hardness to the alloy, and 
 we find still fewer examples of iron and lead. They were fairly adroit workers 
 in silver, electrum, and especially in gold. The amulets, cups, necklaces, and 
 jewellery discovered in their tombs or in the ruins of their houses, are some- 
 times of a not ungraceful form. Their pottery was made by hand, and was 
 not painted or varnished, but they often gave to it a fine lustre by means of a 
 stone-polisher.* Other peoples of uncertain origin, but who had attained a 
 
 treaty of Ramees II. with the Kbati (11. 2G-30 ; cf. Bocriant, yotet de Voyage, in the Rtcueil de 
 Travaux, vol. xii. pp. 157-lGO, and \V. Max Mi'ller, Atien und Eurupa, pp. 334, 335). 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, GeschichU dee KOnigsreichs Pontog, pp. 11, 12, and C. de Caba, Gli Iletei-Ptlasgi, 
 vol. i. pp. 548-565, have brought together the greater part of the scattered notices we have of these races. 
 
 ' See the monograph of Eu. Meyek, Getchichle von Troas, p. 9, et seq., for all the legends relating 
 to tlie earliest Trojan population. 
 
 ' See pp. 201, 202 of the present work. 
 
 • For information on this early civilization, consult, in default of Schliemann's Hios and Troja, 
 where the materials are scattered, the summary of them given by Pebrot-Chipiez, Uhloire de I'Art, 
 pp. 151-258, or Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertiims, vol. ii. pp. 121-127. 
 
364 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 civilization as advanced as that of the Trojans, were the Maeonians, the 
 Leleges, and the Carians who had their abode to the south of Troy and of the 
 Mysians. The Maeonians held sway in the fertile valleys of the Hermos, 
 Cayster, and Maeander. They were divided into several branches, such as the 
 Lydians, the Tyrseni, the Torrhebi, and the Shardana, but their most ancient 
 traditions looked back with pride to a flourishing state to which, as they alleged, 
 they had all belonged long ago on the slopes of Mount Sipylos, between the 
 valley of the Hermos and the Gulf of Smyrna. The traditional capital of this 
 kingdom was Magnesia, the most ancient of cities, the residence of Tantalus, 
 the father of Niobe and the Pelopidse. The Leleges rise up before us from 
 many points at the same time, but always connected with the most ancient 
 memories of Greece and Asia. The majority of the strongholds on the 
 Trojan coast belonged to them — such as Antandros and Gargara — and Pedasos 
 on the Satniois boasted of having been one of their colonies, while several 
 other towns of the same name, but very distant from each other, enable us to 
 form some idea of the extent of their migrations.^ In the time of Strabo, 
 ruined tombs and deserted sites of cities were shown in Caria which the natives 
 regarded as Lelegia — that is, abode of the Leleges.^ The Carians were domi- 
 nant in the southern angle of the peninsula and in the ^gean Islands ; and 
 the Lycians lay next them on the east, and were sometimes confounded with 
 them. One of the most powerful tribes of the Carians, the Tremilse, were in the 
 eyes of the Greeks hardly to be separated from the mountainous district which 
 they knew as Lycia proper; while other tribes extended as far as the Halys. 
 A district of the Troad, to the south of Mount Ida, was called Lycia, and there 
 was a Lycaonia on both sides of the Middle Taurus ; while Attica had its 
 Lycia, and Crete its Lycians. These three nations — the Lycians, Carians, and 
 Leleges — were so entangled together from their origin, that no one would 
 venture now to trace the lines of demarcation between them, and we are often 
 obliged to apply to them collectively what can be appropriately ascribed to 
 only one. 
 
 How far the Hittite power extended in the first years of its expansion we 
 have now hardly the means of knowing. It would appear that it took within 
 its scope, on the south-west, the Cilician plain, and the undulating region 
 bordering on it — that of Qodi : the prince of the latter district, if not his vassal, 
 was at least the colleague of the King of the Khati, and he acted in concert 
 
 > According to the scholiast on Nicander {Ther., v. 804), the word " Pedasos" signified "moun- 
 tain," probably in the language of the Leleges. We know up to the present of four Pedasi, 
 or Pedasa: the first in Messenia (Strabo, VIII. iv. § 3, p. 551), which later on took tlie name of 
 Methone ; the second in the Troad, on the banks of the Satuiois (Strabo, XIII. i. § 7, p. 581) ; the 
 third in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus (Agathocles, § 4, in MiiLLEE-DiDOT, Frag. Hut. Grxc, vol. iv. 
 p. 289 ; and the fourth in Caria. 
 
 ' With regard to the Leleges, consult the somewhat confused work of Dummlek, Bie Leleger, 
 where all the classical texts relative to these people are collected. 
 
COMMERCIAL ROUTES FROM THE EUPHRATES TO THE ^GEAN. 365 
 
 with him in peace as well as in war.^ It embraced also the upper basin of 
 the Pyramos and its affluents, as well as the regions situated between the 
 Euphrates and the Halys, but its frontier in this direction was continually 
 fluctuating, and our researches fail to follow it. It is somewhat probable that 
 it extended considerably towards the west and north-west in the direction of 
 the -lEgean Sea. The forests and escarpments of Lycaonia, and the desolate 
 steppes of the central plateau, have always presented a barrier diflScult to 
 surmount by any invader from the east. If the Khati at that period attacked 
 it in front, or by a flank movement, the assault must rather have been of the 
 nature of a hurried reconnaissance, or of a raid, than of a methodically 
 conducted campaign.'^ They must have preferred to obtain possession- of the 
 valleys of the Thermodon and the Iris, which were rich in mineral wealthy 
 and from which they could have secured an inexhaustible revenue. The ex- 
 traction and working of metals in this region had attracted thither from time 
 immemorial merchants from neighbouring and distant countries— at first from 
 the south to supply the needs of Syria, Chalda^a, and Egypt, then from the 
 west for the necessities of the countries on the yKgean. Tlie roads, which,, 
 starting from the archipelago on the one hand, or the Euphrates on the 
 other, met at this point, fell naturally into one, and thus formed a continuous 
 route, along which the caravans of commerce, as well as warlike expeditions, 
 might henceforward pass. Starting from the cultivated regions of Maeonia, 
 the road proceeded up the valley of the Hermos from west to east ; then^ 
 scaling the heights of the central plateau and taking a direction more and 
 more to the north-east, it reached the fords of the Halys. Crossing this river 
 twice — for the first time at a point about two-thirds the length of its course, 
 and for the second at a short distance from its source — it made an abrupt 
 turn towards the Taurus, and joined, at Melitene, the routes leading to 
 the Upper Tigris, to Nisibis, to Singara, and to Old Assur, and counecting 
 further down beyond the mountainous region, under the walls of Carchemish, 
 with the roads which led to the Nile and to the river-side cities on the Persian 
 Gulf.^ There were other and shorter routes, if we think only of the number 
 
 ' The country of Qidi, Qadi, Qodi, has been connected by Chabiis witli Galilee {Voyage d'un 
 Egyptien, pp. 108, 109), and Brugsch adopted the identification {Geaeh. ^gypletw, p. 549). Vv. Max 
 Miiller identified it with Phoenicia (Asien u7id Europa, pp. 242-248). I think the name served to 
 designate the Cilician coast and plain from the mouth of the Oronlcs, and the country which was 
 known in the Grseco-Ronian period by the name Kotis and Kataonia (Maspero, Dc Ctirchemit Oppidi 
 Situ, map 2 ; cf. Sayce, Monuments of the Utttiteg, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc , vol. vii. pp. 28."), 289; 
 F. Lenobmant, Les Grig, de I'Hist., vol. iii. p. 72, et seq. ; Ed. Meyeu, Getch. des Allerlums, vol. i. p. 277). 
 
 ' The idea of a Hittito empire extending over almost all Asia Minor was advanced by Sajce 
 {Monuments of the Uiltites, in the Transactions Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vii. pp. 268-29.3 ; cf. Sayce- 
 Menant, Les Ilethfens, Bistoire d'un Empire ouUi^, p. 75, et seq. ; Wright, The Empire of the 
 Hiltites, Ist edit., pp. 45-6t). This view lias been opposed by Hirschfeld {Die Eehenrclie/s in Klein- 
 asien, pp. 7, 8, 45, et seq.), defended by Ramsay {Ilist. Geng. of Asia Minor, pp. 3S, 39, and C'(7ieg and 
 Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol. i. pp. xiii.-xv.), and by Radet ( La Lydia et le Monde. Grec, etc., p. 24, et teq.). 
 
 ' The very early existence of this road, which partly coincides with the royal route of the Persian 
 Achemenids, was proved by Kiepert, Ud>er die Persische Kiinigsftrasfe durch Vordtranen nach 
 
366 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EG TFT. 
 
 of miles, from the Hermos in Pisidia or Lycaonia, across the central steppe 
 and through the Cilician Gates, to the meeting of the ways at Carchemish ; 
 but they led through wretched regions, without industries, almost without 
 tillage, and inhospitable alike to man and beast, and they were ventured on 
 •only by those who aimed at trafficking among the populations who lived in 
 their neighbourhood.^ The Khati, from the time even when they were 
 enclosed among the fastnesses of the Taurus, had within their control the most 
 important section of the great land route which served to maintain regular 
 relations between the ancient kingdoms of the east and the rising states of 
 the ^Egean, and whosoever would pass through their country had to pay them 
 toll. The conquest of Naharaim, in giving them control of a new section, 
 placed almost at their discretion the whole traffic between Chaldaea and Egypt. 
 From the time of Thufmosis III. caravans employed in this traffic accom- 
 plished the greater part of their journey in territories depending upon Babylon, 
 Assyria, or Memphis, and enjoyed thus a relative security ; the terror of the 
 Pharaoh protected the travellers even when they were no longer iu his domains, 
 ^nd he saved them from the flagrant exactions made upon them by princes 
 who called themselves his brothers, or were actually his vassals.^ But the 
 time had now come when merchants had to encounter, between Qodshu and 
 the banks of the Khabur, a sovereign owing no allegiance to any one, and 
 who would tolerate no foreign interference in his territory. From the out- 
 break of hostilities with the Khati, Egypt could communicate with the cities 
 of the Lower Euphrates only by the Wadys of the Arabian Desert, which 
 were always dangerous and difficult for large convoys ; ^ and its commercial 
 relations with Chaldsea were practically brought thus to a standstill, and, as 
 a consequence, the manufactures which fed this trade being reduced to a 
 limited production, the fiscal receipts arising from it experienced a sensible 
 diminution. When peace was restored, matters fell again into their old groove, 
 with certain reservations to the Khati of some common privileges: Egypt, 
 which had formerly possessed these to her own advantage, now bore the 
 burden of them, and the indirect tribute which she paid in this manner to 
 her rivals furnished them with arms to fight her in case she should endeavour 
 to free herself from the imposition. All the semi-barbaric peoples of the 
 peninsula of Asia Minor were of an adventurous and warlike temperament. 
 
 Herodotos, in the Monatsherichte of Academy of Sciences of Berlin, 1857, pp. 123-140, and by Eamsat, 
 Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, pp. 27-35, where the irregularities of the route are explained ; cf. Eadet, 
 La Lydie et le Monde Grec, pp. 23-32, and Ramsay-Hogarth, Prehellenic Monuments of Cappadocia, 
 in the Recueil, vol. xv. pp. 92-94, in which important corrections of previous views are adduced. 
 
 ' On these secondary routes, see Eamsat, Eist. Geog. of Asia Minor, pp. 35-43, and Eadet, La 
 Lydie et le Monde Grec, pp. 33-35, where the authors, while showing that the general use of these 
 roads was not anterior to the Seleucids, admit that they existed in the centuries preceding the 
 Macedonian conquest. 
 
 2 See as to this commerce, p. 286 of the present work. 
 
 3 On these routes through Northern Arabia, see pp. 613, 614, of the Dawn of Civilization. 
 
THE TREATY BETWEEN HARMHABI AND SAPALULU. 367 
 
 They were always willing to set out on an expedition, under the leadership of 
 some chief of noble family or renowned for valour ; sometimes by sea in their 
 light craft, which would bring them unexpectedly to the nearest point of the 
 Syrian coast, sometimes by land in companies of foot-soldiers and charioteers. 
 They were frequently fortunate enough to secure plenty of booty, and return 
 with it to their homes safe and sound ; but as frequently they would meet with 
 reverses by falling into some ambuscade : in such a case their conqueror would 
 not put them to the sword or sell them as slaves, but would promptly incor- 
 porate them into his army, thus making his captives into his soldiers. The 
 King of the Khati was able to make use of them without difficulty, for his 
 empire was conterminous on the west and north with some of their native 
 lands, and he had often whole regiments of them in his array — Mysians,' 
 Lycians, people of Augarit,^ of Ilion,-^ and of Pedasos.* The revenue of the 
 provinces taken from Egypt, and the products of his tolls, furnished him with 
 abundance of means for obtaining recruits from among thera.'^ 
 
 All these things contributed to make the power of the Khati so consider- 
 able, that Harmhabi, when he had once tested it, judged it prudent not to join 
 issues with them. He conchided with Sapalulu a treaty of peace and friendship, 
 
 ' Attempts were made to identify the Mausu with the Mysians by E. do Rouge (Eztrail d'un 
 Mimoiremrles Attaqueg dirig^es centre VEijypte par let peuples de la M^diierran^e, p. 4); and this 
 ■view, adopted by Chubas (litudes sur I'Anliquil^ higlorique,2nd. edit., p. 185), has been disputed with- 
 out sufiBcient reason by Brugsch (Ge«cA. JEgyplens, pp. 578, 579), by Ed. Meyer (Geich. den Alterlums, 
 vol. i. p. 278, and Gesch. des Allen JEgyplens, p. 281), and by W. Max Miiller {Asien und Europa, p. 355). 
 
 * The country of Augarit, Ugarft, is mentioned on several- occadons in the Tel el-Amarna corre- 
 spondence (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 1, p. 3, 1. 39; No. 30, p. 65, 11. 55-57; of. 
 Delattre, Leitres de Tell el-Amarna, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. 
 pp. 24, 27, 29, and 1892-93, vol. xv. pp. 50(5-508). The name has been wrongly associated with 
 Caria (F. Lenoumant, Les Origines de Vllistoire, vol. iii. p. 73); it has been pliiced by W. Max 
 Miiller (^Asicn und Europa, pp. 262-2()9) well within Naharaim, to the east of the Oronles, between 
 Kbalybon (Alepi)o) and Apamaja, the writer confusing it with Akaiti, named in the campaign of 
 Amenotlies II. (sec pp. 291, 292 of tlie jiresent work). I am not euro about the site, but its asaociation 
 in the Amarna letters with Gugii and Khanigalbat inclines me to j)lace it beyond the northern slopes 
 of the Taurus, possibly on the banks of the Halys or of the Upper Euphrates. 
 
 ' The name of this people was read Eiilna by Champollion, who identified it with the lonians 
 {Grammaire Uigroglyphique, p. 151, and Dictionnaire, p. 6G ; of. Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 
 p. 42G); this reading and identification were adopted by Lenormant (Le« On(7ine«, vol. iii. p. 353) 
 and by W. Max Miiller (Asien und Europa, pp. 3G9-371). Chabas hesitates between Eiilna and 
 Maifina, Ionia and Majonia {Etudes sur I Antiquity Eistorique, 2nd edit., p. 185), and Bruggch read 
 it Malunna {Gesch. j^gyptens, p. 491). The reading Iriiina, Ilittna, seems to me the only possible one 
 (Lea llim, in the Reeueil de Travaux, vol. viii. p. S4), and the identification with Iliou as well. 
 
 * E. de Rouge thought that Pidasa, owing to the transposition of letters, was for Pisada, Pisidia 
 {Cows professes au College de France, in the Melanges d'Arch^ologie, etc., vol. ii. p. 267), and this 
 opinion has been adopted by W. Max Jliiller {Asien und Europa, p. 355). Owing to its association 
 with the Dardanians, Mysiana, and Ilion, I think it answers to the Pedasos on the Satniois near 
 Troy (Masi'ero, De Carchemis oppidi situ, pp. 57, 58). 
 
 * E. do Rouge and the Egyptologists who followed him thought at first that the troops designated in 
 the Egyptian texts as Lycians, Mysians, Dardanians, were the national armies of these nations, each 
 one commanded by its king, who had hastened from Asia Minor to succour their ally the King of the 
 Kh6,ti. I now think that these were bands of adventurers, consisting of soldiers belonging to these 
 nations, who came to put themselves at the service of civilized nionarchs, as the Carians, lonians, 
 and the Greeks of various cities did Inter on : the individuals whom the texts mention as their princes 
 were not the kings of these nations, but the warrior chiefs to which each band gave obedience. 
 
368 
 
 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 which, leaving the two powers in possession respectively of the territory 
 each then occupied, gave legal sanction to the extension of the sphere of the 
 Khati at the expense of Egypt.^ Syria continued to consist of two almost equal 
 parts, stretching from Byblos to the sources of the Jordan and Damascus: 
 the northern portion, formerly tributary to Egypt, became a Hittite possession ; 
 while the southern, consisting of Phoenicia and Canaan,^ which tlie Pharaoh 
 had held for a long time with a more effective authority, and had more fully 
 occupied, was retained for Egypt, This could have been but a provisional 
 arrangement : if Thebes had not altogether renounced the hope of repossessing 
 some day the lost conquests of Thutmosis III., the Khati, drawn by the same 
 instinct which had urged them to cross their frontiers towards the south, were 
 not likely to be content with less than the expulsion of the Egyptians from 
 Syria, and the absorption of the whole country into the Hittite dominion. 
 Peace was maintained during Harmhabi's lifetime. We know nothing of 
 Egyptian affairs during the last years of his reign. His rule may have come 
 to an end owing to some court intrigue, or he may have had no male heir to 
 follow him.^ Eamse?, who succeeded him, did not belong to the royal line, or 
 was only remotely connected with it.* He was already an old man when he 
 ascended the throne, and we ought perhaps to identify him with one or other 
 of the Eamses who flourished under the last Pharaohs ot the XVIIP" dynasty, 
 
 ' It is not certain that Harmhabi was the Pharaoh with whom Sapalulu entered into treaty, and 
 it might be insisted with some reason that Ramses I. was the party to it on the side of Egypt 
 (Brugsch, Gesch. JEgyptens, pp. 456, 457); but this hypothesis is rendered less probable by the 
 fact of the extremely short reign of the latter Pliaraoh. I am inclined to think, as W. Max Miiller 
 has supposed (Asien und Eiiropa, p. 392, note 1), that the passage in the Treaftj of Bamses II. with 
 the Prince of the Khati (11. 5-7), which speaks of a treaty concluded with Sapalulu, looks back to the 
 time of Eamses II.'s predecessor, Harmhabi. 
 
 ° This follows from the situation of the two empires, as indicated in the account of the campaign 
 of Seti I. in his first year. The king, after having defeated the nomads of the Arabian desert, passed 
 on without further fighting into the country of the Amdrru and the regions of the Lebanon (see 
 p. 371 of the present work), which fact seems to imply the submission of Kharu. W. Max Miiller was 
 the first to discern clearly this part of the history of Egyptian conquest {Asien und Europa, pp. 275, 
 276) ; he appears, however, to have circumscribed somewhat too strictly the dominion of Harmhabi 
 in assigning Carmel as its limit. The list of the nations of the north who yielded, or are alleged to 
 have yielded, submission to Harmhabi, were traced on the first pylon of this monarch at Karnak, and 
 on its adjoining walls ; what remains of this list has been reproduced by Bouriant, Leltre a M. W. Max 
 Miiller sur le mur d'Horemheb a Karnnk, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 41-43. Among 
 others, the names of the Khati and of Arvad are to be read there. 
 
 ' It would appear, from an Ostracon in the British Museum (Birch, Inscriptions in the Hieratic 
 and Demotic Characters, pi. xiv., No. 5624, that the year XXI. follows after the year YII. of Harm- 
 habi's reign (Brtjgsch, Die Gruppe man, in the Zeitschrift, 1876, pp. 122-124, and Gesch. ^gyptens, 
 pp. 447, 448 ; cf. Wiedemann, ^gyptifche GeschicMe, p. 411); it is possible that the year XXL may 
 belong to one of Harmhabi's successors, Seti I. or Ramses II., for example. 
 
 * The eflbrts to connect Eamses I. with a family of Semitic origin, possibly the Shepherd-kings 
 themselves, have net been successful (E. de Eocge, Lettre a M. Guigniaut, in the Revue Arche'ologique, 
 2nd series, vol. ix. p. 132; Mariette, Deuxieme Lettre a M. Je vicomte de Roug^ sur lesfouilles de 
 Tunis, p. 2 ; La Stele de Van 400, p. 5 ; Chabas, Les Ramses sont-ils de la race des Pasteurs ? Etudes 
 sur la Stele de Van 400, in the Zeitschrift, 1865, pp. 29-38). Everything goes to prove that the Ramses 
 family was, and considered itself to be, of Egyptian origin. Brugsch (Gesch. JEgyptens, p. 456) and Ed. 
 Meyer (Gesch. .3<Jgyptens, p. 274) were inclined to see in Ramses I. a younger brother of Harmhabi. This 
 hypothesis has nothing either for or against it up to the present (Wiedemann, ^gryp<isc//e Gescli., p. 413). 
 
BAMSES I. AND HIS UNCERTAIN OEIGIN. 
 
 369 
 
 perhaps the one who governed Thebes under KhuniatonV ov another, who 
 began but never finished his tomb in the hillside above Tel el-Amarna, in 
 the burying-place of the worshippers of the Disk. He had held important 
 ofSces under Harmhabi,^ and had obtained in marriage for his son Seti the 
 hand of Tuia, who, of all the royal family, possessed the strongest rights to 
 the crown.^ Kamses reigned only six or seven years, and associated Seti with 
 himself in the government from his second 
 year.^ He undertook a short military 
 expedition into Ethiopia, and perhaps a 
 raid into Syria; and we find remains of 
 his monuments in Nubia, at Bohani near 
 Wady Haifa, and at Thebes, in the temple 
 of Amon.^ He displayed little activity, 
 his advanced age preventing him from 
 entering on any serious undertaking : but 
 his accession nevertheless marks an im- 
 portant date in the history of Egypt. 
 Although Harmhabi was distantly con- 
 nected with the line of the Ahmessides, it 
 is difficult at the present day to know what position to assign him in the 
 Pharaonic lists : while some regard him as the last of the XVIII'" dynasty, 
 others prefer to place him at the head of the XIX"'. No such hesitation, how- 
 ever, exists with regard to Eamses I., who was undoubtedly the founder of a new 
 family. The old familiar names ofThutmosis and Amenothes henceforward dis- 
 appear from the royal lists, and are replaced by others, such as Seti, Minephtah, 
 
 ' Cf. what is said about this Ramaes, goveruor of Thebes, pp. 321, 325, supra. 
 
 ' BouuiANT, Deux jours de fouilles a Tell el-Amama, in Mifinoires de la Miision francaite, vol. L 
 pp. 9-11. This Tel el-Amarua Eamses is, perhaps, identical with the Theban one: he may have 
 followed his master to his new capital, and have had a tomb dug for himself there, which he subse- 
 quently abandoued, on the deatli of Kh(iniatouii, in order to return to Thebes with T&tankhamon and Ai. 
 
 • MASPEiiO, Enai sur I'ijtscription d'Ahydos, pp. G8-70, and Itevue Critique, 1870, vol. ii. p. 35. 
 The fact that the marriage was celebrated under the auspices of Harmhabi, and that, consequently, 
 Ramses must have occupied nu important position at the court of that prince, is proved by the 
 appearance of Kamses II., sou of Tuiu, as early as the first year of Seti, among the ranks of the com- 
 batants in the war carried on by tliat prince against the Tihonu (Cuampollion, Monuments, pi. ccxcvii. 
 2) ; even granting that he was then ten years old (cf. p. 3J<G, infra), we are forced to admit that ho 
 must have been born before his grandfather CAme to the throne. There is in the Vatican a statue of 
 Tuia which has been remarked on by Lepsius, Notice sur deux statues ^gi/ptiennes, in the Annates de 
 VInstilut de Correspondance Arch€ologique, vol. iv. pp. 5-11, and pi, xl. ; other statues have been dis- 
 covered at San (Mauiette, Notice sur les principaux Monuments du Mute'e de Boulaq, 1864, p. 267, 
 and Fragments et Documents relalifs aux Fouilles de San, in tlie Hecueil de Travaux, vol. is. pp. 14, 
 15; Petkie, Tunis, vol. i. pi. ii., No. 11, and vol. ii. p. 17). 
 
 * Stele C 57 in the Louvre, published in CHAMroi.uoN, Monuments, pis. 1, 2 : cf. Rosellini, 
 Monumenti Storici, pi. xlv. 1. 
 
 ' He began the great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak (Mariette, Karnah, pp. 21, 22, 21, 25, 38) ; E. de 
 Rouge thinks that the idea of building tliis was first conceived under the XVUI"' dynasty {Melanges 
 d'Archeblogie, vol. i. p. 66). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch in Rosellixi, Monumenti Storici, pi. v., No. 17. 
 
 2 B 
 
370 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 and, especially, Eamses, which now figure in them for the first time. The 
 princes who bore these names showed themselves worthy successors of those 
 who had raised Egypt to the zenith of her power; like them they were 
 successful on the battle-field, and like them they devoted the best of the 
 spoil to building innumerable monuments. No sooner had Seti celebrated 
 his father's obsequies, than he assembled his army and set out for war. 
 
 It would appear that Southern Syria was then in. open revolt. "Word had 
 been brought to His Majesty : ' The vile Shausvt have plotted rebellion ; the 
 chiefs of their tribes, assembled in one place on the confines of Kharii, have 
 been smitten with blindness and with the spirit of violence ; every one cutteth 
 liis neighbour's throat." ^ It was imperative to send succour to the few tribes 
 who remained faithful, to prevent them from succumbing to the repeated 
 attacks of the insurgents. Seti crossed the frontier at Zalu, but instead of 
 pursuing his way along the coast, he marched due east in order to attack the 
 Shaiisu in the very heart of the desert. The road ran through wide wadys, 
 tolerably well supplied witli water, and the length of the stages necessarily 
 depended on the distances between the wells. This route was one frequented 
 in early times, and its security was ensured by a number of fortresses and 
 isolated towers built along it, such as " The House of the Lion " — ta ait pa 
 mail — near the pool of the same name, the Migdol of the springs of Huzina, 
 the fortress of Uazit, the Tower of the Brave, and the Migdol of Ssti at the 
 pools of Absakaba.^ The Bedawin, disconcerted by the rapidity of this move- 
 ment, offered no serious resistance. Their flocks were carried off, their trees 
 cut down, their harvests destroyed, and they surrendered their strongholds at 
 discretion. Pushing on from one halting-place to another, the conqueror soon 
 reached Kabbiti, and finally Pakanana.^ The latter town occupied a splendid 
 
 ' The pictures of this campaiga and the inscriptious which explain them were engraved by Seti I. 
 on the outside of the north wall of the great hypostyle hall at Karuak. They were collected and 
 published by Champollion, Monuments, pis. cclxxxix.-cccii., and vol. ii. pp. 86-112 ; then by Eosellini, 
 Monumenti Storici, pis. xlvi.-li., and by Lepsius, Denkmaler, iii. 1 26-130. They have been tabulated and 
 examined by Brugsch, Reiseberichte aus ^gypten, pp. 149-157, and GescMchte JEgijptens, pp. 458-469 ; 
 then by Lauth, Ueber Sethosts' Triumphzug, in the Keports of the Proceedings of the Munich Academy 
 of Sciences, 1889, vol. i. pp. 319-355, and by Lushington, The Victories of Seti I. recorded in the 
 Great Temple at Karnalc, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. vii. pp. 509- 
 534 ; lastly, the texts have been carefully edited and translated by Gitieysse, Inscription Historique 
 de S^i I"', in the Recueil de Travauz, vol. xi. pp. 52-77. 
 
 ^ Brugsch has endeavoured to map out the route followed by Seti I., and his deductions led him 
 to carry it to the south of the Dead Sea (Dictionnaire G^ographique, pp. 590-597, and GescMchte 
 ^gyptens, pp. 459, 460). I agree with Tomkins (The Fortress of Canaan, in the Palestine Exploration 
 Fund, Quarterly Statements, 1884, pp. 59, 60) in thinking that the line followed by the Egyptian 
 army coincided for the most part with the route explored by Holland (4 Journey on Foot through 
 Arabia Petrsea, in the Quart. Stat., 1879, pp. 70-72 ; cf. Wilson, Notes to accompany a Map of the late 
 Rev. F. W. Holland's Journey, in the Quart. Stat., 1884, pp. 4-15). 
 
 ' The site of Pakanana has, with much probability, been fixed by Conder {The Fortress of Canaan, 
 ill the Quart. Statements, 1883, pp. 175, 176 ; cf. ToMiaNS, The Fortress of Canaan, in the Quart. 
 Statements, 1884, pp. 57-61) at El-Kenan or Kliurbet-Kauaan, to the south of Hebron. Brugsch had 
 previously taken tiiis name to indicate the country of Canaan (Geographische Inschriften, vol. i. pp. 59, 
 
SETI 1. AND THE SYRIAN CAMPAIGN OF THE TEAR I. 371 
 
 position on the slope of a rocky hill, close to a small lake, and defended the 
 approaches to the vale of Hebron. It surrendered at the first attack, and by- 
 its fall the Egyptians became possessed of one of the richest provinces in the 
 southern part of Kharu. This result having been achieved, Seti took the 
 caravan road to his left, on the further side of Gaza, and pushed forward at full 
 speed towards the Hittite frontier. It was probably unprotected by any troops. 
 
 TIIK liKTl.HN Ol' TIIK NOliTIl WAM, OK TIIK H Yl'OST Y I, K MALI, AT KAUNAK, WIIKUK. >KTI 1 
 UEI-RKSKNTS SOMK Kl'ISOKKS IN HIS FlUSf L'AMI'AIC.N.' 
 
 and the Hittite king was absent in some other part of his empire. Seti pilhiged 
 the Amurru, seized lanuamu and Qodshil by a sudden attack, marched in an 
 oblique direction towards the Mediterranean, forcing the inhabitants of the 
 Lebanon to cut timber from their mountains for the additions which he was 
 premeditating in the temple of the Theban Amon, and finally returned by the 
 coast road, receiving, as he passed through their territory, the homage of 
 the Phoenicians. His entry into Egypt was celebrated by solemn festivities. 
 The nobles, priests, and princes of both south and north hastened to meet him 
 at the bridge of ZalCl, and welcomed, with their chants, both the king and 
 
 261, vol. ii. p. 51; cf. LjlVTR, Ueber Sethosit' Triumphzug, pp. 337, 338), but Cliabas rightly con- 
 tested this view {Voyage d'un Egyplien, pp. 112, 113). AV. Max Miiller took up the matter afresh : 
 lie perceived that we have hero an allusion to the first town eucountereJ by Seti I. in the country of 
 Canaan to the south-west of Kaphia, the name of which is not mentioned by tiie Egyptian sculptor 
 (Aaienund Europa, pp. 149, 205, 20G) ; it seems to me that this name should be Pakuuaiia, and that 
 the town bore the same name as the country. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
372 THE EE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 the troops of captives whom he was bringing back for the service of his 
 father Anion at Karnak.^ The delight of his subjects was but natural, 
 since for many years the Egyptians had not witnessed such a triumph, and 
 they no doubt believed that the prosperous era of Thutmosis III. was about 
 to return, and that the wealth of Naharaim would once more flow into Thebes 
 as of old. Their illusion was short-lived, for this initial victory was followed 
 by no other. Maurusaru, King of the Khati, and subsequently his son Mau- 
 tallu, withstood the Pharaoh with such resolution that he was forced to 
 treat with them. A new alliance was concluded on the same conditions as 
 the old one, and the boundaries of the two kingdoms remained the same as 
 under Harmhabi, a proof that neither sovereign had gained any advantage 
 over his rival.^ Hence the campaign did not in any way restore Egyptian 
 supremacy, as had been hoped at the moment ; it merely served to strengthen 
 her authority in those provinces which the Khati had failed to take from Egypt. 
 The Phopnicians of Tyre and Sidon had too many commercial interests on the 
 banks of the Nile to dream of breaking the slender tie which held them to the 
 Pharaoh, since independence, or submission to another sovereign, might have 
 ruined their trade. The Kharu and the Bedawin, vanquished wherever they 
 had ventured to oppose the Pharaoh's troops, were less than ever capable of 
 throwing off the Egyptian yoke. Syria fell back into its former state. The 
 local princes once more resumed their intrigues and quarrels, varied at intervals 
 by appeals to their suzerain for justice or succour. The "Royal Messengers" 
 appeared from time to time with their escorts of archers and chariots to claim 
 tribute, levy taxes, to make peace between quarrelsome vassals, or, if the case 
 required it, to supersede some insubordinate chief by a governor of undoubted 
 loyalty ; in fine, the entire administration of the empire was a continuation 
 of that of the preceding century.^ The peoples of Kush meanwhile had 
 remained quiet during the campaign in Syria, and on the western frontier 
 the Tihonu had suffered so severe a defeat that they were not likely' to 
 recover from it for some time.* The bands of pirates, Shardana and others, who 
 infested the Delta, were hunted down, and the prisoners taken from among them 
 
 ' A part of this picture, that showing the bridge thrown across the canal at Zalii, is reproduced 
 on p. 123, supra. 
 
 ' Treaty of Ramses II. with the Prince of Khati, 11. 5-7. The name is written Mautanru, but 
 the combination nr in the Egyptian texts, more often than not, represents an r or strong I sound. It 
 has been rightly connected with the name Mutallu, borne by a King of Kummukh, under iSargon of 
 Assyria (Satce, The Monuments of the Hittites, in the Transactiom of the Society of Biblical Archeology, 
 vol. vii. pp. 290 ; cf. Jensen, Grundlagen fur eine Entzifferung der eilictschen Inschriften, pp. 7, 8). 
 
 ^ As to the boundaries of these provinces, cf. what is said by W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa, 
 pp. 200, 276. The organisation of the provinces is briefly described on pp. 271-277 of the present 
 work. 
 
 * This war is represented at Karnak, and Eamses II. figures there among the children of Seti I. 
 Champollion, Monuments, pi. ccxcvii. 2 ; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. liv. ; cf Brcgsch, 
 Ilecueil de Monuments Egyptiens, vol. i. pi. xlvii. d). 
 
THE RESTORATION OF THE EGYPTIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 373 
 
 were incorporated into the royal guard.^ Seti, however, does not appear to 
 have had a confirmed taste for war. He showed energy when occasion required 
 it, and he knew how to lead his soldiers, as the expedition of his first year 
 amply proved ; but when the necessity was over, he remained on the defensive, 
 and made no further attempt at conquest. By his own choice he was "the 
 jackal who prowls about the country to protect it," rather than "the wizard 
 
 REPKtSENTATION OV SF.TI I. VANQl ISHING TIIK LIllYANS AM) ASIATICS UN TlIK WALL.-. KAIINAK" 
 
 lion marauding abroad by hidden paths," ^ and Kgypt enjoyed a profound 
 peace in consequence of his ceaseless vigilance. 
 
 A peaceful policy of this kind did not, of course, produce the amount of 
 spoil and the endless relays of captives which had enabled his predecessors to 
 raise temples and live in great luxury without overburdening their subjects 
 with taxes. Seti was, therefore, the more anxious to do all in his power to 
 develop the internal wealth of the country. The mining colonies of the 
 Sinaitic Peninsula had never ceased working since operations had been resumed 
 
 ' AV'e gather this, as E. do Rouge points oni{Extrait d'nn M(moire »ur let allaqueg din'gOes par Us 
 pcuples de la mer, jip. 23, 24), from passages in tlic inscriptions from the year V. onwards, in whicli 
 Ramses 11. boasts tliat he has a number of Sharduna ]irisoners in his guard ; Rouge' was, perhaps, 
 mistaken in magnifying these piratical raids into a war of invasion. 
 
 ° Drawn by Houdier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
 ' These phrases arc taken direct from the inscriptions of Seti I. (Brugsch, Recaeil de Monumentt, 
 vol. i. pi. xlv. c, 11. 11, 12, of. xlvi. d, 11. 1,2; cf. Giietsse, La Campagne de l^, in the Recueil 
 de Traviiux, vol. xi. pp. 70, 71, 72). 
 
374 
 
 THE liEACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 there under Hatshopsitu and Thutmosis III., but the output had lessened 
 during the troubles under the heretic kings.^ Seti sent inspectors thither, and 
 endeavoured to stimulate the workmen to their former activity, but apparently 
 with no great success.^ We are not able to ascertain if he continued the 
 revival of trade with Puanit inaugurated by Harmhabi;^ but at any rate he 
 concentrated his attention on the regions bordering the Ked Sea and the gold- 
 mines which they contained. Those of Etbai, which had been worked as early 
 as the XIF" dynasty, did not yield as much as they had done formerly ; not 
 that they were exhausted, but owing to the lack of water in their neighbour- 
 hood and along the routes leading to them, they were nearly deserted. It 
 
 Avas well known that they contained great wealth, but operations could not be 
 carried on, as the workmen were in danger of dying of thirst. Seti despatched 
 engineers to the spot to explore the surrounding wadys, to clear the ancient 
 cisterns or cut others, and to establish victualling stations at regular intervals 
 for the use of merchants supplying the gangs of miners with commodities. 
 These stations generally consisted of square or rectangular enclosures, built 
 of stones without mortar, and capable of resisting a prolonged attack. The 
 entrance was by a narrow doorway of stone slabs, and in the interior were a few 
 huts and one or two reservoirs for catching rain or storing the water of 
 neighbouring springs. Sometimes a chapel was built close at hand, consecrated 
 to the divinities of the desert, or to their compeers, Minu of Coptos, Horus, 
 Maut, or Isis. One of these, founded by Seti, still exists near the modern 
 town of Redesieh, at the entrance to one of the valleys which furrow this gold 
 region. It is built against, and partly excavated in, a wall of rock, the face 
 
 ' Cf., as to the resumption of these works, what is said on pp. 253, 254, supra. 
 
 ^ Inscriptions at Sarbut el-Khadem, one dated the year VII., in Lottin de Laval, Vmjage dans 
 la Peninsule Arahique du Sinai, pi. iv. 6, xiii. 1 ; cf. Survey of Sinai, pi. iv. 
 
 3 Cf. what is fcaid in regard to these journeys to PQanit on pp. 349, 350, supra. 
 
 * Drawn by FaucLier-Gudin, from a photograph by M. de Bock ; plans of a certain number of these 
 fortified stations will be found in Cailliaud, Voyage a V Oasis de Thebes, pis. ii.-vii., and pp. 3-10 ; 
 and more especially in Golenischeff, Excursion ii B€r€aice, in the Beeueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. 
 pp. 79, 80, 82, 83, 85. Cf., in regard to other similar forts, the remarks of Du Bois-Ayme, M^moire 
 suT la viUe de Qo^^yr et sur ses environs, in the Description de I'Egypte, vol. xi. p. 398. 
 
THE WORKING OF THE GOLD-MINES. 
 
 375 
 
 of which has been roughly squared, and it is entered through a four-columned 
 portico, giving access to two dark chambers, whose walls are covered with 
 scenes of adoration and a lengthy inscription. In this latter the sovereign 
 relates how, in the IX"' 
 year of his reign, he was 
 moved to inspect the 
 roads of the desert; he 
 completed the work in 
 honour of Amon-Ra, of 
 Phtah of Memphis, and 
 of Harmakhis, and he 
 states that travellers were 
 at a loss to express their 
 gratitude and thanks for 
 what he had done. " They 
 repeated from mouth to 
 mouth : ' May Amon give 
 him an endless existence, 
 and may he prolong for 
 him the length of eter- 
 nity!' O ye gods of 
 fountains, attribute to 
 rendered back to us ac- 
 opened that which was 
 we can take our way in 
 nation alive ; now that the difficult paths are open and the road has become 
 good, gold can be brought back, as our lord and master has commanded." * 
 Plans were drawn on papyrus of the configuration of the district, of the beds 
 of precious metal, and of the position of the stations. One of these plans 
 has come down to us, in which the districts are coloured bright red, the 
 mountains dull ochre, the roads dotted over with footmarks to show the direc- 
 tion to be taken, while the superscriptions give the local names, and inform 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from n photograph by Gole'nisohefl'; cf. the drawing of the temple 
 and its plan given in Cailliaud, Voyage a I'Oasis de Thebes, pi. ii., and the plan of the temple in 
 Lepsius, Denhm., i. 101. 
 
 ' The inscriptions in the temple at Bedesieh have been published by Lepsids, Denkm., iii. 139- 
 141, afterwards more correctly by Goleniscueff, Excursion a Berenice, in the Recueil de Tracax, 
 vol. xiii. pp. 77, 78, pis. i., ii. Thoy have been annotated and translated by Ghabas, Une Inscription 
 historique du regne de I"', and Les Inscripliom des Mines d'vr, pp. 5, 6 ; by Lautu, Die zweidlti ste 
 Landkarte, in the Sitzungsberichte of the Mimich Academy of Sciences, 1871, vol. ii. pp. 204-210 ; by 
 Birch, Inscriptions of ike Gold Mines at Rhedesieh and Kuhdn, in the Records of the Past, 1st series, 
 vol. viii. pp. 69-75 ; by Bkugsch, Geschiehte ^gyptens, pp. 47.')-477 ; and finally by Schiaparelli, 
 La Catena Orientale delV Egitto, pp. 82-85. 
 
376 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 US that the map represents the Bukhni mountain and a fortress and stele 
 of Seti. The whole thing is executed in a rough and naive manner, with an 
 almost childish minuteness which provokes a smile ; we should, however, not 
 despise it, for it is the oldest map in the world 
 
 The gold extracted from these regions, together with that brought from 
 
 FliAGSIENT OP THE MAP OF THE GOLD-MINES.^ 
 
 Ethiopia, and, better still, the regular payment of taxes and custom-house duties,, 
 went to make up for the lack of foreign spoil all the more opportunely, for, 
 although the sovereign did not share the military enthusiasm of Thutmosis III.,^ 
 he had inherited from him the passion for expensive temple-building. He 
 did not neglect Nubia in this respect, but repaired several of tlie monuments 
 at which the XVIII'" dynasty had worked — among others, Kalabsheh,^ 
 
 • It has been published by Lepsius, Ausivalil der wicldigslen Urkundev, pi. xxii. (of. Birch, Upon 
 a Historical Tablet of Ramses II., p. 26); by Chabas, Les Inscriptions des Mines d'or, pp. 30-32, and 
 pi. ii. ; finally by Lauth, Die dlttste Landkarte nuhischer Goldminen, in the SitzungshericMe of the 
 Munich Academy of Sciences, 1870, vol. ii. pp. 337-372. The fragments of a second map are to be 
 found in Liebi.ein-Chabas, Deux Papyrus lii^ratiques, pp. 41-43, and pi. v. ; and in Lauth, Die 
 zweidlteste Landkarte nehst Gidherpldnen, in the Sitzungsherichte of the Munich Academy of Sciences, 
 1871, vol. i. pp. 190-238. 
 
 ' Facsimile by Faucher-Gudin of coloured chalk-drawiug by Chabas, Les Inscriptions des Mines 
 d'or, pi. ii. 
 
 ' Gau, Antiquit^s de la Nuhie, pi. 13 /. 
 
THE BUILD IN as ERECTED BY SETI II. 
 
 ^77 
 
 Dakkeh/ and Amada,^ besides founding a temple at Sesebi, of which three 
 columns are still standing.^ The outline of these columns is not graceful, and 
 the decoration of them is very poor, for art degenerated rapidly in these distant 
 provinces of the empire, and only succeeded in maintaining its vigour and 
 spirit in the immediate neighbourhood of the Pharaoh, as at Abydos, Memphis, 
 and above all at Thebes. Seti's predecessor Ramses, desirous of obliterating all 
 
 rSEUI.-' 
 
 traces of the misfortunes lately brought about by the changes effected by the 
 heretic kings, had contemplated building at Karnak, in front of the pylon of 
 Amenothes III., an enormous hall for the ceremonies connected with the cult of 
 Amon, where the immense numbers of priests and worshippers at festival 
 times could be accommodated without inconvenience. It devolved on Seti to 
 carry out what had been merely an ambitious dream of his father's.'^ We long 
 to know who was the architect possessed of such confidence in his powers that he 
 
 ' Lepsius, Briefe aut JEgypten und JElhiopieii, p. 113. 
 
 * Champoi.lion, Monumenls, pi. xlv. 5, and vol. i. p. 101; Roskllini. Monunirnii Storici, vol. iii. 
 pt. 1, p. 311. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Briefe aut jEgyplen und .Ethiopien, p. 256. In Lep^ius'a time there were still four 
 columns standing ; Insinger sbowa us only three. 
 
 * Drawn by Boudii r, from a pliotograph by Insinger, taken in 1881, during one of the last journeys 
 which ho was able to take prior to liio Mahdist invasion. 
 
 ' As to tlie construction and decoration of the great hypostyle hall, cf. the researches of Makietie^ 
 Kariiah, Texte, pp. 23-27. It was cleared, and the columns were strengthened in the winter of 
 1895-6, as far, at katt, as it was possible to carry out the work of restoration without impeiilling 
 the stability of the whole. 
 
.378 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 ventured to design, and was able to carry out, this almost superhuman under- 
 taking. His name would be held up to almost universal admiration beside 
 those of the greatest masters that we are familiar with, for no one in Greece or 
 Italy has left us any work which surpasses it, or which with such simple means 
 
 could produce a similar 
 
 It 
 
 impression of 
 and immensity, 
 almost impossible to 
 convey by words to those 
 who have not seen it 
 the impression which it 
 makes on the spectator. 
 Failing description, the 
 dimensions speak for 
 themselves. The hall 
 measures one hundred 
 and sixty -two feet in 
 length, by three hundred 
 and twenty - five in 
 breadth. A row of twelve 
 columns, the largest ever 
 placed inside a building, 
 runs up the centre, having 
 capitals in the form of 
 inverted bells. One 
 hundred and twenty-two 
 columns with lotiform 
 capitals fill the aisles, in 
 rows of nine each. The roof of the central bay is seventy-four feet above the 
 ground, and the cornice of the two towers rises sixty-three feet higher. The 
 building was dimly lighted from the roof of the central colonnade by means 
 of stone gratings, through which the air and the sun's rays entered sparingly. 
 The daylight, as it penetrated into the hall, was rendered more and more 
 obscure by the rows of columns ; indeed, at the further end a perpetual twilight 
 must have reigned, pierced by narrow shafts of light falling from the ventilation 
 holes which were placed at intervals in the roof. The whole building now lies 
 open to the sky, and the sunshine which floods it, pitilessly reveals the mutilations 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. Cf. the general view of the hypostyle 
 hall at the heading to the present chapter, p. 341. 
 
TEE HYFOSTYLE HALLS OF KARNAK AND LUXOIt. 
 
 379 
 
 which it has suffered in the course of ages ; but the general effect, though less 
 mysterious, is none the less overwhelming. It is the only monument in which 
 the first coup d'adl surpasses the expectations of the spectator instead of dis- 
 appointing him. The 
 size is immense, and we 
 realise its immensity 
 the more fully as we 
 search our memory in 
 vain to find anything 
 with which to compare 
 it. Seti may have en- 
 tertained the project of 
 building a replica of this 
 hall in Southern Thebes. 
 Ameuothes III. had left 
 liis temple at Luxor 
 unfinished. The sanc- 
 tuary and its surround- 
 ing buildings were used 
 for purposes of worship, 
 but the court of the 
 customary pylon was 
 wanting, and merely u 
 thin wall concealed the 
 mysteries from the sight 
 of the vulgar. Seti re- 
 solved to extend the 
 building in a northerly 
 direction, without in- 
 terfering with the thin screen which had satisfied his predecessors. 
 Starting from the entrance in this wall, he planned an avenue of giant 
 columns rivalling those of Karnak, which he destined to become the central 
 colonnade of a hypostyle hall as vast as that of the sister temple. Either 
 money or time was lacking to carry out his intention. He died before the 
 aisles ou either side were even begun.^ At Abydos, however, he was more 
 successful. We do not know the reason of Seti's particular afi'ection for this 
 
 ' Draw n by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato ; in the background, on the right, may 
 be seen a column which for several centuries has been retained in a half-fallen position by the weight 
 of its architrave. 
 
 ' As to this colonnade at Luxor, cf. PERUOT-CHiPiEZ,a«totre de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. i. p. 378 ; 
 in regard to the building of the temple, see what is said on pp. 306-308, »upra. 
 
380 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 town ; it is possible that his family held some fief there, or it may be that he 
 desired to show the peculiar estimation in which he held its local god, and 
 intended, by the homage that he lavished on him, to cause the fact to be 
 forgotten that he bore the name of Sit the accursed. The king selected a 
 favourable site for his temple to the south of the town, on the slope of a sand- 
 hill bordering the canal, and he marked out in the hardened soil a ground plan 
 
 ONIO OF THE COLONNADES OF THE HYl'OSTYLE HALL IN THE TEMI'LE OV SETI I. AT ABVIJOS.' 
 
 of considerable originality.^ The building was approached through two pylons,, 
 the remains of which are now hidden under the houses of Aarabat el- 
 Madfuneh. A fairly large courtyard, bordered by two crumbling walls, lies 
 between the second pylon and the temple fapade, which was composed of 
 a portico resting on square pillars. Passing between these, we reach two 
 halls supported by columns of graceful outline, beyond which are eight chapels 
 arranged in a line, side by side, in front of two chambers built in to the hill- 
 side, and destined for the reception of Osiris. The holy of holies in ordinary 
 temples is surrounded by chambers of lesser importance, but here it is con- 
 cealed behind them. The building-material mainly employed here was the 
 white limestone of Turah, but of a most beautiful quality, which lent itself to 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
 ' In regard to the temple of Seti I. at Abydos, see Mariette, Alydo?, vol. i. p. 6, et seq. ; cf. 
 Perrot- Chipjez, Eistoire de I' Art, vol. i. pp. 391-396, and Maspero, Archeologie Egyptienne, pp. 83, 84. 
 
382 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 the execution of bas-reliefs of great delicacy, perhaps the finest in ancient Egypt. 
 The artists who carved and painted them belonged to the Theban school, 
 and while their subjects betray a remarkable similarity to those of the monuments 
 dedicated by Amenothes III., the execution surpasses them in freedom and per- 
 fection of modelling; we can, in fact, trace in them the influence of the artists who 
 furnished the drawings for the scenes at Tel el-Amarna. They have represented 
 the gods and goddesses with the same type of profile as that of the king — a 
 type of face of much purity and gentleness, with its aquiline nose, its decided 
 mouth, almond-shaped eyes, and melancholy smile. When the decoration of 
 the temple was completed, Seti regarded the building as too small for its 
 divine inmate, and accordingly added to it a new wing, which he built along 
 the whole length of the southern wall; but he was unable to finish it com- 
 pletely. Several parts of it are lined with religious representations, but in others 
 the subjects have been merely sketched out in black ink with corrections in 
 red, while elsewhere the walls are bare, except for a few inscriptions, scribbled 
 over them after an interval of twenty centuries by the monks who turned the 
 temple chambers into a convent. This new wing was connected with the 
 second hypostyle hall of the original building by a passage, on one of 
 the walls of which is a list of seventy-five royal names, representing the 
 ancestors of the sovereign traced back to Mini. The whole temple must be 
 regarded as a vast funerary chapel, and no one who has studied the religion 
 of Egypt can entertain a doubt as to its purpose. Abydos was the place 
 where the dead assembled before passing into the other world. It was here, 
 at the mouth of the " Cleft," that they received the provisions and offerings 
 of their relatives and friends who remained on this earth. As the dead flocked 
 hither from all quarters of the world, they collected round the tomb of Osiris, 
 and there waited till the moment came to embark on the Boat of the Sun.^ 
 Seti did not wish his soul to associate with those of the common crowd of his 
 vassals, and prepared this temple for himself, as a separate resting-place, close 
 to the mouth of Hades. After having dwelt within it for a short time sub- 
 sequent to his funeral, his soul could repair thither whenever it desired, 
 certain of always finding within it the incense and the nourishment of which 
 it stood in need. 
 
 Thebes possessed this king's actual tomb. The chapel was at Qurnah, 
 a little to the north of the group of pyramids in which the Pharaohs of the 
 XP" dynasty lay side by side with those of the XIII"" and XVIF''. Eamses 
 had begun to build it, and Seti continued the work, dedicating it to the 
 cult of his father and of himself. Its pylon has altogether disappeared, but 
 the fafade with lotus-bud columns is nearly perfect, together with several 
 
 ' Cf. what is said of the " Clt ft " in Maspero, Bawn of Civilization, pp. 196-198, 232. 
 
THE VALLEY OF THE KINGS AT THEBES. 
 
 383 
 
 of the chambers in front of the sanctuary. The decoration is as carefully- 
 carried out and the execution as delicate as that in the work at Abydos ;. 
 we are tempted to believe from one or two examples of it that the same hands 
 have worked at both buildings.^ The rock-cut tomb is some distance away 
 up in the mountain, but not in the same ravine as that in which Amenothes III., 
 Ai, and probably Tutankliamon and Harmhabi, are buried.^ There then existed,^ 
 
 from the plain only by u paths above the temple of Hatshopsitu. 
 
 This basin is divided into two parts, one of which runs in a south- 
 easterly direction, while the other trends to the south-west, and is sub- 
 divided into minor branches. To the east rises a barren peak, the outline 
 of which is not unlike that of the step-pyramid of Saqqara, reproduced on 
 a colossal scale. No spot could be more appropriate to serve as a cemetery for 
 a family of kings. The difficulty of reaching it and of conveying thither the 
 heavy accessories and of providing for the endless processions of the Pharaonic 
 funerals, prevented any attempt being made to cut tombs in it during the 
 
 ' The temple at Qurnah has been described by Champollion, Zfonumentt, vol. i. pp. 296-313. 
 692-708; cf. Perkot-Chipiez, Hisloire de I'Art, vol. i. pp. 39G-401. The inscriptions which refer 
 to it as the funerary chapel of Ramses I. and of Seti I. have been collected in Chamfollion, Monu- 
 menls, pi. cli. 2-5, and vol. i. pp. 290, 306, 307, 704-707. 
 
 ' There are, in fact, close to those of Ai and Amenothes III., three other tombs, two at least of 
 which have been decorated with paintings, now completely obliterated, and which may have served as 
 the burying-places of Tfttaukhamon and Harmhabi; the earlier Egyptologists believed them to have 
 been dug by the first kings of the XVIII"' dynasty (Champollion, Lettres €crites d'^gypte, 2nd edit , 
 p. 247; Wilkinson, Topography of Tliehes and General View of Egypt, pp. 122, 123). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photogniph by Beato. 
 
384 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 Ancient and Middle Empires. About the beginning of the XIX"' dynasty, how- 
 ever, some engineers, in search of suitable burial sites, at length noticed that this 
 basin was only separated from the wady issuing to the north of Qurnah by a rocky 
 barrier barely five hundred cubits in width. This presented no formidable obstacle 
 to such skilful engineers as the Egyptians. They cut a trench into the living 
 rock some fifty or sixty cubits in depth, at the bottom of which they tunnelled 
 a narrow passage giving access to the valley.^ It is not known whether this 
 herculean work was accomplished during the reign of Harmhabi or in that of 
 Eamses I. The latter was the first of the Pharaohs to honour the spot by his 
 presence. His tomb is simple, almost coarse in its workmanship, and comprises 
 a gently inclined passage, a vault and a sarcophagus of rough stone.^ That of 
 Seti, on the contrary, is a veritable palace, extending to a distance of 325 feet 
 into the mountain-side. It is entered by a wide and lofty door, which opens 
 on to a staircase of twenty-seven steps, leading to an inclined corridor ; other 
 staircases of shallow steps follow with their landings ; then come successively 
 a hypostyle hall, and, at the extreme end, a vaulted chamber, all of which are 
 decorated with mysterious scenes and covered with inscriptions. This is, how- 
 ever, but the first storey, containing the antechambers of the dead, but not their 
 living-rooms. A passage and steps, concealed under a slab to the left of the 
 hall, lead to the real vault, which held the mummy and its funerary furniture. 
 As we penetrate further and further by the light of torches into this sub- 
 terranean abode, we see that the walls are covered with pictures and 
 formulae, setting forth the voyages of the soul through the twelve hours of the 
 night, its trials, its judgment, its reception by the departed, and its apotheosis — 
 all depicted on the rock with the same perfection as that which characterises the 
 bas-reliefs on the finest slabs of Turah stone at Qurnah and Abydos. A gallery 
 leading out of the last of these chambers extends a few feet further and then 
 stops abruptly ; the engineers had contemplated the excavation of a third storey 
 to the tomb, when the death of their master obliged them to suspend their 
 task.^ The king's sarcophagus consists of a block of alabaster, hollowed out, 
 polished, and carved with figures and hieroglyphs, with all the minuteness 
 which we associate with the cutting of a gem.* It contained a wooden coffin, 
 
 ' French scholars recognised from the beginning of this century that the passage in question bad 
 been made by human agency (Costaz, Description des Tomheaux des Rots, in the Description d'£gypte, 
 vol. iii. pp. 189, 190). I attribute tlie execution of this work to Eamses I., as I believe Harmhabi to 
 have been buried in the eastern valley, near Amenothes III. 
 
 " Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. pp. 424-426; chalk-drawings of the paintings were on view 
 for a long time in the Egyptian Museum at the Louvre. 
 
 ^ The tomb was discovered in 1818 by Belzoni, Operations and Discoveries within the Pyramids; 
 it was afterwards described and the greater part of it copied by Champollion, Monuments, vol. i. 
 pp. 426-440, 758-802, and by Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 447, 448, and com- 
 pletely by Lefebuee, Les Hypog^es Boyaux de Thebes, partie : le tomheau de S^ti 1"' , in the 
 M^moires de la Mission Franfaise du Caire, vol. ii. 
 
 * The sarcophagus was brought to London, and has been reproduced by Shaepe-Bonomi, The 
 
THE CHILDHOOD OF JtAMSES II. 
 
 385 
 
 shaped to the human figure and painted white, the features picked out in black, 
 and enamel eyes inserted in a mounting of bronze. The mummy is that of a thin 
 elderly man, well preserved ; 
 the face was covered by a mask 
 made of linen smeared witli 
 pitch, but when this was raised 
 by means of a chisel, the fine 
 kingly head was exposed to 
 view. It was a masterpiece of 
 the art of the embalmer, and 
 the expression of the face was 
 that of one who had only a few 
 hours previously breathed his 
 last. Death had slightly drawn 
 the nostrils and contracted the 
 lips, the pressure of the ban- 
 dages had flattened the nose 
 a little, and the skin was 
 darkened by the pitch ; but a 
 calm and gentle smile still 
 played over the mouth, and 
 the half-opened eyelids allowed 
 a glimpse to be seen from 
 under their lashes of an ap- 
 parently moist and glistening 
 line, — the reflection from the 
 white porcelain eyes let in to 
 the orbit at the time of burial 
 
 Seti had had several chil- , 
 dren by his wife Tuia, and the 
 
 eldest had already reached manhood when his father ascended the throne, for 
 he had accompanied him on his Syrian campaign.^ The young prince died, 
 
 AlahatUr Sarcophagus of Oimenephtah ; cf. Pikrrkt, litude »ur le Sarcophage Sfii 1"' in the Revue 
 Archeologique, 1870, vol. xxi. p. 284, et scq., and I.k.febcbk, The Book of Hadei, in the Records of the 
 Past, 1st aeries, vol. x. pp. 79-134, and vol. xii. pp. l-S.'i. 
 
 ' Drawn by Houdier, from a photograph by Insinger, taken in 1881. 
 
 ' Maspero, Les Momies Royales de Deir el-Bahnri, in the M^moires de la Mission Fraiifaise, vol. i. 
 pp. 553-55G; cf. the frontispiece of this volume, which reproduces the head of the mummy of 
 Seti I. 
 
 ' As to this personage, whose name has been mutilated, of. Wiedemann, On a Forgotten Prinre, 
 in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical .Irchseology, 1889-90, vol. xii. pp. 258-261, and Remarque 
 et Notes, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xviii. pp. 121, 122; as also LErEBURE, Le Nom du frere de 
 Ramses II., in the Proceedings, vol. xii. pp. 446-449. 
 
 2 V 
 
386 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 however, soon after his return, and his right to the crown devolved on his younger 
 brother, who, like his grandfather, bore the name of Ramses. This prince was 
 still very young,^ but Seti did not on that account delay enthroning with great 
 pomp this son who had a better right to the throne than himself. " From the 
 time that I was in the egg," Eamses writes later on, " the great ones sniffed the 
 earth before me ; when I attained to the rank of eldest son and heir upon the 
 throne of Sibu, I dealt with affairs, I commanded as chief the foot-soldiers and 
 the chariots. My father having appeared before the people, when I was but a 
 very little boy in his arms, said to me : ' I shall have him crowned king, that I 
 may see him in all his splendour while I am still on this earth ! ' The nobles 
 of the court having drawn near to place the pschent upon my head : ' Place the 
 diadem upon ,his forehead ! ' said he." ^ As Ramses increased in years, Seti 
 delighted to confer upon him, one after the other, the principal attributes of 
 power ; " while he was still upon this earth, regulating everything in the land, 
 defending its frontiers, and watching over the welfare of its inhabitants, he 
 cried : ' Let him reign ! ' because of the love he had for me." Seti also chose for 
 him wives, beautiful " as are those of his palace," ^ and he gave him in marriage 
 his sisters Nofritari II. Mimut and Isitnofiit,* who, like Ramses himself, had 
 claims to the throne. Ramses was allowed to attend the State councils at the 
 age often ; he commanded armies, and he administered justice under the direction 
 of his father and his viziers.^ Seti, however, although making use of his son's 
 youth and activity, did not in any sense retire in his favour ; if he permitted 
 Eamses to adopt the insignia of royalty — the cartouches, the pschent, the 
 bulbous-shaped helmet, and the various sceptres — he still remained to the day 
 of his death the principal State official, and he reckoned all the years of this 
 dual sovereignty as those of his sole reign.^ Eamses repulsed the incursions of 
 
 ' The history of the youth and the accession of Ramses II. is known to us from the narrative 
 given by himself in the temple of Seti I. at Abydos, which has been published by Mariette, 
 Abydos, vol. i. pis. 5-9; it has been examined, and the inscription translated by Maspero, Essai 
 sur V Inscription (Udicatoire du Temple d' Abydos et la jeunesse de Se'sostris, 1867; afterwards by 
 Lauth, Der grosse Sesostristext atis Abydos, in the Zeitschrift der D. Morgenl. Gesellschaft, vol. xxix. 
 p. 456, et seq., and by Brugsch, GeschicUe jEgyptens, pp. 479-490, who has, for the most part, adopted 
 the opinions of his predecessors (Gesclnchte JEgyptens, pp. 469-471). Wiedemann (JSgyptische 
 GeschicMe, pp. 418-420) has corrected some of the exaggerations of which previous historians were 
 guilty, but the bulk of the narrative is confirmed by the evidence of the Kuban inscription (11. 16, 17 ; 
 cf. Chabas, Les Inscriptions des Mines d'or, pp. 24, 25), especially as to the extreme youth of Ramses 
 at the time when he was first associated with the crown. 
 
 " Great Dedicatory Inscription at Abydos, 11. 44-46, where the passage has been somewhat mutilated. 
 
 ^ Great Inscription at Abydos, 11. 47, 48. 
 
 * The evidence in regard to these two princesses, and the monuments of them which have come 
 down to us, have been collected in an almost complete form by Wiedemann, ASgypt. Gesch., pp. 463, 464. 
 
 * Kuban Inscription, 11. 16, 17, which contain the address presented to Ramses himself by the royal 
 councillors. 
 
 * Brugsch is wrong in reckoning the reign of Ramses II. from the time of his association in the 
 crown (GescMehte jEgyptens, p. 471) ; the great inscription of Abydos, which has been translated by 
 Brugsch himself, dates events which immediately followed the death of Seti I. as belonging to the 
 first year of Ramses II. (11. 22, 26, 72 : cf. Maspero, La Grande Inscription d' Abydos et la jeunesse de 
 S^sostris, pp. 14, 17, 48). 
 
JOINT REIGN OF SETI AND RAMSES. 387 
 
 the Tihonu,^ and put to the sword such of their hordes as had ventured to 
 invade Egyptian territory.^ He exercised the functions of viceroy of Ethiopia, 
 and had on several occasions to chastise the pillaging negroes. We see him at 
 Beit-Wally and at Abu Simbel charging them in his chariot : in vain they flee in 
 
 KAMSES II. I'UTS THE NEGROES TO FUGHT.' 
 
 confusion before him ; their flight, however swift, cannot save them from captivity 
 and destruction,* He was engaged in Ethiopia when the death of Seti recalled 
 him to Thebes.'' He at once returned to the capital, celebrated the king's 
 funeral obsequies with suitable pomp, and after keeping the festival of Amon, 
 set out for the north in order to make his authority felt in that part of his 
 domains. He stopped on his way at Abydos to give the necessary orders for 
 
 ' Mabiette, Ahydos, vol. ii. pp. 13, 15. 
 
 ' RosELLiNi, Monumenli Slorici, pis. Ixix.-lxx. 
 
 • Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a photograph takeu by lusinger at Beit-Wally ; cf. Cuaufollion, 
 Monuments, pis. Ixxi., Ixxii., and vol. i. p. 146; Rosellini, Munumenti Storici, pis. Ixxiv , Ixxv. j 
 Arcndale-Bonomi-Birch, Gallery of Antiquitiet, pl. 38, fig. 155. 
 
 * Champollion, Monumentt, pis. xii.-xvi., and vol. i. pp. 63, 64 ; Rosellini, Monumenti Storiei, 
 pis. ixiv., Ixx.-lxxv. 
 
 » Masi'ero, Essai gur I'inscription dedicatoire du temple d' Abydos, pp. 78, 79. We do not know 
 how long Seti I. reigned ; the last date is that of his IX'" year at Redesieli (Lepsiub, Denkm., iii. 140 6, 
 1. 1) and at Aswan (Lepsius, nenkm., iii. 141 j), and that of the year XXVII. sometimes attributed 
 to him (Wiedemann, JEgyptische Geschichte, p. 421, corrected in tlie Supplement; SriEOELBERO, 
 Rechnungen aus der Zeit Seti's I., Text, p. G7) belongs to one of the later Ramessides. I liad at first 
 supposed his reign to have been a long one, merely on the evidence afforded by Manetho's lists 
 (Revue Critique, 1870, vol. ii. p. 41), but the presence of Ramses II. as a stripling, in the campaign 
 of Seti's year, forces us to limit its duration to fifteen or twenty years at most, possibly to only 
 twelve or fifteen. 
 
388 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT, 
 
 completing the decoration of the principal chambers of the resting-place built 
 by his father, and chose a site some 320 feet to the north-west of it for a similar 
 Memnonium for himself. He granted cultivated fields and meadows in the 
 Thinite nome for the maintenance of these two mausolea, founded a college of 
 priests and soothsayers in connexion with them, for which he provided endow- 
 ments, and also assigned them considerable fiefs in all parts of the valley of 
 the Nile.^ The Delta next occupied his attention. The increasing importance 
 of the Syrian provinces in the eyes of Egypt, the growth of the Hittite mon- 
 archy, and the migrations of the peoples of the Mediterranean, had obliged 
 the last princes of the preceding dynasty to reside more frequently at Memphis 
 than Amenothes I. or Thutmosis III. had done. Amenothes III. had set to work 
 to restore certain cities which had been abandoned since the days of the Shep- 
 herds, and Bubastis, Athribis, and perhaps Tanis, had, thanks to his efforts, 
 revived from their decayed condition.^ The Pharaohs, indeed, felt that at 
 Thebes they were too far removed from the battle-fields of Asia ; distance made 
 it difficult for them to counteract the intrigues in which their vassals in Kharu 
 and the lords of Naharaim were perpetually implicated, and a revolt which 
 might have been easily anticipated or crushed had they been advised of it 
 within a few days, gained time to increase and extend during the interval 
 occupied by the couriers in travelling to and from the capital. Eamses felt the 
 importance of possessing a town close to the Isthmus where he could reside in 
 security, and he therefore built close to Zalu, in a fertile and healthy locality, a 
 stronghold to which he gave his own name,^ and of which the poets of the time 
 have left us an enthusiastic description. " It extends," they say, " between Zahi 
 and Egypt — and is filled with provisions and victuals. — It resembles Hermon- 
 this, — it is strong like Memphis,— and the sun rises — and sets in it — so that men 
 quit their villages and establish themselves in its territory."* — "The dwellers on 
 the coasts bring conger eels and fish in homage, — they pay it the tribute of 
 their marshes. — The inhabitants don their festal garments every day, — perfumed 
 oil is on their heads and new wigs ; — they stand at their doors, their hands full of 
 bunches of flowers, — green branches from the village of Pibathor, — garlands 
 of Pahuru, — on the day when Pharaoh makes his entry. — Joy then reigns and 
 spreads, and nothing can stay it, — 0 Usirmaii-sotpuniri, thou who art Montii 
 
 ' Dedicatory Inscription in the Temple at Ahydof, 11. 69-75, 81-89 ; of. Maspebo, Essai sur I'inscrip- 
 tion d€dicatoire d'Ahydos et la jeunesse de Se'sostris, pp. 47-49, 53-57. 
 
 ^ Cf. what is said in regard to the revival in the Delta on pp. 30i, 305, supra. 
 
 ' An allusion to the foundation of this residence occurs in an inscription at Abu Simbol, dated in 
 his XXV«> year (11. 16-18 ; cf. Naville, Le D^cret de Phtah Totunen, in the Transactions of the 
 Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. vii. p. 124. 
 
 * Papyrus Auastasi II., pi. i. 11. 2-5; Papyrus Anastasi IV., pi. vi. 11. 2-4; cf. Chabas, Melanges 
 ilgyptologiques, 2nd series, p. 151, and Etudes sur V Antiquity Historique, 2nd edit., p. 277; Maspero, 
 Dw Genre iJpistolaire chez les, Anciens Egyptiens de I'epoque Pharaonique, p. 102 ; Eeman, .Egypten 
 und yEgyptisches Lehen im AUerthum, p. 242. 
 
RAMSES IT. BUILDS HIMSELF A RESIDENCE IN THE DELTA. 389 
 
 in the two lands, — Ramses-Miamun, the god."^ The town acted as an advance 
 post, from whence the king could keep watch against all intriguing adversaries, 
 whether on the banks of the Orontes or the coast of the Mediterranean. 
 
 Nothing appeared for the moment to threaten the peace of the empire. 
 The Asiatic vassals had raised no disturbance on hearing of the king's accession, 
 and Mautallu continued to observe the conditions of the treaty which he hail 
 signed with Seti. Two military expeditions undertaken beyond the isthmus in 
 the II"'' and IV"' years of the new sovereign were accomplished almost without 
 fighting. He repressed by the way the marauding Shailsu, and on reaching the 
 Nahr el-Kelb, which then formed the northern frontier of his empire, he inscribed 
 at the turn of the road, on the rocks which overhang the mouth of the river, 
 two triumphal stelae in which he related his successes.^ Towards the end ot 
 his IV"" year a rebellion broke out among the Khati, which caused a rupture 
 of relations between the two kingdoms and led to some irregular fighting. 
 Khatusaru, a younger brother of Maurusaru, murdered the latter and made him- 
 self king in his stead.^ It is not certain whether the Egyptians took up arms 
 against him, or whether he judged it wise to oppose them in order to divert the 
 attention of his subjects from his crime. At all events, he convoked iiis Syrian 
 vassals and collected his mercenaries; the whole of Naharaim, Khiilupu, 
 Carchemish, and Arvad sent their quota, while bands of Dardaniaus, Mysians. 
 Trojans, and Lycians, together with the people of Pedasos and Girgasha,* 
 furnished further contingents, drawn from an area extending from the most dis- 
 tant coasts of the Mediterranean to the mountains of Cilicia. Ramses, informed 
 
 ' Anaslaai Papyrus IIL, pi. iii. 11. 1-9; cf. Chauas, Melauget l2gyptnlogique», ind series, pp. I.S2- 
 134 ; Masi'Ero, Du Genre £pistolaire, pp. 105, 106 ; Biaoscu, Geschichte Algyptent, p. 548. 
 
 ' The stelse have been published by Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 197 a-c, and are all of them in a very 
 bad condition ; in the last of tliem the date is no longer legible, and Lepsius is doubtful whether the 
 first is dated in the 11'"' or X'" year {Briefe am .Kgypien and .Kthiopien, p. 403). 
 
 ' Treaty of Rumfes II. with the Prince of Khali, 11. 7, S, where the writer is content to use a 
 discreet eupiiemism, and states that Mautallu succumbed "to bis destiny." The name of the 
 Prince of the Khati is found later on under the form Khatusharu, in that of a chief defeated by 
 Tiglath-pileser I. in the country of Kunimukii, though this name has generally been read Kliatukhi 
 (WiNCKLEit, Gcschichte Israels, vol. i. p. 135, note 2). 
 
 • The name of this nation is written Karkisha, Kalkishu, or Kashkisha (Raifel Papyrus, L 6, and 
 Sallier Papyrus III, pi. i. 1. 10 ; and Buugsch, Recueil de Monuments, vol. ii. pi. liii. ; Naville, 
 Bubaslis, pi. xxxvi.), by one of those changes of sh into r-l which occur so frequently in Assyro- 
 Chaldsean before a dental ; the two different spellings seem to show that the writers of the inscrip- 
 tions bearing on this war had before them a list of the allies of Kli&tusaru, written in cuneiform 
 characters (cf. W. Max MClleb, Asien und Europa, p. 355). If we may identify the u.itlon, not with 
 the Cilicians, as W. Max Miiller wishes to do (ibid., pp. 352-355), but with the Kashki or Kashku of 
 the Assyrian texts, the ancestors of the people of Colchis of classical times, the termination -isha 
 of the Egyptian word would be the inflexion -ash or -ush of the Eastern-Asiatic tongues which we 
 find in so many race-names, e.gr. Adaush, Saradaush, Ammaush. Rouge' (Extrait d'un mfnwire sur les 
 attaques des peuples de la mer, p. 4) and Brugsch (Geschichle JEgyptens, p. 492) identified them with 
 the Girgashites of the Bible. Brugsch, adopting the sptUing Kashki, endeavoured to connect them 
 with Casiotis (Geoqraph. Insch., vol. ii. p. 23, note 2); later on he identified them with the people 
 of Gergis in Troas (Schliemann's IHos, p. 747). Ramsay recognises in them the Kiskisos of Cilicia 
 (The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. xiii., note 2). 
 
390 
 
 TEE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 of the enemy's movemeut by his generals and the governors of places on the 
 frontier, resolved to anticipate the attack. He assembled an army almost as in- 
 congruous in its component elements as that of his adversary ; besides Egyptians 
 of unmixed race, divided into four corps bearing the names of Amon, Phtah, 
 Harmakhis and Sutkhu, it contained Ethiopian auxiliaries, Libyans, Mazaiu, 
 and Shardana.^ When preparations were completed, the force crossed the 
 canal at Zalu, on the 9th of Payni in his V"' year, marched rapidly across 
 Canaan till they reached the valley of the Litany, along which they took 
 their way, and then followed up that of the Orontes.^ They encamped for a few 
 days at Shabtuna, to the south-west of Qodshu,^ in the midst of the Amorite 
 country, sending out scouts and endeavouring to discover the position of the 
 enemy, of whose movements they possessed but vague information. Khatusaru 
 lay concealed in the wooded valleys of the Lebanon ; he was kept well posted 
 by his spies, and only waited an opportunity to take the field ; as an occasion 
 did not immediately present itself, he had recourse to a ruse with which the 
 generals of the time were familiar. Eamses, at length uneasy at not falling in 
 with the enemy, advanced to the south of Shabtuna, where he endeavoured to 
 obtain information from two Bedawin. " Our brethren," said they, " who are 
 
 • In the account of the campaign the Shardana only are mentioned ; but we learn from a list in 
 the Anastati Papyrus I., pi. xvii. 1. 2, that the army of Eamses II. included, in ordinary circumstances, 
 in addition to the Shardana, a contingent of Mashauasha, Kahaka, and other Libyan and negro 
 mercenaries (Chabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 51-72). 
 
 ^ The history of these evenfs has been preserved to us in two documents of widely different 
 character : 1st, that which E. de Eouge' described as the Bulletin de la Campagne (or Despatch) (Robiou, 
 Sesostris d'apres les nouveaux documents, in the Revue Gontemporaine, 2nd series, 1868, vol. Ixv. 
 pp. 483-488) ; 2nd, the poem of Pentauirit on the battle of Qodshu. Here I follow the Bulletin and the 
 pictures which accompany it. Texts of it are still in existence at Abu Simbel (Champollion, Monuments, 
 pis. xxvii.-ix., and vol. i. pp. 64, 65 ; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. c.-cii. ; Lepsius, Denkm., 
 iii. 187), at Luxor (Brugsch, Becueil de Monuments, vol. ii. pi. lii. 1), at the Eamesseum (Lepsius, 
 Denkm., iii. 153 ; Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, 2nd series, pi. 52) ; it has been critically examined 
 by Charles and Fran9ois Lenormant (Les Livres chez les Egyptiens, pp. 28-38), translated by Chabas 
 {Traduction et Analyse de I'inscription hi^roglypMque d'lbsamboul, in the Bevue ArcMologique, 1859, 
 vol. XV. pp. 573-588, 701-736), critically restored from the various copies, and translated by Guieysse 
 (Textes Mstoriques d'Ipsamboul, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. viii. pp. 126-132). The pictures and 
 their inscriptions have also been collected; those at Abu Simbel by Champollion {Monuments, pis. 
 x.-xxxvii.) and by Eosellini {Monumenti Storici, pis. Ixxxvii.-ciii.) ; those in the Eamesseum by 
 Champollion (pis. cccxxii.-cccxxxi.), Eosellini (pis. cviii.-cx.), and Lepsius {Denkm., iii. 153-155, 
 157-161, 164-166) ; those at Luxor by Eosellini (pis. civ.-cvii.) ; those at Karnak by Champollion 
 {Monuments, vol. ii. pp. 119-125). The whole has been studied by E. de Eouge' (Kobiou, Sesostris 
 d'apres les nouveaux documents, in the Bevue Gontemporaine, 2nd series, 1868, vol. Ixv. pp. 482-493), by 
 Brugsch {Oeschichte ^Egyptens, pp. 493-500), by Pleyte {De Veldslag van Ramses tegen de Gheta, 
 Leyden, 1878), by Tomkins {On the Campaign of Bamses the Second in his F"' year against Kadesh on 
 the Orontes, in the Transactions of the Soc. Bibl. Arch., vol. vii. pp. 390-406, and in the Proceedings of 
 the same Society, 1881-82, vol. iv. pp. 6-9), lastly by Guieysse {Textes Mstoriques d'Ipsamboul, in the 
 Becueil de Travaux, vol. viii. pp. 120-143). 
 
 3 Shabtuna had been placed on the Nahr es-Sebta, on the site now occupied by Kalaat el-Hosn 
 (Blanche, Note sur le Kalaat el-Eossen, in the Bulletin de I'lnstitut Egyptien, Ist series, 1874, vol. xiii. 
 pp. 115, 116, 128-143), a conjecture approved by Mariette ; it was more probably a town situated in 
 the plain, to the south of Bahr el-Kades, a little to the south-west of Tell Neby Mindoh which 
 represents Qodshfl, and close to some forests which at that time covered the slopes of Lebanon, and, 
 extending as they did to the bottom of the valley, concealed the position of the Khati from the 
 Egyptians. 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OF THE TEAR V. AGAINST THE KHATL 391 
 
 the chiefs of the tribes united under the vile Prince of Khati, send us to give 
 information to your Majesty : We desire to serve the Pharaoh. We are deserting 
 the vile Prince of the Khati ; he is close to Khalupu (Aleppo), to the north of the 
 city of Tunipa, whither he has rapidly retired from fear of the Pharaoh." ^ This 
 story had every appearance of probability ; and the distance — Khalupu was at 
 least forty leagues away — explained why tlio reoonnoitriiiir parties of tlie 
 
 KPANA OUAUD OF KAMSES II.' 
 
 Egyptians had not fallen in with any of the enemy. The Pharaoh, with this 
 information, could not decide whether to lay siege to Qodshu and wait until the 
 Hittites were forced to succour the town, or to push on towards the Euphrates 
 and there seek the engagement which his adversary seemed anxious to avoid. 
 He chose the latter of the two alternatives. He sent forward the legions of 
 Amon, Phra, Phtah, and Siitkhu, which constituted the main body of his troops, 
 and prepared to follow them with his household chariotry. At the very 
 moment when this division was being effected, the Hittites, who had been 
 represented by the spies as being far distant, were secretly massing their 
 forces to the north-east of Qodshu, ready to make an attack upon the Pharaoh's 
 flank as soon as he should set out on his march towards Khalupu. The enemy 
 
 ' Gdieysse, Textet Hisloriqueg d'lpsanihoul, in the Becueil de Traiaux, vol. viii. p. 127, 11. 4-9, 
 and p. 131. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger, taken at the temple of Ramses II. 
 at AbydoB ; cf Mariette, Voyage de la Haute-i!gypte, vol. i. pi. 31. 
 
392 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 had considerable forces at their disposal, and on the day of the engagement 
 they placed 18,000 to 20,000 picked soldiers in the field.^ Besides a well- 
 disciplined infantry, they possessed 2500 to 8000 chariots, containing, as was 
 the Asiastic custom, three men in eacli.^ 
 
 The Egyptian camp was not entirely broken up, when the scouts brought 
 in two spies whom they had seized — Asiatics in long blue robes arranged 
 
 TWO HITTITE SPIKS BEATEN BY THE EGYPTIAN SOLDIERS.' 
 
 diagonally over one shoulder, leaving the other bare. The king, who was 
 seated on his throne delivering his final commands, ordered them to be beaten 
 till the truth should be extracted from them. They at last confessed that 
 they had been despatched to watch the departure of the Egyptians, and 
 admitted that the enemy was concealed in ambush behind the town. Eamses 
 hastily called a council of war and laid the situation before his generals, not 
 without severely reprimanding them for the bad organisation of the intelligence 
 department. The oflficers excused themselves as best they could, and threw 
 the blame on the provincial governors, who had not been able to discover what 
 was going on. The king cut short these useless recriminations, sent swift 
 
 ' An army corps is reckoned as contaiaing 9000 men on the wall scenes at Luxor, and 8000 at tlie 
 Ramesseum (Guieysse, Textes Mstoriques d' Tpsamhoul, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. viii. p. 138) ; the 
 3000 chariots were manned by 9000 men (Id., ibid., p. 136). In allowing four to five thousand men 
 for the rest of the soldiers engaged, we are not likely to be far wrong, and shall thus obtain the 
 modest total mentioned in the text, contrary to the opinion current among historians. In regard to 
 the strength of the Egyptian army, cf. what is said on p. 212, supra. 
 
 " The mercenaries are included in these figures, as is shown by the reckoning of the Lycian, 
 Dardaniau, and Pedasian chiefs who were in command of the chariots during the charges against 
 Ramses II. (E. and J. de Rouge, Le Poeme de Fentaour, in the Eevue ilgyptol, vol. iv. pp. 128-130). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the picture in the temple at Abu Simbel ; cf. Ghampolliok, 
 Monuments, pi. x. ; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. Ixxxvii., cii. ; Lepsics, Benhm., iii. 153. 
 
THE SUBPRISE ATTACK ON QODSHO. 
 
 393 
 
 messengers to recall the divisions which had started early that morning,^ and 
 gave orders that all those remaining in camp should hold themselves in 
 readiness to attack. The council were still deliberating when news was 
 
 TUK KCYPTIAN CAMI' AND THE CO! NCIL OF WAU UN THE MORNING OK TUE BATTLE OF 'JODSllO.' 
 
 brought that the Hittites were in sight. Their first onslaught was so violent 
 that they threw down one side of the camp wall, and penetrated into the 
 enclosure, llamses charged them at the head of his household troops. 
 Eight times he engaged the chariotry which threatened to surround him, and 
 each time he broke their ranks. Once he found himself alone with Manna, his 
 shield-bearer, in the midst of a knot of warriors who were bent on his destruc- 
 tion, and he escaped solely by his coolness and bravery. The tame lion which 
 accompanied him on his expeditions did terrible work by his side, and felled 
 many an Asiatic with his teeth and claws.^ The soldiers, fired by the king's 
 
 ' Champollion, Monuments de Vh'gyple et de la Nubie, vol. i. pi. xviii., and p. 66; Rosi llini, 
 Monumenti Slorici, pi. xcv., where the messenger is seen galloping on horseback across the plain. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken by Beato of the west front of the Rumesscum ; of. 
 I'hampolliox, Mon. de Vtlgypte el de la Nubie, pla. xxvii.-xxis., cccxxvii. his; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 
 160; and for the same scene at Luxor, Rosellini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. cvi. 
 
 • The lion is represented and named in the battle-scenes at Abu Simbel (Champollion, Mon. de 
 riJgypte et de la Nubie, pis. xv., xxv. ; Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. Ixxxvii.), at Derr (Lepsics, 
 Denkm., iii. 183 h, 181 a), and at Luxor, where we see it in camp on the eve of the battle, with its 
 two front paws tied, and its keeper threatening it (Champollion, Monuments de I'^ypte et de la 
 Nubie, pi. cccxvii. ; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. cvii.). 
 
394 THE REACTION AGAINST EGTPl. 
 
 example, stood their ground resolutely during the long hours of the afternoon; 
 at length, as night was drawing on, the legions of Phra and Sutkhu, who had 
 hastily retraced their steps, arrived on the scene of action. A large body of 
 Khati, who were hemmed in in that part of the camp which they had taken in 
 the morning, were at once killed or made prisoners, not a man of them escaping. 
 
 Khatusaru, disconcerted by 
 this sudden reinforcement of 
 the enemy, beat a retreat, 
 and nightfall suspended the 
 struggle. It was recom- 
 menced at dawn the fol- 
 lowing morning with un- 
 abated fury, and terminated 
 in the rout of the con- 
 federates. Garbatusa, the 
 shield-bearer of the Hittite 
 prince, the generals in com- 
 mand of his infantry and 
 chariotry, and Khalupsaru, 
 the " writer of books," fell 
 during the action. The 
 chariots, driven back to the 
 Orontes, rushed into the 
 river in the hope of fording 
 it, but in so doing many 
 lives were lost. Mazraima, 
 the Prince of Khati's brother, 
 reached the opposite bank in safety, but the Chief of Tonisa was drowned, and 
 the lord of Khalupu was dragged out of the water more dead than alive, and 
 had to be held head downwards to disgorge the water he had swallowed before 
 he could be restored to consciousness. Khatusaru himself was on the point of 
 perishing, when the troops which had been shut up in Qodshu, together with 
 the inhabitants, made a general sortie ; the Egyptians were for a moment held 
 in check, and the fugitives meanwhile were able to enter the town. Either 
 there was insufficient provision for so many mouths, or the enemy had lost all 
 heart from the disaster ; at any rate, further resistance appeared useless. The 
 next morning Khatusaru sent to propose a truce or peace to the victorious 
 Pharaoh. The Egyptians had probably sufiFered at least as much as their 
 
 ■ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato; cf. Champollion, Monuments de 
 VEgypte et de la Nubie, pi. cccxxix. ; Kosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. ex. ; Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 164. 
 
THE VICTORY OF EAMSES II. AND HIS TRUCE WITH THE KHATI. 395 
 
 adversaries, and perhaps regarded the eventuality of a siege with no small 
 distaste ; Eamses, therefore, accepted the offers made to him and prepared to 
 return to Egypt, The fame of his exploits had gone before him, and he himself 
 was not a little proud of the energy he had displayed on the day of battle. 
 His predecessors had always shown themselves to be skilful generals and brave 
 soldiers, but none of them had ever before borne, or all but borne, single-handed 
 the brunt of an attack. Kamses loaded his shield-bearer Manna with rewards 
 for having stood by him in the hour of danger, and ordered abundant provender 
 and sumptuous liarness for the good horses — " Sti . n j i li-in-Thebaid and " Nurit 
 
 the satisfied " — who had drawn his chariot.^ He determined that the most charac- 
 teristic episodes of the campaign — the beating of the spies, the surprise of the 
 camp, the king's repeated charges, the arrival of his veterans, the flight of the 
 Syrians, and the surrender of Qodshu — should be represented on the walls and 
 pylons of the temples. A poem in rhymed strophes in every case accompanies 
 these records of his glory, whether at Luxor, at the Rainesseura, at the Mem- 
 nonium of Abydos, or in the heart of Nubia at Abu Simbel. The author of the 
 poem must have been present during the campaign, or must have had the account 
 of it from the lips of his sovereign, for his work bears no traces of the coldness of 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Be'ueilite; cf. Champollion, Monumentt de 
 V£gypte et de la Nuhie, pi. cccxxiv., and Rosellini, Monumenli Storici, pi. civ. 
 
 » SaUier Papyrus III., pi. 8, 11. 7, 8. A gold ring in the Louvre bears iu relief on its bezel two 
 little horses, which are probably " S(rength-ia-Thebaid " and " Nttrit satislied " (E. de Rocoe, Notice 
 des principaux Monuments, 1855, p. 63; Piebuet, Calalogtie de la Salle hutorique de la Galerie 
 £gyptienne, p. 116, No. 186); it was published by Maspero, U Archfologie Egyplienne, p. 313, and is 
 also inserted as the tail-piece at the end of this chapter, on p. -150. 
 
396 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 official reports, and a warlike strain runs through it from one end to the other, 
 so as still to invest it with life after a lapse of more than thirty centuries.^ 
 
 But little pains are bestowed on the introduction, and the poet does not give 
 free vent to his enthusiasm until the moment when he describes his hero, left 
 almost alone, charging the enemy in the sight of his followers. The Pharaoh 
 was surrounded by two thousand five hundred chariots, and his retreat was cut 
 off by the warriors of the " perverse " Khati and of the other nations who 
 accompanied them — the peoples of Arvad, Mysia, and Pedasos ; each of their 
 chariots contained three men, and the ranks were so serried that they formed 
 but one dense mass. "No other prince was with me, no general officers, 
 no one in command of the archers or chariots. My foot-soldiers deserted me, 
 my charioteers fled before the foe, and not one of them stood firm beside me 
 to fight against them." Then said His Majesty : " Who art thou, then, my 
 father Araon ? A father who forgets his son ? Or have I committed aught 
 against thee ? Have I not marched and halted according to thy command ? 
 When he does not violate thy orders, the lord of Egypt is indeed great, and 
 he overthrows the barbarians in his path ! What are these Asiatics to thy 
 heart ? Anion will humiliate those who know not the god. Have I not 
 consecrated innumerable offerings to thee ? Filling thy holy dwelling-place 
 with my prisoners, I build thee a temple for millions of years, I lavish all my 
 goods on thy storehouses, I offer thee the whole world to enrich thy domains. 
 ... A miserable fate indeed awaits him who sets himself against thy will, 
 but happy is he who finds favour with thee by deeds done for thee with a 
 
 ' The author is unknown : Pentaur, or rather Pentaiiirlfc, to whom E. de Eouge' attributed the 
 poem (Le Poeme de Pen-ta-our, pp. 6, 7, 30). is merely the transcriber of the copy we possess on 
 papyrus (Erman, Neudgyptische Grammatik, pp. 6, 7). The poem of Qodshfl was discovered at Aix 
 in Provence by Champollion (Lettres Sorites d'Jigypte, 2nd edit., p. 21), who at once made a ijre'cia of the 
 contents, and it was edited later on by Salvolini (Campagne de Bamses-le- Grand contre les Sch^la, Paris, 
 1835); the manuscript, acquired by the Brit. Museum, was published in facsimile in Select Papyri, vol. i. 
 pis. xxiv.-xxxiv., with a notice by Birch (ihid., text, pp. 3, 4). The poem was translated, just as it was 
 found in tlie papyrus, by E. de Eouge (Le Poeme de Pen-ta-our, 185G), and it is from this masterly 
 work that the analyses and translations of Goodwin (Ore the Hieratic Papyri, in the Cambridge Essays, 
 1858, pp. 239-243), of Brugsch (Hist. d'Egijpte, pp. 140-145, and Gesch. ^gyptens, pp. 501-513), and 
 of Lushington {Tlie Third Sallier Papyrus, the War of Barneses II. with the Khita, of Pentaur, in the 
 Records of the Past, Ist series, vol. ii. pp. 65-78) are derived. A new fragment discovered at M. 
 Baifet's, and given by him to the Louvre, enabled E. de Eouge' to correct his first translation {Le 
 Poeme de Pentaour, nouvelle traduction, in the Bsc. de Travaux, vol. i. pp. 1-9) while preparing a 
 critical edition of the text, in wliich were inserted the fragments found at Karnak (Champollion, 
 Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nuhie, vol. ii. p. 124 ; Brugsch, Iteeueil de Monuments, vol. ii. pis. 
 xxix.-xxxii. ; Mariette, Karnak, pis. 48-51 ; E. and J. de Eouge, Inscriptions hi€roglyphiques, pis. 
 ccvi.-ccxxxi.), at Luxor (Brugsch, Beeueil de Monuments, vol. i. pis. xl.-xlii. ; E. and J. de Eougk, 
 Inscriptions recueillies en Egyple, pis. ccxxxii.-ccxlviii.), and in tlie temple at Abydos (Mariette, 
 Abydos, vol. ii. pis. 4, 5). The two principal versions of the poem have been fully treated of by E. de 
 Eouge', in his Lectures at the College de France from 1868 to 1870; a part of this work has appeared, 
 thanks to the labours of J. de Eouge' (Le Poeme de Pentaour, in the Bevue Egyptologigue, vol. iii. pp. 
 149-161 ; vol. iv. pp. 89-94, 124-131 ; vol. v. pp. 15-23, 157-164; vol. vi. pp. 36-42, 81-89, 105-112 ; 
 vol. vii. pp. 21-28). 
 
THE POEM OF PENTAUIRIT. 
 
 397 
 
 loving heart. I invoke thee, O my father Amoa ! Here am I in the midst 
 of people so numerous that it cannot be known who are the nations joined 
 together against me, and I am alone among them, none other is with me. My 
 many soldiers have forsaken me, none of ray charioteers looked towards me 
 when I called them, not one of them heard my voice when I cried to them. 
 But I find that Amon is more to me than a million soldiers, than a hundred 
 thousand charioteers, than a myriad of brothers or young sons, joined all 
 together, for the number of men is as nothing, Amon is greater than all of 
 them. Each time I have accomplished these things, Amon, by the counsel of 
 thy mouth, as I do not transgress thy orders, I rendered thee glory even to the 
 ends of the earth." ^ So calm an invocation in the thick of the battle would 
 appear misplaced in the month of an ordinary man, but Pharaoh was a god, 
 and the son of a god, and his actions and speeches cannot be measured by the 
 same standard as that of a common mortal. He was possessed by the religious 
 spirit in the hour of danger, and while his body continued to fight, his soul 
 took wing to the throne of Amon. He contemplates the lord of heaven face to 
 face, reminds him of the benefits which he had received from him, and sum- 
 mons him to his aid with an imperiousness which betrays the sense of his own 
 divine origin. The expected help was not delayed. " While the voice resounds 
 in Hermonthis, Amon arises at my behest, he stretches out his hand to me, and 
 I cry out with joy when he hails me from behind : ' Face to face with thee, 
 face to face witli thee, Ramses Miaraun, 1 am with tliee ! It Is I, thy father 1 
 My hand is with thee, and I am worth more to thee than hundreds of thousands. 
 I am the strong one who loves valour ; I have beheld in thee a courageous heart, 
 and my heart is satisfied ; my will is about to be accomplished ! ' 1 am like 
 Montu; from the right I shoot with the dart, from the left I seize the enemy. 
 I am like Baal in his hour, before them ; I have encountered two tliousand five 
 hundred chariots, and as soon as I am in their midst, they are overthrown 
 before ray raares. Not one of all these people has found a hand wherewith to 
 fight ; their hearts sink within their breasts, fear paralyses their limbs ; they 
 know not how to throw their darts, they have no strength to hold their lances. 
 I precipitate them into the water like as the crocodile plunges therein ; they 
 are prostrate face to the earth, one upon the other, and I slay in the 
 midst of them, for I have willed that not one should look behind him, nor 
 that one should return ; he who falls rises not again." ' This sudden 
 descent of the god has, even at the present day, an effect upon the reader, 
 
 ' SalUer Papyrus III., pi. i. 1. 8-pl. iii. 1. 5; cf. E. de Rodok, Le I'oeme de Pentaour, in the 
 Revue Egyptologique, vol. iv. pp. 128-131 ; vol. v. pp. 15-23, 157. 
 
 * Sallier Papyrus III., pi. iii. 1. 5-pl. iv. 1. 2; cf. K. m: Rouge, Le Polme de Veittuour, iu the 
 Revue Egyptolofjique, vol. v. pp. 158-163. 
 
398 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 prepared though he is by his education to consider it as a literary artifice ; but 
 on the Egyptian, brought up to regard Amon with boundless reverence, its 
 influence was irresistible. The Prince of the Khati, repulsed at the very 
 moment when he was certain of victory, " recoiled with terror. He sends 
 against the enemy the various chiefs, followed by their chariots and skilled 
 warriors, — the chiefs of Arvad, Lycia, and Ilion, the leaders of the Lycians 
 and Dardanians, the lords of Carchemish, of the Girgashites, and of 
 Khalupu ; these allies of the Khati, all together, comprised three thousand 
 chariots." Their efforts, however, were in vain. " I fell upon them like Montu, 
 my hand devoured them in the space of a moment, in the midst of them I 
 hewed down and slew. They said one to another : This is no man who is 
 amongst us ; it is Sutkhu the great warrior, it is Baal incarnate ! These are 
 not human actions which he accomplishes : alone, by himself, he repulses 
 hundreds of thousands, without leaders or men. Up, let us flee before him, let 
 us seek to save our lives, and let us breathe again ! " When at last, towards 
 evening, the army again rallies round the king, and finds the enemy completely 
 defeated, the men hang their heads with mingled shame and admiration as the 
 Pharaoh reproaches them : " What will the whole earth say when it is known 
 that you left me alone, and without any to succour me ? that not a prince, 
 not a charioteer, not a captain of archers, was found to place his hand in 
 mine ? I fought, I repulsed millions of people by myself alone. ' Victory-in- 
 Thebes ' and ' Nurit satisfied ' were my glorious horses ; it was they that I found 
 under my hand when I was alone in the midst of the quaking foe. I myself 
 will cause them to take their food before me, each day, when I shall be in my 
 palace, for I was with them when 1 was in the midst of the enemy, along with 
 the Prince Manna my shield-bearer, and with the officers of my house who 
 accompanied me, and who are my witnesses for the combat ; these are those 
 whom I was with. I have returned after a victorious struggle, and I have 
 smitten with my sword the assembled multitudes." 
 
 The ordeal was a terrible one for the Khati ; but when the first moment 
 of defeat was over, they again took courage and resumed the campaign. This 
 single effort had not exhausted their resources, and they rapidly filled up the 
 gaps which had been made in their ranks. The plains of Naharaim and the 
 mountains of Cilicia supplied them with fresh chariots and foot-soldiers in 
 the place of those they had lost, and bands of mercenaries were furnished from 
 the table-lands of Asia Minor, so that when Eamses II. reappeared in Syria, 
 he found himself confronted by a completely fresh army. Khatusaru, having 
 profited by experience, did not again attempt a general engagement, but 
 
 ' Sallier Papyrus III., pi. viii. 1. 6, et seq. ; E. de Rouge, Le Poeme de Pentaour, in the Bevue 
 £:gyptologique, vol. vii. pp. 27, 28. 
 
400 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 contented himself with disputing step by step the upper valleys of the 
 Litany and Orontes. Meantime his emissaries spread themselves over Phoe- 
 nicia and Kharu, sowing the seeds of rebellion, often only too successfully. In 
 the king's VIII"^ year there was a general rising in Galilee, and its towns — 
 Galaput in the hill-country of Bit-Aniti, Merom, Shalama, Dapur, and 
 Anairiaim^ — had to be reduced one after another. Dapur was the hardest to 
 carry. It crowned the top of a rocky eminence, and was protected by a double 
 wall, which followed the irregularities of the hillside. It formed a rally ing- 
 point for a large force, which had to be overcome in the open country before the 
 investment of the town could be attempted. The siege was at last brought to 
 a conclusion, after a series of skirmishes, and the town taken by scaling, four 
 Egyptian princes having been employed in conducting the attack. In the 
 Pharaoh's IX"' year a revolt broke out on the Egyptian frontier, in the Shephelah, 
 and the king placed himself at the head of his troops to crush it. Ascalon, in 
 which the peasantry and their families had found, as they hoped, a safe refuge, 
 opened its gates to the Pharaoh, and its fall brought about the submission of 
 several neighbouring places.^ This, it appears, was the first time since the 
 beginning of the conquests in Syria that the inhabitants of these regions 
 attempted to take up arms, and we may well ask what could have induced 
 them thus to renounce their ancient loyalty. Their defection reduced Egypt 
 for the moment almost to her natural frontiers. Peace had scarcely been 
 resumed when war again broke out with fresh violence in Coele-Syria, and one 
 year it reached even to Naharaim, and raged around Tunipa as in the 
 days of Thutmosis III. " Pharaoh assembled his foot-soldiers and chariots, 
 and he commanded his foot-soldiers and his chariots to attack the perverse 
 Khati who were in the neighbourhood of Tunipa, and he put on his armour 
 and mounted his chariot, and he waged battle against the town of the perverse 
 Khati at the head of his foot-soldiers and his chariots, covered with his 
 armour ; " the fortress, however, did not yield till the second attack.^ Ramses 
 
 ' Episodes from this war are represented at Karnak, and tlie existing scenes have been reproduced 
 more or less completely by Burton (Excerpta hieroglyphica, pi. xvi.), by Cailliaud (Voyage a Meroe, 
 Atlas, vol. ii. pi. 73), by Champollion (Mon. de I'Egypte et de la Nabie, pi. cccxxxi., and vol. ii. pp. 
 880-881), by Lepsius (Denkm., iii. 156), and by Mariette {Itine'raire de la Haute Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 59, 
 and p. 221). Brugsch identified Bit-Aniti with the Beth-Anath of Nephtali, and Shalama with Shalem, 
 near to Bethshan (Gesch. ^Egyptens, p. 515) ; W. Max MuUer prefers to connect the latter place with 
 Si lamis-Selimeh to the south-west of Hazor (Asien and Europa, p. 220). He places the Dapur here 
 mentioned in the neighbourhood of Qodshu (ibid., pp. 221, 222); I believe it to be Dapur-Thabor of 
 Galilee (cf. p. 128 of the present work). The site of Anamaim is unknown, but it must be sought in 
 Galilee ; the list of the towns taken, now much mutilated, comprised twenty-four names, which proves 
 the importance of the revolt. 
 
 ^ Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., vol. ii. pp. 194, 195; LepsIUS, Denkm., iii. 145 c. 
 
 ' Champollion, ibid., vol. i. p. 888; Beugsch, Itecueil de Monuments, vol. ii. pi. liv. 2, and Texte, 
 pp. 65, 66 ; Gesch. yEgyptens, p. 514 ; cf. Goieysse, Textes historiques d" Ipsamhoul, in the Recueil de 
 Travaux, vol. xiv. p. 143. 
 
THE TREATY WITH THE KHaTI OF THE TEAR XXL 401 
 
 carried his arms still further afield, and with such results, that, to judge merely 
 from the triumphal lists engraved on the walls of the temple of Karnak, the 
 inhabitants on the banks of the Euphrates, those in Carchemish, Mitanni, 
 Singar, Assyria, and Mannus found themselves once more at the mercy of the 
 Egyptian battalions.-' These victories, however brilliant, were not decisive ; 
 if after any one of them the princes of Assyria and Singar may have sent 
 presents to the Pharaoh, the Hittites, on the other hand, did not consider them- 
 selves beaten, and it was only after fifteen campaigns that they were at length 
 sufficiently subdued to propose a treaty. At last, in the Egyptian king's XXT' 
 year, on the 21st of the month Tybi, when the Pharaoh, then residing in his 
 good town of Anakhitu, was returning from the temple where he had been 
 offering prayers to his father Amon-Ra, to Harmakhis of Heliopolis, to Phtah, 
 and to Sutkhu the valiant son of Nuit, Ramses, one of the " messengers " who 
 filled the ofiice of lieutenant for the king in Asia, arrived at the palace and 
 presented to him Tartisubu, who was authorised to make peace with Egypt in 
 the name of KluUusaru.^ Tartisubu carried in his hand a tablet of silver, on 
 which his master had prescribed the conditions which appeared to him just 
 and equitable. A short preamble recalling the alliances made between the 
 ancestors of both parties, was followed by a declaration of friendsiiip, and a 
 reciprocal obligation to avoid in future all grounds of hostility. Not only was 
 a perpetual truce declared between both peoples, but they agreed to help 
 each other at the first demand. " Should some enemy march against the 
 countries subject to the great King of Egypt, and should he send to the 
 great Prince of the Khati, saying : ' Come, bring me forces against tbem,' 
 the great Prince of the Khati shall do as he is asked by the great King of 
 Egypt, and the great Prince of the Khati shall destroy his enemies. And if 
 the great Prince of the Khati shall prefer not to come himself, he shall send 
 his archers and his chariots to the great King of Egypt to destroy his enemies." ' 
 A similar clause ensured aid in return from Kamses to Kliatusarn, " his 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 145 a, 17C; Mauietti;, Karnah; pi. 3S /, Abijdos, vol. ii. p. 13, where these 
 names arc mentioned in tl>o various lists of the comiuosts of Ramses II. 
 
 ' The treaty of Uamses II. with tlie Prince of the Khati was sculptured at Karnak (Bchton, 
 Kxcerpla llieroglyphica, pi. xvii. ; Ghasipollion, Mon. de UKgypte et de la Nubie, vol. ii. pp. 195-204 ; 
 itosELLiNi, Monumenli Slorici, pi. cxvi. ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 14G; Bbvosch, llecueil de Monuments, 
 vol. i. pi. xxviii. ; Bouriant, Notes de Voyage, in the liecueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. pp. 153-160) and 
 in the Ramesseum (Cuampollion, Monuments de V^gypte et de la Nttbie, vol. ii. pp. 585, 586 ; Boi Ri ant, 
 Notes de Voyage, in the llecueil, vol. xiv. pp. 67-70): it has been partly translated by RosiJlini (Mmi. 
 Slorici, vol. iii. pt. 3, pp. 208-282), by litugach {Reigelierichte aus .Kgypten, pp. 117-121, and llintoire 
 d'j^gypte, pp. 146-148), and in extenso by E. de Rougo (in Eggeb, Etude sur let traiUs puhlict, pp. 243- 
 252 ; of. Revue Arch^ologique, 2nd series, vol. xiii. p. 268, et seq.), by Chabas (Le I'oyage d'un Egyptien, 
 pp. 322-340), by Goodwin {Treaty of Peace between Uamses 11. and the Hittites, in tue Records of the 
 Fast, 1st series, vol. iv. pp. 25-32), by Brugsch {GescJiichte .Egyptens, pp. 518-525), and by Wiedemann 
 (J'Jgyptische Geschichte, pp. 438-440). 
 
 » Treaty of Ramses ivith the I'rince of the Khati, 1. 15. 
 
 2 D 
 
402 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 brother," while two articles couched in identical terms naade provision against 
 the possibility of any town or tribe dependent on either of the two sovereigns 
 withdrawing its allegiance and placing it in the liands of the other party. In 
 this case the Egyptians as well as the Hittites engaged not to receive, or at 
 least not to accept, such offers, but to refer them at once to the legitimate 
 lord. The whole treaty was placed under the guarantee of the gods both of 
 Egypt and of the Khati, whose names were given at length : " Whoever shall 
 fail to observe the stipulations, let the thousand gods of Kbati and the thousand 
 gods of Egypt strike his house, his laud, and his servants. But he who shall 
 observe the stipulations engraved on the tablet of silver, whether he belong 
 to the Hittite people or whether he belong to the people of Egypt, as he 
 has not neglected them, may the thousand gods of Khati and the thousand 
 gods of Egypt give him health, and grant that he may prosper, himself, the 
 people of his house, and also his land and his servants."^ The treaty itself 
 ends by a description of the plaque of silver on which it was engraved. It was, 
 in fact, a facsimile in metal of one of those clay tablets on which the Chaldseans 
 inscribed their contracts. The preliminary articles occupied the upper part in 
 closely written lines of cuneiform characters, while in the middle, in a space 
 left free for the purpose, was the impress of two seals, that of the Prince of 
 the Khati and of his wife PMkhipa. Khatusaru was represented on them as 
 standing upright in the arms of Sutkhu, while around the two figures ran the 
 inscription, " Seal of Sutkhu, the sovereign of heaven." Puukhipa leaned on 
 the breast of a god, the patron of her native town of Aranna in Qazauadana, 
 and the legend stated that this was the seal of the Sun of the town of Aranna, 
 the regent of the earth.^ The text of the treaty was continued beneath, 
 and probably extended to the other side of the tablet.^ The original draft 
 had terminated after the description of the seals, but, to satisfy the Pharaoh, 
 certain additional articles were appended for the protection of the commerce 
 and industry of the two countries, for the prevention of the emigration of 
 artisans, and for ensuring that steps taken against them should be more efifec- 
 tual and less cruel. Any criminal attempting to evade the laws of his country, 
 and taking refuge in that of the other party to the agreement, was to be 
 expelled without delay and consigned to the officers of his lord ; any fugitive 
 
 ' Treaty of Ramses II. with the Prince of the Khati, 11. 32-3-1. 
 
 ^ The text of these last lines has been restored by Bouriant from the debris of the copy at the 
 Eamesseum {Notes de Voyage, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. pp. 68-70 ; cf. 0. di Cara, Roclc- 
 Carvings at Yasili-Kaia, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. xiii., 1890-91, 
 pp. 196-198). 
 
 ' The monument reproduced in the Dawn of Civilization,TpY>- 690, 691, representing the Chaldjean 
 Hell, furnishes an example of a metal tablet similar to that on which the treaty was engraved. 
 A clay tablet, inscribed in the manner noted in the text, is shown in the Dawn of Civilization, 
 p. 733. 
 
THE BALANCE OF POWER IN 8YRIA. 
 
 403 
 
 not a criminal, any subject carried off or detained by force, any able artisan 
 quitting either territory to take up permanent residence in the other, was 
 to be conducted to the frontier, but his act of folly was not to expose 
 him to judicial condemnation. " He who shall thus act, his fault shall not 
 be brought up against him ; his house shall not be touched, nor his wife, nor 
 his children; he shall not have his throat cut, nor shall his eyes be touched, 
 nor his mouth, nor his feet; no criminal accusation shall be made against 
 him."i 
 
 This treaty is the most ancient of all those of which the text has come down 
 to us ; its principal conditions Avere — perfect equality and reciprocity between 
 the contracting sovereigns, an offensive and defensive alliance, and the extradi- 
 tion of criminals and refugees. The original was drawn up in Chaldaean script by 
 the scribes of Khatusaru, probably on the model of former conventions between 
 the Pharaohs and the Asiatic courts,^ and to this the Egyptian ministers had 
 added a few clauses relative to the pardon of emigrants delivered up by one or 
 other of the contracting parties. When, therefore, Tartisubu arrived in the 
 city of Eamses, the acceptance of the treaty was merely a matter of form, 
 and peace was virtually concluded. It did not confer on the conqueror the 
 advantages which we might have expected from hig successful campaigns: 
 it enjoined, on the contrary, the definite renunciation of those countries, 
 Mitanni, Naharaim, Alasia, and Amurru, over which Thutmosis III. and his 
 immediate successors had formerly exercised an etlective sovereignty. Sixteen 
 years of victories had left matters in the same state as they were after the 
 expedition of Harmliabi, and, like his predecessor, Kamses was able to retain 
 merely those Asiatic provinces which were within the immediate influence of 
 Egypt, such as the Phcenician coast proper, Khara, Peraaa beyond Jordan, the 
 oases of the Arabian desert, and the peninsula of Sinai.^ This apparently unsatis- 
 factory result, after such supreme efforts, was, however, upon closer examination, 
 not 80 disappointing. For more than half a century at least, since the Hittite 
 kingdom had been developed and established under the impulse given to it by 
 Sapalulu, everything had been in its favour. The campaign of Seti had opposed 
 
 ' Treaty of Eaviset II., II. 31, 32. Cf. what is said on the subject on pp. 277-288 of tljo jiresent 
 work. 
 
 ' Cf., for the existence of analogous treaties concluded between Egypt and Asiatic powers under 
 the XVHI"' dynasty, what is suid ou p. 288 of the present volume. 
 
 ' W. Max MiiLLEB, Asien und Europa, pp. 222-224, 276. The Anattasi Papyrus I, pi. xviii. 1. 8, 
 mentious a place called Zaru of Segostrie, in the neighbourhood of Aleppo ( Chabas, Voyage d'un 
 £gyptien, pp. 99, 100), in a part of Syria which was not in Egyptian territory; the frontier in this 
 locality must have passed between Arvad and Byblos on the coast, and betweeu Qodshil and Hazor 
 from Merom inland. Egyptian rule on the other side of the Jordan seems to be proved by the 
 monument discovered a few years ago in the Haurin, and known under the name of tlie " Stone of 
 Job" by the BedawJn of the neighbourhood {ZeiUchrift des Palaetina Vereins, vol. xiv. p. 142, et 
 aeq. ; cf. Erman, Der Hiobstein, ibid., vol. xiv. pp. 210, 211). 
 
404 
 
 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 merely a passing obstacle to its expansion, and had not succeeded in discouraging 
 its ambitions, for its rulers still nursed the hope of being able one day to conquer 
 Syria as far as the isthmus. The check received at Qodshu, the abortive 
 attempts to foment rebellion in Galilee and the Shephelah, the obstinate per- 
 sistence with which Eamses and his army returned year after year to the attack, 
 the presence of the enemy at Tunipa, on the banks of the Euphrates, and in the 
 provinces then forming the very centre of the Hittite kingdom — in short, all the 
 incidents of this long struggle — at length convinced Khatusaru that he was 
 powerless to extend his rule in this direction at the expense of Egypt. More- 
 over, we have no knowledge of the events which occupied him on the other 
 frontiers of his kingdom, where he may have been engaged at the same time in 
 a conflict with Assyria, or in repelling an incursion of the tribes on the Black 
 Sea. The treaty with Pharaoh, if made in good faith and likely to be last- 
 ing, would protect the southern extremities of his kingdom, and allow of his 
 removing the main body of his forces to the north and east in case of attack 
 from either of these quarters. The security which such an alliance would ensure 
 made it, therefore, worth his while to sue for peace, even if the Egyptians 
 should construe his overtures as an acknowledgment of exhausted supplies 
 or of inferiority of strength. Eamses doubtless took it as such, and openly 
 displayed on the walls at Karnak and in the Eamesseum a copy of the treaty 
 so flattering to his pride, but the indomitable resistance which he had 
 encountered had doubtless given rise to reflections resembling those of 
 Khatusaru, and he had come to realise that it was his own interest not to 
 lightly forego the good will of the Khati. Egypt had neighbours in Africa 
 who were troublesome though not dangerous : the Timihu, the Tihonu, the 
 Mashuasha, the negroes of Kush and of Puanit, might be a continual source 
 of annoyance and disturbance, even though they were incapable of disturbing 
 her supremacy. The coast of the Delta, it is true, was exposed to the piracy 
 of northern nations, but up to that time this had been merely a local 
 trouble, easy to meet if not to obviate altogether. The only real danger 
 was on the Asiatic side, arising from empires of ancient constitution like 
 Chaldsea, or from hordes who, arriving at irregular intervals from the north,, 
 and carrying all before them, threatened, after the example of the Hyksos, to 
 enter the Delta. The Hittite kingdom acted as a kind of bufier between the 
 Nile valley and these nations, both civilized and barbarous ; it was a strongly 
 armed force on the route of the invaders, and would henceforth serve as a pro- 
 tecting barrier, through which if the enemy were able to pass it would only be 
 with his strength broken or weakened by a previous encounter. The sovereigns 
 loyally observed the peace which they had sworn to each other, and in his 
 XXXI year the marriage of Eamses with the eldest daughter of Khatusaru. 
 
TEE MARRIAGE OF RAMSES II. WITH A EITTITE PRINCESS. 405 
 
 strengthened their friendly relations. Pharaoh was not a little proud of 
 this union, and he has left us a naive record of the manner in which it came 
 about. The inscription is engraved on the face of the rock at Abu Simbel 
 in Nubia; and Ramses begins by boasting, in a heroic strain, of his own energy 
 and exploits, of the fear with which his victories inspired the whole world, 
 and of the anxiety of the Syrian kinglets to fulfil his least wishes. The 
 Prince of the Khati had sent him sumptuous presents at every opportunity, 
 and, not knowing how further to make himself agreeable to tho Pliaraoh, 
 had finally addressed 
 the great lords of his 
 court, and reminded 
 them how their country 
 ihad formerly been ruined 
 by war, how their master 
 •Sutkhu had taken part 
 ■against them, and how 
 they had been delivered 
 from their ills by tlie 
 clemency of the Sun of Egypt. " Let us therefore take our goods, and 
 placing my eldest daughter at the head of them, let us repair to the domains 
 of the great god, so that the King Sesostris may recognise us." He accord- 
 ingly did as he had proposed, and the embassy set out with gold and silver, 
 yaluable horses, and an escort of soldiers, together with cattle and provisions 
 to supply them with food by the way. When they reached the borders of 
 Kharu, the governor wrote immediately to the Pharaoh as follows : " Here is the 
 Prince of the Khati, who brings his eldest daughter with a number of presents 
 of every kind ; and now this princess and the chief of the country of the Khati, 
 After having crossed many mountains and undertaken a difficult journey from 
 distant parts, have arrived at the frontiers of His Majesty. May we be 
 instructed how we ought to act with regard to them." The king was then iu 
 residence at Ramses. When the news reached him, he officially expressed his 
 great joy at the event, since it was a thing unheard of in the annals of the 
 country that so powerful a prince should go to such personal inconvenience in 
 order to marry his daughter to an ally. The Pharaoh, therefore, despatched his 
 nobles and an army to receive them, but he was careful to conceal the anxiety 
 which he felt all the while, and, according to custom, took counsel of his patron 
 god Sutkhd : " Who are these people who come with a message at this time 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the plate iu Lei'sils, Denhm., iii. 190 a ; the triad worshipped 
 by Kbatusuru and his daughter is composed of Bamses II., seated between Amon-R& and Pbtab- 
 Totanen. 
 
406 
 
 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 to the country of Zahi ? " The oracle, however, reassured him as to their 
 intentions, and he thereupon hastened to prepare for their proper reception. 
 The embassy made a triumphal entry into the city, the princess at its head, 
 escorted by the Egyptian troops told off for the purpose, together with the 
 foot-soldiers and charioteers of the Khati, comprising the flower of their 
 army and militia. A solemn festival was held in their honour, in which 
 food and drink were served without stint, and was concluded by the celebration 
 of the marriage in the presence of the Egyptian lords and of the princes of the 
 whole earth.^ Eamses, unwilling to relegate a princess of such noble birth to 
 the companionship of his ordinary concubines, granted her the title of queen, 
 as if she were of solar blood, and with the cartouche gave her the new name 
 of Uirimauuofiruri — -" She who sees the beauties of the Sun." She figures 
 henceforth in the ceremonies and on the monuments in the place usually 
 occupied by women of Egyptian race only, and these unusual honours may 
 have compensated, in the eyes of the young princess, for the disproportion in 
 age between herself and a veteran more than sixty years old.^ The friendly 
 relations between the two courts became so intimate that the Pharaoh 
 invited his father-in-law to visit him in his own country. " The great Prince 
 of Khati informed the Prince of Qodi : ' Prepare thyself that we may go down 
 into Egypt. The word of the king has gone forth, let us obey Sesostris. He 
 gives the breath of life to those who love him ; hence all the earth loves him, 
 and Khati forms but one with him.' " They were received with pomp at 
 Kamses-Anakhitu, and perhaps at Thebes. It was with a mixture of joy and 
 astonishment that Egypt beheld her bitterest foe become her most faithful 
 ally, " and the men of Qimit having but one heart with the chiefs of the Khati,. 
 a tiling which had not happened since the ages of Ea." ^ 
 
 ' The fact of the marriage is known to us by the decree of Phtah-Totfinen at Abu Simbel in the 
 XXXV" year of the king's reign (1. 25 ; cf. Naville, Le D^cret de Ptah-Totunen, in the Transactions of 
 the See. of Bibl. Archseology, vol. vii. p. 126). The account of it in the text is taken from the stele at 
 Abu Simbel, imperfectly published in the Benkm., iii. 196 a. The last lines, which had escaped th& 
 notice of Lepsius, were copied by Bouriant (Notes de Voyage, in the Recueil da Travaux, vol. xviii. 
 pp. 164-166) ; they are so mutilated that I have been obliged to paraphrase them. The stele of the 
 Princess of Bakhtan has preserved the romantic version of this marriage, such as was current about 
 the Saite period. The King of the Khati must have taken advantage of the expedition which the 
 Pharaoh made into Asia to send him presents by an embassy, at the head of which he placed his 
 eldest daughter : the princess found favour with Eamses, who married her (11. 4-6 ; cf. E. de Kouge, 
 Etude sur une stele igyptienne appartenant a la Bibliotheque Imp^riale, pp. 35-54). 
 
 ' This princess is mentioned on the monuments at Tanis (Mariette, Fragments et Documents 
 relatifs aux fouilles de San, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ix. p. 13 ; E. and J. de Eouge, Inscriptions 
 hi^roglyphiques copi€es en Egypte, pi. Ixxiv. ; Petrie, Tanis, vol. i. pi. v. 36 B, and p. 24), and also at 
 Abu Simbel (Lepsius, Benkm., iii. 196 a). 
 
 ^ Anastasi Papyrus II., pi. ii. 11. 1-5, and Anaslasi Papyrus IV., pi. vi. 11. 7-9. The connexion 
 between this document and the visit of the year XXXIV. was pointed out by Maspero, Bu Genre 
 epistolaire, p. 102; cf. Chabas, Melanges ^gyptologiqnes, 2nd series, pp. 151, 152; Erman, ASgypten 
 und JEgyptisches Lehen, p. 707. 
 
COMMERCE WITH STRIA. 
 
 407 
 
 The half-century following the conclusion of this alliance was a period of 
 world-wide prosperity. Syria was once more able to breathe freely, her com- 
 merce being under the combined protection of the two powers who shared 
 her territory. Not only caravans, but isolated travellers, were able to pass 
 through the country from north to south without incurring any risks beyond 
 those occasioned by an untrustworthy guide or a few highwaymen. It became 
 in time a common task in the schools of Thebes to describe the typical Syrian 
 tour of some soldier or functionary, and we still possess one of these imaginative 
 
 PHCENICIAN BOATS LANDING AT THEBES.' 
 
 stories in which the scribe takes his hero from Qodshu across the Lebanon to 
 By bios, Berytus, Tyre, and Sidon, " the fish " of which latter place " are more 
 numerous than the grains of sand ; " he then makes him cross Galilee and the 
 forest of oaks to Jaffa, climb the mountains of the Dead Sea, and following the 
 maritime route by Raphia, reach Pelusium.^ The Egyptian galleys thronged 
 the Phoenician ports, wliile those of Phoenicia visited Egypt. The latter drew 
 so little water that they had no difficulty in coming up the Nile,^ and the paint- 
 ings in one of the tombs represent them at the moment of their reaching Thebes. 
 The hull of these vessels was similar to that of the Nile boats, but the bow and 
 stern were terminated by structures which rose at right angles, and respectively 
 gave support to a sort of small platform. Upon this the pilot maintained 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from tho pbotograpli published by Daresay in the Revue ArcliHilofiique. 
 
 ' This is the Anastasi Papyrus 1. published in the Select Papyri, vol. i. pis. xxxv -Ixii , used by 
 Hincks and Birch in several of their early works, and completely translated by Chabas-Goodwin, 
 Le Voyage d'un JSgyptien. 18GG ; and since then by Bki gsch, Le Voyage d'un E'gyptien, in the Revue 
 Critique, 1867, vol. i. pp. 97-105, 14.5-154, and GetchiclUe JEgyptens,^-p. 554-561 ; of. Ebman, ^Egypten 
 und /Egyptisches Lehen im Alterthum, pp. 508-513. 
 
 ^ The Great Dedicatory Inscription of Ahydos. 11. S3, 84. 
 
408 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 his position by one of those wondrous feats of equilibrium of which the 
 Orientals were masters. An open rail ran round the sides of the vessel, so as 
 to prevent goods stowed upon the deck from falling into the sea when the 
 vessel lurched.^ Voyages to Puanit were undertaken more frequently in quest 
 of incense and precious metals. The working of the mines of Akiti had been 
 the source of considerable outlay at the beginning of the reign. The measures 
 taken by Seti to render the approaches to them practicable at all seasons had 
 not produced the desired results ; ^ as far back as the IIP ' year of Ramses the 
 overseers of the south bad been forced to acknowledge that the managers of the 
 convoys could no longer use any of the cisterns which had been hewn and built 
 at such great expense. " Half of them die of thirst, together with their asses, 
 for they have no means of carrying a sufficient number of skins of water to 
 last during the journey there and back." The friends and oflBcers whose 
 advice had been called in, did not doubt for a moment that the king would be 
 willing to complete the work which his father had merely initiated, " If thou 
 sayest to the water, ' Come upon the mountain,' the heavenly waters will 
 spring out at the word of thy mouth, for thou art Ea incarnate, Khopri visibly 
 created, thou art the living image of thy father Tumu, the Heliopolitan." — 
 " If thou thyself sayest to thy father the Nile, father of the gods," added the 
 Viceroy of Ethiopia, " ' liaise the water up to the mountain,' he will do all that 
 thou hast said, for so it has been with all thy projects which have been accom- 
 plished in our presence, of which the like has never been heard, even in the 
 songs of the poets." The cisterns and wells were thereupon put into such a 
 condition that the transport of gold was rendered easy for years to come.^ The 
 war with the Khati had not suspended building and other works of public 
 utility ; and now, owing to the establishment of peace, the sovereign was able 
 to devote himself entirely to them. He deepened the canal at Zalu ; * he 
 repaired the walls and the fortified places which protected the frontier on the 
 
 ' Daressy, Tine Flottille phe'nicienne d'apres une peinture ggyplienne, in tlie Revue Arch^ologique, 
 1896, vol. xxvii. pp. 286-292. 
 
 ^ Cf. what is said ou the subject of the works of Seti I. on pp. 373-376 of this volume. 
 
 ' Stele of Kubban, discovered and published by Peisse d'Avennes, Monuments de I'Egypte, pi. xxi., 
 translated and commented on by Birch, Upon an Historical Tablet of Ramses II., in the Archxologia, 
 vol. xxxiv. pp. 357-399 (of. Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 76-80) ; by Chabas, Les Inscrip- 
 tions des Mines d'or, pp. 13-39 ; by Lauth, Die zweialteste Landlcarte nebst Griiberpldnen, in the Sitz- 
 ungsberichte of the Academy of Sciences of Munich, 1871, vol. i. pp. 198-201; by Brugsch, GescMchte 
 .Egyptens, pp. 531-537; by Vieey, The Stele of Kuban, in the Records of the Pad, 2nd series, vol. v. 
 pp. 1-16, and Notes sur quelques passages de la Stele de Eouban, in the Recueil de Travauz, vol. xiv. 
 pp. 96-99 ; and finally by Schiapabelli, La Catena Orientale dell' Egitto, pp. 86-88. Cf. Eeman, 
 ^'Egypten und JEgyptisches Leben, pp. 617-619. 
 
 * Classical authors say that he wished to establish communication between the Nile and the Ked 
 Sea (Aeistotle, Meteorol, I. xiv. ; Stkabo, 1. i. § 31, p. 38, XVII. i. § 25, p. 804; Pliny, Nat. Hist., 
 vi. 29, § 165) : all affirm that this canal of Sesostris was never completed ; a similar fate befell that of 
 Pharaoh Necho (Heeod., ii. 158). 
 
PUBLIC WORKS UNDER RAMSES II. 
 
 409 
 
 side of the Sinaitic Peninsula,^ and be built or enlarged tbe strongbolds along 
 the Nile at those points most frequently threatened by tlie incursions of nomad 
 tribes. Kamses was the royal builder par excellence, and we may say without 
 fear of contradiction that, from the second cataract to the mouths of the Nile, 
 there is scarcely an edifice on whose ruins we do not find his name. In Nubia, 
 
 where the desert approaches close to the Nile, he confined himself to cutting 
 in the solid rock the monuments which, for want of space, he could not build 
 in the open. The idea of the cave-temple must have occurred very early to 
 the Egyptians; they were accustomed to house their dead in the mountain- 
 side, why then should they not house their gods in the same manner? The 
 oldest forms of speos, those near to Beni-Hasan, at Deir el-Bahari, at El-Kab, 
 and at Gebel Silsileh,^^ however, do not date further back than the time of 
 the XVIII*'' dynasty. All the forms of architectural plan observed in isolated 
 
 ' For this line of fortifications, cf. what is said in tho Daxcii of Civilization, pp. 351, 352, 469, and 
 also p. 122 of this volume. Some writers of the olassical period attribute its foundation to Ramses II., 
 and speak of it as " The Wall of Sesostris " (DiowKUs Siculus, i. 57). 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclicr-Gudin, from a photograph taken in 1881 by lusinger. 
 
 » Upon the speos of Deir el-Bahari and that of Gebel Silsileh, see pp. 240-242, 348-3.")0 of this 
 volume: the Speos Artemidos, at Beni-Hasan, is of tho date of Queen IliltshopsitA, but it was 
 restored by Seti I. (Golenischefp, Notice siir tm texte hien>ghji>hiqiii- du SOilil Aiilai; in the Recueil 
 de Travuux, vol. iii. pp. 1-3); that of El-Kab goes back to the reign of Ameuothes III. 
 
410 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 temples were utilised by Eamses and applied to rock-cut buildings with more 
 or less modification, according to the nature of the stratum in which he had 
 
 to work. Where space 
 permitted, a part only 
 of the temple was cut 
 in the rock, and the 
 approaches to it were 
 built in the open air 
 with blocks brought to 
 the spot, so that the 
 completed speos be- 
 came only in part a 
 grotto— a hemi-speos 
 of varied construction. 
 It was in this manner 
 that the architects of 
 Kamses arranged the 
 court and pylon at Beit- 
 Wally,^ the hypostyle 
 hall, rectangular court 
 and pylon at Gerf-Hos- 
 sein,^ and the avenue 
 of sphinxes at Wady 
 es-Sebuab, where the 
 entrance to the avenue 
 was guarded by two 
 statues overlooking the 
 river.^ The pylon at 
 Gerf-Hossein has been 
 demolished, and merely a few traces of the foundations appear here and there 
 above the soil, but a portion of the portico which surrounded the court is 
 still standing, together with its massive architraves and statues, which stand 
 
 ' The description of the temple of Beit-Wally is given by Gau, Monuments de la Nubie, pis. 12, 
 14-16; by Champollton, Lettres ecritts d'Egtjpte, 2nd edit. pp. 159, 160, and Monuments de V£gijpte et 
 de la Nubie, vol. i. pp. 145-150, and pis. Ixi. 1, Ixii.-lxxiv., xcii. 4; by Kosellini, Mon. Storici, pis. 
 Ixv.-lxxv. : for the battle-scenes, of. Arundale-Bonomi-Birch, The Gallery of Ecjijptian Antiquities, 
 pi. 38, and pp. 92-102, and also Lepsius, Benlim., iii. 176, 177. 
 
 2 Gau, Monuments de la Nubie, pis. 28-32 ; Champollion, Monuments de VEgijpte et de la Nubie, 
 vol. i. pp. 129-137, and pi. Ivii. 3; Lepsils, Denhn., iii. 178 a-e; Pekse d'Avennes, Hist, de I' Art 
 Egijptien, Text, s. 379, 380. 
 
 ^ Gau, Mon. de la Nubie} pis. 45-47 ; Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nuhie, vol. i. 
 pp. 107-109, and pis. 1. 1, csii. bis 1 ; Eosellini, Mon. Slorici, pi. Ixxviii. ; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 179-182. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken in 1881 by Insinger and Daniel Heron. 
 
 the caryatides of 
 
THE GREAT SPEOS OF ABU SIM BEL. 
 
 411 
 
 with their backs against the pillars. The sanctuary itself comprised an 
 antechamber, supported by two columns and flanked by two oblong recesses ; 
 this led into the Holy of Holies, which was a narrow niche with a low ceiling. 
 
 THE TWO COLOSSI OF ABU SIMBEL TO THE SOCTH OF THE DOOHWAY.' 
 
 placed between two lateral chapels. A hall, nearly square in shape, connected 
 these mysterious chambers with the propyh-ea, which were open to the sky 
 and faced with Osiride caryatides. These appear to keep rigid and solemn 
 watch over the approaches to the tabernacle, and tlieir faces, half hidden 
 in the shadow, still present such a stern appearance that the semi-barbaric 
 Nubians of the neighbouring villages believe them to be possessed by implac- 
 able genii. They are supposed to move from their places during the hours 
 of night, and the fire which flashes from their eyes destroys or fascinates 
 whoever is rash enough to watch them. 
 
 Other kings before Ramses had constructed buildings in these spots, and 
 their memory would naturally become associated with his in the future ; he 
 wished, therefore, to find a site where he would be without a rival, and to this 
 end he transformed the cliff at Abu Simbel into a monument of his greatness. 
 The rocks here project into the Nile and form a gigantic conical promontory, 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken in 1881 by Insinger and Daniel Heron. 
 
412 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 the face of which was covered with triuiriphal stelae, on which the sailors or 
 troops going up or down the river could spell out as they passed the praises 
 of the king and his exploits.^ A few feet of shore on the northern side, covered 
 with dry and knotty bushes, affords in winter a landing-place for tourists. 
 
 At the spot where the 
 beach ends near the 
 point of the promon- 
 tory, sit four colossi, 
 with their feet nearly 
 touching the water, 
 their backs leaning 
 against a sloping wall 
 of rock, which takes 
 the likeness of a 
 pylon. A band of 
 hieroglyphs runs above 
 their heads underneath 
 the usual cornice, over 
 which again is a row of 
 crouching cynocephali 
 looking straight before 
 them, their hands rest- 
 ing upon their knees, 
 and above this line of 
 sacred images rises the 
 steep and naked rock. 
 One of the colossi is 
 broken, and the bust of 
 the statue, which must 
 have been detached by 
 some great shock, has fallen to the ground ; the others rise to the height of 63 
 feet, and appear to look across the Nile as if watching the wadys leading to the 
 gold-mines. The pschent crown surmounts their foreheads, and the two ends of 
 the head-dress fall behind their ears ; their features are of a noble type, calm 
 and serious; the nose slightly aquiline, the under lip projecting above a square, 
 but rather heavy, chin. Of such a type we may picture Kamses, after the 
 conclusion of the peace with the Khati, in the full vigour of his manhood and 
 
 'HE INTERIOR OF THE SPECS OF ABU SIMBEL.' 
 
 ' Champollion, Monuments de VUgijpte et cle la Nuhie, vol, 
 xxxviii. ; Kosellini, Mon. Storicl, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 177-190. 
 be distinguished in the illustration on the opposite page. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken in 1881 by Insinger and Daniel Ht 
 
 pp. 77-79, and pis. vii. 4, ix. 1, 2, x., 
 e general outline of these stelse may 
 
414 
 
 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 at the height of his power. The doorway of the temple is in the centre of the 
 fayade, and rises nearly to a level with the elbows of the colossi ; above the lintel, 
 and facing the river, stands a figure of the god Ea, represented with a human 
 body and the head of a sparrow-hawk, while two images of the king in profile, 
 ■one on each side of the god, offer him a figure of Truth. The first hall, 130 feet 
 long by 58 feet broad, takes the place of the court surrounded by a colonnade 
 
 which in other temples 
 usually follows the 
 pylon. Here eight Osi- 
 ride figures, standing 
 against as many square 
 pillars, appear to support 
 the weight of the super- 
 incumbent rock. Their 
 profile catches the light 
 as it enters through the 
 open doorway, and in 
 the early morning, when 
 the rising sun casts a 
 ruddy ray over their 
 features, their faces be- 
 come marvellously life- 
 like. We are almost 
 tempted to think that a smile plays over their lips as the first beams touch 
 them. The remaining chambers consist of a hypostyle hall nearly square in 
 shape, the sanctuary itself being between two smaller apartments, and of eight 
 subterranean chambers excavated at a lower level than the rest of the temple. 
 The whole measures 178 feet from the threshold to the far end of the Holy of 
 Holies.^ The walls are covered with bas-reliefs in which the Pharaoh has 
 vividly depicted the wars which he carried on in the four corners of his 
 kingdom ; here we see raids against the negroes, there the war with the Khati, 
 and further on an encounter with some Libyan tribe. Eamses, flushed 
 by the heat of victory, is seen attacking two Timihu chiefs : one has 
 already fallen to the ground and is being trodden underfoot ; the other, after 
 vainly letting fly his arrows, is about to perish from a blow of the conqueror. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Mons. de Bock; cf. Champolliox, Monuments, etc., 
 p]. xvii. ; EosELLiNi, Mon. Storici, pi. Ixxxiii., in which the colours are represented as they still 
 appeared in the first half of the present century. 
 
 ^ Gau, Monuments de la Nuhie, pis. 55, 57-61; Champollion, 3Ionuments, etc., vol. i. pp. 56-77; 
 RosELLTNi, Mon. Storici, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 85-165 ; Lepsil'S, Denim., iii. 185-191 ; cf. Dumichex, Der 
 ^Egyptischc Fehentempel von Ahu-Simbel, 1869. 
 
THE BAS-RELIEFS OF THE TEMPLE OF ABU SIMBEL. 415 
 
 His knees give way beneath him, his head falls heavily backwards, and the 
 features are contracted in his death-agony, Pharaoh with his left hand has 
 seized him by the arm, while with his right he points his lance against his 
 enemy's breast, and is about 
 to pierce him through the 
 heart. As a rule, this type 
 of bas-relief is executed 
 with a conventional grace 
 which leaves the spectator 
 unmoved, and free to con- 
 sider the scene merely from 
 its historical point of view, 
 forgetful of the artist. An 
 examination of most of the 
 other wall - decorations of 
 the speos will furnish 
 several examples of this 
 type : we see Kamses with 
 a suitable gesture brandish- 
 ing his weapon above a 
 group of prisoners, and the 
 composition furnishes us 
 with a fair example of 
 official sculpture, correct, 
 conventional, but devoid of 
 interest. Here, on the con- 
 trary, the drawing is so 
 full of energy that it carries the imagination back to the time and scene 
 of those far-off battles. The indistinct light in which it is seen helps the 
 illusion, and we almost forget that it is a picture we are beholding, and 
 not the action itself as it took place some three thousand years ago. A small 
 speo^ situated at some hundred feet further north, is decorated with standing 
 colossi of smaller size, four of which represent Kamses, and two of them 
 his wife, Isit Nofritari.^ This speos possesses neither peristyle nor crypt, 
 and the chapels are placed at the two extremities of the transverse passage, 
 instead of being in a parallel line with the sanctuary ; on the other hand, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken by Insinger in 1881 ; cf. Champollion, Monumeixis 
 dc I'Ugijpte et de la Nuhie, pi. xi., and Koski.uni, Mon. Slorici, pi. l.xxix. 
 
 ' Gau, Monuments de la Nubie, pis. .■>4-5C ; Cua.mi'Ollion, ^fon. de r/:gypte, etc., vol. i. pp. 43-55, 
 and pis. v.-ix., xxxvii. his; Uoseli.i.ni, ^fon. Slorici, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 105-170; Lepsius, Denhm., 
 iii. 192, 193. 
 
 RAMSE9 II. STRIKES 
 
416 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 the liypostyle hall rests on six pillars with Hathor-headed capitals of fine 
 proportions. A third excavated grotto of modest dimensions served as an 
 accessory chamber to tlie two others.^ An inexhaustible stream of yellow sand 
 poured over the great temple from the summit of the cliff, and partially covered 
 it every year. No sooner were the efforts to remove it relaxed, than it spreads 
 
 THIS I' Al ADIS OF THJfi I,1TTLE Sl'EOS OF IIATHOU AT ABU SIMBEL-' 
 
 into the chambers, concealing the feet of the colossi, and slowly creeping 
 upwards to their knees, breasts, and necks ; at the beginning of this century 
 they were entirely hidden. In spite of all that was done to divert it, it cease- 
 lessly reappeared, and in a few summers regained all the ground which had 
 been previously cleared. It would seem as if the desert, powerless to destroy 
 the work of the conqueror, was seeking nevertheless to hide it from the 
 admiration of posterity.* 
 
 Seti had worked indefatigably at Thebes, but the shortness of his reign 
 prevented him from completing the buildings he had begun there. There 
 existed everywhere, at Luxor, at Karnak, and on the left bank of the Nile, the 
 remains of his unfinished works; sanctuaries partially roofed in, porticoes incom- 
 plete, columns raised to merely half their height, halls as yet imperfect with 
 blank walls, here and there covered with only the outlines in red and black 
 
 ' It was discovered in 1873, and an account of it published by Miss Amelia B. Edwards, in 
 A Thousand 3Iiles up the Nile, pp. 47G-480. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faiicher-Gudin, from the plates in Champollion, Monuments de I'Egyple et de la Nuhie, 
 pi. ix. 1, and Peisse d'Avennes, Hist, de I' Art Eijrjplien, vol. ii., and Text, p. 412. 
 
 * The English engineers have bucceeded iu iDiuring out the sand, and have prcveiited it from 
 pouring over the cliff auy more.— Ed. 
 
THE BUILDINGS OF RAMSES II. AT LVXOR. 
 
 417 
 
 ink of their future bas-reliefs, and statues hardly blocked out, or awaiting the 
 final touch of the polisher.^ Ramses took up the work where his father had 
 Telinquished it. At Luxor there was not enough space to give to the hypostyle 
 hall the extension which the original plans proposed, and the great colonnade 
 
 cilAri.l. UF I lirxMo.-I.-, III. AND ONE OF THE I'YLONS ..i l.\M-l.> 
 
 has an unfinished appearance. The Nile, in one of its capricious floods, had 
 carried away the land upon which the architects had intended to erect the 
 side aisles ; and if they wished to add to the existing structure a great 
 court and a pylon, without which no temple was considered complete, it 
 was necessary to turn the axis of the building towards the east. In their 
 operations the architects came upon a beautiful little edifice of rose granite, 
 which had been either erected or restored by Thuttnosis III. at a time when 
 the town was an independent municipality and was only beginning to extend 
 its suburban dwellings to meet those of Karnak. They took care to make 
 no change in this structure, but set to work to incorporate it into their final 
 
 ' This is the description which Ramses gave of the condition in which he found the Meninonium 
 of Abydos {Great Inscription of Abydos, 11. 32, 33); an examination of the inscriptions existing in the 
 Theban temples which Seti I. had constructed, shows that it must have applied also to the appearance 
 of certain portions of Qurnch, Luxor, and Karnak in the time of Ramses II. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from a photograph taken in 1886 by Beato. 
 
 2 E 
 
418 
 
 THE BEAGTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 plans. It still stands at the north-west corner of the court, and the elegance 
 of its somewhat slender little columns contrasts happily with the heaviness 
 of the structure to which it is attached. A portion of its portico is hidden 
 by the brickwork of the mosque of Abu'l Haggag : the part brought to light 
 in the course of the excavations contains between each row of columns a colossal 
 statue of Ramses II. We are accustonsed to hear on all sides of the degeneracy 
 of the sculptor's art at this time, and of its having fallen into irreparable 
 neglect. Nothing can be further from the truth than this sweeping statement. 
 There are doubtless many statues and bas-reliefs of this epoch which shock 
 us by their crudity and ugliness, but these owed their origin for the most part 
 to provincial workshops which had been at all times of mediocre repute, and 
 where the artists did not receive orders enough to enable them to correct by 
 practice the defects of their education. "We find but few productions of the 
 Theban school exhibiting bad technique, and if we had only this one monument 
 of Luxor from which to form our opinion of its merits, it would be sufficient to 
 prove that the sculptors of Ramses II. were not a whit behind those of Harm- 
 babi or Seti 1. Adroitness in cutting the granite or hard sandstone had in no 
 wise been lost, and the same may be said of the skill in bringing out the 
 contour and life-like action of the figure, and of the art of infusing into 
 the features and demeanour of the Pharaoh something of the superhuman 
 majesty with which the Egyptian people were accustomed to invest their 
 monarchs. If the statues of Ramses II. in the portico are not perfect 
 models of sculpture, they have many good points, and their bold treatment 
 makes them effectively decorative.^ Eight other statues of Ramses are 
 arranged along the base of the fa9ade, and two obelisks — one of which has 
 been at Paris for half a century ^ — stood on either side of the entrance. The 
 whole structure lacks unity, and there is nothing corresponding to it in 
 this respect anywhere else in Egypt. The northern half does not join on to 
 the southern, but seems to belong to quite a distinct structure, or the two 
 parts might be regarded as having once formed a single edifice which had 
 become divided by an accident, which the architect had endeavoured 
 to unite together again by a line of columns running between two walls. 
 The masonry of the hypostyle hall at Karnak was squared and dressed, 
 but the walls had been left undecorated, as was also the case with the 
 majority of the shafts of the columns and the surface of the architraves. 
 
 ' Three of these colossal figures, one of them seated, are represented ou p. 419 ; and another is 
 given in Maspero, Arch^ologie EgyiAievne, p. 223, fig. 196. 
 
 2 The colonnade and the little temple of Thiltmosis III. were concealed under the houses of the 
 village ; they were first brought to light in the excavations of 1884-86. The transportation of the 
 obelisk to Paris was tl;e occasion of a flood of literature, of which Wiedemann gives an account in 
 ^Egyptische Geschicltte, p. 448, n. 5. 
 
COMPLETION OF THE EYPOSTTLE HALL AT KARNAK. 419 
 
 Ramses covered the whole with a series of sculptured and painted scenes 
 which had a rich ornamental effect; he then decorated the pylon, and 
 inscribed on the outer wall to the south the list of cities which he had 
 captured.^ The temple of Amon then assumed the aspect which it preserved 
 henceforward for centuries. The Eamessides and tlieir snccessors occupied 
 
 THE COLONNADE OF SETl I. AND THE THHKK (.OLOSSAl. S I ATI KS 01' HAMSES II. AT LrXOH.= 
 
 themselves in filling it with furniture, and in taking steps for the repair of 
 any damage that might accrue to the hall or pillars; they had their car- 
 touches or inscriptions placed in vacant spaces, but they did not dare to 
 modify its arrangement. It was reserved for the Ethiopian and Greek 
 Pharaohs, in presence of the hypostyle and pylon of the XIX'" dynasty, 
 to conceive of others on a still vaster scale. Ramses, having completed the 
 funerary chapel of Seti at Qurneh upon the left bank of the river,^ then began 
 to think of preparing the edifice destined for the cult of his "double" — that 
 Ramesseum whose majestic ruins still stand at a short distance to the north 
 
 ' Mariette. Karnali, Texle, pp. 21, 23-25, CO, 61. The list of tbe captured oitieB is found in 
 Champollion, Monumcwis de I'J^gypte, etc., vol. ii. pp. 119-123; in 'Rosnhhim, Monumenti Storici, 
 vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 259-268; and in Lepsics, Denlim., iii. 146 d. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograpli by Beato. 
 
 ' Champollion, Monuments de I'figyptc, etc., vol. i. p. 296; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. 
 pt. 2, pp. 282, 283. See pp. 382, 383 of the present work for what is known about this chapel. 
 
420 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 of tlie giants of Amenothes. Did these colossal statues stimulate his spirit of 
 emulation to do something yet more marvellous ? He erected here, at any rate, 
 a still more colossal figure. The earthquake which shattered Meranon brought 
 it to the ground, and fragments of it still strew the soil where they fell some 
 nineteen centuries ago. There are so many of them that the spectator would 
 thiuk himself in the middle of a granite quarry.^ The portions forming the 
 
 breast, arms, and thighs are 
 in detached pieces, but they 
 are still recognisable where 
 they lie close to each, other. 
 
 THE UEMAINS OF THE Oi.U,(jriSAL .STATUE (JE UAMSES II. AT THE RAMESSEUM.^ 
 
 sion, and its proportions are so enormous, that a man could sleep crouched 
 up in the hollow of one of its ears as if on a sofa. Behind the court 
 overlooked by this colossal statue lay a second court, surrounded by a row of 
 square pillars, each having a figure of Osiris attached to it. The god is 
 represented as a mummy, the swathings throwing the body and limbs into 
 relief. His hands are freed from the bandages and are crossed on the breast, 
 and hold respectively the flail and crook ; the smiling face is surmounted by an 
 •enormous head-dress. The sanctuary with the buildings attached to it has 
 perished, but enormous brick structures extend round the ruins, forming an 
 enclosure of storehouses. Here the priests of the " double " were accustomed 
 to dwell with their wives and slaves, and here they stored up the products of 
 
 ' This is the actual expression employed by Jollois-Devilliers, Description du tcmheau d'Osyman- 
 ■dyas, d^signe par quelques voyageurs sous la denomination de Palais de Memnon, in the Description 
 ■de I'J^gypte, vol. ii. p. 243. The ear measures 3 feet 4 inches in length ; the statue is 58 feet high from 
 the top of the head to the sole of the foot, and the weight of the whole has been estimated at over a 
 thousand tons (Id., ibid., p. 246). 
 
 ■ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
THE RAMESSEUM AT THEBES. 
 
 421 
 
 their domains — meat, vegetables, corn, fowls dried or preserved in fat, and 
 wines procured from all the vineyards of Egypt. 
 
 These were merely the principal monuments put up by Ramses II. at 
 Thebes during the sixty-seven years of his rule. There would be no end to 
 the enumeration of his works if we were to mention all the other edifices which 
 
 or among the dwellings of the living, all those which he restored, or those 
 which he merely repaired or inscribed with his cartouches. These are often 
 cut over the name of the original founder, and his usurpations of monuments 
 are so numerous that he might be justly accused of having striven to blot out 
 the memory of his predecessors, and of claiming for himself the entire work 
 of the whole line of Pharaohs. It would seem as if, in his opinion, the glory 
 of Egypt began with him, or at least with his father, and that no victorious 
 campaigns had been ever heard of before those which he conducted against 
 the Libyans and the Hittites. 
 
 The battle of Qodsliu, with its attendant episodes — the flogging of the spies, 
 the assault upon the camp, the charge of the chariots, the flight of the Syrians 
 —is the favourite subject of his inscriptions; and the poem of Pentauiiit 
 adds to the bas-reliefs a description worthy of the acts represented. This 
 Epic reappears everywhere, in Nubia and in the Said, at Abu Simbel, at Beit- 
 Wally, at Derr, at Luxor, at Karnak, and on the Ramesseum, and the same 
 battle-scenes, with the same accompanying texts, reappear in the Memnonium, 
 
 " Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato ; tlie great blocks in the foreground are the 
 fragments of the colossal statue of Ramses II. 
 
422 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 whose half-ruined walls still crown the necropolis of Abydos.'^ He had decided 
 upon the erection of this latter monument at the very beginning of his reign, 
 and the artisans who had worked at the similar structure of Seti I, were em- 
 ployed to cover its walls with admirable bas-reliefs. liamses also laid claim to 
 
 THE EUINS OP THE MEMNONIUM OP UAMSE3 II. AT ABYDO-.- 
 
 liave his own resting-place at " the Cleft ; " in this privilege he associated 
 all the Pharaohs, from whom he imagined himself to be descended, and the 
 same list of their names, which we find engraved in the chapel of his father, 
 appears on his building also.^ Some ruins, lying beyond Abydos, are too 
 formless to do more than indicate the site of some of his structures. He 
 enlarged the temple of Harshafitu and that of Osiris at Heracleopolis, and, to 
 accomplish these works the more promptly, his workmen had recourse for 
 material to the royal towns of the IV*'' and XII* dynasties ; the pyramids 
 of Usirtasen II. and Snofrui at Medum suffered accordingly the loss of the best 
 part of their covering.* He finished the mausoleum at Memphis,^ and dedi- 
 cated the statue which Seti had merely blocked out; he then set to work 
 to fill the city with buildings of his own device — granite and sandstone 
 chambers to the east of the Sacred Lake,^ monumental gateways to the 
 
 ' Mariette, Abydos, vol. ii. pp. 8-12, and pis. 4, 5. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-3ey. 
 
 ^ This is the list now in the British Museum ; see p. 226 of the Bawn of Civilitation for informa- 
 tion on these two tables. 
 
 * Nayille, Ahnas el-Medineh, pp. 2, 9-11, and pis. i. AC, ii. AC, v., vi. ; of. Peteie, Medum, pp. 5-9, 
 and Illahun, Kaltun and Guroh, p. 22. [For the nature of this " resting-place," which was not liis 
 t jmb, see supra, p. 382.— Tr.] 
 
 ' The Great Inscription of Abydos, 1. 22. 
 
 ' Partly excavated and published by Mariette (Monuments divers, pi. 31 ; of. Bbugsch, An den 
 
THE BUILDINGS OF BAMSES ON THE DELTA. 
 
 423 
 
 southland before one of them a fine colossal figure in granite.'^ It lay not long 
 ago at the bottom of a hole among the palm trees, and was covered by the 
 inundation every year ; it has now been so raised as to be safe from the waters. 
 
 llamses could hardly infuse new life into all the provinces which had been devas- 
 
 TUE COLOSSAL STATUE OF llAMSES 11. AT MlTUAIHNLll.' 
 
 all the cities of the eastern corner of the Delta, constitute a museum of his monu- 
 ments, every object within them testifying to his activity. He colonised these 
 towns with his prisoners, rebuilt them, and set to work to rouse them from the 
 
 Eerautgeler, in the Zeilschrift, 1869, p. 2), and partly by M. de Morgan. This is probably the temple 
 mentioned in tlio Great Inscription of Abu Simbel, 11. 31-;{6 (Ohampollion, Monuments de V£gypte, etc., 
 pi. xxxviii. ; Rosellini, Monumenli Storici, pi. ciii. ; Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 19i), translated by Naville, 
 The Decree of I'hlah-Totunen in favour of Raimes II, in the I'ransactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc., 
 vol. vii. pp. 117-138 ; cf. Brugsoh, Geschichte JEgyptens, pyt. 537-540. 
 
 ' These are probably those mentioned by Herodotus (II. cvii., ex.), when he says that Sesostris con- 
 structed apropy Ion in the temple of Hephaistos ; cf. Wiedemann, HerodoVs ttceites Buck, pp. 4 18,426, 427. 
 
 * This is the Abu-l-hol of the Arabs. It was raised in 1888 by Major Bagnold, Account of the 
 Manner in which Two Colossal Statues of Ramses II. at Memphis uere raised, in the Troceedings Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc., 1887-88, vol. x. pp. 452-463. 
 
 ' Compare on this subject Brugsch, Die JEgyptologie, pp. 289, 290, whore, although the alleged 
 facts are indisputable, the author seems to me to go too far in assuming the existence of a foreign 
 power which prevented Ramses II. from bearing rule in this part of tlio country. 
 
 * Ruins of the temple of Ra bearing the cartouche of Ramses II. ; see Maspebo, .ATote* sur quelques 
 points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeilschrift, 1881, p. Ill, and Guiffith, Tlie Antiquities of Tell el- 
 Yahudiyeh, pp. 64-6G. "Cleopatra's Needle," transported to Alexandria by one of the Ptolemies, 
 had been set up by Ramses at Heliopolis; it is probably one of the four obelisks which the traditional 
 Sesostris is said to have erected in that city, according to Bliny, B. Nat., XXXVI. viii. 14. 
 
 ' Naville, Bubastis, pp. 9, H, 13, 14, 16-19, 34-51, and pis. xvii., xxi., xxxvi.-xxxviii. 
 " Buugsch, Itecueil de Monuments ^gyptiens, vol. i. pi. x. 1, 2. 
 
 ' Naville, The Store-City of Pithom, pp. 1-4, 11, 13, and pi. iii. a.; cf. Maspeho, Sur Deux Monu- 
 ments nouveaux du regne de Itamses II, in the Revue Archedlogique, 2nd series, vol. xxxiv. pp. 319-325. 
 
 * Naville, Ahnas el-Medineh, p. 18. • Id., ibid., p. 31, and pi. iv. c. 1, 2. 
 
 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph brought back by Bene'Jite. 
 
424 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 torpor into which they had fallen after their capture by Ahmosis. He made a 
 third capital of Tanis, which rivalled both Memphis and Thebes.^ Before 
 this it had been little more than a deserted ruin : he cleared out the debris, 
 brought a population to the place ; rebuilt the temple, enlarging it by aisles 
 which extended its area threefold; and here he enthroned, along with the 
 local divinities, a triad, in which Amonra and Sutkhu sat side by side with 
 his own deified " double." The ruined walls, the overturned stelse, the obelisks 
 recumbent in the dust, and the statues of his usurped predecessors, all bear 
 his name. His colossal figure of statuary sandstone, in a sitting attitude like 
 that at the Eamesseum, projected from the chief court, and seemed to look 
 down upon the confused ruin of his works.^ 
 
 We do not know how many wives he had in his harem, but one of the lists 
 of his children which has come down to us enumerates, although mutilated at 
 the end, one hundred and eleven sons, while of his daughters we know of 
 fifty-five.^ The majority of these were the offspring of mere concubines or 
 foreign princesses, and possessed but a secondary rank in comparison with 
 himself; but by his union with his sisters Nofiitari Maritmut and Isitno- 
 frit, he had at least half a dozen sons and daughters who might aspire to the 
 throne. Death robbed him of several of these before an opportunity was open 
 to them to succeed him, and among them Amenhikhopshuf, Amenhiunamif, 
 and Kamses, who had distinguished themselves in the campaign against the 
 Khati ; * and some of his daughters — Bitaniti, Maritamon, Nibittaui — by 
 becoming his wives lost their right to the throne.^ About the XXX^"^ 
 year of his reign, when he was close upon sixty, he began to think of an 
 associate, and his choice rested on the eldest surviving son of his queen 
 Isitnofrit, who was called Khamoisit.*' This prince was born before the suc- 
 cession of his father, and had exhibited distinguished bravery under the walls 
 of Qodshii and at Ascalon,' When he was still very young he had been 
 
 ' Maeiette, Lettres a M. le Vieomte de Roug€»ur les fouilles de Tanis, in the Revue Arch€ologique, 
 2ud series, 1860, vol. iv. pp. 97-111, 207-215, and Fragments et Documents relatifs aux fouilles de San, 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. x. pp. 1-20. The results of the excavations of the Egypt Exploration 
 Fund are recorded in Petrie, Tanis, i., ii., 1885-88. 
 
 " Peteie, Tanis, pp. 13, 14, 22-24. The fragments of the colossus were employed in the Grseco- 
 Eoman period as building material, and used in the masonry of a boundary wall. 
 
 ' TheliatofAbydos enumerates thirty-three of his sons and thirty-two of his daughters (Maeiette, 
 Abydos, vol. i. pi. 4, and p. 10), that of Wady-Sebua one hundred and eleven of his sons and fifty-one 
 of his daughters (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 179 b-d) ; both lists are mutilated. The remaining lists for 
 the most part record only .some of the children living at the time they were drawn up, at Derr (Cham- 
 FOhLiON, Monuments, pi. xl. ; Lei'sius, Benlcm., in. 183 6,184 a), at the Eamesseum, and at AbuSimbel 
 (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 168, 186). 
 
 * Wiedemann (Jigypt. Gesch., p. 404) has put together the little that is known of these individuals. 
 
 * See Wiedemann, JEgyptische Geichichte, pp. 466, 467. The marriage of Kamses II. with his 
 daughters was pointed out by E. de Rouge', in liis lectures at the College de France. 
 
 * Wiedemann {^Egyptisclte Geschiclite, pp. 464-466) has collected all that is known of Khamoisit, 
 son of Ramses II. 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 145 c, 156 ; for the sLege of these towns, see pp. 319-400 of the present work. 
 
TEE LEGEND OF KHAMOISIT AND MINEPHTAH. 
 
 425 
 
 THE CHAPEI- OF THE APIS OP AMENOTHES UI.' 
 
 invested with the office of high priest of the Meinpbite Phtah, and thus had 
 secured to him the revenues of the possessions of the god, which were the 
 largest in all Egypt after those of the Theban Amon. He had a great 
 reputation for his knowledge of abstruse theological questions and of the 
 science of magic — a later age attributing to him the 
 composition of several books on magic giving direc- 
 tions for the invocation of spirits belonging to this 
 world and the world beyond.^ He became the hero 
 also of fantastic romances, in which it was related of 
 him how, in consequence of his 
 having stolen from the mummy 
 of an old wizard the books of 
 Thot, he became the victim of 
 possession by a sort of lascivious 
 and sanguinary ghoul.'^ Ramses 
 relieved himself of the cares of 
 
 state by handing over to Khamoisit the government of the country, without, 
 however, conferring upon him the titles and insignia of royalty. The chief 
 concern of Kliamois-it was to secure the scrupulous observance of the divine 
 laws. He celebrated at Silsilis * tlie festivals of the inundation ; he presided 
 at the commemoration of his father's apotheosis,'^ and at the funeral rites of 
 the Apis who died in the XXX'" year of the king's reign.^ Before his time 
 each sacred bull had its separate tomb in a quarter of the Memphite 
 Necropolis known to the Greeks as the Serapeion. The tomb was a small cone- 
 roofed building erected on a square base, and containing only one chamber. 
 Khamoisit substituted for this a rock-tomb similar to those used by ordinary 
 individuals. He had a tunnel cut in the solid rock to a depth of about a 
 hundred yards, and on either side of this a chamber was prepared for each Apis 
 
 ' One of the works attributed lo him is fouml iu the Louvre Papyrus 3248; it whs pointed out 
 by Deveria, Catalogue des ManuscriU L'gyptien* que sonl comervis au Mut€e du Louvre, p. 107 ; cf. 
 Revillout, Lc Roman de Setna, in the Revue Archeologique, 2nd series, vol. xxxvii. pp. 337, 338, and 
 Pleyte, Chapitres suppl€mentaire» du Livre des Morts, pp. 67-69. 
 
 ' This is the romance of Satni-Khamoisit, discovered by Mariette, Le» Papyrus tgyplient du 
 Mus^a de Boulaq, vol. i. pis. 29-32 ; translated for the first time by Brugsch, Le Roman dfmotique de 
 Setnau, in the Revue Archiologique, 2nd series, vol. xvi. pp. 161-179 ; cf. the translation and biblio- 
 graphy of the subject by Maspero, Les Contet populaires de Vancienne £gypte, 2nd edit., pp. 161-208. 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from a sketch by Mariette, Renseiijnemenls sur les soixante-quatre 
 Apis, in the Bulletin Archeologique de VAth€axum FratK-ais, 18.")5, p. 47. 
 
 * Festivals of the years XXX., XXXIV., XXXVIl., and XL. at Gebol Silsileb (Champollion, 
 Monuments de I'^gypte, etc., pis. csv.-cxvi. ; Lepsius, Denim., iii. 175 f ; Bruoscu. Rtcueil de Monu- 
 ments ligyptietis, vol. ii. pi. Ixxxiii. 1, 2). 
 
 » Festivals of the years XXX., XXXIV., and XXXIX. at Biggeh (Champollion, Monuments, etc., 
 vol. i. p. 162 ; Brugsch, Recueil de Monuments, vol. ii. pi. Ixxxiii. 2), of the years XXXIV. and XL. 
 at Sehel (Brugsch, Recueil, vol. ii. pl. Ixxxii. 5; Mariette, Monuments divers, pi. 71, Nos. 32, 33). 
 
 « Mariette, Choix de Monuments et de destins du Serap€utn de Memphis, pp. 8, 9, and Renseigne- 
 ments sur les soixante-quatre Apis, in the Bulletin A rchgologique, 1855, pp. 66-68 ; cf. Bucgsch, Recueil, 
 vol. i. pl. viii., No. 1, and pp. 15, 16. 
 
426 
 
 THE EE ACTION AGAIN SI EGYPT. 
 
 on its death, the masons closing up the wall after the installation of the mummy.^ 
 His regency had lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, when, the burden of 
 government becoming too much for him, he was succeeded in the LV*^ year of 
 Ramses by his younger brother Miaephtah, who was like himself a son of 
 Isitnofrit.^ Minephtah acted, during the first twelve years of his 
 rule, for his_ father, who, having now almost attained the age of 
 a hundred, passed peacefully away at Thebes in the LXVII"^ 
 S'f^-^ y^*^^ ^^^^ i'6igii> full of days and sated with glory.^ He became 
 I' jH* subject of legend almost before he had closed his eyes upon 
 
 .rV,>^f,f^ the world. He had obtained brilliant successes during his 
 life, and the scenes describing them were depicted in scores 
 of places. Popular fancy believed everything which he had 
 related of himself, and added to this all that it knew of 
 other kings, thus making him the Pharaoh of Pharaohs — the 
 embodiment of all preceding monarchs. Legend preferred 
 to recall him by the name Sesusu, Sesusturi — a designation 
 which had been applied to him by his contemporaries, 
 and he thus became better known to moderns as Sesostris 
 than by his proper name Eamses Miamun.^ According 
 to tradition, he was at first sent to Ethiopia with a 
 fleet of four hundred ships, by which he succeeded 
 in conquering the coasts of the Red Sea as far as 
 the Indus. In later times several stelae in the 
 cinnamon country were ascribed to him. He is 
 credited after this with having led into the east a 
 
 STATUE OF KUAJIUISIT.^ O 
 
 great army, with which he conquered Syria, 
 Media, Persia, Bactriana, and India as far as the ocean ; and with having 
 on his return journey througli the deserts of Scythia reached the Don [Tanais], 
 
 ' Mariette, Benseignements sur les soixante-quatre Apis, in the Bulletin ArcMologique, 1855, pp. 
 47, 48; cf. Le S^rap^um de Memphis, ed. Maspero, pp. 138-146. Khamoisit was not buried in one 
 of the Apis chambers, as Mariette thought (op. cit, pp. 66-68, 86 ; cf. Brdgsch, Histoire d'£gypte, 
 pp. 166, 167; Wiedemann, jEgyptische Gescliichte, pp. 465, 466); following the hints of VassaUi, we 
 found the remains of his tomb at Kafr el-Batran, near the great pyramid of Gizeh. 
 
 * Miaephtah was in the order of birth the thirteenth son of Ramses II. (Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 
 168 a, b). 
 
 ^ A passage on a stele of Eamses IV. formally attributes to him a reign of sixty-seven years 
 (Mariette, Abydos, vol. ii. pis. 34, 35 ; cf. Pierret, £tude sur una Stele de Bamses IV., in the Bevue 
 Arcli^ologique, 2nd series, vol. six. p. 273). I procured at Koptos a stele of his year LXVI. (Boubiant, 
 Fetits Monuments et petits Textes, § 77, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. ix. p. 100). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a statue in the British Museum. 
 
 ' This designation, which is met with at Medinet-Habu (Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 208 e) and in the 
 Anastasi Papyrus I., pi. xii. 1. 3, pi. xviii. 1. 8, pi. xxvii. 1. 3, was shown by E. de Rouge' (AiMnxum 
 Frangais, 1854, p. 1128) to refer to Ramses II. ; the various readings Sesii, Sesfistt, Sesusturi, explain' 
 the different forms Sesosis, Sesoosis, Sesostris (Maspero, Nouveau Fragment d'un commentaire sur le 
 Mere II. d'H^rodote, in the Annuaire de V Association des £tudes Grecques, vol. x. pp. 191-193). Wiede- 
 mann saw in this name the mention of a king of the XVIII"" dynasty not yet classified {/Egyptische 
 GeschicUe, pp. 407, 408 ; cf. Herodot's ztveites Buck, pp. 403, 404). 
 
THE LEGEND OF SESOSTRIS. 
 
 427 
 
 where, on the shore of the Maeotic Sea, he left a number of his soldiers, 
 whose descendants afterwards peopled Colchis. It was even alleged that he 
 had ventured into Europe, but that the lack of provisions and the inclemency 
 of the climate had prevented him from advancing further than Thrace. He 
 returned to Egypt after an absence of nine years, and after having set up on 
 his homeward journey statues and stelfe everywhere in commemoration of 
 his victories.^ Herodotus asserts that he 
 himself had seen several of these monu- 
 ments in his travels in Syria and Ionia. 
 Some of these are of genuine Egyptian 
 manufacture, and are to be attributed to 
 our Ramses; they are to be found near Tyre, 
 and on the banks of the Nahr el-Kelb,'-^ 
 where they mark the frontier to which his 
 empire extended iu this direction. Others 
 have but little resemblance to Egyptian 
 monuments, and were really the work of 
 the Asiatic peoples among whom they 
 were found. The two figures referred to 
 long ago by Herodotus,* which have been 
 discovered near Ninfi between Sardis and 
 Smyrna, are instances of the latter. The 
 shoes of the figures are turned up at the 
 toe, and the bead-dress has more resemblance to the high hj^ts of the people 
 of Asia Minor than to the double crown of Egypt, while the lower garment 
 is striped horizontally in place of vertically. The inscription, moreover, is 
 in an Asiatic form of writing, and has nothing Egyptian about it. 
 
 Ramses II. in his youth was the handsomest man of his time. He was tall 
 and straight ; his figure was well moulded — the shoulders broad, the arms full 
 and vigorous, the legs muscular ; the face was oval, with a firm aud smiling 
 mouth, a thin aquiline nose, and large open eyes." Old age and death did 
 
 ' Hebodoti s, II. cii.-cvii. ; Diodobi s Sici lus, i. 53-57 : cf. on the legend of Sesoetria the material 
 collected by Wiedemann, JIcwch)t's ztceitcs Buck, p. 404, et seq. 
 
 ' Upon the frontier stelio of the Nahr el-Kelb, see p. 278 of the present work ; the stele of Adlun, 
 near Tyre, was pointed out by Rcnaii {Mission de Fhinicie, pp. 661, 662), whose testimony is challenged 
 by F. do Saulcy {Voyage en Terre Sainle, 1865. vol. ii. p. 282). 
 
 ' Herodotus, II. ci. The first of the two figures was discovered by Cuables Texieb, Asie Mineure, 
 vol. ii. p. 304, and pi. 132; the second by Beddoe in 1856. Sayce was the first to recognise the 
 nature of the inscription on one of them (MonumetUs of the HiUites, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. viii. 
 pp. 205-208 ; cf. Pebrot-Chipiez, J/i«<. de I'Art, vol. iv. pp. 742-759). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph. Thid is the stele of the year II. ; of. Lepsius, 
 Denltm., iii. 197 c. 
 
 ' The black granite statue at Turin, for instance, presents him thus (Obcubti, Calalogo illmtrato 
 dei Monumcnti Egizii del It. Museo di Tor/no, vol. 1. pp. 60, 61, No. 6), of which the head is reproduced 
 on p. 340 of the present work. 
 
428 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 not succeed in marring the face sufficiently to disfigure it. The coffin con- 
 taining his body is not the same as that in which his children placed him on 
 
 the day of his obsequies ; 
 it is another substituted 
 for it by one of the 
 Eamessides, and the 
 mask upon it has but a 
 distant resemblance to 
 the face of the victorious 
 Pharaoh. The mummy 
 is thin, much shrunken, 
 and light ; the bones are 
 brittle, and the muscles 
 atrophied, as one would 
 expect in the case of a 
 man who had attained 
 the age of a hundred; 
 but the figure is still 
 tall and of perfect pro- 
 portions.^ The head, 
 which is bald on the top, 
 is somewhat long, and 
 small in relation to the 
 bulk of the body ; there 
 is but little hair on the 
 forehead, but at the back 
 of the head it is thick, and in smooth stiff locks, still preserving its white 
 colour beneath the yellow balsams of his last toilet. The forehead is low, 
 the supra-orbital ridges accentuated, the eyebrows thick, the eyes small and 
 set close to the nose, the temples hollow, the cheek-bones prominent ; the 
 ears, finely moulded, stand out from the head, and are pierced, like those of a 
 woman, for the usual ornaments pendant from the lobe. A strong jaw and 
 square chin, together with a large thick-lipped mouth, which reveals through 
 the black paste within it a few much-worn but sound teeth, make up the 
 features of the mummied king. His moustache and beard, which were closely 
 shaven in his lifetime, had grown somewhat in his last sickness or after his 
 
 THE BAS-RELIEF OF NINFI.* 
 
 ' Even after the coalescence of the vertebrai and the shrinkage produced by mummification, 
 the body of Ramses II. still measures over 5 feet 8 inches (Maspero, ies Momies royales de D^ir el- 
 Bahari, in the M^moires de la Mission Fraiujaise du Caire, vol. i. pp. 556-563). 
 - J' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph. 
 
THE COFFIN AND MUMMY OF BAMSES II. 
 
 429 
 
 death ; the coarse and thick hairs in them, white like those of the head and 
 eyebrows, attain a length of two or three millimetres. The skin shows an 
 ochreous yellow colour under the black bituminous plaster. The mask of the 
 mummy, in fact, gives a fair idea of 
 that of the living king; the some- 
 what unintelligent expression, 
 slightly brutish perhaps, but 
 haughty and firm of purpose, 
 displays itself with an air of 
 royal majesty beneath the 
 sombre materials used 
 by the erabalmer. The \,, 
 disappearance of the 
 old hero did not pro- 
 duce many changes in 
 the position of affairs 
 in Egypt : Minephtah 
 from this time forth 
 possessed as Pharaoh the 
 power which he had pre- 
 viously wielded as regent. 
 He was now no longer young. 
 Born somewhere about the be- 
 ginning of the reign of Ramses 
 
 BASI8E3 II.' 
 
 11., he was now sixty, possibly 
 seventy, years old ; thus an old man succeeded another old man at a moment 
 when Egypt must have needed more than ever an active and vigorous ruler. 
 The danger to the country did not on this occasion rise from the side of Asia, 
 for the relations of the Pharaoh witli his Kharu ^ subjects continued friendly, 
 and, during a famine which desolated Syria, he sent wheat to his Hittite 
 
 UAMSE8 II.' 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken in 1881. There 
 may be seen below the cartouche the lines of the oflSoial report of inspection written during the 
 XXI" dynasty. 
 
 » Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken in 188C from the mummy itself, by Emil Brugsch- 
 Bey; cf. Masi'ero, Z-es Moinics royales de D^ir el-Bahari, in the M^mo ires de la Musion Fraitfuife, 
 vol. i. pis. xiv.-xvi. 
 
 ' A document preserved in the Anastasi I'apyrus III. (pis. v., vi., rergo) shows how regular the 
 relations with Syria had become. It is the journal of a custom-house otBcer, or of a scribe placed at 
 one of the frontier posts, who notes from day today the letters, messengers, officers, and troops which 
 passed from the 15tli to the 25lh of Puchons, in the IIP'' year of the reijjn (Chabas, Recherches pour 
 I'histoire de la XIX' dynastie, pp. 9.5-97 ; Laltii, JSijyptischc T< xlv aug der Zeil des Pharao Menophtah, 
 in the Zeittchrift der I). Moryenl. Ge/elUch., vol. xxxi. p. ^i.'r2, et seq. ; Bkigsch, Gifch. ^Egyptens, pp. 
 579-581 ; Ebman, Tagebuch einet Grenzenbmmtes, in the Zi Uschrifl, 1879, pp. 29-32, and .EgypUn nnd 
 /EgypttHchee Lehen im Allerthum, p. 709). 
 
430 TEE EE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 allies. The nations, however, to the north and east, in Libya and in the Medi- 
 terranean islands, had for some time past been in a restless condition, which boded 
 little good to the empires of the old world. The Timihu, some of them tributaries 
 from the XII"*, and others from the first years of the XVIII"* dynasty, had 
 always been troublesome, but never really dangerous neighbours. From time 
 to time it was necessary to send light troops against them, who, sailing along 
 the coast or following the caravan routes, would enter their territory, force 
 them from their retreats, destroy their palm groves, carry off their cattle, and 
 place garrisons in the principal oases — even in Siwah itself. For more than a 
 century, however, it would seem that more active and numerically stronger 
 populations had entered upon the stage. A current of invasion, having its 
 origin in the region of the Atlas, or possibly even in Europe, was setting 
 towards the Nile, forcing before it the scattered tribes of the Sudan. Who 
 were these invaders ? Were they connected with the race which had planted 
 its dolmens over the plains of the Maghreb ? ^ Whatever the answer to this 
 question may be, we know that a certain number of Berber tribes ^ — the Labu 
 and Mashaiiasha — who had occupied a middle position between Egypt and 
 the people behind them, and who had only irregular communications with the 
 Nile valley, were now pushed to the front and forced to descend upon it.* 
 They were men tall of stature and large of limb, with fair skins, light hair, and 
 blue eyes ; everything, in fact, indicating their northern origin. They took 
 pleasure in tattooing the skin, just as the Tuaregs and Kabyles are now accus- 
 tomed to do, and some, if not all, of them practised circumcision, like a portion 
 of the Egyptians and Semites.^ In the arrangement of the hair, a curl fell 
 upon the shoulder, while the remainder was arranged in small frizzled locks. 
 Their chiefs and braves wore on their heads two flowering plumes. A loin- 
 cloth, a wild-beast's skin thrown over the back, a mantle, or rather a covering 
 of woollen or dyed cloth, fringed and ornamented with many-coloured needle- 
 work, falling from the left shoulder with no attachment in front, so as 
 to leave the body unimpeded in walking, — these constituted the ordinary 
 
 1 Triumphal Inscription of Mineplitah, 1. 24 ; cf. Maeiette, Karnal:, pi. 53. 
 Deveeia, La Race suppos^e proto-celtique esf-elle figur^e sur les monuments g'gyptiens 1 in the Rcvuc 
 ArcMologique, 2Dd series, vol. ix. pp. 38-43. 
 
 = The nationality of these tribes is evidenced by the names of their chiefs, which recall exactly 
 those of the Numidians— Massyla, Massinissa, Massiva (Chabas, jS'iudes sur V Antiquity Mstorique, 2nd 
 edit., pp. 236, 237) ; for Libyan names preserved on the Egyptian monuments, see Halevy, Etudes 
 Berleres I. ; Essai d'^pigrapliie Libyque, pp. 167-170. 
 
 * The Labft, Laftbfi, Loba, are mentioned for the first time under Eamses II. (Anastasi Papyrus II., 
 pi. iii. 1. 2; cf. Chabas, Etudes sur I' Antiquity Mstorique, 2nd edit., p. 184); these are the Libyans of 
 classical geographers (Beugsch, Gebgr. Ins., vol. ii. pp. 79, 80). The Mashadasha answer to the 
 Maxyes of Herodotus (III. cxci.) ; they furnished mercenaries to the armies of Eamses II. (Anastasi 
 Papyrus L, pi. xvii. 1. 4). 
 
 * W. Max MijLLEE, Notes on the Peoples of the Sea of Merenphtah, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc, 1887-88, vol. x. pp. 147-154, 287-289. 
 
THE LIBYAN KINGDOM AND TEE PEOPLE OF TEE SEA. 431 
 
 costume of the people.^ Their arms were similar to those of the Egyp- 
 tians, consisting of the lance, the mace, the iron or coppor dagger, the 
 boomerang, the bow and 
 arrow, and the sling. They 
 also employed horses and 
 chariots.^ Their bravery 
 made them a foe not to 
 be despised, in spite of 
 their ignorance of tactics 
 and .their want of discipline. 
 When they were afterwards 
 formed into regiments and 
 conducted by experienced 
 generals, they became the 
 best auxiliary troops which 
 Egypt could boast of. The 
 Labu from this time forward 
 were the most energetic of 
 the tribes, and their chiefs 
 prided themselves upon 
 possessing the leadership 
 over all the other clans in 
 this region of the world.* 
 
 The Labu might very well have gained the mastery over the other inhabi- 
 tants of the desert at this period, who had become enfeebled by the frequent 
 defeats which they had sustained at the hands of the Egyptians. At the 
 moment when Minephtah ascended the throne, their king, Jlaraiu, son of Didi,'' 
 
 ' For the costume of the Libyans, see the representutions on the royal tombs (Champolliox, Monu- 
 ments de VEgypte, etc., pis. cel. 1, 2, cclxxiii. 1 ; Rosellini, Monumenli Slorici, pis. clvi., clviii., clix., 
 clx. 4, clix. 5; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 126, 201) and the bas-relief reproduced on p. 414 of the present 
 work, where Ramses II. is teen transfixing with his spear a chief of the Tirailift. 
 
 ' Chabas, L'ludea sur V Antiquity historique, 2nd edit., pp. 243, 244. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Rosellini, Monumenti Stortci, pis. clix., clx. 4. 
 
 * This was tlie case in the warj of Minephtah and Ramses III., in which the Labft and their kinge 
 took the command of the confederate armies assembled against Egypt (Triumphal Inecriplion or 
 Minephtah, 11. 4, 13, 37, etc. ; Inscription of Ramfs III., in Rosellini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. cxxxii. 
 11. 47, 48; cf. DiisiiciiEN, Historigche Inschriflen, pi. xlvii.). 
 
 ' This name was at first read Marmaift, son of Didi, by E. do Rouge (Exirait d'un mtmoirr, etc., 
 pp. G,7; cf. Chabas, i'Uude»gurVAntiquit€,2uCL^i\\t.,\->.\%^), according to the copy published by Brugsch 
 {Gcocf. Inschr., vol. ii. pi. xxv. 1. 5). Diimichen (I[i4. Inschr., vol. i. pi. ii. 1. 13) had read it Maraiu- 
 Badidi, making one name out of the two words; and Goodwin compared Badidi, Batita, with Battos. 
 which in the Libyan language (Hekodotis, IV. civ.) mennt "king "(On the Name of a King of the Eabu- 
 Lihyans, in Zeitschrift, 18C8, p. 39) ; Badidi-Batita would thus be a " Batlos," to whom one would assign 
 the title of " First," and who would have lived a long time before the Ualtos of Cyrene, of whom 
 Herodotus has preserved the semi-legendary history. The name ought to be read MaraiO, son of 
 Didi (Brugsch, Gcsch. .Egypt, p. 569; Wiedemann, ^Egypt. <?e«c7t.,p. 474); Halevy thought he had 
 discovered Maraiil and Didi in the Libyan inscriptions which ho has deciphered (J^tuden Berberes I, 
 Essai d'^pigr. Libyqiie, p. 168). 
 
432 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 ruled over the immense territory lying between the Fajum and the two 
 Syrtes : the Timihu, the Kahaka, and the Mashaaasha rendered him the 
 same obedience as his own people. A revolution had thus occurred in Africa 
 similar to that which had taken place a century previously in Naharaim, 
 when Sapalulu founded the Hittite empire. A great kingdom rose into 
 being where no state capable of disturbing Egyptian control had existed 
 before. The danger was serious. The Hittites, separated from the Nile 
 by the whole breadth of Kharu, could not directly threaten any of the 
 Egyptian cities; but the Libyans, lords of the desert, were in contact 
 with the Delta, and could in a few days fall upon any point in the valley 
 they chose. Minephtah, therefore, hastened to resist the assault of the 
 westerns, as his father had formerly done that of the easterns, and, 
 strange as it may seem, he found among the troops of his new enemies some 
 of the adversaries with whom the Egyptians had fought under the walls of 
 Qodshu sixty years before. The Shardana, Lycians, and others, having 
 left the coasts of the Delta and the Phoenician seaports owing to the 
 vigilant watch kept by the Egyptians over their waters, had betaken them- 
 selves to the Libyan littoral, where they met with a favourable reception. 
 Whether they had settled in some places, and formed there those colonies of 
 which a Greek tradition of a recent age speaks, we cannot say.^ They certainly 
 followed the occupation of mercenary soldiers, and many of them hired out 
 their services to the native princes, while others were enrolled among the 
 troops of the King of the Khati or of the Pharaoh himself. Maraiu brought 
 with him Achseans, Shardana, Tursha, Shagalasha,^ and Lycians in consider- 
 able numbers when he resolved to begin the strife.^ This was not one of 
 those conventional little wars which aimed at nothing further than the im- 
 position of the payment of a tribute upon the conquered, or the conquest of 
 one of their provinces. Maraiu had nothing less in view than tlie transport 
 of his whole people into the Nile valley, to settle permanently there as the 
 Hyksos had done before him.* He set out on his march towards the end of 
 
 ' For these traditions, see Thriggk, Res Cyrenensium, a primordiis inde Civitatis usque ad xtatem 
 qua in provincix formam a Romanis est redacta, pp. 64-79. 
 
 * The Shakalasha, Shagalasha, identified with the Sicilians by E. de Kouge (£'a;imiY d'un m^moire, 
 etc., pp. 24, 25; of. Lauth, Homer und ^gypten, pp. 13, 14, 17, and Chabas, Etudes sur V Antiquity 
 Mstorique, 2nd edit., p. 292, Recherches pour I'Mstoire de la XIX" dynastie, pp. 35-39), were a people 
 of Asia Minor whose position there is approximately indicated by the site of the town Sagalassos, 
 named after them (Maspero, Revue Critique, 1880, vol. i. pp. 109, 110). 
 
 ' The Inscription of Minephtah (11. 13, 14) distinguishes the Libyans of Maraiu from " the people 
 of the Sea." 
 
 * Triumphal Inscription of Minephtah, 11. 22, 23. The war was described in an inscription now lost 
 which Minephtah had had engraved in the temple of Phtah at Memphis. A copy exists at Karnak, 
 and the remains of it, pointed out by Champollion {Monuments, vol. ii. p. 193), were summarised by 
 Lepsius (^Benkm., iii. 199 a) and by Brugsch (Geog. Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. xxxv.), published in a 
 complete form by Dumichen (Hist. Inschr., vol. i. pis. ii.-vi.), by Mariette (Karnak, pis. 52-55), and by 
 E. de Kouge' {Inscriptions recueillies en Egypte, pi. clxxix.-cxcviii.), who also annotated and translated 
 
TEE FIRST LIBYAN INVASION. 
 
 43? 
 
 the IV* year of the Pharaoh's reign, or the beginning of his V"', surrounded 
 by the elite of his troops, " the first choice from among all the soldiers and all 
 the heroes in each land." The announcement of their approach spread terror 
 among the Egyptians. The peace which they had enjoyed for fifty years had 
 cooled their warliiie ardour, and the machinery of their military organisation 
 had become somewhat rusty. The standing army had almost melted away ; 
 the regiments of archers and charioteers were no longer effective, and the 
 neglected fortresses were not strong enough to protect the frontier. As 
 a consequence, the oases of Farafrah and of the Natron lakes fell into the 
 hands of the enemy at the first attack, and the eastern provinces of the Delta 
 became the possession of the invader before any steps could be taken for their 
 defence. Memphis, which realised the imminent danger, broke out into open 
 murmurs against the negligent rulers who had given no heed to the country's 
 ramparts, and had allowed the garrisons of its fortresses to dwindle away. 
 Fortunately Syria remained quiet. The Khati, in return for the aid afforded 
 them by Minephtah during the famine, observed a friendly attitude, and the 
 Pharaoh was thus enabled to withdraw the troops from his Asiatic provinces. 
 He could with perfect security take the necessary measures for ensuring 
 " Heliopolis, the city of Tumu," against surprise, " for arming Memphis, the 
 citadel of Piitah-Tonen, and for restoring all things which were in disorder : 
 he fortified Pibalisit, in the neighbourhood of the Shakana canal, on a branch 
 of that of Heliopolis," and he rapidly concentrated his forces behind these 
 quickly organised lines.^ Maraiu, however, continued to advance ; in the 
 early months of the summer he had crossed the Canopic branch of the Xile, 
 and was now about to encamp not far from the town of Piriu. When the 
 king heard of this " he became furious against them as a lion that fascinate.s 
 its victim ; he called his officers together and addressed them : * I am about to 
 make you hear the words of your master, and to teach yon this: I am the 
 sovereign shepherd who feeds you ; I pass my days in seeking out that which 
 is useful for you : I am your father; is there among you a father like me who 
 makes his children live? You are trembling like geese, you do not know what 
 is good to do : no one gives an answer to the enemy, and our desolated land is 
 
 it (Extrait d'un M^moire sur lea attaquct, pp. 6-1 3), by Lauth (^gypti$che Texte aut der Zeit Menephlah, 
 in the Zeitschri/t d. D. Morg. GetelhcU., 1867, vol. xxi. pp. 652-699), by Bircli {The Invagion of Fgypt 
 hy the Greeks, in Records of the Past, 1st Beries, vol. iv. pp. 37, 38), by Chabas {£tudet stir VAntiquitt-; 
 2nd edit., pp. 191-201, and Jiecherches pour I'hut. de la XIX' dynastie, pp. 84-92), and lastly by BrugscL 
 (Qesch. Mgypiens, pp. 567-577). There are extracts from it ou a column at Mempliis (Maspeuo, Soles 
 sur differents points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeilschri/t, 1881, p. 118), which bears the date of the year 
 v., the 3rd of Epiphi, and upon a stele at Athribis (Maspeuo, op. cit., in the Zeilschri/l, 1883, pp. 65-67). 
 
 ' "With regard to these localities, see Brugsch, Diet. Giographique, pp. 76, 77, 197, 797, and 
 Naville, Goshen and the Shrine of Sa/t el-IIenneh, pp. 19, 26. and The Mound of the Jews and the Cilj^ 
 of Oniai, pp. 22, 23. Chabas would identify Pibalhit with Bubastis (Eludes sur V Antiquity, pp. 201- 
 203 ; Recherches pour I'histoire de la XIX' dynastie, p. 94) ; I agree with Brugsch in placing it at Bi-lbeis . 
 
 2 F 
 
434 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 abandoned to the incursions of all nations. Tlie barbarians harass the frontier, 
 rebels violate it every day, every one robs it, enemies devastate our seaports, 
 they penetrate into the fields of Egypt; if there is an arm of a river they halt 
 there, they stay for days, for months ; . . . they come as numerous as reptiles, 
 and no one is able to sweep them back, these wretches who love death and 
 hate life, whose hearts meditate the consummation of our ruin. Behold, they 
 arrive with their chief; they pass their time on the land which they attack in 
 filling their stomachs every day ; this is the reason why they come to the land 
 of Egypt, to seek their sustenance, and their intention is to install themselves 
 there ; mine is to catch them like fish upon their bellies. Their chief is a dog, 
 a poor devil, a madman ; he shall never sit down again in his place,' " ^ He 
 then announced that on the 14th of Epiphi he would himself conduct the 
 troops against the enemy. 
 
 These were brave words, but we may fancy the figure that this king of more 
 than sixty years of age would have presented in a chariot in the middle of the 
 fray, and his competence to lead an effective charge against the enemy. On the 
 other hand, his absence in such a critical position of affairs would have endangered 
 the morale of his soldiers and possibly compromised the issue of the battle. A 
 <lream settled the whole question.^ While Minephtah was asleep one night, 
 he saw a gigantic figure of Phtah standing before him, and forbidding him 
 to advance. "'Stay,' cried the god to him, while handing him the curved 
 khopesli : ' put away discouragement from thee ! ' His Majesty said to him : 
 * But what am I to do then ? ' And Phtah answered him : ' Despatch thy infantry, 
 and send before it numerous chariots to the confines of the territory of Piriu.' " ^ 
 The Pharaoh obeyed the command, and did not stir from his position. Maraiu 
 had, in the mean time, arranged his attack for the 1st of Epiphi, at the rising 
 of the sun : it did not take place, however, until the 3rd. " The archers of His 
 Majesty made havoc of the barbarians for six hours; they were cut off by the 
 edge of the sword." When Maraiii saw the carnage, " he was afraid, his heart 
 failed him ; he betook himself to flight as fast as his feet could bear him to save 
 his life, so successfully that his bow and arrows remained behind him in his 
 precipitation, as well as everything else he had upon him." His treasure, his 
 arras, his wife, together with the cattle which he had brought with him for his 
 
 ' Triumphal Inscription of Minephtah, 11. 16-19, 21, 24; cf. Mariette, Karnak, pis. 52, 53. 
 
 * Triumphal Inscription of Minephtah, 11. 28-30; cf. Mauiette, Karnak, pi. 53. Ed. Meyer sees 
 ill this nothing but a customary rhetorical expression, and thinks that the god spoke in order to 
 encourage the king to defend himself vigorously {Geschichte ^gyptens, p. 307, n 2). 
 
 * This name was readPa-ariby E. de Kouge' {Exlrait d'un Memoire sur les attaques, pp. 7, 8), Pa- 
 ali by Lauth {Homer und ^gypten, p. 15), and was transcribed Pa-ari-shop by Brugscb, who identified 
 with Probopitis (in the Zeitschrifl, 1867, p. 98). The orthography of the text at Athrlbis (verso,l. 9) 
 shows that we ought to read Piri, Pirfi, Piriu (W. M. MOller, Asien und Europa, p. 357, No. 3) ; 
 possibly the name is identical with that of laru which is mentioned in the Pyramid-texts {Mirniri, 
 1. 182, Pepi I., 1. 145). 
 
THE VICTORY OF TEE EGYPTIANS AT PIRIU. 
 
 435 
 
 use, became the prey of the conqueror ; " he tore out the feathers from his head- 
 dress, and took flight with such of those wretched Libyans as escaped the 
 massacre, but the officers who had the care of His Majesty's team of horses 
 followed in their steps " and put most of them to the sword. Maraiu suc- 
 ceeded, however, in escaping in the darkness, and regained his own country 
 without water or provisions, and almost without escort. The conquering 
 troops returned to the camp laden with booty, and driving before them asses 
 carrying, as bloody tokens of victory, quantities of hands and phalli cut from 
 the dead bodies of the slain. The bodies of six generals and of 6350 Libyan 
 soldiers were found upon the field of battle, together with 222 Shagalasha, 724 
 Tursha, and some hundreds of Shardana and Achaeans : several thousands of 
 prisoners passed in procession before the Pharaoh, and were distributed among 
 such of his soldiers as had distinguished themselves.^ These numbers show 
 the gravity of the danger from which Egypt had escaped : the announcement 
 of the victory filled the country with enthusiasm, all the more sincere because 
 of the reality of the panic which had preceded it. The fellahin, intoxicated 
 with joy, addressed each other : " ' Come, and let us go a long distance on the 
 road, for there is now no fear in the hearts of men.' The fortified posts may 
 at last be left ; the citadels are now open ; messengers stand at the foot of the 
 walls and wait in the shade for the guard to awake after their siesta, to give 
 them entrance. The military police sleep on tlieir accustomed rounds, and the 
 people of the marshes once more drive their herds to pasture without fear of 
 raids, for there are no longer marauders near at hand to cross the river ; the cry 
 of the sentinels is heard no more in the night: ' Halt, thou that comest, thou 
 that comest under a name which is not thine own — sheer off ! ' and men no longer 
 exclaim on the following morning : ' Such or such a tiling has been stolen ; ' 
 but the towns fall once more into their usual daily routine, and he who works 
 in the hope of the harvest, will nourish himself upon that which he shall 
 have reaped." 2 The return from jNFemphis to Thebes was a triumphal march. 
 " He is very strong, Binri 3rinephtah," sang the court poets, " very wise are his 
 projects — his words have as beneficial effect as those of Thot — everything which 
 he does is completed to the end.— When he is like a guide at the head of his 
 armies — his voice penetrates the fortress walls. — Very friendly to those who bow 
 their backs — before Miamun — his valiant soldiers spare him who humbles him- 
 self — before his courage and before his strength ; — they fall upon the Libyans 
 — they consume the Syrian ; — the Shardana whom thou liast brought back 
 
 ' The numbers are partly mutilated in the Triumphal Inscription, 11. 50-01 ; and do not entirely 
 coincide with those on the Athribis inscription (Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, 
 § XXXV., in the Zeitschri/t, 1883, pp. G5-G7). 
 
 ' Triumphal Inscription of the Amenophium, in Petrie, Egypt and Israel (Contempiranj Review, No. 
 365, p. G22) ; I have given a paraphrase of the Egyptian text from the English translation of GriflSth. 
 
436 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 by thy sword — make prisoners of their own tribes. — Very 
 happy thy return to Thebes — victorious ! Thy chariot is 
 drawn by hand — the conquered chiefs march 
 backwards before thee— whilst thou leadest 
 them to thy venerable father — Amon, husband 
 of his mother."^ And the poets amuse them- 
 selves with summoning Maraiu to appear in 
 Egypt, pursued as he was by his own people and 
 obliged to hide himself from them. '*He is 
 nothing any longer but a beaten man, and has 
 become a proverb among theLabu,and his chiefs 
 repeat to themselves : ' Nothing of the kind has 
 occurred since the time of Ra.' The old men say 
 each one to his children : ' Misfortune to the 
 Labu ! it is all over with them ! No one can any 
 longer pass peacefully across the country ; but 
 the power of going out of our land has been 
 taken from us in a single day, and the Tihonu 
 have been withered up in a single year ; Sutkhu has ceased to be their chief, 
 and he devastates their " duars; " there is nothing left but to conceal oneself, 
 and one feels nowhere secure except in a fortress.' " The news of the victory 
 was carried throughout Asia, and served to discourage the tendencies to revolt 
 which were beginning to make themselves manifest there. " The chiefs gave 
 there their salutations of peace, and none among the nomads raised his head 
 after the crushing defeat of the Libyans ; Khati is at peace, Canaan is a 
 prisoner as far as the disafifected are concerned, the inhabitant of Ascalon is 
 led away, Gezer is carried into captivity, lanuamim is brought to nothing, the 
 Israilu are destroyed and have no longer seed, Kharu is like a widow of the land 
 of Egypt." ^ Minephtah ought to have followed up his opportunity to the end, 
 but he had no such intention, and his inaction gave Maraiu time to breathe. 
 Perhaps the effort which he had made had exhausted his resources, perhaps 
 
 > Anastasi Papyrus II., pi. iv. 1. 4, pi. v. 1. 4 ; translated by Maspero (Dm Genre Pjpistolaire, pp. 
 82, 83) and by Chabas {Recherches pour Vlmtoire de la XIX" dynastie, pp. 93, 94). The text was 
 referred to Minephtah by E. de Eouge (Extrait d'un Mgmoire sur les attaques, p. 31) ; cf. a passage of a 
 more general character in the Anastau Papyrus III., pi. vi. 1. 11, pi. vii. 1. 105 (cf. Maspero, Du Genre 
 ilpistolaire, pp. 77, 78 ; Chabas, Etudes sur I' Antiquity, 2nd edit., pp. 219, 220). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by De've'ria ; the statue is at Gizeh. 
 
 3 This passage is taken from a stele discovered by Petrie in 1896, on the site of the Araenophium at 
 Thebes ; cf. Flinders Petrie, in the Contemporary Revieu; No. 365, p. 622. The mention of the Israilu 
 immediately calls to mind the place-names Yushaph-ilu, Yakob-ilu, on the lists of Thutmosis III. 
 (Maeiette, Kama!:, pis. 17, 18, 20, Nos. 78, 102) which have been compared with the names Jacob 
 and Joseph (Geoff, Lettre a M. Rollout sur le nom de Jacob et de Joseph en Egypte, and Une Question 
 deprioriie, in the Revue iJgyptologique, vol. iv. pp. 95-101, 146-151, and Dioerses Etudes, pp. 5-8, by 
 Ed. Meyee, la the Zeitsclirift fur alttettamentliche Wissenscha/t, 1886, pp. 1-10). 
 
 STATUE OF MlNEl'HTAH.'' 
 
THE TRIUMPH OF m'iNEPHTAH. 
 
 437 
 
 THE CHAPELS OP RAMSES II. AND MINErilTAH AT SILSILEH.' 
 
 old age prevented him from prosecuting his success ; lie was content, in any 
 •ease, to station bodies of pickets on the frontier, and to fortify a few new posi- 
 tions to the east of the Delta. The Libyan kiugdora was now in the same 
 position as that in which the Hittite had been after the campaign of Seti I. : 
 its power had been checked for the moment, but it remained intact on the 
 Egyptian frontier, awaiting its opportunity. 
 
 Minephtah lived for some time after this memorable year V.,^ and the 
 number of monuments which belong to this period show that he reigned in 
 peace. We can see that he carried out works in the same places as his 
 father before him ; at Tanis as well as Thebes, in Nubia as well as in the 
 Delta.^ He worked the sandstone quarries for his building materials, and 
 continued the custom of celebrating the feasts of the inundation at Silsileh. 
 One at least of the ste]a3 which he set up on the occasion of these feasts 
 is really a chapel, with its architraves and columns, and still excites the 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Oudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 The last known year of his reign is the year VIII. {Bologna Pap., No. 1094 ; cf. Lincke, Korre- 
 «i)ondenzen aus der Zeit der Ramessiden, pp. 2, 39). The lists of Manetho assign to him a reign of from 
 twenty to forty year8(MijLLER-DiD0T, Frag. Hist. Grxc, vol. ii. pp. 574, 575, 578, 581) ; Brugsch makes 
 it out to have been thirty-fonr years, from 1300 to 12()G B.C. (Geseh. ^gyp., pp. 566, 585), which is evi- 
 dently too much, but we may attribute to him without risk of serious error a reign of about twenty years. 
 
 • Monuments of Minephtah at Tanis, see Petrif, Tanis, i. pp. 5, 0, 7, S, 11, 15, and pis. i., ii., iv. : 
 vol. ii. pp. 11, 15-20, 28, 29, pi. viii. ; for Nubia, see Lepsius, Brie/e au$ JEgypten und JEthiopten, p. 1 13. 
 
438 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 admiration of the traveller on account both of its form and of its picturesque 
 appearance. The last years of his life were troubled by the 
 intrigues of princes who aspired to the throne, and by the 
 ambition of the ministers to whom he was obliged to delegate 
 his authority. One of the latter, a man of Semite origin, 
 named Ben-Azana, of Zor-bisana, who had assumed the appel- 
 lation of his first patron, Ramsesupirniri, appears 
 to have acted for him as regent.^ Minephtah was 
 succeeded, apparently, by one of his sons, called 
 Seti, after his great-grandfather.^ Seti II. had 
 ' doubtless reached middle age at the time of his 
 i accession, but his portraits represent him, uever- 
 i theless,with the face and figure of a young man.^ 
 I The expression in these is gentle, refined, 
 I, haughty, and somewhat melancholic. It is the 
 B type of Seti I. and Eamses II., but enfeebled 
 
 and, as it were, saddened. An inscrip- 
 tion of his second year attributes to 
 him victories in Asia,* but others of 
 
 the same period indicate the existence 
 of disturbances similar to those which 
 had troubled the last years of his father. 
 These were occasioned by a certain 
 Aiari, who was high priest of Phtah, and who had usurped titles which 
 belonged ordinarily to the Pharaoh or his eldest son, " heir in the house of 
 Sibil, and hereditary prince of the two lands." " Seti died, it would seem, without 
 
 ' This is what Mariette concludes, with great probability, from the titles given to this individual 
 on a stele at Abydos {Notice d'-.s princiimux Monuments, 1861, p. 156; cf. Ahydof, vol. ii. pi. 50, and 
 Catalogue general des Monuments d'Ahijdos, No. 1136, p. 422). 
 
 E. de Rouge introduced Amenmtses and Siphtah between Minephtah and Seti II. {Etude suruue 
 stele dela Bibliolheque Imperiale, pp. 185-188), and I had up -to the present followed his example 
 ( Hist. Ancienne, 5tli edit., pp. 258, 259) ; I have come back to the position of Chabas, making Seti If. 
 the immediate successor of Minephtah {Reckerches pour Vhistoire de la XIX' dynasfie, pp. 114-120), 
 which is also the view of Brugsch {Gesch. Mgyptew, p. 585),Wiedemann {yEgrjptische Geschichte, p. 481), 
 and Ed. Meyer (Gesch. dt>< alien ^Egyptens, p. 308). The succession as it is now given does not seem to 
 me to be free from difficulties; the solution generally adopted has only the merit of being preferable 
 to that of E. de Rouge, which I previously supported. 
 
 3 The last date known of his reign is the year II. (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egyple, etc., 
 vol. i. p. 258) which is found at Silsilis ; Chabus was, nevertheless, of the opinion that he reigned a 
 considerable tiiue {Recherches pour Vhistoire de la XIX dynastie, p. 125). 
 
 * Champollion, Monuments, etc., vol. i. p. 78; Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 204 a. TIjc e-xpressions 
 employed in this document do not vary much from the usual protocol of all kings of this period. 
 The triumphal chant of Seti II. preserved in the Anastasi Papyrus IV., pi. v., 11. 6-12, is a copy of the 
 triumphal chant of Mineplitah (see p. 436, note 1, of the present woik), wliich is in the same Papyrus 
 (iii. pi. vi. 1. 11, pi. vii. 1. 10 ; cf. Maspero, Bu Genre Epistolaire, p. 81). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph. The original is in the British Museum ; cf. 
 Arundale-Bonomi-Birch, Gallery of Egyptian Antiquities, pi. 43. 
 
 " E. DE RoDGE, Notice des monuments, 3rd edit., pp. 37, 38, after the statue A 71 in the Louvre. 
 
 ~1 
 
 statue of seti ii.* 
 
SETI II., AMENMESIS, SIPHTAH. 
 
 439 
 
 having had time to finish his tomb, 
 legitimate children, but two sove- 
 reigns succeeded him who were not 
 directly connected with him, but 
 were probably the grandsons of 
 the Amenmesis and the Siphtab, 
 whom we meet with among tlir 
 children of Eamses.^ The first 
 
 We do not know whether he left any 
 
 of these was also called Amen- 
 mesis, and he held sway for several 
 years over the whole of Egypt, 
 and over its foreign possessions.' 
 The second, who was named 
 Siphtah - Minephtah, ascended 
 " the throne of his father " thanks 
 to the devotion of his minister 
 Bai,^ but in a greater degree to his 
 marriage with a certain prineess 
 called Tausirit,'' He maintained 
 himself in this position for at 
 
 • Champollion, Monuments de VEgt/pli. 
 etc., vol. i. pp. 459-462, 807, 808 ; Leki:- 
 liUKE, Le« Hypogeeg roijaux de Thebes, in the 
 M^moires de la Misnion Frangaiee, vol. ii , 
 2nd book. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograpli 
 by Emil Brugsch-Bey, taken at Bab el- 
 Moluk, in the tomb of the sovereign. 
 
 ' Maspebo, Letti-e a M. Gustane d' h'ich- st ii ii.' 
 
 thai, in the Comptes rendus de l'Aca<l€iniv 
 
 de» Inscriptions it Belles-Liltres, 1873, pp. 41-43; Wiedemann (,^Kgyplisdie Uetehichte, p. 484) 
 disputes tliis hypothesis. 
 
 * Graffiti of this sovereign have been found at the second cataract (Sayce, (;/eanin<;« from the Land 
 of Egypt, in the Uecueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 102, 163). Certain expressions have inducefl 
 E. de Rouge to believe (iJtudi^ surune stele dr la Bibliotheqw Imp^riale, pp. ISO, 187) that ho, as well 
 as Siphtab, came originally from Khibit in the Aphroditopolite nome (of. Eisenlohr, Oh the Political 
 Cmdition of Egypt, in Trans, of Bibl. Arch. Soc .vol. i.pp. 377, 378; Wiedemaxn, .l-lgyptiscliv Geseh.. 
 p. 484). This was an allusion, as Chabns had seen {Recherches sur I'hiitoire de la XIX dynastie, pU. 
 132, 133; cf. En. Meyer, GeKch. des Allen JEgypten^, p. 308. n.3),totlie myth of Horus, similar to that 
 which I pointed out further back (p. 254, n. 2) relating to Thfttmosis 111., and which we moro usually 
 meet with in the cases of those kings wlio were not marked out from their birtli onwards for the throne. 
 
 ' Bai has left two inscriptions behind him, one at Silsilis (Champollion, Moniimento, etc., pi. cxx. 4 ; 
 Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 202 a ; cf. the translation of the text in Bbcgsch, GeschicbU JEgyptens, pp. 
 587, 588) and the other at Sehol (Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 206 h ; Mabiette, Monuments divers, pi. 71, 
 No. 44), and the titles he assumes on both monuments show the position he occupied at the Theban 
 court during the reign of Siphtah-Minephtah. His office was described by E. de Rouge (iJtude »ur 
 tine stele do la Bibliolhcque Imjxfriale, pp. 180. 1H7); cf. Chabas, liicherches pour I'histoire de la 
 XIX' dynastie, pp. 127-129, who thought that Bai had succeeded iu maintaining his rights to the 
 crown against the claims of Amenmesis. 
 
 ' The tomb of this queen, which she probably occupied in common with her husband, was described 
 
440 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 least six years,^ during which he made an expedition into Ethiopia, and 
 received in audience at Thebes messengers from all foreign nations.^ He 
 kept up so zealously the appearance of universal dominion, that to judge from 
 his inscriptions he must have been the equal of the most powerful of his 
 predecessors at Thebes. 
 
 Egypt, nevertheless, was proceeding at a quick pace towards its downfall. 
 No sooner had this monarch disappeared than it began to break up.^ There 
 were no doubt many claimants for the crown, but none of them succeeded in 
 disposing of the claims of his rivals, and anarchy reigned supreme from one 
 •end of the Nile valley to the other. " The land of Qirait began to drift away, 
 and the people within it had no longer a sovereign, and this, too, for many years, 
 until other times came ; for the land of Qimit was in the hands of the princes 
 ruling over the nomes, and they put each other to death, both great and small. 
 Other times came afterwards, during years of nothingness, in which Arisu, a 
 Syrian,* was chief among them, and the whole country paid tribute before him; 
 •every one plotted with his neighbour to steal the goods of others, and it was the 
 same with regard to the gods as with regard to men, offerings were no longer 
 made in the temples." ^ This was in truth the revenge of the feudal system upon 
 Pharaoh. The barons, kept in check by Ahmosis and Amenothes I., restricted by 
 the successors of these sovereigns to the position of simple ofHcers of the king, 
 profited by the general laxity to recover as many as possible of their ancient 
 privileges. For half a century and more, fortune had given them as masters 
 ■only aged princes, not capable of maintaining continuous vigilance and firmness. 
 
 by Champollion, Monuments, etc., vol. i. pp. 448-459, 806-808 ; -with regard to the usurpations of it, 
 see EiSENLOHE, On the Political Condition of Egypt, in the Transactions of the Bib). Arch. Soc, 
 vol. i. pp. 375-378 ; Aus einem Briefe an D'- Ludwig Stern, in the Zeitschri/t, 1883, p. 55, and 
 NacMrdgliche Bermerlcungen, ibid., 1886, pp. 40, 41, who thinks he can distinguish the cartouche of 
 Seti II. in the places where Lefebnre and Champollion saw that of Nakhtfisit {Remarques sur diffgrents 
 questions historiques, in the Zeitschri/t, 1885, pp. 121-123). 
 
 ' Grafiati of the years I., III., and "VI., at Wady Haifa, in Sayce, Gleanings from the Land of Egypt, 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. 161-163). 
 
 ' Bas-relief at Silsilis, in Lepsius, Den/.^/n., iii. 201 rf; cf. Chabas, Beeherches, etc., sous la XIX' 
 ■dynastie, pp. 130, 131. 
 
 ' The little that we know about this period of anarchy has been obtained from the Harris Papyrus, 
 pi. 76, 11. 2-10; cf. EuSENLOHE-BiRCH, The Annals of Ramses III., iu the Records of the Past, 1st series' 
 vol. viii. pp. 46, 47. The information afforded by it was collected for the first time by Eisenlohr 
 Der Grosse Papyrus Harris, pp. 13-26 (cf. On the Political Condition of Egypt before the Reign of 
 Ramses III., in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. i. pp. 355-384), and by Chabas, Recherches 
 pour I'histoire de VEgypte sous la XIX' dynastie, pp. 6-23, 135, 137. 
 
 * The name of this individual, which was wrongly read by Eisenlohr {Der Grosse Papyrus Harris, 
 p. 3), was deciphered by Chabas (Bec7iej-c7ie«, etc., sous la XIX' dynastie, p. 17) ; Lauth {Siphthas und 
 Amenmeses, p. 63), and after him Krall {Manetho und Diodor, pp. 41-43), were inclined to read it as 
 Ket, Ketesh, in order to identify it with the Ketes of Diodorus Siculus (i. 62). A form of the name 
 Arisai in the Bible {Esther ix. 9) may be its original, or that of Arish which is found in Plioenician, 
 especially Punic, inscriptions (Noldeke, Phonizisehe Inschrift, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie 
 vol. ix. pp. 403, 404). 
 
 ^ The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. by Birch, pi. 75, 11. 2-6 ; Chabas, Recherches, etc., sous la XX' 
 dynastie, pp. 6-23 ; Eisenlohr-Biech, Annals of Ramses III., in the Records of the Past, 1st series, 
 vol. viii. p. 46, and Brugsch, Geschichte JEgyptens, p. 589. 
 
FOREIGN CAPTIVES IN EGYPT. 441 
 
 The invasions of the peoples of the sea, the rivalry of the claimants to the 
 throne, and the intrigues of ministers had, one after the other, served to break the 
 bonds which fettered them, and in one generation they were able to regain that 
 liberty of action of which they had been deprived for centuries. To this state 
 of things Egypt had been drifting from the earliest times. Unity could be 
 maintained only by a continuous cflfort, and once this became relaxed, the ties 
 which bound the whole country together 
 were soon broken. There was another 
 danger threatening the country beside that 
 arising from the weakening of the hands of 
 the sovereign, and the turbulence of the 
 barons. For some three centuries the Theban 
 Pharaohs were accustomed to bring into 
 the country after each victorious campaign 
 many thousands of captives. The number 
 of foreigners around them had, therefore, in- 
 creased in a striking manner. The majority 
 of these strangers either died without 
 issue, or their posterity became assimilated 
 to the indigenous inhabitants. In many places, however, they had accumulated 
 in such proportions that they were able to retain among themselves the remem- 
 brance of their origin, their religion, and their customs, and with these the 
 natural desire to leave the country of their exile for their former fatherland. 
 As long as a strict watch was kept over them they remained peaceful subjects, 
 but as soon as this vigilance was relaxed rebellion was likely to break out, 
 especially amongst those who worked in the quarries. Traditions of the Greek 
 period contain certain romantic episodes in the history of these captives. Some 
 Babylonian prisoners brought back by Sesostris, these traditions tell us, 
 unable to endure any longer the fatiguing work to which they were condemned, 
 broke out into open revolt. They made themselves masters of a position almost 
 opposite Memphis, and commanding the river, and held their ground there 
 with such obstinacy that it was found necessary to give up to them the province 
 which they occupied : they built here a town, which they afterwards called 
 Babylon. A similar legend attributes the building of the neighbouring village 
 of TroiA to captives from Troy.^ The scattered barbarian tribes of the Delta, 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, after a picture in Rosellini's Monumenti Storici, pi. ix., No. 35. 
 
 * DiODORUS SictLUS, i. 56. The name Babylon cornea probably from Banbonu, Barhonu, Babonu — 
 a term wliich, under the form Hat-Banhonu, served to designate a quarter of HeliopoHs, or rather a 
 suburban village of that city (Brugsch, Dictionnaire g^ographiqiie, pp. 1"J4, 195). Troja was, as we 
 have seen (p. 383, n. 2, of Dawn of Civilization), the ancient city of Troiil, now Tarah, celebrated 
 for its quarries of fine limestone. The narratives collected by the historians whom Diodorus had 
 
442 
 
 THE BE ACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 whether Hebrews or tlie remnant of the Hyksos/ had endured there a miserable 
 lot ever since the accession of the Eamessides. The rebuilding of the cities 
 which had been destroyed there during the wars with the Hyksos had restricted 
 the extent of territory on which they could pasture their herds. Ramses II. 
 treated them as slaves of the treasury,^ and the Hebrews were not long under his 
 rule before they began to look back with regret on the time of the monarchs 
 " who knew Joseph." " The Egyptians set over them taskmasters to afflict 
 them with their burdens. And they built for Pharaoh treasure cities, Pithom 
 and Raamses. But the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied and 
 grew. And they were grieved because of the children of Israel." ^ Further 
 details on their condition are supplied in the following verses of the Biblical 
 narrative: "They made their lives bitter with hard bondage, in mortar and in 
 brick, and in all manner of service in the field." * The unfortunate slaves 
 awaited only an opportunity to escape from the cruelty of their persecutors. 
 
 The national traditions of the Hebrews inform us that the king, in dis- 
 pleasure at seeing them increase so mightily notwithstanding his repression, 
 commanded the midwives to strangle henceforward their male children at 
 their birth. A woman of the house of Levi, after having concealed her 
 infant for three months, put him in an ark of bulrushes and consigned him 
 to the Nile, at a place where the daughter of Pharaoh was accustomed to 
 bathe. The princess on perceiving the child had compassion on him, adopted 
 him, called him Moses — saved from the waters — and had him instructed in 
 all the knowledge of the Egyptians. Moses had already attained forty years 
 of age, when he one day encountered an Egyptian smiting a Hebrew, and 
 slew him in his anger, shortly afterwards fleeing into the land of Midian. 
 Here he found an asylum, and Jethro the priest gave him one of his daughters 
 in marriage. After forty years of exile, God, appearing to him in a burning 
 bush, sent him to deliver His people. The old Pharaoh was dead, but Moses 
 and his brother Aaron betook themselves to the court of the new Pharaoh, 
 
 consulted were products of the Saite period, and intended to explain to Greeks the existence on 
 Egyptian territory of names recalling those of Babylon in Chaldsea and of Homeric Troy. 
 
 ' See pp. 88, 89 of the present work for further information on these captives. 
 
 2 A very ancient tradition identifies Eamses II. with the Pharaoh " who knew not Joseph " (Exod. 
 i. 8). Recent excavations showing that the great works in the east of the Delta began under this, 
 king, or under Seti II. at the earliest, confirm in a general way the accuracy of the traditional view : 
 I have, therefore, accepted it in part, and placed the Exodus after the death of Ramses II. Other 
 authorities place it further back, and Lieblein in 1863 was inclined to put it under Amenothes III. 
 (A<:gyptische Chronologie, pp. 116-125). 
 
 ' Exod. i. 11, 12. Excavations made by Naville have brought to light near Tel el-Maskhutah 
 the ruins of one of the towns which the Hebrews of the Alexandrine period identified with the cities 
 constructed by their ancestors in Egypt: the town excavated by Naville is Pitflmii, and consequently 
 the Pithom of the Biblical account, and at the same time also the Succoth of Exod. xii. 37, xiii. 20, 
 the first station of the Bne-Israel after leaving Ramses (Naville, The Store-City of Pithom and the 
 Route of the Exodus, pp. 1-13). 
 
 • Exod. i. 13, 14. 
 
THE EXODUS OF THE HEBREWS. 
 
 443. 
 
 and demanded from him permission for the flebrews to sacrifice in the desert 
 of Arabia. The)' obtained it, as we know, only after the infliction of the ten 
 plagues, and after the firstborn of the Egyptians had been stricken.^ The 
 emigrants started from Eamses; as they were pursued by a body of troops, the 
 Sea parted its waters to give them passage over the dry ground, and closing up 
 afterwards on the Egyptian hosts, overwlielmed them to a man. Thereupon 
 Moses and the children of Israel sang this song unto Jahveh, saying: " Jahveh 
 is my strength and song — and He has become my salvation. — This is my God, 
 and I will praise Him, — my father's God, and I will exalt Him. — The Lord is^ 
 a man of war, — and Jahveh is His name. — Pharaoh's chariots and his hosts 
 hath He cast into the sea, — and his chosen captains are sunk in the sea of 
 weeds. — The deeps cover them— they went down into the depths like a 
 stone. . . . The enemy said : ' I will pursue, I will overtake — I will divide the 
 spoil — my lust shall be satiated upon them — I will draw my sword — my hand 
 shall destroy them.' — Thou didst blow with 'J'hy wind — the sea covered them — 
 they sank as lead in the mighty waters.'"'' From this narrative we see that 
 the Hebrews, or at least those of them who dwelt in the Delta, made their 
 escape from their oppressors, and took refuge iu the solitudes of Arabia.* 
 According to the opinion of accredited historians, this Exodus took place in the 
 reign of Minephtah,'' and the evidence of the triumphal inscription, lately dis- 
 covered by Prof. Petrie, seems to confirm this view, in relating that the people 
 of Israilu were destroyed, and had no longer a seed.'' The context indicates 
 pretty clearly that these ill-treated Israilu were then somewhere south of Syria, 
 possibly in the neighbourhood of Ascalon and Gezer. If it is the Biblical 
 
 ' Exod. ii.-xiii. I have limited myself here to a summary of tiie Biblical narrative, without 
 eiiiering into a criticism of the text, which I leave to others. 
 ' Exod. XV. I-IO (U.V.). 
 
 ' Chabas proposed to identify with the Hebrews the Apuriu who are mentioned on several occasions 
 iu several texts of the Ramessido perioil {Melanges Egyploloyiquen, Ist series, pp. 42-54, and 2nd series, 
 pp. 108-164 ; cf. Recherches pour servir a I'histoire de I' h'gypte nux tempi de I'Exode, p. 99, et seq.). His 
 opinion, adopted without hesitation by E. de Rouge {Muisc et le» Ilebreuj; in the Annalet lU Philotophie 
 Chr€tienne, Ibt series, vol. i. pp. 170,173) and by Lauth (/)cr Iloheprietter und Oberttaumeister liuken- 
 chont, pp. 25-27 ; Moses der IJebrder, pp. I, 2), was disputed by Eiscnlohr {On the I'ulitical Condition 
 of Egypt, etc., iu the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. i. pp. 355-357), then by Muspcro, and 
 by Brugscb himself (Eine neue Ramsesstadt, in the Zeitschrl/t, 1876, p. 71), who, however, iiad pre- 
 viously defended it {La Sortie des Hebreux d'Egyple et les Monuments Egyptient, 1874, pp. 8-10, 41). 
 It was maintained by Goodwin {Translation of a Fragment relating to the Reign of Tothmes III., in thu 
 Transactions Bibl. Arch. Soc., vol. iii. p. 341), aud by Eheia {.Egypten und die Uiichcr Moses, p. :!16, 
 et seq., aud Ihirch Gosen zum Sintii, p. 494). It is rejected ut present by the majority of Egyptologists 
 —Wiedemann {.Egyptische Geschichte, pp. 491, 492), Erman {.Egypten, etc., im Alterthum, pp. 631, 632, 
 714, 715, 721), Brugsch {Gescli. .Egyptens, pp. 582, 583, Diet. geographi>iue, p. 113, et seq., and with 
 more reserve in Die /Egyptologie, p. 38), Ed. Meyer {Gesch. des Alterthmm, vol. i. pp. 288, 289, and 
 (ieschichte des Alten yEgyptens, p. 297, n. 2). 
 
 * E. DE Rouge, Examen critique de Vonvrage de M. le chevalier de Bnnsen, ii. p. 74, and .Moise et le» 
 Monuments Egyptiens, in the Annales de Philosophie Chr€tienne, 6th series, vol. i. pp. 165-173 ; Chabas, 
 Recherches, ttr., sous la XIX' dynastie, p. 139, et seq.; Bbcgsch, Geschiclite .Egyptens, pp. 581-584; 
 Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai, p. 139, et seq., not to mention more authorities. 
 ' See the passage from the inscription given ou p. 436 of the present work. 
 
444 TEE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 Israelites who are here mentioned for the first time on an Egyptian monument, 
 one might suppose that they had just quitted the land of slavery to begin their 
 -wanderings through the desert. Although the peoples of the sea and the 
 Libyans did not succeed in reaching their settlements in the land of Goshen, 
 the Israelites must have profited both by the disorder into which the Egyp- 
 tians were thrown by the invaders, and by the consequent withdrawal to 
 Memphis of the troops previously stationed on the east of the Delta, to 
 break away from their servitude and cross the frontier. If, on the other 
 "hand, the Israilu of Minephtah are regarded as a tribe still dwelling among 
 the mountains of Canaan, while the greater part of the race had emigrated 
 to the banks of the Nile,^ there is no need to seek long after Minephtah for 
 -a date suiting the circumstances of the Exodus. The years following the 
 reign of Seti II. offer favourable conditions for such a dangerous enterprise : 
 the break-up of the monarchy, the discords of the barons, the revolts among 
 the captives, and the supremacy of a Semite over the other chiefs,^ must have 
 minimised the risk. We can readily understand how, in the midst of national 
 ■disorders, a tribe of foreigners weary of its lot might escape from its settle- 
 ments and betake itself towards Asia without meeting with strenuous opposition 
 from the Pharaoh, who would naturally be too much preoccupied with his 
 own pressing necessities to trouble himself much over the escape of a band 
 •of serfs. 
 
 Having crossed the Eed Sea, the Israelites pursued their course to the 
 north-east on tlie usual road leading into Syria, and then turning towards 
 the south, at length arrived at Sinai. It was a moment when the nations 
 of Asia were stirring. To proceed straight to Canaan by the beaten track would 
 have been to run the risk of encountering their moving hordes, or of jostling 
 -against the Egyptian troops, who still garrisoned the strongholds of the She- 
 phelah. The fugitives had, therefore, to shun the great military roads if they 
 were to avoid coming into murderous conflict with the barbarians, or running into 
 the teeth of Pharaoh's pursuing army. The desert offered an appropriate asylum 
 to people of nomadic inclinations like themselves ; they betook themselves 
 to it as if by instinct, and spent there a wandering life for several generations.^ 
 
 ' This is the opinion adopted by Petrie, after mature consideration, in an article in which he has 
 published on the Triumphal Inscription of Minephtah (Egypt and Israel, in the Contemporary Review, 
 No. 365, pp. 625-627). [Spiegelberg, Die erste Erwdhnung Israels in einem Mgyptischen Texte, in the 
 Sitzungeherichte d. K. Preussischen Akad. d.Wissenschaften zu Berlin, xxv., gives no opinion, and Prof. 
 -Sayce, Academy, July, 1896, disputes the view that the Israelites were in Palestine at the time.— Tr.] 
 " I have given my reasons for assigning the Exodus to this period in a Lettre a M. G. Eichthal 
 ■sur les conditions de I'histoire d'Egypte, qui peuvent servir a expliquer I'histoire du peuple breu, in the 
 Comptes Rendus de I'Acadmie des Inscriptions, 1873, pp. 54-57. They have been accepted only by 
 Wiedemann, Mgyptische GescMchte, p. 493. 
 
 ' This explanation of the wanderings of the Israelites has been doubted by most historians : it 
 .has a cogency, once we admit the reality of the sojourn in Egypt and the Exodus. 
 
TEE EXODUS OF THE HEBREWS. 
 
 445- 
 
 Tlie Biblical narrative describes at length their marches and their halting- 
 places, the great sufferings they endured, and the striking miracles which 
 God performed on their behalf.^ Moses conducted them through all these 
 experiences, continually troubled by their murmurings and seditions, but 
 always ready to help them out of the difficalties into which they were led,, 
 on every occasion, by their want of faith. He taught them, under God's 
 direction, how to correct the bitterness of brackish waters by applying to 
 them the wood of a certain tree.^ When they began to look back with 
 regret to the " fleshpots of Egypt" and the abundance of food there, 
 another signal miracle was performed for them. " At even the quails came 
 up and covered the camp, and in the morning the dew lay round about the 
 host; and when the dew that lay was gone up, behold, upon the face of 
 the wilderness there lay a small round thing, as small as the hoar frost on 
 the ground. And when the children of Israel saw it, they said one to 
 another, 'What is it?' for they wist not what it was. And Moses said unto- 
 them, ' It is the bread which the Lord hath given you to eat.' " " And the 
 house of Israel called the name thereof 'manna: ' and it was like coriander 
 seed, white ; and the taste of it was like wafers made with honey." * " And the 
 children of Israel did eat the manna forty years, until they came to a land 
 inhabited ; they did eat the manna until they came unto the borders of the 
 land of Canaan."'' Further on, at Rephidim, the water failed : Moses struck 
 the rocks at Horeb, and a spring gushed out.*^ The Amalekites, in the mean 
 time, began to oppose their passage ; and one might naturally doubt the power 
 of a rabble of slaves, unaccustomed to war, to break through such an obstacle. 
 Joshua was made their general, "and Moses, Aaron, and Hur went up to the- 
 top of the hill : and it carae to pass, when Moses held up his hand, that Israel 
 prevailed, and when he let down his hand, Amalek prevailed. Bnt Moses' 
 
 ' The itinerary of tlie Hebrew people through the desert contains a very small number of name* 
 which were not actually in use. They represent possibly either the stations at which the caravans 
 of the merchants put up, or the localities where the Bedawin and their herds were accustomed to 
 sojourn. The majority of them cannot be identified, but enough can still be made out to give us a 
 general idea of the march of tlie emigrants (Reuss, L'Hxttoire Sainte et la Lot, vol. ii. p. 273, n. 4, in 
 connexion with Numb, xxxiii.). 
 
 ' L'xnd. XV. 23-25. The station Marah, " the bitter waters," is identified by modern tradition 
 with Ain Howarah. For a similar way of rendering waters potable — still in use among the Bcdawiik 
 of these regions — see F. de Lesseps, L'lsthme de Siuz, p. 10. 
 
 ' Exod. xvi. 13-15. 
 
 * Exod. xvi. 31. From early times the mauna of the Hebrews has been identitied with the maiin- 
 es-sama, " the gift of heaven," of the Arabs, which exudes in small quantities from tlie leaves of the 
 tamarisk after being pricked by insects : the question, however, is still under discussion whether 
 another species of vegetable manna may not be meant. 
 
 ' Kxod. xvi. 35. 
 
 ° Exod. xvii. 1-7. There is a general agreement as to the identification of Rephidim with the 
 Wady Feiran, the village of Pharan of the Grjeco-Roman geographers (Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai,. 
 p. 189, et seq.). 
 
-446 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EGYPT. 
 
 hands were heavy ; and they took a stone, and put it under him, and he sat 
 thereon ; and Aaron and Hur stayed up his hands, the one on the one side, 
 and the other on the other side, and his hands were steady until the going 
 down of the sun. And Joshua discomfited Amalek and his people with the 
 edge of the sword." ^ Three months after the departure of the Israelites from 
 Egypt they encamped at the foot of Sinai, and " the Lord called unto Moses 
 ■out of the mountain, saying, ' Thus shalt thou say to the house of Jacob, and 
 tell the children of Israel: Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, 
 and liow I bare you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto Myself. Now 
 therefore, if ye will obey My voice indeed, and keep My covenant, then ye 
 shall be a peculiar treasure unto Me from among all peoples : for all the earth 
 is Mine : and ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests, and an holy nation.' 
 The people answered together and said, ' All that the Lord hath spoken we 
 will do.' And the Ivord said unto Moses, ' Lo, I come unto thee in a thick 
 cloud, that the people may hear when I speak with thee, and may also believe 
 thee for ever.' " " On the third day, when it was morning, there were thunders 
 and lightnings, and a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of a trumpet 
 exceeding loud ; and all the people that were in the camp trembled. And 
 Moses brought forth the people out of the camp to meet Grod ; and they stood 
 at the nether part of the mountain. And Mount Sinai was altogether on 
 «moke, because the Lord descended upon it in fire : and the smoke thereof 
 ascended as the smoke of a furnace, and the whole mount quaked greatly. 
 And when the voice of the trumpet waxed louder and louder, Moses spake, 
 and God answered him by a voice." ^ Then followed the giving of the supreme 
 law, the conditions of the covenant which the Lord Himself deigned to pro- 
 mulgate directly to His people. It was engraved on two tables of stone, 
 and contained, in ten concise statements, the commandments which the Creator 
 -of the Universe imposed upon the people of His choice. 
 
 " I. I am Jahveh, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt. Thou 
 shalt have none other gods before Me. 
 11. Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, etc, 
 
 III. Thou shalt not take the name of Jahveh thy God in vain. 
 
 IV. Eemember the sabbath day to keep it holy. 
 V. Honour thy father and thy mother. 
 
 VI. Tliou shalt do no murder. 
 VII. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 
 VIII. Thou shalt not steal. 
 
 ' Exod. xvii. 8-13. 
 
 ■ Exod. xis. 3-6, 9, 16-19. 
 
THE MARCH OF THE HEBREWS TO SINAI. 
 
 Ail 
 
 IX. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. 
 X. Thou shalt not covet." ^ 
 " And all the people saw the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the voice 
 of the trumpet, and the mountain smoking : and wlien the people saw it, they 
 trembled, and stood afar off. And they said unto Moses, ' Speak thou with us, 
 and we will hear : but let not God speak with us, lest we die,' " ^ God gave His 
 commandments to Moses in instalments as the circumstances required them : 
 on one occasion the rites of sacrifice, the details of the sacerdotal vest- 
 ments, the mode of consecrating the priests, the composition of the oil and 
 the incense for the altar; later on, the observance of the three annual 
 festivals, and the orders as to absolute rest on the seventh day, as to the 
 distinctions between clean and unclean animals, as to drink, as to the puri- 
 fication of women, and lawful and unlawful marriages.^ The people waited 
 from week to week until Jahveh had completed the revelation of His com- 
 mands, and in their impatience broke the new law more than once. On one 
 occasion, when " Moses delayed to come out of the mount," they believed 
 themselves abandoned by heaven, and obliged Aaron, the high priest, to 
 make for them a golden calf, before which they ofi'ered burnt offerings. The 
 sojourn of the people at the foot of Sinai lasted eleven months. At the end 
 of this period they set out once more on their slow marches to the Promised 
 Land, guided during the day by a cloud, and during the night by a pillar of 
 fire, which moved before them. This is a general summary of what we find 
 in the sacred writings. 
 
 The Israelites, when they set out from Egypt, were not yet a nation.* They 
 were but a confused horde, flying with their herds from tlieir pursuers ; with 
 no resources, badly armed, and unfit to sustain the attack of regular troops. 
 After leaving Sinai, they wandered for some time among the solitudes of Arabia 
 Petraja in search of some uninhabited country where they could fix their tents, 
 and at length settled on the borders of Idumsea, in the mountainous region 
 surrounding Kadesh-lkrnea.'^ Kadesh had from ancient times a reputation for 
 
 ' We have two forms of the Decalogue — one in Exod. xx. 2-17, and the other in Deut. v. G-18. 
 - Exod. XX. 18, 1 a. 
 
 ' This legislation and the history of the circumstances on which it was promulgated are 
 contained in four of the books of the Pentateuch, viz. Exodnt, Leviticus, Number$, and Deutero- 
 nomy. Various woika have appeared of late dealing with these books from a critical point of 
 view. I eonline myself here and afterwards only to such results as may fitly be used in a general 
 Jiistory. 
 
 * A hasty reconstruction of the history of the Exodus was attempted by Welluacsen, Abritt der 
 Gescbichle Israels, in tlie Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, vol. i. pp. 0-14 ; and in a much more o^nservative 
 fashion by Kenan, Ilisloire da peuple d'Israd, vol. i. pp. 165 210. 
 
 ' Tiie site of Kadesh-Barnea appears to have been fixed with certainty at Ain-(Jadis by C. 
 Trumbull, .4 Visit to Ain Qadis, the supposed Site of Kadesh- Earned, ia the Quarterly Statement of 
 ihe Palestine Exploration l-'und, 1881, pp. 208-212. 
 
448 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EQTPT. 
 
 sanctity among the Bedawin of the neighbourhood : it rejoiced in the posses- 
 sion of a wonderful well— the Well of Judgment — to which visits were made 
 for the purpose of worship, and for obtaining the "judgment" of God.^ The 
 country is a poor one, arid and burnt up, but it contains wells which never 
 fail, and wadys suitable for the culture of wheat and for the rearing of cattle. 
 The tribe which became possessed of a region in which there was a perennial 
 supply of water was fortunate indeed, and a fragment of the psalmody of Israel 
 at the time of their sojourn here still echoes in a measure the transports of joy 
 which the people gave way to at the discovery of a new spring : " Spring up, 
 0 well ; sing ye unto it : the well which the princes digged, which the nobles 
 of the people delved with the sceptre and with their staves." ^ The wanderers 
 took possession of this region after some successful brushes with the enemy, 
 and settled there, without being further troubled by their neighbours or by 
 their former masters. The Egyptians, indeed, absorbed in their civil discords, 
 or in wars with foreign nations, soon forgot their escaped slaves, and never 
 troubled themselves for centuries over what had become of the poor wretches,, 
 until in the reign of the Ptolemies, when they had learned from the Bible 
 something of the people of God, they began to seek in their own annals for 
 traces of their sojourn in Egypt and of their departure from the country. A 
 new version of the Exodus was the result, in which Hebrew tradition wa& 
 clumsily blended with the materials of a semi-historical romance, of which 
 Amenothes III. was the hero. His minister and namesake, Amenothes, son 
 of Hapu, left ineffaceable impressions on the minds of the inhabitants of 
 Thebes : he not only erected the colossal figures in the Amenophium, but he 
 constructed the chapel at Deir el-Medineh, which was afterwards restored irk 
 Ptolemaic times, and where he continued to be worshipped as long as the 
 Egyptian religion lasted.^ Profound knowledge of the mysteries of magic were 
 attributed to him, as in later times to Prince Khamoisit, son of Kamses IL* 
 On this subject he wrote certain works which maintained their reputation for 
 
 ' Gen. xiv. 7 mentions this " Well of Judgment, En-Mishpat, — which is Kadesh." S. Jerome, 
 however, Onomasticon, s.v. Piiteus Judicis, distinguishes Ea-Mishpat from Kadeah-Barnea, and 
 places the former in a locality which he calls Beer-dan, in the valley of Gerar. 
 
 - Numh. xxi. 17. 18. The context makes it certain that this song was sung at Beer, 
 beyond the Arnon, in the land of Moab. It has long been recognised that it had a 
 special reference, and that it refers to an incident in the wanderings of the people through the 
 desert. 
 
 ' With regard to Amenothes, son of Hapfl, see pp. 299, 301 of the present work. On the 
 worship given to him in the temple of Deir el-Medineh, cf. Ekman, Amenophis, Sohn des Paapis, 
 in the Zettschrift, 1877, pp. 147, 148. The stele of its foundation is in the British Museum, 
 and a translation was made of it by Birch (cf. Chabas, Mdanges Egyp'ologtques, 2nd series, pp. 
 314-343). 
 
 * See, for a notice of Khamoisit — eon of Eamses II. and Regent of Egypt during part of his father's 
 reign — and of his knowledge of magic, pp. 424, 423 of the present work. 
 
AN EGYPTIAN BOMANCE OF THE EXODUS. 
 
 449 
 
 more than a thousand years after his death/ and all that was known about 
 him marked him out for the important part he came to play in those 
 romantic stories so popular among the Egyptians. The Pharaoh in whose 
 good graces he lived had a desire, we are informed, to behold the gods, after 
 the example of his ancestor Horus.^ The son of Hapu, or Pa-Apis, informed 
 him that he could not succeed in his design until he had expelled from the 
 country all the lepers and unclean persons who contaminated it. Acting 
 on this information, he brought together all those who suffered from physical 
 defects, and confined them, to the number of eighty thousand, in the quarries 
 of Turah. There were priests among them, and the gods became wrathful 
 at the treatment to which their servants were exposed ; the soothsayer, 
 therefore, fearing the divine anger, predicted that certain people would 
 shortly arise who, forming an alliance with the Unclean, would, together 
 with them, hold sway in Egypt for thirteen years. He then committed 
 suicide, but the king nevertheless had compassion on the outcasts, and 
 granted to them, for their exclusive use, the town of Avaris, which had been 
 deserted since the time of Ahmosis. The outcasts formed themselves into 
 a nation under the rule of a Heliopolitan priest called Osarsyph, or Moses, 
 who gave them laws, mobilised them, and joined his forces with the de- 
 scendants of the Shepherds at Jerusalem. The Pharaoh Amenophis, taken by 
 surprise at this revolt, and remembering the words of his minister Amenothes, 
 took flight into Ethiopia. The shepherds, in league with the Unclean, burned 
 the towns, sacked the temples, and broke in pieces the statues of the gods : 
 they forced the Egyptian priests to slaughter even their sacred animals, to 
 cut them up and cook them for their foes, who ate them derisively in tiieir 
 accustomed feasts. Amenophis returned from Ethiopia, together with his son 
 Ramses, at the end of thirteen years, defeated the enemy, driving them back 
 into Syria, where the remainder of them became later on the Jewish nation." 
 
 ' One of these books, which is mentioned in several religious texts, is preserved in the Louvre 
 I'apyriis, No. 3248 ; cf. Maspeko, M^moire sur quelques Papyrui du Louvre, pp. 23, 58, 59. 
 
 ' Manktho, in Mitller-Didot, Fragmeiita Hist. Grxcorum, vol. ii. pp. 578-581 ; cf. the analogous 
 narratives by Alexandrine writers collected by T. Reinacii, Textes (Tauieurs Greet et Jiomains relati/s 
 au Judaisrue, pp. 13-20, 57, 115-120, 125-128, 253, 254, 303, 304. The chief features of tlie story arc 
 taken from the persecution of Okhos, of which there was a lively remembrance in the time of Manetho. 
 
 ' A list of the Pharaohs after Ai, as far as it is possible to make them out, is here given : 
 ZosiRKHonitOui-soTi-ONini UxKMHABt MIamon. ] BakibI MiAMON MiNEPHTAU HotpChim1!t. 
 
 MANPAHiTIKi RaMSIsO I. tJsiRKHOriBCRi MiAMON SiTI II. MhjEPHTAH. 
 
 MANMAiTuJ SiTI I. MiAMON. MANMiRi-soTrONini AmenmesIsS HAQ-otsiT. 
 
 tTsiBMAlTRf KaMSIsC II. MJaMON. | KHCNIRt-SOTPCNIRi SiPHTAH MiNEPHTAH. 
 
 Harmhttbi himself belonged to the XVIII"" dynasty, for he modelled the form of his cartouches on those 
 of the Ahmesside Pharaohs : the XIX"' dynasty began only, in all probability, with Ramses I., but the 
 course of the history has compelled mo to separate Ilarmhabi from his preilecessors. Not knowing 
 the length of the reigns, we cannot determine the total duration of the dynasty : we shall not, how- 
 ever, be far wrong in assigning to it a length of 130 years or thereabouts, i.e. from 1350 to somewhere 
 near 1220 B.C. 
 
 2 G 
 
450 
 
 THE REACTION AGAINST EG TFT. 
 
 This is but a romance, in which a very little history is mingled with 
 a great deal of fable : the scribes as well as the people were acquainted 
 with the fact that Egypt had been in danger of dissolution at the time 
 when the Hebrews left the banks of the Nile, but they were ignorant of 
 the details, of the precise date and of the name of the reigning Pharaoh. A 
 certain similarity in sound suggested to them the idea of assimilating the 
 prince whom the Chroniclers called Menepthes or Amenepthes with Amenothes, 
 i.e. Amenophis III. ; and they gave to the Pharaoh of the XIX"' dynasty the 
 minister who had served under a king of the XVIII"' : they metamorphosed 
 at the same time the Hebrews into lepers allied with the Shepherds. From 
 this strange combination there resulted a narrative which at once fell in with 
 the tastes of the lovers of the marvellous, and was a sufficient substitute 
 for the truth which had long since been forgotten. As in the case of the 
 Egyptians of the Greek period, we can see only through a fog what took 
 place after the deaths of Minephtah and Seti II. We know only for certain 
 that the chiefs of the nomes were in perpetual strife with each other, 
 and that a foreign power was dominant in the country as in the time of 
 Apophis. The days of the empire would have been numbered if a deliverer 
 had not promptly made his appearance. The direct line of Ramses II. 
 was extinct, but his innumerable sons by innumerable concubines had left a 
 posterity out of which some at least might have the requisite ability and zeal, 
 if not to save the empire, at least to lengthen its duration, and once more give 
 to Thebes days of glorious prosperity. Egypt had set out some five centuries 
 before this for the conquest of the world, and fortune had at first smiled upon 
 her enterprise. Thutmosis I., Thutmosis III., and the several Pharaohs bearing 
 the name of Amenothes had marched with their armies from the upper waters 
 of the Nile to the banks of the Euphrates, and no power had been able to with- 
 stand them. New nations, however, soon rose up to oppose her, and the Hittites 
 in Asia and the Libyans of the Sudan together curbed her ambition. Neither 
 the triumphs of Kamses II. nor the victory of Minephtah had been able to 
 restore her prestige, or the lands of which her rivals had robbed her beyond 
 her ancient frontier. Now her own territory itself was threatened, and her 
 own well-being was in question; she was compelled to consider, not how to 
 rule other tribes, great or small, but how to keep her own possessions intact 
 and independent : in short, her very existence was at stake. 
 
THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN 
 EMPIRE. 
 
 RAMSES III. — THE THEBAN CITY UNDER THE RAMESSIDES — MANNERS AND CUSTOMS — 
 POPULATION — THE PREDOMINANCE OF AMON AND HIS HIGH PRIESTS. 
 
 NakhtAstt and liamses III, : the decline of ike military spirit in Egypt — The reurgunusa- 
 limi of the army and fleet by Ramses — The second Libyan invasion — The Asiatic peoples, 
 the Pulasati, the Zdkkala, and the Tyrseni : their iiicursions into Syria and their defeat 
 — The campaign of the year XI. and the fall of the Libyan litvjdom — Cniisiiuj on the 
 Red Sea— The buildings at Medinet-UahA—The conspiracy of PentaAh U— The mummy of 
 Ramses III. 
 
 The sons and immediate s^Kcessurs of Ramses III. — Thebes and the Egyptian population : 
 the transformation of the people and of Hie great lords : the feudal system from being military 
 becomes religious — The wealth of precious metals, jewellery, furniture, costume — Literary 
 edtication, and the influence of the Semitic language on the Egyptian: romantic stories, the 
 historical novel, fables, caricatures and satires, collections of maxims aiul moral dialogues, 
 Jove-poems. 
 
 The Theban necropolis: mnmmies— The funeral of a rich Tlieban : the pnKv.isiou of the 
 offerings and the funerary furniture, the crossing of the Nile, the tomb, the faretvell to tlie 
 dead, the sacrifice, the coffins, the repast of the dead, the song of the Harper — The common 
 ditch — The living inliabitants of the necropolis : draughtsmen, sculptors, painters — The has- 
 
( 452 ) 
 
 reliefs of the temples and the tombs, woodeit, statuettes, the smelting of metals, bronze — The 
 religions of the necropolis : the immorality and want of discipline among the people ; workmen's 
 strikes. 
 
 Amon and the beliefs concerning him : his kingdom over the living and the dead, the soid's 
 destiny according to the teaching of Amon — KhonsD, and his temple; the temple of Amon at 
 Karnak, its revenue, its priesthood — The growing influence of the high priests of Amon wider 
 the sons of Ramses III. : Ramsesnakhiti, Amenothes ; the violation of the royal biwying -places 
 — Hrihor and the last of the Ramses, Smendes and the accession to power of the XXI'' dynasty ; 
 the division of Egypt into two States — The priest-kings of Amon masters of Thebes under the 
 suzerainty of the Tanite Pharaohs — The close of the Theban empire. 
 
THE BATTLE OK THE KATS AND THE CATS, A PAIIODY OF THE EGYPTIAN WARS.' 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Ramsee III.— Tlie Theban city under the Ramessides— Manners and customs— Population— 
 The predominance of Amon and his higli priests. 
 
 A S in a former crisis, Egypt once more owed her salvation 
 to a scion of the old Theban race. A descendant of 
 Seti I. or Eamses II., named Nakhtusit, rallied round him 
 the forces of the southern nomes, and succeeded, though not 
 without diflficulty, in dispossessing the Syrian Arisii. " When 
 he arose, he was like Sutkhu, providing for all the necessities 
 of the country which, for feebleness, could not stand, 
 killing the rebels which were in the Delta, purifying 
 the great throne of Egypt; he was regent of the 
 two lands in the place of Tumu, setting himself to 
 reorganise that which had been overthrown, to such 
 good purpose, that each one recognised as brethren 
 those who had been separated from him as by a wall 
 for so long a time, strengthening the temples by 
 pious gifts, so that the traditional rites could be 
 celebrated at the divine cycles."^ Many were the 
 difficulties that he had to encoimter before he could restore to his country 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a facsimile in Lepsius, Aiuwahl, etc., pi. xxiii. b. The vignette, 
 executed by Faucher-Gudin from a photograph by Lanzono, represents a functionary of the Theban 
 necropolis named Paubtti— " servant of the True Place "—whose wooden statuette is preserved in the 
 Turin Museum (Masi euo, Rapport mr une mistion en Italie, in the Recui il de Travaux, vol. ii. p. 176 
 No. xxxi., and vol. iii. pp. Ill, 112). * 
 
 ' The Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 75, 11. 8-10: of. Eisenlohb, On the Political Condition of Egypt, 
 in the Transactions of the Bibl. Aroli. Soc., vol. i. pp. 363, 364; Chabas, Recherches pour tervir a 
 
454 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 tliat peace and wealth which she had enjoyed under the long reign of Sesostris. 
 It seems probable that his advancing years made him feel unequal to the 
 task, or that he desired to guard against tlie possibility of disturbances in 
 the event of his sudden death ; at all events, he associated with himself on the 
 throne his eldest son Ramses — not, however, as a Pharaoh who had full rights 
 to the crown, like the coadjutors of the Amenemhaits and Usirtasens, but as 
 a prince invested with extraordinary powers, after the example of the sons of the 
 Pharaohs Thiitmosis and Seti I. Ramses recalls with pride, towards the close of 
 his life, how his father " had promoted him to the dignity of heir-presumptive 
 to the throne of Sibu," and how he had been acclaimed as " the supreme head 
 of Qimit for the administration of the whole earth united together." ^ This 
 constituted the rise of a new dynasty on the ruins of the old — the last, how- 
 ever, which was able to retain the supremacy of Egypt over the Oriental world. 
 
 We are unable to ascertain how long this double reign lasted. Nakhtusit, 
 fully occupied by enemies within the country, had no leisure either to build or 
 to restore any monuments ; ^ on his death, as no tomb had been prepared for him, 
 his mummy was buried in that of the usurper Siphtah and the Queen Tausirit.^ 
 He was soon forgotten, and but few traces of his services survived him ; his 
 name was subsequently removed from the official list of the kings, while others 
 not so deserving as he — as, for instance, Siphtah-Minephtah and Amenmesis — 
 were honourably inscribed in it.* The memory of his son overshadowed his 
 own, and the series of the legitimate kings who formed the XX"' dynasty did 
 not include him. Ramses III. took for his hero his namesake, Ramses the 
 Great, and endeavoured to rival him in everything. This spirit of imitation 
 was at times the means of leading him to commit somewhat puerile acts, as, 
 for example, when he copied certain triumphal inscriptions word for word, 
 
 Vhistoire de la XIX' dynastie, pp. 23-27 ; Eisenlohe-Birch, The Annals of Barneses III., in the Records 
 of the Past, 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 46, 47. The exact relationship between Nakhtusit and Eamses II. 
 is not known ; he was probably the grandson or great-grandson of that sovereign, though Ed. Meyer 
 thinks he was perhaps the son of Seti 11. (Geich. des Alien ^gyptens, p. 310). The name should 
 be read either Nakliitsit, with the singular of the first word composing it, or Nakhitusit, NakhtMt, 
 with the plural, as in the analogous name of the king of the XXX'" dynasty, Nectanebo. 
 
 ' The Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 75, 11. 10-76, 1. 1 ; the only certaia monument that we as yet possess 
 of this double reign is a large stele cut on the rock behind Medinet-Habfl (Lepsius, Deji7m.,iii. 206 d). 
 
 2 Wiedemann (Jigyptische Gesch., p. 490) attributes to him the construction of one of the doors of 
 the temple of Mut at Karnak ; it would appear that there is a confusion in his notes between the 
 prenomen of this sovereign and that of Seti II., who actually did decorate one of the doorways of that 
 temple (Champollion, Mow. de I'Egypte, etc., vol. ii. p. 203). Nakhusit must have also worked on the 
 temple of Phtah at Memphis (Wiedemann, Jj:gyptische Gesch., p. 490). His cartouche is met with 
 on a statue originally dedicated by a Pharaoh of the XII"' dynasty, discovered at Tell-Nebesheh 
 (Petrie, Tards II., Tell-Nehesheh, pp. 11, 29, 31, pi. x. 0 h). 
 
 ^ Champollion, Mon. de I'Egypte, etc., vol. i. pp. 448, 459, 606-608 ; of. Lefebhee, Les Eypogges 
 royaux de Thebes, in tiie M€noires de la Mission du Caire, vol. ii. pt. 1, pp. 123-145, and pis. 66-68. 
 For further details, cf. the bibliographical information given on p. 439, note 5, of this volume. 
 
 * Maspeko, Lettre a M. Gustave d'Eichthal sur les circonstances de I'Eistoire d'Egypte, in the 
 Gompies rendus de VAcad^mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1873, pp. 51-53. 
 
NAKHTUSiT AND BAMSES III. 455 
 
 merely changing the dates and the cartouches,^ or when he assumed the 
 prenomen of Usirmari, and distributed among his male children the names and 
 dignities of the sons of Sesostris. We see, moreover, at his court another high 
 priest of Phtah at Memphis bearing the name of Khamoisit, and Maritumu, 
 another supreme pontiff of Ea in Heliopolis.^ However, this ambition to 
 resemble his ancestor at once instigated him to noble deeds, and gave him the 
 necessary determination to accomplish them. 
 He began by restoring order in the admini- 
 stration of affairs; "he established truth, 
 crushed error, purified the temple from all 
 crime," ^ and made his authority felt not 
 only in the length and breadth of the Nile 
 valley, but in what was still left of the 
 Asiatic provinces. The disturbances of the 
 preceding years had weakened the prestige 
 
 of Amon-Ra, and the king's supremacy r • / 
 
 would have been seriously endangered, had ; 
 any one arisen in Syria of sufficient energy to 
 take advantage of the existing state of affairs. 
 
 But since the death of Khatusaru, the power of the Khati had considerably 
 declined, and they retained their position merely through their former prestige ; 
 they were in as much need of peace, or even more so, than the Egyptians, for 
 the same discords which had harassed the reigns of Seti II. and his successors 
 had doubtless brought trouble to their own sovereigns. They had made no 
 serious efforts to extend their dominion over any of those countries which had 
 been the objects of the cupidity of their forefathers, while the peoples of 
 Kharu and Phoenicia, thrown back on their own resources, had not ventured 
 to take up arms against the Pharaoh, The yoke lay lightly upon them, and 
 in no way hampered their internal liberty ; they governed as they liked, they 
 exchanged one prince or chief for another, they waged petty wars as of old, 
 without, as a rule, exjiosing themselves to interference from the Egyptian troops 
 occupying the country, or from the " royal messengers." These vassal provinces 
 
 ; ' Thus the great decree of Phtah -Totftnen, carved by Ramses II. in the year XXXV. on the 
 rocks of Abu Simbel (of. p. 40G of this volume), was copied by Ramses III. at MediDet-Habu in the 
 year XII. (DOmichen, Historitche Iiuchri/teii, vol. i. pis. vii.-x. ; E. and J. de Rodgk, Inscriptions 
 hi^roghjphiques copies en £gypte, pis. cxxxi.-cssxviii. ; cf. Bki gsch, Gesch. JEgyptens, ytp. 538-540, 
 and Ed. Naville, Le Decret de Phtah Totunen en faieur de Bamsen II. et de BamseH III., in the 
 Tramactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vii. pp. 119-138). 
 
 ^ Ebmak, Die Sohne Ilamses III., in the Zeitschri/t, 1883, pp. 60, 61, whoso conclusions have been 
 accepted by most recent Egyptologists. 
 
 ' Historical stele broken during the Roman period, the fragments of which are now built into the 
 quay at Elephantine (E. and .1. de RouGii, Inscriptions hi€rog}yphiques copiies en iJijypte, pi. cclviii. 
 11. 5. 7 ; cf. J. DE Morgan, De la Frontiire de Nubie it Kom-Omhos, p. 119). 
 
456 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 had probably ceased to pay tribute, or had done so irregularly, during the 
 years of anarchy following the death of Siphtah, but they had taken no 
 concerted action, nor attempted any revolt, so that when Eamses III. ascended 
 the throne he was spared the trouble of reconquering them. He had merely 
 to claim allegiance to have it at once rendered him — an allegiance which 
 included the populations in the neighbourhood of Qodshu and on the banks of 
 the Nahr el-Kelb.^ The empire, which had threatened to fall to pieces amid 
 the civil wars, and which would indeed have succumbed had they continued 
 a few years longer, again revived now that an energetic prince had been found 
 to resume the direction of affairs, and to weld together those elements which 
 had been on the point of disintegration.^ 
 
 One state alone appeared to regret the revival of the Imperial power ; this 
 was the kingdom of Libya. It had continued to increase in size since the 
 days of Minephtah, and its population had been swelled by the annexation of 
 several strange tribes inhabiting the vast area of the Sahara. One of these, 
 the Mashauasha, acquired the ascendency among these desert races owing to 
 their numbers and valour, and together with the other tribes — the Sabati, 
 the Kaiakasha, the Shaiu, the Hasa, the Bikana, and the Qahaka ^ — formed 
 a confederacy, which now threatened Egypt on the west. This federation 
 was conducted by Didi, Mashaknu, and Maraiu, ^all children of that Maraiu 
 who had led the first Libyan invasion, and also by Zamaru and Zautmaru, 
 two princes of less important tribes.* Their combined forces had attacked 
 Egypt for the second time during the years of anarchy, and had gained 
 possession one after another of all the towns in the west of the Delta, 
 from the neighbourhood of Memphis to the town of Qarbina : the Canopic 
 branch of the Nile now formed the limit of their dominion, and they often 
 crossed it to devastate the central provinces.^ Nakhtusiti had been unable 
 
 ' To W. Max Mdllee, Mgypten und Europa, p. 276, is due the merit of having pointed out, iu 
 opposition to the general opinion, the fact that Ramses III. had not to reconquer the Asiatic 
 provinces. 
 
 ^ The general outline of the reign is furnished in the discourse of Eamses III. himself in the 
 Cheat Harris Papyrus, Birch's edit., pis. 76-79 ; cf. Eisenlohb, Der Grosse Papyrus Harris, pp. 27-38, 
 and particularly Chabas, Beeherches pour servir a I'histoire de la XIX" dynastie, pp. 6-74. 
 
 ' This enumeration is furnished by the summary of the campaigns of Ramses III. in The Great 
 Harris Papyrus, Birch's edit., pi. 77,11. 2,3; cf. Chabas, Beeherches, etc., pp. 54-56; and Eisenlohr- 
 BiECH, The Annals of Barneses IIL, iu the Becords of the Past, 1st series, vol. viii. p. 48. The Sabati 
 of this text are probably identical with the people of the Sapudiu or Spudi (Asbytse), mentioned on 
 one of the pylons of Medinet-Habu. 
 
 * DiiMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. xlvii. 1. 47. The relationship is nowhere 
 stated, but it is thought to be probable from the names of Didi and Maraifl, repeated in both series 
 of inscriptions. [For the first Libyan invasion, see supra, pp. 432, 433. — Tr.] 
 
 The Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 77, 11. 1, 2. The town of Qarbina has been identified with the 
 Canopus of the Greeks, and also with the modern Korbani, by Beugsch, Dictionnaire G^ogr., pp. 854, 
 856, 1340-1342 ; and the district of Gautu, which adjoined it, with the territory of the modern town 
 of Edko (Diet. G^ogr., pp. 819-823, 1340-1343). Spiegelberg (Das Geschaftsjournal eines uSgyptisehne 
 Beamten, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. p. 160) throws doubt on the identification of Qarbu or 
 
THE DECLINE OF TEE MILITARY SPIRIT IN EGYPT. 
 
 457 
 
 to drive them out, and Kamses had not ventured on the task immediately 
 after his accession. The military institutions of the country had become 
 totally disorganised after the death of Minephtah, and that part of the com- 
 munity responsible for furnishing the army with recruits had been so 
 weakened by the late troubles, that they were in a worse condition than before 
 the first Libyan invasion. The losses they had suffered since Egypt began its 
 foreign conquests had not been repaired by the introduction of fresh elements, 
 and the hope of spoil was now insufficient to induce members of the upper classes 
 to enter the army. There was no difficulty in filling the ranks from the fellahin, 
 but the middle class and the aristocracy, accustomed to ease and wealth, no 
 longer came forward in large numbers, and disdained the military profession. 
 It was the fashion in the schools to contrast the calling of a scribe with that 
 of a foot-soldier or a charioteer, and to make as merry over the discomforts 
 of a military occupation as it had formerly been the fashion to extol its glory 
 and profitableness. These scholastic exercises represented the future oflScer 
 dragged as a child to the barracks, " the side-lock over his ear. — He is beaten 
 and his sides are covered with scars, — he is beaten and his two eyebrows 
 are marked with wounds, — he is beaten and his head is broken by a badly 
 aimed blow ;— he is stretched on the ground " for the slightest fault, " and 
 blows fall on him as on a papyrus, — and he is broken by the stick." His 
 education finished, he is sent away to a distance, to Syria or Ethiopia, and fresh 
 troubles overtake him. " His victuals and his supply of water are about his 
 neck like the burden of an ass, — and his neck and throat suffer like those 
 of an ass, — so that the joints of his spine are broken. — He drinks putrid 
 water, keeping perpetual guard the while." His fatigues soon tell upon his 
 health and vigour : " Should he reach the enemy, — he is like a bird which 
 trembles. — Should he return to Egypt, — he is like a piece of old worm-eaten 
 wood. — He is sick and must lie down, he is carried on an ass, — while thieves 
 steal his linen, — and his slaves escape."^ The charioteer is not spared 
 either. He, doubtless, has a moment of vain-glory and of Hattered vanity 
 when he receives, according to regulations, a new chariot and two horses, 
 with which he drives at a gallop before his parents and his fellow-villagers ; 
 but once having joined his regiment, he is perhaps worse off than the foot- 
 soldier. " He is thrown to the ground among thorns : — a scorpion wounds him 
 in the foot, and his heel is pierced by its sting. — When his kit is examined, — 
 
 Qarbiua, with Canopus. E(?villout {Quelques Textes traduil» d mcs cours, p. xi.x. uote 2) prefers to 
 connect Qarbina with Heracleopolis Parva in Lower Egypt. 
 
 ' Anaitasi Papyrus III., pi. v. 1. 5-pl. vi. 1. 2, and Anastasi Papyrus IV., pi. is. 1. 4-pl. x. 1. 1 ; 
 cf. E. DE RouGK, JJiscouTK d'ouverlurc, pp. 34, 35 ; Maspebo, Du Genre Epistolaire chez les ancient 
 Egyptiens, pp. 41, 42 ; Erman, yL'gypten und Jigyplisches Lehen, p. 722. For another piece of a similar 
 tendency, cf. Ebman, Hieratische Ostraka, in the Zeitschrift, 1880, pp. 90, 97. 
 
458 TEE CLOSE OF THE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 his misery is at its height." No sooner has the fact been notified that his 
 arms are in a bad condition, or that some article has disappeared, than " he is 
 stretched on the ground — and overpowered with blows from a stick." ^ This 
 decline of the warlike spirit in all classes of society had entailed serious modifica- 
 tions in the organisation of both army and navy. The native element no longer 
 predominated in most battalions and on the majority of vessels, as it had done 
 under the XVIIP'' dynasty ; it still furnished those formidable companies 
 of archers — the terror of both Africans and Asiatics — and also the most im- 
 portant part, if not the whole, of the chariotry, but the main body of the infantry 
 was composed almost exclusively of mercenaries, particularly of the Shardana 
 and the Qahaka. Eamses began his reforms by rebuilding the fleet, which, in a 
 country like Egypt, was always an artificial creation, liable to fall into decay, 
 unless a strong and persistent effort were made to keep it in an efficient con- 
 dition. Shipbuilding had made considerable progress in the last few centuries, 
 perhaps from the impulse received through Phoenicia, and the vessels turned 
 out of the dockyards were far superior to those constructed under Hatshopsitu.^ 
 The general outlines of the hull remained the same, but the stem and stern were 
 finer, and not so high out of the water ; the bow ended, moreover, in a lion's head 
 of metal, which rose above the cut-water. A wooden structure running between 
 the forecastle and quarter-deck protected the rowers during the fight, their 
 heads alone being exposed. The mast had only one curved yard, to which the 
 sail was fastened ; this was run up from the deck by halyards when the sailors 
 wanted to make sail, and thus differed from the Egyptian arrangement, where 
 the sail was fastened to a fixed upper yard.^ At least half of the crews consisted 
 of Libyan prisoners, who were branded with a hot iron like cattle, to prevent 
 desertion;* the remaining half was drawn from the Syrian or Asiatic coast, 
 or else were natives of Egypt. In order to bring the army into better con- 
 dition, Ramses revived the system of classes, which empowered him to compel 
 all Egyptians of unmixed race to take personal service, while he hired mer- 
 cenaries fi'om Libya, Phoenicia, Asia Minor, and wherever he could get them, 
 and divided them into regular regiments, according to their extraction and the 
 
 ' Anastasi Papurus III., pi. vi. 1. 10 ; cf. Maspero, Bu Genre Epistolaire chez les anciens Egyptiens 
 de I'gpoque pharaonique, pp. 42, 43, and Erman, ^gypten und JEgyptisches Lehen, pp. .721, 722. 
 
 * See the description and representation of the vessels launched by Queen Hatshopsitu on the 
 Ked Sea, on pp. 197-199. 
 
 ^ These facts are deduced from a careful examination of the Egyptian vessels represented at 
 Medinet-Habu (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, pi. ccxxii. ; Kosellini, Monumenti 
 Storici, pi. cxxxi., and vol. iv. pp. 36, 37 ; Mariette, Voyage de la Haute Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 55). Tlie 
 picture representing them is reproduced further on, on p. 469. 
 
 * The Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 77, 11. 5, 6 ; cf. Chabas, Recherches pour servir a I'histoire de la 
 XIX' dynastie, pp. 52, 56; Eisenlohr-Birch, IheAnnals of Rameses III, in the Records of the Past, 
 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 48, 49 ; and for the braud of the redhot iron, Brugsch.^^k, in the Zeitschrift, 
 1876, pp. 35-38. 
 
RAMSES III. REORGANISES THE ARMY AND NAVT. 
 
 459 
 
 arms that they bore.-' In the field, the archers always headed the column, to 
 meet the advance of the foe with their arrows ; they were followed by the 
 Egyptian lancers — the Shardana and the Tyrseni with their short spears and 
 heavy bronze swords — while a corps of veterans, armed with heavy maces, 
 brought up tlje rear.'^ In an engagement, these various troops formed three 
 lines of infantry disposed one behind the other — the light brigade in front to 
 engage the adversary, the swordsmen and lancers who were to come into 
 close quarters with the foe, and the mace-bearers in reserve, ready to advance 
 on any threatened point, or to await the critical moment when their interven- 
 tion would decide the victory : as in the times of Thutmosis and Ramses II., 
 the chariotry covered the two wings. 
 
 It was well for Eamses that on ascending the throne he had devoted himself 
 to the task of recruiting the Egyptian army, and of personally and carefully 
 superintending the instruction and equipment of liis men ; for it was thanks to 
 these precautions that, when the confederated Libyans attacked the country about 
 the V"' year of his reign, he was enabled to repulse them with complete success.^ 
 "Didi, Mashaknu, Maraiu, together with Zamani and Zautman'i, had strongly 
 urged them to attack Egypt and to carry fire before them from one end of it 
 to the other." * — " Their warriors confided to each other in their counsels, and 
 their hearts were full : ' We will be drunk ! ' and their princes said within 
 their breasts : * We will fill our hearts with violence ! ' But their plans were 
 overthrown, thwarted, broken against the heart of the god, and the prayer of 
 their chief, which their lips repeated, was not granted by the god." ° They 
 met the Egyptians at a place called " Ramsisu-Khasfi-Timihu " (" Kamses 
 
 ' The Great Ilarris Papyrus, pi. 7G, 11. 5, 6. Chabas {Recherches pow servir a VUisloire de la 
 XIX' dynaslie, pp. 23-30) thinks that the questlou here is that of tlie civil reorganisation of Egypt 
 and institution of castes (cf. Wiede-Mann, .Kgyptische Gesch., p. 505); the word Zamftfl, which ho 
 translates "family" or "caste," signifies "generations," i.e. the "classes" of tlio population submitted 
 to the military regulations, as stated on p. 212, note 3, of this volume (cf. Maspeiio, Rnpport $ur une 
 Mission en Italic, in the Iteeueil de Tracaux, vol. iv. pp. 130, 131, and tlttdes de Myllwloyic, etc., vol. i. 
 p. 5G, note 2 ; Bnrcscu, Die Egyptologie, pp. 293, 29G). 
 
 * This is the order of march represented during the Syrian campaign (Champollion, Monuments 
 de VEgijpte el de la Nnbie, pis. ccxyii., ccsxi. ; Rosellini, Monumenii Storici, pis. cxxvi., cxxis., cxxx.), 
 as gathered from the arrangement observed in the pictures at Medinet-IIabu. 
 
 ' The two Libyan campaigns are confounded in tlie summary of the Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 70, 
 II. 1 1-77, 1. 07 ; cf. EiSENLOHB-Biiscn, The Annals of Jlameses III, in the Records of the Past, Ist series, 
 vol. viii. pp. 48, 49. Chabas disentangled the events belonging to each in Rludes sur F Antiquity 
 hislorique, Ist edit., pp. 230-251, and Recherches pour servir it VHistoirede la XIX' dynaslie, pp. 52, 50. 
 The texts of Modinet-Habu relating to the campaign of the year V. were published by Burton 
 (Excerpta Hieroglyphica, pis. xliii.-xlv.), by Champollion (Jfon. dc VEyypte ct de la Nubii; pis. ccv.- 
 ccviii.), by Rosellini {Mon. Storici, pis. cxxx.-cxxxii., oxxxv.-cxxxvii., cxxxix.-cxli.), and by Diimi- 
 chen (Uistorische Inschri/ten, vol. ii. pi. xlvi. a); they were translated first by Rosellini (Mon. 
 Storici, vol. iv. pp. 85-91) and then by Chabas {Etiules sur VAntiquite Historique, 2nd edit., pp. 
 227-233). Bas-reliefs representing certain episodus arc still unpublished ; they were brouglit to 
 light during the excavations made at Medinet-IIabu by Mons. Dare^sy. 
 
 * DiiMiCHEN, Uistorische Inschriflen, vol. ii. pi. xlvi. a, 11. 47, 48. 
 ^ DiiMicuEN, ibid., vol. ii. pi. xlvi. a, 11. 27, 28. 
 
460 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIBE. 
 
 repulses the Timihu"^), but their attack was brolien by the latter, who were 
 ably led and displayed considerable valour. " They bleated like goats surprised 
 by a bull who stamps its foot, who pushes forward its horn and shakes the 
 mountains, charging whoever seeks to annoy^ it." ^ They fled afar, howling 
 with fear, and many of them, in endeavouring to escape their pursuers, 
 perished in the canals. "It is, said they, the breaking of our spines which 
 threatens us in the land of Egypt, and its lord destroys our souls for ever and 
 ever. Woe be upon them ! for they have seen their dances changed into 
 carnage, Sokhit is behind them, fear weighs upon them. ' We march no longer 
 upon roads where we can walk, but we run across fields, all the fields ! And 
 their soldiers did not even need to measure arms with us in the struggle ! 
 Pharaoh alone was our destruction, a fire against us every time that he willed 
 it, and no sooner did we approach than the flame curled round us, and no water 
 could quench it on us.' " ^ The victory was a brilliant one ; the victors counted 
 12,585 of the enemy killed,* and many more who surrendered at discretion. The 
 latter were formed into a brigade, and were distributed throughout the valley of 
 the Nile in military settlements.^ They submitted to their fate with that resig- 
 nation which we know to have been a characteristic of the vanquished at that 
 date. They regarded their defeat as a judgment frooa God against which there 
 was no appeal ; when their fate had been once pronounced, nothing remained to 
 the condemned except to submit to it humbly, and to accommodate themselves 
 to the master to whom they were now bound by a decree from on high. The 
 prisoners of one day became on the next the devoted soldiers of the prince 
 against whom they had formerly fought resolutely, and they were employed 
 against tbeir own tribes, their employers having no fear of their deserting to the 
 other side during the engagement. They were lodged in the barracks at Thebes, 
 or in the provinces under the feudal lords and governors of the Pharaoh, and 
 were encouraged to retain their savage customs and warlike spirit. They inter- 
 married either with the fellahin or with women of their own tribes, and were 
 reinforced at intervals by fresh prisoners or volunteers. Drafted principally into 
 the Delta and the cities of Middle Egypt, they thus ended by constituting a 
 
 ' Brugsoh, GeschicMe JSgyptens, p. 597. Unpublished bas-reliefs at Medinet-Habu. 
 2 DuMiCHEN, Eistorische Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. xlvi. o, 1. 32. 
 ^ DuMiCHEN, ibid., vol. ii. pi. xlvi. a, II. 42-45. 
 
 * Tlie number of the dead is calculated from that of the hands and phalli brought in by the 
 soldiers after the victory, the heaps of which are represented at Medinet-Habu (Champollion, Monw 
 ments de V£gypte et de la Nuhie, pi. ccxxiv. ; Kosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxxv. ; of. tiie vignette 
 which reproduces this scene on p. 227 of this volume). 
 
 " The Great Harris Papyrus, pi. 77, 11. 5, 6 ; (cf. Chabas, Becherches pour servir a I'histoire de 
 VEgypte, pp. 52, 56, and Eisenlohk-Biech, The Annals of Barneses III., in the Becords of the Past, 
 Ist series, vol. viii. p. 49). 
 
THE SECOND LIBYAN INVASION. 
 
 461 
 
 semi-foreign population, destined by nature and training to the calling of arms, 
 and forming a sort of warrior caste, differing widely from the militia of former 
 times, and known for many generations by their national name of Mashauasha. 
 As early as the XII''' dynasty, the Pharaohs had, in a similar way, imported the 
 Mazaiu from Nubia and had used them as a military police ;^ Eamsos III. now 
 resolved to naturalise the Libyans for much the 
 same purpose. His victory did not bear the 
 immediate fruits that we might have expected 
 from his own account of it; the memory of 
 the exploits of Eamses II. haunted hitn, and, 
 stimulated by the example of his ancestor at 
 Qodshu,^ he doubtless desired to have the sole 
 credit of the victory over the Libyans. He cer- 
 tainly did overcome their kings, and arrested their 
 invasion ; we may go so far as to allow that he 
 wrested from them the provinces which they had 
 occupied on the left bank of the Canopic branch, 
 from Marea to the Natron Lakes, but he did not conquer them, and their 
 power still remained as formidable as ever. He had gained a respite at 
 the point of the sword, but he had not delivered Egypt from their future 
 attacks. 
 
 He might perhaps have been tempted to follow up his success and assume 
 the oflfensive, had not affairs in Asia at this juncture demanded the whole of his 
 attention. The movement of great masses of European tribes in a southerly 
 and easterly direction was beginning to be felt by the inhabitants of the Balkans, 
 who were forced to set out in a double stream of emigration — one crossing the 
 Bospliorus and the Propontis towards the centre of Asia Minor, while the other 
 made for what was later known as Greece Proper, by way of the passes over 
 Olympus and Pindus. The nations who had hitherto inhabited these regions, 
 now found themselves thi'ust forward by the pressure of invading hordes, and 
 were constrained to move towards the south and east by every avenue 
 which presented itself. It was probably the irruption of the Phrygians into 
 the high table-land which gave rise to the general exodus of these various 
 
 ' Cf. what is said of tlie Mazaii and their functions in the Daicn of Civilization, p. 306, 
 note 3. 
 
 ' This pretension is particularly striking on line 44 of the text above quoted (p. 460), where the 
 Libyans exclaim that the Egyptian soldiers " did not even fight against them in the struggle ; Pharaoh 
 was their destruction." Cf. pp. 396-398 of the present volume. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nubie, pis. cci. 5, 
 ccii. 1, ccxxxiii. 2, ccxxxiv. 2 ; Roskllini, Monumcnti Storici, pi. vii., No. 27 ; and LErsii s, Denim., 
 
462 THE CLOSE OF THE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 nations^ — the Pulasati, the Zakkala, the Shagalasha, the Danauna, and the 
 Uashasha — some of whom had already made their way into Syria and taken part 
 in campaigns there, while others had as yet never measured strength with the 
 Egyptians. The main body of these migrating tribes chose the overland 
 route, keeping within easy distance of the coast, from Pamphylia as far as the 
 confines of Naharaim. They were accompanied by their families, who must 
 have been mercilessly jolted in the ox-drawn square waggons with solid wheels 
 
 THE WAGGONS 01'' THE PULASATI AND THlilR CONFEDERATES.^ 
 
 in which they travelled. The body of the vehicle was built either of roughly 
 squared planks, or else of something resembling wicker-work. The round 
 axletree was kept in its place by means of a rude pin, and four oxen were 
 harnessed abreast to the whole structure. The children wore no clothes, and , 
 had, for the most part, their hair tied into a tuft on the top of their heads ; the 
 women affected a closely fitting cap, and were wrapped in large blue or red 
 garments drawn close to the body.^ The men's attire varied according to 
 the tribe to which they belonged. The Pulasati undoubtedly held the chief,' 
 place; they were both soldiers and sailors, and we must recognise in them the 
 foremost of those tribes known to the Greeks of classical times as the Carians, 
 who infested the coasts of Asia Minor as well as those of Greece and the 
 
 ' This idea appears to have been first put fortli by Maspero, in the Revue Critique, 1877, vol. i. 
 p. 320; W. Max Miiller {Asien und Europa, p. 359) believes that the invasion was caused by the 
 famine, during which Minephtah supplied the Khati with corn (cf. pp. 431, 433 of this volume). 
 The Shagalasha and the Danauna have been already mentioned on p. 360, note 1, and p. 432, note 2, 
 of this volume ; I may add, with regard to the latter name, that the texts of Eamses III. sometimes 
 give the simple form Danau (Gkeene, Fouilles a Thebes, pi. ii. 1. 18) in place of the more developed 
 form Danauna. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Champollion, More, de VEgypte, etc., pi. ccxx., and Eosellini, 
 Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxviii. 
 
 ' These details are taken from the battle-scenes at Medinet-Habu (Champollion, Mon. de l'£gypte, 
 etc., pis. ccxx.-ccxx. his ; Kosellini, 3Ion. Storici, pi. cxxviii.) ; they were for the first time com- 
 pletely collected and made the subject of study by Chabas, Etudes sur VAnfiquitg historique, 2ud 
 edit., pp. 286, 294-296, and again discussed and fresh comparisons made by W. Max Muller, Asien 
 und Europa, etc., pp. 361-367. 
 
ASIATIC TRIBES; THE PULASATI, ZAKKALA, AND TYRSENI. 4G3 
 
 iEgean islands.^ Crete was at this time the- seat of a maritime empire, whose 
 chiefs were perpetually cruising the seas and harassing the civilized states of 
 the Eastern Mediterranean. These sea-rovers had grown wealthy through piracy, 
 and contact with the merchants of Syria and Egypt had awakened in them 
 a taste for a certain luxury and refine- 
 ment, of which we find no traces in the 
 remains of their civilization anterior to 
 this period. Some of the symbols in the in- 
 scriptions found on their monuments recall 
 certain of the Egyptian characters, while 
 others present an original aspect and seem 
 to be of iEgean origin. We find in them, ar- 
 ranged in juxtaposition, signs representing 
 flowers, birds, fish, quadrupeds of various 
 kinds, members of the human body, and 
 boats and household implements.'' From the 
 little which is known of this script we are 
 inclined to derive it from a similar source to that which has furnished those we 
 meet with in several parts of Asia Minor and Northern Syria. It would appear 
 that in ancient times, somewhere in the centre of the Peninsula — but under what 
 influence or during what period we know not — a syllabary was developed, of 
 which varieties were handed on from tribe to tribe, spreading on the one side 
 to the Hittites, Cilicians, and the peoples on the borders of Syria and Egypt, and 
 on the other to the Trojans, to the people of the Cyclades, and into Crete 
 
 • The Tulusati have been connected with the Philistines by ChampoUiou, in Lis Diclionnaire Hiero- 
 qlyphique, and subsequently by the early English Egyptologists (Osbukn, Egypt, her Testimony to 
 the Truth, pp. 107, 137, 141 ; HiNOKS, On the Number, Names and Power, p. 47), who thought they 
 recognised iu them the inhabitants of the Shephelah : cf. Brugsch, Giogr. Int., vol. ii. pp. 85, 8C, and 
 Hist, d'ligypte, p. 187 ; E. i>e Koi'Ge, Notice de quelque» textet hi^roghjjthiquei recemment public par 
 M. Greene, p. 15. Chabns was the first to identify them with the I'elasgi {E'tudei tur I' Antiquity Hist., 
 2nd edit., pp. 284-21)1 ; Becherches pour servir a I'histoire de VEgypte, pp. 91)-101); Unger {ilanetho, 
 p. 218) and Brugsoh {Oesch. JEgyptens, p. 592) prefer to attribute to them a Libyan origin, but the 
 latter finally returns to the Pelasgic and Philistine hypothesia {Troie et Vigypte, in Schhemann, 
 Troie, pp. 780, 781). Thty were without doubt the Philistines, but in their migratory state, before 
 they settled on the coast of Palestine (Maspeiio, in the Bevue Critique, 1873, vol. ii. pp. 84, So, and also 
 Hist, ancienne des peiiples des V Orient, 1875 ; cf. Fii. Lenobmant, Lc« Antiquit^t de la Troade, pp. 73, 
 74; Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des Allerthums, vol. i. pp. 319-321, and Gesch. des Alien JEgyptens, j). 316; 
 W. Max MiiLLEii, Asien und Europa, pp. 368, 387-390). For the resemblance of their type to tliat of 
 certain inhabitants still to be found in the neighbourhood of Gaza, cf. the observations made by 
 Hyaointhe Hcsson, La L^gende de Samson et les mythes solaires, in the ifepue Arch^ologique, 2nd series, 
 vol. xi. pp. 345, 346. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato ; of. Rosellini, Monumenti Slorici, 
 pi. clxi. 2; Mariette, Voyage de la Ilaute-figypte, vol. ii. pi. 52; Petbie, Racial Types, No. 182. 
 
 ' A. J. Evans, who discovered these inscriptions, was the first to study and publish tliem. I must 
 refer the reader for the whole subject to his book on Cretan Cryptographs and Fre-jihoenician Script, 
 1895, as well as to the observations of Solomon Reinach, in his Chroniques d' Orient, particularly to No. 
 xxiv., pp. 61-67, of the separate printed matter, and his Crile Mycenienne, in U Anthropologic, V" 
 year, pp. 407-415. 
 
464 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 and Greece.^ It is easy to distinguish the Pulasati by the felt helmet which 
 they wore ■ fastened under the chin by two straps and surmounted by a 
 crest of feathers. The upper part of their bodies was covered by bands of 
 leather or some thick material, below which hung a simple loin-cloth, while 
 their feet were bare or shod with short sandals. They carried each a round 
 buckler with two handles, and the stout bronze sword common to the northern 
 races, suspended by a cross belt passing over the left shoulder, and were further 
 armed with two daggers and two javelins. They hurled the latter from a 
 short distance while attacking, and then drawing their sword or daggers, fell 
 upon the enemy ; we find among them a few chariots of the Hittite type, each 
 manned by a driver and two fighting men.^ The Tyrseni appear to have been 
 the most numerous after the Pulasati, next to whom came the Zakkala. The 
 latter are thought to have been a branch of the Siculo-Pelasgi whom Greek 
 tradition represents as scattered at this period among the Cyclades and along 
 the coast of the Hellespont ; ^ they wore a casque surmounted with plumes like 
 that of the Pulasati. The Tyrseni may be distinguished by their feathered 
 head-dress,^ but the Shagalasha affected a long ample woollen cap falling on the 
 neck behind, an article of apparel which is still worn by the sailors of the Archi- 
 pelago ; otherwise they were equipped in much the same manner as their allies. 
 The other members of the confederation, the Shardana, the Danauna, and the 
 Uashasha, each furnished an inconsiderable contingent, and, taken all together, 
 formed but a small item of the united force.^ Their fleet sailed along the coast 
 
 ' Cf. the conclusions which have led Eamsay (TAe Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. xv.) to 
 place the origin of the so-called Hittite writing in Asia Minor. Here again I am obliged, for lack 
 room, to refrain from giving all the reasons which induce me to derive the system of Cretan writing 
 from the central regions of Asia Minor. 
 
 ^ These details are taken from the bas-reliefs of Medinet-Habu (Description de VEgypte, A., vol. 
 pi. 8, No. 7; Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte, etc., pis. ccxx.-ccxx. his, ccxxxi., ccxxxii 
 KosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxvii. ; cf. Chabas, Recherches sur 1' Antiquity Historique, 2n 
 edit., pp. 286, 294-296, and W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa, pp. 361-367). 
 
 ' The Zakkara, or Zakkala, have been identified with the Teucrians by I>auth (Homer und JSgypten, 
 p. 81), Chabas (Recherches sur V Antiquity Historique, 2nd edit., pp. 286-288, and Pltudes pour servir 
 I'Histoire sous la XIX' Bynastie, pp. 47-49), and by Fr. Lenormant (Antiquite's de la Troade, pp. 37 
 39); with the Zygritse of Libya by Unger (Manetho, p. 218) and by Brugsch (Geschichte uSgyptens,, 
 p. 592), who subsequently returned to the Teucrian hypothesis (Troie et VEgypte, in Schliemann, 
 Troie, trans, by Egger, pp. 980, 981) ; W. Max Muller (Asien und Europa, pp. 362, 363, and 386) 
 regards them as an Asiatic nation probably of the Lydian family. The identification with the Siculo- 
 Pelasgi of the .^gean Sea was proposed by Maspero (in the Revue Critique, 1880, vol. i. p. 110). 
 
 * Their portraits are partially destroyed in the bas-relief at Medinet-Habu representing tlieir 
 captive chiefs (cf. the group reproduced on p. 471), but W. Max Muller has been able to resto 
 their head-dress with tolerable certainty (Asien und Europa, pp. 380, 381). 
 
 * Chabas persisted in recognising in the Uashasha the Opici, Obsci, or Oscans of Boman histo 
 (Etude sur V Antiquity Historique, 2nd edit., pp. 292-294, and Recherches pour servir a VHistoire 
 d'Egypte sous la XX" Dynastie, pp. 38, 39), while Brugsch believed them to be the Ossetes of t 
 Caucasus (Geschichte ^gyptens, p. 592), but afterwards came to see in them a people of Asia Minor 
 related to the Shardana (Troie et VEgypte, in Schliemann, Troie, Egger's translation, p. 983). The 
 form of the word shows that it is of Asiatic origin, Uasasos, Uassos, which refers us to Caria or Lycia 
 (Maspero, in the Revue Critique, 1878, vol. i. p. 320 ; cf. W. Max Mulleb, Asien und Europa, pp. 32 
 363, 379). 
 
ASIATIC INCURSIONS. 
 
 465 
 
 iind kept withia sight of the force on land. The squadrons depicted on the 
 monuments are without doubt those of the two peoples, the Pulasati and Zakkala. 
 Their ships resembled in many respects those of Egypt, except in the fact that 
 they had no cut-water. The bow and stern rose up straight like the neck of a 
 goose or swan; two structures 
 for fighting purposes were 
 ■erected above the deck, while 
 a rail running round the sides 
 of the vessel protected the 
 bodies of tlie rowers. An 
 upper yard curved in shape 
 hung from the single mast, 
 which terminated in a top 
 for the look-out during a 
 battle. The upper yard was 
 not made to lower, and the 
 top-men managed the sail 
 in the same manner as the 
 
 Egyptian sailors. The resemblance between this fleet and that of Eamses 
 is easily explained.-^ The dwellers on the yEgean, owing to the knowledge 
 they had acquired of the Phoenician galleys, which were accustomed to cruise 
 a.nnually in their waters, became experts in shipbuilding. They copied the 
 lines of the Phoenician craft, imitated the rigging, and learned to manoeuvre 
 their vessels so well, both on ordinary occasions and in a battle, that they could 
 now oppos(! to the skilled eastern navigators ships as well fitted out and 
 conxmanded by captains as experienced as those of Egypt or Asia. 
 
 There had been a general movement among all these peoples at the 
 very time when Ramses was repelling the attack of the Libyans ; " the isles 
 had quivered, and had vomited forth their people at once."^ Tiiey were 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucli(.i-(iudin, from a photograph by Petkik, Racial Types, No. ICiO ; cf. Cuampollion, 
 Monuments de I'Eijypte, pi. cciii. ; Kosellini, Monumenti Siorici, pi. csliii., N'o. 11 ; LErsius, Denhm., 
 iii. 209 b 5; the typo is taken from the series given in p. 471 of the present work. According to 
 Cbabas and W. Max Miiller {Asien und Enropa, p. 129), it riipresents a Shusu. 
 
 ' Description de I'Jigypte, Ant., ii. pi. 12 ; Champollion, Monuments de I' Egyple, pU. cciii. 2, ccxsii. ; 
 RosBLLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxxi. Cf. the picture on p. 469 of the present work representing 
 a battle between the Egyptian fleet and the ships of the " People of the Sea." 
 
 ' G HEEH E, Fouilles a Thebes, pi. ii. 1. IG. The inscription of Medinet-Uabuin which this campaign 
 is mentioned was published by Gkeen'E, Fouilles a Thebes, pis. i.-iii. ; it was critically examined for 
 the first time by E. de KouGii, Notice de quelques textes hitfroghjphiques rec^mmei.t publics par 
 M. Greene, pp. 5-11 ; it was translated by Ciiabas, i^tudts sur I'Antitjuite; 2nd edit., pp. 240-253, and 
 by Brugscu, Geschichte ^gyptens, pp. 598-600. Wc find tome information about the war in the 
 Great Harris Papyrus (ed. Bmcii, pi. 76, 11. 6-9; cf. Chabas, Recherches pour tervir ii I'hittoire de 
 riJgypte sous la KIX' dynastie, pp. 30-50), also in the inscription of Medinet-Habu which describes the 
 campaign of the jear V. (Dlmiciies, llistorische Inschriften, vol. ii. pi. slvi. a, II. 51-59; and E. and 
 
466 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE THE BAN EMPIEE. 
 
 subjected to one of those irresistible impulses such as had driven the Shepherds 
 into Egypt ; or again, in later times, had carried away the Cimmerians and the 
 Scyths to the pillage of Asia Minor : " no country could hold out against their 
 arms, neither Khati, nor Qodi, nor Carchemish, nor Arvad, nor Alasia, without 
 being brought to nothing." The ancient kingdoms of Sapalulu and Khatusaru, 
 already tottering, crumbled to pieces under the shock, and were broken up into 
 their primitive elements. The barbarians, unable to carry the towns by assault, 
 and too impatient to resort to a lengthened siege, spread over the valley of the 
 Orontes, burning and devastating the country everywhere. Having reached 
 the frontiers of the empire, in the country of the Amorites, they came to a halt, 
 and constructing an entrenched camp, installed within it their women and the 
 booty they had acquired.^ Some of their predatory bands, having ravaged the 
 Bekaa, ended by attacking the subjects of the Pharaoh himself, and their 
 chiefs dreamed of an invasion of Egypt. Ramses, informed of their design 
 by the despatches of his officers and vassals, resolved to prevent its accom- 
 plishment. He summoned his troops together, both indigenous and mer- 
 cenary, in his own person looked after their armament and commissariat, 
 and in the VHP'' year ^ of his reign crossed the frontier near Zalu. He 
 advanced by forced marches to meet the enemy, whom he encountered somewhere 
 in Southern Syria, on the borders of the Shephelah,^ and after a stubbornly 
 contested campaign obtained the victory. He carried off from the field, in ad- 
 dition to the treasures of the confederate tribes, some of the chariots which had 
 been used for the transport of their families. The survivors made their way hastily 
 to the north-west, in the direction of the sea, in order to receive the support of 
 
 J. DE Rouge, Inscriptions IMroglypliiques, pis. cxlv. 1. 51; cxlvi. 1. 59; cf. Chabas, Etudes sur 
 V Antiquity, 2nd edit, pp. 253-256), and in other shorter texts of the same temple (DiiMiCHEN, Hist. 
 Insc, vol. ii. pi. xlvii. a ; cf. Chabas, Mudes sur V Antiquity, 2nd edit., pp. 256, 257). The sequence 
 of facts is illustrated by a series of pictures of which the value was recognised from the first by 
 Champollion, Lettres ^crites d'^Jgypte, 2nd edit., pp. 354-358, and afterwards more fully brought out 
 by RosELLiNi, Mon. Storici, vol. iv. pp. 28-50; they were published, in whole or in part, in the 
 Description del'£gijpte. Ant., vol. ii. pi. 9, Nos. 1, 10-12, and afterwards by Champollion, Monuments 
 de V£gypte, etc., pis. ccxviii.-ccxxiv., by Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. cxxv.-cxxxiii., and by 
 Maeiette, Voyage de la Haute-Egypte, vol. ii. pis. 54, 55. 
 
 ' Greene, Fouilles a Theles, pi. 2, 11. 16, 17. E. de Rouge' (^Notice de quclques textes, p. 7, et seq.) 
 thought at first that the text treated of a victory of Ramses III. over the Khati and other Syrian popu- 
 lations ; Chabas (Ftudes sur V Antiquity, 2nd edit., pp. 258-268) was the first to point out the true 
 uature of the events related in this inscription. 
 
 ^ Champollion read the year IX. (Lettres ^erites d'Fgypte, 2nd edit., p. 329) ; the text really gives 
 the year VIII. (Chabas, Ftudes sur V Antiquity, 2nd edit., p. 246). 
 
 ' No site is given for these battles. E. de Rouge placed the theatre of war iu Syria {Notice de 
 quelques textes, pp. 16, 17), and his opinion was accepted by Brugsch (Geogr. laser., vol. ii. p. 85; 
 Hist. d'Lgypte, 187, 188 ; Gesnh. jEgyptens, p. 592). Chabas referred it to the mouth of the Nile near 
 Pelusium {Ltudes sur V Antiquity, 2nd edit., pp. 268-283), and his authority has prevailed up to the 
 present. The remarks of W. Max Miiller (Asimi und Europa, pp. 177, 178) have brought me back to 
 the opinion of the earlier Egyptologists ; but I differ from him in looking for the locality further south, 
 and not to the mouth of Nahr el-Kelb as the site of the naval battle. It seems to me that the fact 
 that the Zakkala were prisoners at Dor, and the Pulasati in the Shephelah, is enough to assign 
 the campaign to the regions I have mentioned in the text. 
 
THE VICTORY OF RAMSES III. AT MAQADIL. 
 
 467 
 
 their navy, but the king followed them step by step. It is recorded that he 
 occupied himself with lion-hunting en route after the example of the victors of 
 the XVIII"* dynasty,^ and that he killed three of these animals in the long 
 grass on one occasion on the banks of some river. He rejoined his ships, 
 probably at Jaffa, and made straight for the enemy. The latter were encamped 
 
 THE AliMY 01' KAMSE8 III. ON THE MAItCll, AND THE LION-HUNT.' 
 
 on the level shore, at the head of a bay wide enough to offer to their ships a 
 ■commodidus space for naval evolutions — possibly the mouth of the Belos, in 
 the neighbourhood of Magadil, The king drove their foot-soldiers into the 
 water at the same moment that his admirals attacked the combined fleet of 
 the Pulasati and Zakkala. Some of the ^Egean galleys were capsized and 
 sank when the Egyptian vessels rammed them with their sharp stems, and the 
 crews, in endeavouring to escape to land by swimming, were picked off" by the 
 arrows of the arcliers of the guard who were commanded by Ramses and his 
 sons; they perished in the waves, or only escaped through the com^jassion of 
 the victors.^ " I had fortified," said the Pharaoh, " my frontier at Zahi ; I 
 had drawn up before these people my generals, my provincial governors, tiie 
 
 ' Description de l'£'gypte. Ant, vol. ii. pi. 9, No. 1 ; Cuampollion, MonumeiUt dc I'^ijyple, pi. ccxxi. ; 
 RosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxsix. ; Mamettb, Voyage de la Haute- tigypie, vol. ii. pi. 54. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchor-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato; of. Description de V^gypte, Ant., \ol. ii. 
 pi. 9, No. 1; CiiAMPOLLiON, Monuments, etc., pi. ccxxi.; Koskllini, Monumenti Slorici, pi. cxxis. ; 
 Mahiette, Voyage de la Haute- figypte, vol. ii. pi. 54. 
 
 ' Scene from Medinet-llabu, in the Description de VEgypte, Ant., vol. ii. pi. 12; Champollion, 
 Monuments, etc., pi. coxxii. ; Rosellisi, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxxi. ; Mariette, Voyage de la Haute- 
 £gyple, vol. ii. pi. 53 ; see the reproduction of it on p. 4G9 of the present work. 
 
468 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 vassal princes, and the best of my soldiers. The mouths of the river seemed 
 to be a mighty rampart of galleys, barques, and vessels of all kinds, 
 equipped from the bow to the stern with valiant armed men. The infantry, 
 the flower of Egypt, were as lions roaring on the mountains ; the charioteers, 
 selected from among the most rapid warriors, had for their captains only 
 ofiicers confident in themselves; the horses quivered in all their limbs, and 
 were burning to trample the nations underfoot. As for me, I was like the 
 warlike Montu : I stood up before them and they saw the vigour of my 
 arms. I, King Ramses, I was as a hero who is conscious of his valour, and 
 who stretches his hands over the people in the day of battle. Those who have 
 violated my frontier will never more garner harvests from this earth : the 
 period of their soul has been fixed for ever. My forces were drawn up before 
 them on the * Very Green,' a devouring flame approached them at the river 
 mouth, annihilation embraced them on every side. Those who were on the 
 strand I laid low on the seashore, slaughtered like victims of the butcher. I 
 made their vessels to capsize, and their riches fell into the sea." ^ Those who 
 had not fallen in the tight were caught, as it were, in the cast of a net. A 
 rapid cruiser of the fleet carried the Egyptian standard along the coast as far 
 as the regions of the Orontes and Saros.^ The land troops, on the other hand, 
 following on the heels of the defeated enemy, pushed through Coele-Syria, and 
 in their first burst of zeal succeeded in reaching the plains of the Euphrates. A 
 century had elapsed since a Pharaoh had planted his standard in this region, 
 and the country must have seemed as novel to the soldiers of Ramses III. as 
 to those of his predecessor Thiltmosis. The Khati were still its masters ; and all 
 enfeebled as they were by the ravages of the invading barbarians, were never- 
 theless not slow in preparing to resist their ancient enemies. The majority of 
 the citadels shut their gates in the face of Ramses, who, wishing to lose no 
 time, did not attempt to besiege them : he treated their territory with the 
 usual severity, devastating their open towns, destroying their harvests, 
 breaking down their fruit trees, and cutting away their forests. He was able, 
 moreover, without arresting his march, to carry by assault several of their 
 fortified towns, Alaza among the number, the destruction of which is repre- 
 sented in the scenes of his victories.^ The spoils were considerable, and came 
 very opportunely to reward the soldiers or to provide funds for the erection 
 of monuments. The last battalion of troops, however, had hardly recrossed 
 
 ' Greene, Fouilles a Thebes, pi. ii. 11. 19-24; cf. E. de Eodge, Notice de quelques textes, pp. 7-9; 
 Chabas, Etudes sur V Antiquity, 2ad edit., pp. 246-253; Beugsch, Geschichte JUgyptens, pp. 598, 599. 
 
 ^ Brtjgsch, Gesch. yT'Jgi/jAens, pp. 002-G05, in which the greater part of the identifications, 
 although supported by F. Lenormant {Les Origines de I'Hist., vol. iii. pp. 50, 91, 259-261) cannot 
 be maintained. 
 
 ^ Scenes on the north wall of Medinet-Habu ; cf. Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., vol. i. 
 pp. 369, 370, and pis. ccsxvii., ccxxviii. ; Kosellini, Monumenti Storici, vol. iv. pp. 58-60. 
 
470 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 the isthmus when Lotanu became again its own master, and Egyptian rule was 
 once more limited to its traditional provinces of Kharu and Phoenicia. The 
 King of the Khati appears among the prisoners whom the Pharaoh is repre- 
 sented as bringing to his. father Amon ; Carchemish, Tunipa, Khalabu, Katna,. 
 Pabukhu, Arvad, Mitanni, Mannus, Asi, and a score of other famous towns of 
 this period appear in the list of the subjugated nations, recalling the triumphs 
 of Thutmosis III. and Amenothes 11.^ Kamses did not allow himself to be 
 deceived into thinking that his success was final. He accepted the protesta- 
 tions of obedience which were spontaneously offered him, but he undertook na 
 further expedition of importance either to restrain or to provoke his enemies : 
 the restricted rule which satisfied his exemplar Eamses II. ought, he thought,, 
 to be sufficient for his own ambition. 
 
 Egypt breathed freely once more on the announcement of the victory 
 henceforward she was " as a bed without anguish." " Let each woman now go 
 to and fro according to her will," cried the sovereign, in describing the 
 campaign, " her ornaments upon her, and directing her steps to any place she 
 likes ! " ^ And in order to provide still further guarantees of public security, 
 he converted his Asiatic captives, as he previously had his African prisoners, 
 into a bulwark against the barbarians, and a safeguard of the frontier. The 
 war must, doubtless, have decimated Southern Syria ; and he planted along its 
 coast what remained of the defeated tribes — the Philistines in the Shephelah, 
 and the Zakkala on the borders of the great oak forest stretching from Carmel 
 to Dor.^ Watch-towers were erected for the supervision of this region, and for 
 rallying-points in case of internal revolts or attacks from without. One of these, 
 the Migdol of Ramses III., was erected, not far from the scene of the decisive 
 battle, on the spot where the spoils had been divided.* This living barrier,, 
 so to speak, stood between the Nile valley and the dangers which threatened 
 it from Asia, and it was not long before its value was put to the proof. The 
 Libyans, who had been saved from destruction by the diversion created in their 
 
 ' See the lists of the conquered people engraved on the walls of Medinet-Habu, published by 
 DuMiCHEN (Eidorische Inschriften, vol. i. pis. xi.-xvii. ; cf. Birch, The Annals of Barneses III., in the- 
 Records of the Pad, 1st series, vol. vi. pp. 17-20, in which the principal list is transcribed and trans- 
 lated as well as the accompanying text). The Prince of the KhS,ti figures among the princes conducted 
 to the Thebaa Amon (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., pi. cciv., and vol. i. p. 720 ; Eosellini, 
 Monumenti Storici, pi. cxliii. 7) ; see the reproduction of his figure on p. 474 of the present work. 
 
 ^ E. and J. de Rouge, Inscriptions Hie'roglyphiques capites en Egypte, pi. cxlvii. 1. 75 ,• Chabas, 
 Etudes sur V Antiquity, 2nd edit., p. 255. 
 
 ^ It is in this region that we find henceforward the Hebrews in contact with the Philistines (see 
 what has been said on this subject in the last chapter of this work) : at the end of the XXI*' Egyptian 
 dynasty a scribe makes Dor a town of the Zakkala (Golenischeff, Extrait d'une lettre. in the Recueil 
 de Travaux, vol. xv. p. 88 ; cf. W. Max Muller, Asien und Europa, pp. 388, 389). 
 
 * The scribe employs here an unusual spelling, Magadil-Ramsisu (Champollion, Monuments de 
 I'Egypte, pi. ecxxv. ; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxxxiii.). I think that we must see in thia 
 spot which adjoined the field of battle the CsBsarea of Eoman times, which was at first called nipyos 
 2,Tpa.Tuivos, " the tower (i.e. Migdol) of Strato." 
 
THE LAST LIBYAN INVASION. 
 
 471 
 
 favour on the eastern side of the empire, having now recovered their courage, 
 set about collecting their hordes together for a fresh invasion. They returned to 
 the attack in the XI"' year of Kamses, under the leadership of Kapur, a prince of 
 the Mashauasha.^ " Their soul had said to tliem for the second time that they 
 
 would end their lives in the uomes of Egypt, that they would till its valleys 
 and its plains as their own land." The issue did not correspond with their 
 intentions. "Death fell upon them within Egypt, for they had hastened with 
 their feet to the furnace which consumes corruption, under the fire of the 
 valour of the king who rages like Baal from the heights of heaven. All his 
 limbs are invested with victorious strength ; with his right hand he lays hold 
 of the multitudes, his left extends to those who are against him, like a cloud 
 
 ' The second campaign against the Libyans is known to us from the inscriptions of the year XI. 
 at Medinet-IIabu, published by DijiiiciiEN, llisloriiche Inschrifteit, vol. i. pis. xiii.-xxvii., and by K. and 
 J. DE KouGii, Inscriptions Ei^roglyphiques, pis. cxsi.-cxxv., translated in part by Cu.\bas, £tude^ snr 
 VAntiquiU, 2nd edit., pp. 237-243. It is to this campaign, probably, that the scenes at Medinet-Hubii 
 refer which were published by Cuami-ollion, Monuments de Vfjgyple, pis. ccv.-ccviii., and in Kosei.lini. 
 Monumenti Storici, pis. cxxxvi.-cxxxviii. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Bcato ; cf. Champollion, Monuments, etc., pi. cciii.. 
 and vol. i. pp. 720, 721 ; Kosellini, Mon. iStorici, pi. cxiiii.; Lei-sius, Dcnkm., iii. 209 b ; Mariette, 
 Voyage de la Ilaute-Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 51. The first prisoner on the left is the Prince of the Kh&ti 
 (cf. the cut on p. 474 of the present work), the second is the Prince of the Amauru [Araorites], the 
 third the Prince of the Zakkala, the fourth that of the Shardana, the fifth that of the Shakalasha 
 (sec the cut on p. 465 of this work), and the sixth that of the Tursha [Tyrseni]. 
 
472 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of arrows directed upon them to destroy them, and his sword cuts like that of 
 Montu. Kapur, who had come to demand homage, blind with fear, threw 
 down his arms, and his troops did the same. He sent up to heaven a suppliant 
 cry, and his son [Mashashalu] arrested his foot and his hand ; for, behold, there 
 rises beside him the god who knows what he has in his heart : His Majesty 
 falls upon their heads as a mountain of granite and crushes them, the earth 
 drinks up their blood as if it had been water . . . ; their army was slaughtered, 
 slaughtered their soldiers," near a fortress situated on the borders of the desert 
 called the "Castle of XjTsirmari-Miamon." They were seized, "they were 
 stricken, their arms bound, like geese piled up in the bottom of a boat, under 
 the feet of His Majesty." ^ The fugitives were pursued at the sword's point 
 from the Castle of Usirmari-Miamon to the Gastle of the Sands, a distance of 
 over thirty miles.^ Two thousand and seventy-five Libyans were left upon the 
 ground that day, two thousand and fifty-two perished in other engagements, 
 while two thousand and thirty-two, both male and female, were made prisoners.^ 
 These were almost irreparable losses for a people of necessarily small numbers, 
 and if we add the number of those who had succumbed in the disaster of six 
 years before, we can readily realise how discouraged the invaders must have been, 
 and how little likely they were to try the fortune of war once more. Their power 
 dwindled and vanished almost as quickly as it had arisen ; the provisional 
 cohesion given to their forces by a few ambitious chiefs broke up after their 
 repeated defeats, and the rudiments of an empire which had struck terror into 
 the Pharaohs, resolved itself into its primitive elements, a number of tribes 
 scattered over the desert. They were driven back beyond the Libyan moun- 
 tains ; fortresses guarded the routes they had previously followed, and they 
 were obliged henceforward to renounce any hope of an invasion en masse, and 
 to content themselves with a few raiding expeditions into the fertile plain of the 
 Delta, where they had formerly found a transitory halting-place. Counter-raids 
 organised by the local troops or by the mercenaries who garrisoned the principal 
 
 ' DuMiCHEN, Hist. Inscr., vol. i. pi. xv. 11. 23-31 ; E. and J. de Eouge, Inscriptions Hi^roglypMques, 
 pis. cxxiv. 1. 27-cxxYi. 1. 31 ; cf. Chabas, Etudes sur V Antiquity, 2ud edit., pp. 238, 239. The name 
 of the son of Kapur, Mashashalu, Masesyla, which is wanting in this inscription, is supplied from the 
 parallel inscription in Dumichen, Historische Insehriften, vol. ii. pis. xx., xxi., 1. 11. 
 
 ' The text from Medinet-Habu published in Brugsch, Die ^gyptologie, p. 472. The distance of 
 eight aturu or eight schoeni, there indicated, is equivalent to some 31 miles according to I. Levy,. 
 L'Atour et le Schcene, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xv. p. 171. The Castle of Usirmari-Miamon was 
 " on the mountain of the horn of the world," which induces me to believe that we must seek its site 
 on the borders of the Libyan desert. The royal title entering into its name being liable to change 
 with every reign, it is possible that we have an earlier reference to this stronghold in a mutilated 
 passage of the Athribis Stele (11. 8, 9), which relates to the campaigns of Minephtah (Maspebo,. 
 Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeitschri/t, 1883, p. 66) ; it must have commanded 
 one of the most frequented routes leading to (he oasis of Amon. 
 
 ' Dumiohen, Hislorische Inscliriften, vol. i. pi. xxvii. 11. a-p ; cf. Chabas, Etudes sur V Antiquity,. 
 2nd edit., pp. 242, 24.3. 
 
liAMSES III. BINDS TIIK CHIEFS OP TUli LIUYANS. 
 
 P'loin a pliotograph by Heato. 
 
474 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 towns in the neighbourhood of Memphis — Hermopolis and Thinis ^ — inflicted 
 punishment upon them when they became too audacious. Their tribes, 
 henceforward, as far as Egypt was concerned, formed a kind of reserve from 
 which the Pharaoh could raise soldiers every 
 year, and draw sufficient materials to bring his 
 army up to fighting strength when internal 
 revolt or an invasion from without called 
 
 THE PRINCE OF THE KHATI.'' 
 
 for military activity. 
 
 The campaign of the 
 XI"' year brought to an 
 end the great military ex- 
 peditions of Eamses III. 
 Henceforward he never took 
 the lead in any more serious 
 military enterprise than 
 that of repressing the Bedawin of Seir for acts of brigandage,^ or the 
 Ethiopians * for some similar reason. He confined his attention to the 
 maintenance of commercial and industrial relations with manufacturing 
 countries, and with the markets of Asia and Africa. He strengthened 
 the garrisons of Sinai, and encouraged the working of the ancient mines 
 in that region.^ He sent a colony of quarrymen and of smelters to the 
 land of Atika, in order to work the veins of silver which were alleged to exist 
 there.'' He launched a fleet on the Red Sea, and sent it to the countries of 
 fragrant spices.' " The captains of the sailors were there, together with the 
 chiefs of the corvee and accountants, to provide provision " for the people 
 
 ' The Great Harris Papyrus, od. Birch, pi. 57, 1. 10, pi. 58, 1. 6 (cf. Eisenlohr-Biech, The 
 Annals of Eamses III., in the Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 24, 25), speaks of fortifications 
 erected in tlie towns of Anhuri-Shu, possibly Thinis, and of Thot, possibly Hermopolis, in order to 
 repel the tribes of the Tihonu who were ceaselessly harassing the frontier. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken at Mediuet-Habu ; cf. Ghampollion, Monu- 
 ments de VEgypte, pi. cciii., and vol. i. pp. 720, 721; Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pi. cxliii. ; Lepsius, 
 Denkm., iii. 209 b; Mariette, Voyage de la Haute-Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 61. 
 
 => The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Bikch, pi. 76, II. 9, 10; cf. Chabas, Becherches sur la XIX' 
 dynastie, pp. 50, 51, and Eisenlohr-Birch, The Annals of Bamses III, in the Becords of the Past, 
 1st series, vol. viii. p. 48. The Sairii of the Egyptian texts have been identified with the Bedawin of 
 Seir by Brugsch, Gesch. jEgyptens, p. 593 ; cf. W. Max MijLLEE, Asien und Europa, pp. 135, 136, 240. 
 
 * For lists of the people of the south see Ghampollion, Man. de VEgypte, vol. ii. pp. 10, 11 ; 
 Lepsius, Benhm., iii. 207, vol. i. pp. 725, 726 d, e ; DijjncHEN, Hist. Ins., vol. i. pis. xiii., xvi., xvii. 
 
 5 The Great Harris Papijrus, ed. Birch, pi. 78, II. 6-8 ; cf. Chabas, Becherches sur la XIX 
 dynastie, pp. 66-68, and Birch, in the Survey of the Peninmla of Sinai, text. 
 
 « The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Bikch, pl. 78, 11. 1-5 ; at Guanas, Becherches sur la XIX" dynastie, 
 pp. 63-66, and Eisenlohe-Birch, The Annals of Bamses III., in the Becords of the Past, 1st series, 
 vol. viii. p. 50. This is the Gebel-Ataka of our day, as Ebers has pointed out (W. Max MijLLEE, 
 Asien und Europa, p. 39). All this district is imperfectly explored, but we know that it contains 
 mines and quarries some of which were worked as late as in the time of the Mameluk Sultans. 
 
 ' The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Birch, pl. 77, 1. 7-pl. 78, ]. 1 ; cf. Chabas, Becherches sur la 
 XIX' dynastie, pp. 59-63, and Eisenlohr-Birch, The Annals of Barneses III., in the Becords of the 
 Past, 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 48-50. 
 
CRUISERS ON THE RED SEA. 
 
 475 
 
 of the Divine Lands " from the innumerable products of Egypt ; and these 
 products were counted by myriads. Saih'ng through the great sea of Qodi, 
 they arrived at Puanit without mishap, and there collected cargoes for their 
 galleys and ships, consisting of all the unknown marvels of Toniitir, as 
 well as considerable quantities of the perfumes of Puatin, which they stowed 
 on board by tens of thousands without number. The sons of the princes of 
 Tonutir came themselves into Qimit with their tributes. They reached the 
 region of Coptos safe and sound, and disembarked there in peace with their 
 riches." It was somewhere about Sau and Tuau that the merchants and 
 royal officers landed, following the example of the expeditions of the XIF*' and 
 XVIII"' dynasties. Here they organised caravans of asses and slaves, which 
 taking the shortest route across the mountain — that of the valley of Rahanu — 
 carried the precious commodities to Coptos, whence they were transferred to 
 boats and distributed along the river. The erection of public buildings, 
 which had been interrupted since the time of Minephtah, began again with 
 renewed activity. The captives in the recent victories furnished the requisite 
 labour, while the mines, the voyages to the Somali coast, and the tributes of 
 vassals provided the necessary money. Syria was not lost sight of in this 
 resumption of peaceful occupations. The overthrow of the Khati secured 
 Egyptian rule in this region, and promised a long tranquillity within its 
 borders. One temple at least was erected in the country — that at Pa-kanuna — 
 where the princes of Kharu were to assemble to offer worship to the Pharaoh, 
 and to pay each one his quota of the general tribute.^ The Pulasati were 
 employed to protect the caravan routes, and a vast reservoir was erected 
 near Aina to provide a store of water for the irrigation of the neighbouring 
 country .2 The Delta absorbed the greater part of the royal subsidies ; it had 
 sufiered so much from the Libyan incursions, that the majority of the towns 
 within it had fallen into a condition as miserable as that in which they 
 were at the time of the expulsion of the Shepherds. Heliopolis,^ Bubastis,* 
 Thmuis,^ Amu,^ and Tauis^ still preserved some remains of the buildings whicii 
 
 ' This temple is mentioned in the Great Harris I'apyrtu, ed. liiKCii, pi. 'J, 11. 1-3 ; cf. Kisenloui. 
 BmcH, The Annah of Barneses 111., ia the Records of the Past,! at series, vol. vi. pp. S3, M, andW. Max 
 MiJLLEK. Asien und Europa, pp. 205, '20G, who Joes not see in this a town, but the land of Canaan. 
 I recognise in it the town of Pa-kanana of Galilee (Chaiias, Voyage d'un Egyptien, pp. 112, 113). 
 
 ' The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Biucn, pi. 77, 11. 6, 7 ; cf. EisiiNLOHii-Biiicii, The Annals </ 
 llamesea III., in the Records of the Fast, lat series, vol. viii. p. 49. Brugsch would identify the name 
 Aina with the iI3au of classic times (Gesch. JEgyylens, p. 593, Diet. Geogr., pp. 117-120); Cbabas 
 identified it rightly (Recherches pour servir it I'histoire de VJ'.'gypte, pp. 50, 57) with the Ainini of the 
 Anastaii Papyrus, No. 1, pi. xxvii. 1. G, which is between Mount Casios and Kaphia (Ciiaha^, Voyage 
 d'un Egyptien, p. 388), on the road leading from Egypt lo Syria. 
 
 ' Wiedemann, yEgypt. Geschichte, p. 50G; Griffith, Antiquities of Tell el-Yahudiyeh, pi. xii. 8. 
 
 ' Naville, Buhastis, pi. xxxviii. G, and pp. 45, 46. 
 
 * JIabiette, Monuments divert, pi. 47 c ; base of a statue from Thmuis. 
 
 " Petrie, Tanis II. : Nebesheh, pp. 11, 29, 31, and pi. x., Xo. 8. 
 
 ' Petbie, Tanis II, pi. vii„ Nos. 142-144, and p. 29. 
 
476 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 had already been erected in them by Eamses; he constructed also, at the 
 place at present called Tel el-Yahudiyeh, a royal palace of limestone, 
 granite, and alabaster, of which the type is unique amongst all the structures 
 hitherto discovered. Its walls and columns were not ornamented with the 
 usual sculptures incised in stone, but the whole of the decorations — scenes as 
 well as inscriptions — consisted of plaques of enamelled terra-cotta set in 
 
 THE COLOSSAL OSIEIAN FIGURES IN THE FIRST COUUT AT MEDINET-UABU.' 
 
 cement. The forms of men and animals and the lines of hieroglyphs, standing 
 out in slight relief from a glazed and warm-coloured background, constitute 
 an immense mosaic-work of many hues. The few remains of the work 
 show great purity of design and an extraordinary delicacy of tone. All the 
 knowledge of the Egyptian painters, and all the technical skill of their 
 artificers in ceramic, must have been employed to compose such harmoniously 
 balanced decorations, with their free handling of line and colour, and their 
 thousands of rosettes, squares, stars, and buttons of varicoloured pastes.^ The 
 difiSculties to overcome were so appalling, that when the marvellous work was 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
 ' This temple has beau known since the beginning of the century, and the Louvre is in possession 
 of some fragments from it which came from Salt's collection ; it was rediscovered in 1870, and some 
 portions of it were transferred by Mariette to the Boulaq Museum (Bkugsch, An den Rerausgeher, in 
 the Zeitschrift, 1871, pp. 87, 88 ; E. Bbugsch, On et Onion, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. viii. pp. 1-9 ; 
 Maspero, Guide du Visiteur, pp. 109, 241). The remainder was destroyed by the fellahin, at the 
 instigation of the enlightened amateurs of Cairo, and fragments of it have passed into various 
 private collections (Hayter-Lewis, Tel el-7ahudah—" the Mound of the Jew "—in the Transactions 
 of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vii. pp. 177-192). Naville, The 3Iound of the Jew and the City of Onias, 
 pp. .5-12, was the last to explore it. The decoration has been attributed to Chaldsean influence, but it is 
 a work purely Egyptian, both in style and in technique (Maspero, ArchMogie Egyptienne, pp. 257-259). 
 
478 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 once accomplished, no subsequent attempt was made to construct a second like 
 it: all the remaining structures of Eamses III., whether at Memphis,^ in the 
 neighbourhood of Abydos,^ or at Karnak,^ were in the conventional style of the 
 Pharaohs. He determined, nevertheless, to give to the exterior of the Mem- 
 •nonium, which he built near Medinet-Habu for the worship of himself, the pro- 
 portions and appearance of an Asiatic " Migdol," influenced probably by his 
 remembrance of similar structures which he had seen during his Syrian campaign. 
 The chapel itself is of the ordinary type, with its gigantic pylons, its courts sur- 
 rounded by columns — each supporting a colossal Osirian statue — its hypostyle 
 hall, and its mysterious cells for the deposit of spoils taken from the peoples of 
 the sea and the cities of Asia.* His tomb was concealed at a distant spot in the 
 Biban-el-Moluk, and we see depicted on its walls the same scenes that we find in 
 the last resting-place of Seti I. or Ramses II., and in addition to them, in a 
 series of supplementary chambers, the arms of the sovereign, his standards, 
 his treasure, his kitchen, and the preparation of offerings which were to be 
 made to him.^ His sarcophagus, cut out of an enormous block of granite, was 
 brought for sale to Europe at the beginning of this century, and Cambridge 
 obtained possession of its cover, while the Louvre secured the receptacle itself.'' 
 These were years of profound tranquillity. The Pharaoh intended that 
 absolute ordei* should reign throughout his realm, and that justice should 
 be dispensed impartially within it. There were to be no more exactions, 
 no more crying iniquities : whoever was discovered oppressing the people, 
 no matter whether he were court ofi&cial or feudal lord — ^was instantly de- 
 prived of his functions, and replaced by an administrator of tried integrity.*^ 
 Kamses boasts, moreover, in an idyllic manner, of having planted trees 
 everywhere, and of having built arbours whereia the people might sit in 
 the shade in the open air; while women might go to and fro where they 
 would in security, no one daring to insult them on the way. The Shardaniau 
 
 ' Remains of buildings and statues discovered at Memphis, tlie inscriptions on which were pub- 
 lished by Beugsch, Becueil de Monuments, vol. i. pi. iv. 2, 4. 
 - Maeiette, Ahydos, vol. i. pp. 4, 5, 10. 
 
 ' For the part taken by Eamses III. in the construotiou of the buildings atKarnak, see Maeiette, 
 Karnalt, pp. 16, 18, 21, 26, 30, 31 ; the temple which he built before the pylon of Eamses II. is 
 described in Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., vol. ii. pp. 10-16. 
 
 * See, for more on this subject, pp. 128, 129 of the present work. A description of the chapel is in 
 JoMARD, Description de V Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 58-GG; in Champollion, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 336-344,719-724, 
 and Lettres €crites d'Egypte, 2nd edit., pp. 332-336 ; in Kosellini, Man. Star., vol. iv. p. 8, et seq. ; in 
 BuuGSCH, Reiseherichte aus ^gypt., pp. 301-310; and in Dumichen, Gesch. des Alien jEgypt., pp. 110-113. 
 
 ^ The tomb of Eamses III. is described in Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypt, etc., vol. i. 
 pp. 404-424, 744-751 ; another tomb was commenced for him, but the work was abruptly suspended 
 (Champollion, op. cit, vol. i. pp. 441, 442). 
 
 " BiECH, Remarks on the Cover of the Sarcophagus of Barneses 111., in the Fitzwilliam Museum, 1876. 
 
 ' E. DE EouGE, Notices des principaux monuments, 1872, pp. 173-186. 
 
 * Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Birch, pi. 59, 1. 11, pi. 60,1. 1 : this passage had already been noticed 
 by Beugsch, Die JEgyptologie, pp. 288- 290, who saw in it an allusion to the presence of foreigners. 
 The reference is merely to a royal official, a count (zaiti), who was oppressing the province of 
 Athribis which had been entrusted to him. He was sternly expelled from his office by the king. 
 
THE CONSPIRACY OF PENTAUIRIT. 479 
 
 and Libyan mercenaries were restricted to the castles which they garrisoned, 
 and were subjected to such a severe discipline that no one had any cause 
 of complaint against these armed barbarians settled in the heart of Egypt. 
 "I have," continues the king, "lifted up every miserable one out of his 
 misfortune, I have granted life to him, I have saved him from the mighty who 
 were oppressing him, and have secured rest for every one in his own town." ^ 
 The details of the description are exaggerated, but the general import of it 
 is true. Egypt had recovered the peace and prosperity of which it had been 
 deprived for at least half a century, that is, since the death of Minephtah. The 
 king, however, was not in such a happy condition as his people, and court 
 intrigues embittered the later years of his life. One of his sons, whose name 
 is unknown to us, but who is designated in the official records by the nick- 
 name of Pentauirit, formed a conspiracy against him.-^ His mother, Tii, who 
 was a woman of secondary rank, took it into her head to secure the crown 
 for him, to the detriment of the children of Queen Isit. An extensive 
 plot was hatched in which scribes, officers of the guard, priests, and officials 
 in high place, both natives and foreigners, were involved. A resort to the 
 supernatural was at first attempted, and the superintendent of the Herds, a 
 certain Panhuibaunu, who was deeply versed in magic, undertook to cast a 
 spell upon the Pharaoh, if he could only procure certain conjuring books of 
 which he was not possessed. These were found to be in the royal library. He 
 managed to introduce himself under cover of the night into the harem, 
 where he manufactured certain waxen figures, of which some were to excite 
 the hate of his wives against their husband, while others would cause him 
 to waste away and finally perish. A traitor betrayed several of the conspirators, 
 who, being subjected to the torture, informed upon others, and these at 
 length brought the matter home to Pentauirit and his immediate accomplices. 
 All were brought before a commission of twelve members, summoned expressly 
 to try the case, and the result was the condemnation and execution of six 
 women and some forty men. The extreme penalty of the Egyptian code was 
 reserved for Pentauirit, and for the most culpable, — " they died of themselves," 
 and the meaning of this phrase is indicated, I believe, by the appearance of one 
 
 • 'llie Great Harris Papijriis, ed. Biucu, pU 78, 1. 8, pi. 79, 1. 1 ; cf. Chabas, Recherchet tur la 
 XIX' dyna»tiu, pp. G8-73. 
 
 ' The documcuts beariug on this aflfair are a large papyrus, mutilated at the beginning, now at 
 Turin, and two other fragments, the Lee Papyrus and the KolUn Papyrus, the latter of which is in the 
 Bibliothlque Xationale in Paris. The large papyrus was published, translated, and annotated by 
 Deveria, Le Papyrus Judiciaire de Turin et les Papyrut Lec < t ItoUin, I8GS, to which we are indebted 
 for the explanation of the aflfair. The other two fragments, of which the first is given in Shaupe, 
 Egyptian Inscriptions, "ind series, pis. Ixxxvii., Ixsxviii., were studied by Cuabas, Le Papyrus Ma- 
 gique llarris, pp. 169-274, and Mdanges Egyptologiques, Ist series, pp. 1-9; afterwards by Deveria, 
 op. cit, pp. 123-137. The three documents have been retranslated, since Chabas and Deveria, by 
 Lepage-Kenouf, Abstract of Criminal Proceedings in a Case of Conspiracy, in the Records of the Past, 
 1st series, vol. viii. pp. 53-65, and into German by Brugsch, Geschichte Jigyptens, pp. 609-617. 
 
480 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of the mixtnmies disinterred at Deir el-Babari.^ The coffin in which it was 
 placed was very plain, painted white and without inscription ; the customary 
 removal of entrails had not been effected, but the body was covered with a 
 thick layer of natron, which was applied even to the skin itself and secured 
 by wrappings. It makes one's flesh creep to look at it : the hands 
 and feet are tied by strong bands, and are curled up as if under 
 an intolerable pain ; the abdomen is drawn up, the stomach pro- 
 jects like a ball, the chest is contracted, the head is thrown 
 back, the face is contorted in a hideous grimace, the retracted lips 
 expose the teeth, and the mouth is open as if to give utterance 
 to a last despairing cry. The conviction is borne in upon us that 
 the man was invested while still alive with the wrappings of 
 the dead. Is this tlie mummy of Pentauirit, or of some other 
 prince as culpable as he was, and condemned to this frightful 
 punishment ? '-^ In order to prevent the recurrence of such wicked 
 plots, Pharaoh resolved to share his throne with that one of 
 his sons who had most right to it. In the XXXII™' ^ year of 
 his reign he called together his military and civil chiefs, the 
 generals of the foreign mercenaries, the Shardana, the priests, 
 and the nobles of the court, and presented to them, according to 
 custom, his heir-designate, who was also called Eamses. He placed 
 the double crown upon his brow, and seated him beside him- 
 self upon the throne of Horus. This was an occasion for the 
 nil, iiLJiMY OF Pharaoh to bring to remembrance all the great exploits he had 
 
 IIAMSES III.* " £5 r 
 
 performed during his reign — his triumphs over the Libyans and 
 over the peoples of the sea, and the riches he had lavished upon the gods : 
 at the end of the enumeration he exhorted those who were present to observe 
 the same fidelity towards the son which they had observed towards the father, 
 and to serve the new sovereign as valiantly as they had served himself.^ 
 
 ' Cf. the translation by Deveeia, Le Papynis Judiciaire do Turin, p. 105, and those given by 
 Lepage-Eenouf, Criminal Proceedings in a Case of Conspiracy, in the Records of the Past, 1st series, 
 vol. viii. p. 56, and Ebman, Btitrdge ziir Kenntniss des JEgyptischen GericMsverfahrens, in the ZeitscTirift, 
 1879, p. 77, note 1, p. 78, and JSgypten und ^Egyplisches Lehen, pp. 207, 208, which agree in making 
 it a case of judicial suicide: there was left to the condemned a choice of his mode of death, in order 
 to avoid the scandal of a public execution. It is also possible to make it a condemnation to death 
 in person, which did not allow of the substitution of a prosy willing, for a payment to his family, to 
 undergo death in place of the condemned ; but, unfortunately, no other text is to be found supporting 
 the existence of such a practice in Egypt. 
 
 ^ Maspero, Lei Momies Roy ales, etc., in M^m. de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 563-566, and pi. xviii. 
 
 ^ The date of the year XXXII. for this event, is furnished by the Great Harris Papyrus, ed. 
 Birch, pi. 1, 1. 1 ; it is confirmed by tlie double date of a papyrus published by Maspero, Le 
 Papyrus Mallet, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. i. pp. 53, 54. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey ; cf. Maspero, Les Momies 
 Atoyales, etc., in the M^moires de la Mission Francaise, vol. i. pi. xvii. 
 
 * The Great Harris Papyrus, ed. Birch, pi. 79, 11. 4-12; cf. Chabas, Reckerches pour servir a 
 
THE MUMMY OF RAMSES III. 
 
 481 
 
 The joint reign lasted for only four years.^ Ramses III. was not much 
 over sixty years of age when he died. He was still vigorous and muscular, 
 but he had become stout and heavy. The fatty matter of the body having 
 been dissolved by the natron in the process of embalming, the skin distended 
 during life has gathered up into enormous loose folds, especially about the 
 nape of the neck, under the chin, on the hips, and at the articulations of the 
 limbs. The closely shaven head and cheeks present no trace of hair or beard. 
 The forehead, although neither broad nor high, is better proportioned than 
 that of Ramses II. ; the supra-orbital ridges are less accentuated than his, the 
 cheek-bones not so prominent, the nose not so arched, and the chin and jaw 
 less massive. The eyes were perhaps larger, but no opinion can be offered 
 on this point, for the eyelids have been cut away, and the cleared-out cavities 
 have been filled with rags. The ears do not stand out so far from the head as 
 those of Ramses II., but they have been pierced for ear-rings. The mouth, 
 large by nature, has been still further widened in the process of embalming, 
 owing to the awkwardness of the operator, who has cut into the cheeks at the 
 side. The thin lips allow the white and regular teeth to be seen ; the first 
 molar on the right has been either broken in half, or has worn away more 
 rapidly than the rest.'-^ Ramses III. seems, on the whole, to have been a sort of 
 reduced copy, a little more delicate in make, of Ramses II. ; his face shows 
 more subtlety of expression and intelligence, though less nobility than that of 
 the latter, while his figure is not so upright, his shoulders not so broad, and 
 his general muscular vigour less. What has been said of his personality may 
 be extended to his reign ; it was evidently and designedly an imitation of the 
 reign of Ramses II., but fell short of its model owing to the insufficiency of 
 his resources in men and money. If Ramses III. did not succeed in becoming 
 one of the most powerful of the Theban Pharaohs, it was not for lack of 
 energy or ability ; the depressed condition of Egypt at the time limited the 
 success of his endeavours and caused them to fall short of his intentions. 
 The work accomplished by him was not on this account less glorious. At 
 his accession Egypt was in a wretched state, invaded on the west, threatened 
 by a flood of barbarians on the east, without an array or a fleet, and with no 
 resources in the treasury. In fifteen years he had disposed of his inconvenient 
 neighbours, organised an army, constructed a fleet, re-established his authority 
 
 I'hietoire de l'£gypte, pp. 73-75, nnd Eisenlohr-Bihcu, Annals of llamseg III., in the Records of Die 
 Pad, let series, vol. viii. pp. 51, 52. 
 
 ' This may be inferred from a document edited by MAsrERO, Le Papyrus Mallet, in the Recueil de 
 Travaux, vol. i. pp. 53, 54 ; the term of four years is confirmed by tlic fact that a rough draft of a 
 panegyric on the accession of Uamscs IV. bears the date of his IV'" year (Masi-eko, iVo<e« sur quelques 
 poinls de Grammaire, etc., in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. IIG, 117). 
 
 ' As to the mummy of Ramses HI., see Maspeuo, Les Momies royahe de B€ir el-Bahari, in the 
 M^moiree de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. pp. 563-566. 
 
 2 I 
 
482 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 abroad, and settled the administration at home on so firm a basis, that the 
 country owed the peace which it enjoyed for several centuries to the institu- 
 tions and prestige which he had given it. His associate in the government, 
 Eamses IV,, barely survived him. Then followed a series of rois faineants 
 bearing the name of Ramses, but in an order not yet clearly determined. It 
 is generally assumed that Ramses V., brother of Ramses III., succeeded 
 Ramses IV. by supplanting his nephews — who, however, appear to have soon 
 re-established their claim to the throne, and to have followed each other in 
 rapid succession as Ramses VI., Ramses VII., Ramses VIII., and Maritumu.^ 
 Others endeavour to make out that Ramses V, was the son of Ramses IV,, and 
 that the prince called Eamses VI. never succeeded to the throne at all. At 
 any rate, his son, who is styled Ramses VII., but who is asserted by some to 
 have been a son of Ramses III., is considered to have succeeded Ramses V,, 
 and to have become the ancestor from whom the later Ramessides traced their 
 descent.^ The short reigns of these Pharaohs were marked by no events which 
 would cast lustre on their names ; one might say that they had nothing else 
 to do than to enjoy peacefully the riches accumulated by their forefather,^ 
 Ramses IV. was anxious to profit by the commercial relations which had been 
 again established between Egypt and Puanit, and, in order to facilitate the transit 
 between Coptos and Kosseir, founded a station, and a temple dedicated to Isis, 
 in the mountain of Bakhni ; by this route, we learn, more than eight thousand 
 men had passed under the auspices of the high priest of Amon, Nakhtu-ramses.* 
 This is the only undertaking of public utility which we can attribute to any of 
 these kings. As we see them in their statues and portraits, they are heavy and 
 squat and without refinement, with protruding eyes, thick lips, flattened and 
 commonplace noses, round and expressionless faces. Their work was confined 
 to the engraving of their cartouches on the blank spaces of the temples at 
 Karnak and Medinet-Habu, and the addition of a few stones to the buildings 
 at Memphis, Abydos, and Heliopolis. Whatever energy and means they 
 
 > The order of the Kamessides was first made out by Champollion the youuger (cf. Champollion- 
 FiGEAC, L'£gypte Ancienne, pp. 355, 356) and by Kosellini {Mon. Slorici, vol. ii. p. 59, and vol. iv. pp. 135, 
 136). Bunsen {JiJgyptens Stellung, vol. iii. pp. 119, 120) and Lepsius {Konigshuch, pis. xxxviii.-xli.) 
 reckon in it thirteen kings ; E. de Kouge' puts the number at fifteen or sixteen (^Mude sur une Stele de 
 la Bibl. Imp^riale, pp. 184, 193, 194); Maspero makes the number to be twelve (Les Monties royales, 
 etc., in the Me'moires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. p. 662), which was reduced still further by Sethe 
 (JJntersuchungen zur Gescliichte JSgyptens, pp. 59-64). Erman thinks that Eamses IX. and Eamses X. 
 were also possibly sons of Eamses III. (Die Sohne Ramses III., in the Zeitschrift, 1883, pp. 60, 61); he 
 consequently declines to recognise King Mariturau as a son of that sovereign, as Brugsch would make 
 out {Geschichte JEgyptens, p. 625). 
 
 2 This is the position ably maintained by Sethe, Vntersuchungen zur Geschichte JSgyptens, pp. 59- 
 64. The monuments of these later Eamessides are so rare and so doubtful that I cannot yet see my 
 way to a solution of the questions which they raise. 
 
 ' For the probable duration of their reigns, which coincide with the lives of two high priests of 
 Amon, see Maspeeo, Momies royales, in the Memoires, etc., vol. i. pp. 663-666. 
 
 * Lepsids, Benkm. iii. 219 e ; cf. Bbugsch, Geschichte ^gyptens, pp. 620-623. 
 
THE SONS AND SUCCESSOBS OF BAMSES III. 
 
 483 
 
 possessed were expended on tlie construction of their magnificent tombs. 
 Tiiese may still be seen in the Biban el-Moluk, and no visitor can refrain from 
 admiring them for their magnitude and decoration. As to funerary chapels, 
 owing to the shortness of the reigns of 
 these kings, there was not time to construct 
 them, and they therefore made up for this 
 want by appropriating the chapel of their 
 father, which was at Medinet-Habu, and it 
 was here consequently that their worship 
 was maintained.-' The last of the sons 
 of Ramses III. was succeeded by another 
 and equally ephemeral Ramses ; after 
 whom came Ramses X. and Ramses XI., 
 who re-established the tradition of more 
 lasting reigns. There was now no need 
 of expeditions against Kharu or Libya, 
 for these enfeebled countries no longer 
 disputed, from the force of custom, th. 
 authority of Egypt. From time to time 
 an embassy from these countries would 
 arrive at Thebes, bringing presents, which 
 were pompously recorded as representini: 
 so much tribute.^ If it is true that a 
 people which has no history is happy, 
 then Egypt ought to be reckoned as 
 more fortunate under the feebler descendants of Ramses III. than it had ever 
 been under the most famous Pharaohs. 
 
 Thebes continued to be the favourite royal residence. Here in its temple 
 the kings were crowned, and in its palaces they passed the greater part of 
 their lives, and here in its valley of sepulchres they were laid to rest when 
 their reigns and lives were ended. The small city of the beginning of the 
 
 ' Their tombs were described by Champollion ; that of Ramsea IV. in the MonumenU de V Egypte, 
 etc., vol. i. pp. 473-470, 813-821 (cf. Lefebure, Leg Uypog€e» de Thebes, in the M^mmres de la ^fusiol^ 
 Fratifaiae, vol. i. pts. 2 and 3), that of Ramses V. in Champolhos, MonumenU, etc., vol. ii. pp. 490- 
 688 (cf. Lefkbukis, op. cit., vol. iii. pt. 2), that of Ramses VI. in Champollion, op. ext., vol. ii. pp. 
 490-688 (cf. Lei'kbi uii, oj,. ciL, vol. iii. pt. 1, pis. 48-80), that of Ramses VII. in CHAJiPOLLioy, op. cit., 
 vol. L pp. 442-440, 803-800 (cf. Lefkbure, pp. 1-8). There is in the Turin Museum a pi in on a pnpyrus 
 which Champollion thought to bo that of the tomb of Ramses III. (Ciiampollion-Fige.\c, Kgypte 
 Ancienne, p. 348), but which Lepsius rightly referred to that of Ramses IV. {Grundplan des Grahes 
 Ramses IV., in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin, 1807; cf. Chabas, Melanges 
 £gyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 175-202). 
 
 * The mention of a tribute, for instance, in the time of Ramses IV. from the I.otanu (Lepsius, 
 Denkm., iii. 223 c, 1. C). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey ; cf. Naville, Bubastis, 
 pis. xvi., xxxviii. k. This is the Ramses VI. of the series now generally adopted. 
 
484 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 XVIII"' dynasty had long encroached upon the plain, and was now trans- 
 formed into an immense town, with magnificent monuments, and a motley 
 population, having absorbed in its extension the villages of Ashiru,^ and 
 Madit, and even the southern Apit, which we now call Luxor. But their 
 walls could still be seen, rising up in the middle of modern constructions, 
 a memorial of the heroic ages, when the power of the Theban princes was 
 trembling in the balance, and when conflicts with the neighbouring barons 
 or with the legitimate king were on the point of breaking out at every 
 moment.^ The inhabitants of Apit retained their walls, which coincided 
 almost exactly with the boundary of Nsittaui, the great sanctuary of Amon ; 
 Ashiru sheltered behind its ramparts the temple of Mut, while Apit-risit 
 clustered around a building consecrated by Amenothes III. to his divine 
 father, the lord of Thebes. Within the boundary walls of Thebes extended 
 whole suburbs, more or less densely populated and prosperous, through 
 which ran avenues of sphinxes connecting together the three chief boroughs 
 of which the sovereign city was composed.^ On every side might have 
 been seen the same collections of low grey huts, separated from each other 
 by some muddy pool where the cattle were wont to drink and the women 
 to draw water; long streets lined with high houses, irregularly shaped open 
 spaces, bazaars, gardens, courtyards, and shabby-looking palaces which, 
 while presenting a plain and unadorned exterior, contained within them the 
 refinements of luxury and the comforts of wealth.* The population did not 
 exceed a hundred thousand souls,^ reckoning a large proportion of foreigners 
 attracted hither by commerce or held as slaves. The court of the Pharaoh 
 drew to the city numerous provincials, who, coming thither to seek their 
 fortune, took up their abode there, planting in the capital of Southern Egypt 
 types from the north and the centre of the country, as well as from Nubia and 
 the Oases ; such a continuous infusion of foreign material into the ancient 
 
 ' Upon this extension of Thebes, see pp. 305, 306 of the present work. The village of Ashirii 
 was situated to the south of tlie temple of Karnak, close to the temple of Mut (Champollion, Monu- 
 ments, etc., vol. ii. p. 262 ; Brugsch, Diet, g^og., pp. 73-75). Its ruins, containing the statues of Sokhit 
 collected by Amenothes III. (see p. 306 of the present work), extend around the remains marked X 
 in Mariette's plan (Karnah, pi. B ; cf. Brugsch-Kevillout, Donn^es gg'ograpMques et topograpMques 
 sur Thebes, in the Revue Egyptologique, vol. i. p. 180). 
 
 ^ These are the walls which are generally regarded as marking the sacred enclosure of the temples : 
 an examination of the ruins of Thebes shows us that, during the XX"" and XXP' dynasties, brick- 
 built houses lay against these walls both on the inner and outer sides, so that they must have been 
 half hidden by buildings, as are the ancient walls of Paris at the present day. 
 
 ' For the period during which these avenues were constructed, see pp. 308, 309 of the present work. 
 
 ' The only researches, as far as I know, which have been carried out in these ruins are those of 
 Maspero, Etudes de Mythologie et d' Arche'ologie jSgtjptiennes, vol. i. pp. 184-190. 
 
 * Letronne, after having shown that we have no authentic ancient document giving us the popula- 
 tion, fixes it at 200,000 souls {(Euvres cltoisies, ed. Fagnan, pt. 1, vol. i. pp. 126-136). My estimate, 
 which is, if anything, exaggerated, is based on the comparison of the area of ancient Thebes and that 
 of such modern towns as Si<it, Girgeh, and Qina, wliose populations are known for the last fifty 
 years from the census. 
 
THEBES AND ITS PEOPLE. 485 
 
 Theban stock gave rise to families of a highly mixed character, in which 
 all the various races of Egypt were blended in the most capricioiis fashion. 
 In every twenty officers, and in the same number of ordinary officials, 
 about half would be either Syrians,^ or recently naturalised Nubians, or the 
 
 descendants of both, and among the citizens such names as Pakhari the Syrian, 
 Palamnani the native of the Lebanon, Pinahsi the negro, Palasiai the Alasian, 
 preserved the indications of foreign origin.''^ A similar mixture of races was 
 found in other cities, and Memphis, Bubastis, Tanis, and Siiit must have 
 presented as striking an aspect in this respect as Tiiebes.^ At Memphis 
 
 ' See p. 438 of the present volume as to Ben-Azana of the town of Zor-Bisann, and p. 440 as to 
 Arisu, the Syrian, who was for a short time King of Egypt. 
 
 ' Among the forty-three individuals compromised in tiie conspiracy against Ramses III. (see pp. 
 479, 480 of the present, work) whose names have been examined by De've'ria (Le Papyrus Judiciaire de 
 Turin, etc., pp. I:i8-1G2), nine are foreigners, chiefly Semites, and were so recognised by the Egyptians 
 themselves — Adiram(p. 139), Balmahara (p. 141), Garapusa (p. 144), lunlni the Libyan (pp. 144, 157, 
 158), Paiarisalama, possibly the Jerusaleraitu (pp. 144, 148, 149), Nanaiu, possibly the Xinevite (pp. 
 146, 147), Paluka the Lycian (pp. 152, 153), Qiulendena (p. 15G), and Uarana or Uaramu (pp. 160, 
 161). In regard to Kharui, Pakhari, see W. Max MClleb, Asien und Europa, p. 240 ; and for 
 Palasiai, see Wiedemann, Stela at Freiburg in Baden, in the Proceeditigg Bibl. Arch. Soo., 1890-91, 
 vol. xiii. pp. 31, 32 ; and Lieblein, Dictionnaire des noms propreg. No. 888, p. 286. As to the part 
 played by foreigners in Egypt and their number, see Brcgsch, Geschichte JEijyptens, p. 197, et seq., 
 and EiiMAN, JEgypten ttnd JEgypti»chc» Lehen, pp. 156, 157, 683, 684. 
 
 ' An examination of the stelte of Abydos, published by Mariette in his Catalogue GMral, shows 
 the extent of foreign influence in this city in the middle of the XVIIP" dynasty. 
 
486 THE CLOSE OF TEE THEBAN EMPIRE, 
 
 there were regular colonies of Phoenician, Canaanite, and Amorite merchants 
 sufficiently prosperous to have temples there to their national gods, and 
 influential enough to gain adherents to their religion from the indigenous 
 inhabitants. They worshipped Baal, Aniti, Baal-Zaphuna, and Ashtoreth, side 
 by side with Phtah, Nofirtumu, and Sokhit,^ and this condition of things at 
 Memphis was possibly paralleled elsewhere — as at Tanis and Bubastis. This 
 blending of races was probably not so extensive in the country districts, 
 except in places where mercenaries were employed as garrisons ; but Sudanese 
 or Hittite slaves, brought back by the soldiers of the ranks, had introduced 
 Ethiopian and Asiatic elements into many a family of the fellahin.^ We have 
 only to examine in any of our museums the statues of the Memphite and 
 Theban periods respectively, to see the contrast between the individuals repre- 
 sented in them as far as regards stature and appearance. Some members of 
 the courts of the Kamessides stand out as genuine Semites notwithstanding the 
 disguise of their Egyptian names ; and in the times of Kheops and Usirtasen 
 they would have been regarded as barbarians. Many of them exhibit on their 
 faces a blending of the distinctive features of one or other of the predominant 
 Oriental races of the time. Additional evidence of a mixture of races is forth- 
 coming when we examine with an unbiased mind the mummies of the period, 
 and the complexity of the new elements introduced among the people by the 
 political movements of the later centuries is thus strongly confirmed. The 
 new-comers had all been absorbed and assimilated by the country, but the 
 generations which arose from this continual cross-breeding, while representing 
 externally the Egyptians of older epochs, in manners, language, and religion, 
 were at bottom something different, and the difiference became the more 
 accentuated as the foreign elements increased. The people were thus 
 gradually divested of the character which had distinguished them before the 
 conquest of Syria ; the dispositions and defects imported from without counter- 
 acted to such an extent their own native dispositions and defects that all 
 marks of individuality were effaced and nullified. The race tended to become 
 more and more what it long continued to be afterwards, — a lifeless and inert 
 mass, without individual energy — endowed, it is true, with patience, endurance, 
 cheerfulness of temperament, and good nature, but with little power of self- 
 
 ' These gods are mentioned in the preamble of a letter writtea on the verso of the Sallier Papyrus, 
 No. iv. pi. i. 1. 6 ; they were first noticed by Goodwin (iVoies, in the Zeitschrift, 1873, p. 14). From 
 the mode in which they are introduced we may rightly infer that they had, like the Egyptian gods 
 who are mentioned with them, their chapels at Memphis. As to the other Semitic gods aud god- 
 desses worshipped in Egypt, see pp. 154, 159 of the present work. A place in Memphis is called 
 "the district called the district of the Khatiu" in an inscription of the IIP'' year of Ai (Daeessy, 
 Notes, etc., § cxiii., in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xvi. p. 123), and shows that Hittites were there by 
 the side of Canaanites. 
 
 ^ One of the letters in the Great Bologna Papyrus treats of a Syrian slave, employed as a cultivator 
 at Hermopolis, who had run away from his master (Chabas, Mdanges ^gyptologiques, 3rd series, 
 vol. i. pp. 232, 233). 
 
THE PEOPLE AND THEIR LORDS. 
 
 487 
 
 government, and thus forced to submit to foreign masters who made use of 
 it and oppressed it without pity. 
 
 The upper classes had degenerated as much as the masses. The feudal 
 nobles who had expelled the Shepherds, and carried the frontiers of the empire 
 to the banks of the Euphrates, seemed to have expended their energies in the 
 effort, and to have almost ceased to exist. As long as Egypt was restricted to 
 the Nile valley, there was no such disproportion between the power of the 
 Pharaoh and that of his feudatories as to prevent the latter from maintaining 
 their privileges beside, and, when occasion arose, even against the monarch. 
 The conquest of Asia, while it compelled them either to take up arms them- 
 selves or to send their troops to a distance, accustomed them and their 
 soldiers to a passive obedience. The maintenance of a strict discipline in the 
 army was the first condition of successful campaigning at great distances from 
 the mother country and in the midst of hostile people, and the unquestioning 
 respect which they had to pay to the orders of their general prepared them for 
 abject submission to the will of their sovereign. To their bravery, moreover, 
 they owed not only money and slaves, but also necklaces and bracelets of 
 honour, and distinctions and offices in the Pharaonic administration. The 
 king, in addition, neglected no opportunity for securing their devotion to him- 
 self. He gave to them in marriage his sisters, his daughters, his cousins, and 
 any of the princesses whom he was not compelled by law to make his own wives. 
 He selected from their harems nursing-mothers for his own sons, and this 
 choice established between him and them a foster relationship, which was as 
 binding among the Egyptians and other Oriental peoples as one of blood. 
 It was not even necessary for the establishment of this relation that the foster- 
 mother's connexion with the Pharaoh's son should be durable or even effective : 
 the woman had only to offer her breast to the child for a moment, and this 
 symbol was quite enough to make her his nurse — his true mondit. This 
 fictitious fosterage was carried so far, that it was even made use of in the case 
 of youths and persons of mature age. When an Egyptian woman wished to 
 adopt an' adult, the law prescribed that she should offer him the breast, and 
 from that moment he became her son. A similar ceremony was prescribed in 
 the case of men who wished to assume the quality of male nurse — mondi — or 
 even, indeed, of female nurse — mondit — like that of their wives; according to 
 which they were to place, it would seem, the end of one of their fingers in the 
 mouth of the child.^ Once this affinity was established, the fidelity of these 
 feudal lords was established beyond question ; and their official duties to the 
 
 ' These symbolical modes of adoption were first pointed out by Maspe;ic, Notes aujour lejour, § 23, 
 in Proc. Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1891-2, vol, xiv. pp. 308-312 ; cf. Wiedemann, Die MilchverwandUchaftim alt. 
 ^ypt, in Am Ur-Quelle,lH':)2, vol. iii. pp. 259-267. Legend has given examples of them: as, forinstance, 
 where Isis fosters the child of Malkander, King of By bios, by inserting the tip of her finger in its mouth. 
 
488 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 sovereign were not considered as accomplished when they had fulfilled their 
 military obligations, for they continued to serve him in the palace as they 
 had served him on the field. Wherever the necessities of the government 
 called them — at Memphis, at Eamses, or elsewhere — they assembled around 
 the Pharaoh; like him they had their palaces at Thebes, and when they 
 died they were anxious to be buried there beside him.^ Many of the old 
 houses had become extinct, while others, owing to marriages, were absorbed 
 into the royal family ; the fiefs conceded to the relations or favourites of the 
 Pharaoh continued to exist, indeed, as of old, but the ancient distrustful and 
 turbulent feudality had given place to an aristocracy of courtiers, who lived 
 oftener in attendance on the monarch than on their own estates, and whose 
 authority continued to diminish to the profit of the absolute rule of the king. 
 There would be nothing astonishing in the " count " becoming nothing more 
 than a governor, hereditary or otherwise, in Thebes itself; he could hardly be 
 anything higher in the capital of the empire.^ But the same restriction of 
 authority was evidenced in all the provinces : the recruiting of soldiers, the 
 receipt of taxes, most of the ofiices associated with the civil or military 
 administration, became more and more affairs of the State, and passed from the 
 hands of the feudal lord into those of the functionaries of the Crown. The 
 few barons who still lived on their estates, while they were thus dispossessed 
 of the greater part of their prerogatives, obtained some compensation, on the 
 other hand, on the side of religion. From early times they had been by birth 
 the heads of the local cults, and their protocol had contained, together with those 
 titles which justified their possession of the temporalities of the nome, others 
 which attributed to them spiritual supremacy. The sacred character with which 
 they were invested became more . and more prominent in proportion as their poli- 
 tical influence became curtailed, and we find scions of the old warlike families or 
 representatives of a new lineage at Thinis, at Akhmim,^ in the nome of Baalu,* 
 
 • The tomb of a prince of Tobfli, the lesser Aphroditopolis, was discovered at Thebes by Maspeko, 
 Le Tomheau de MontuhikhopsMf, iu the M^moires, etc., vol. v. p. 435, et seq. The rock-cut tombs of 
 two Thinite princes were noted in the same necropolis, and referred to by Champollion, Monuments, 
 etc., vol. i. p. 525, No. 31, and one of them was published by Vieey, Le Tomheau de Khem, in the 
 M^moires de la Mission, vol. v. p. 362, et seq. These two were of the time of Thutmosis III. I have 
 remarked in tombs not yet made public the mention of princes of El-Kab, who played an important 
 part about the person of the Pharaohs down to the beginning of the XX*'' dynasty. 
 
 ^ Kakhmiri and his son Manakhpirsonbu were both " counts " of Thebes under Thfltmosis III. 
 (ViEET, Le Tomhedu de Rehhmara, in the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. v. pp. 1-3, and Le 
 Tomheau de Bamenkhepersenh, p. 197, et seq.), and there is nothing to show that there was any other 
 person among them invested with the same functions and belonging to a different family. 
 
 ^ See, for example, the tomb of Anhfirimosu, high priest of Anhuri-Shu and prince of Thinis, 
 under Minephtah (Mariette-Maspeeo, Monuments divers, pp. 26, 27, and pi. 78), where the sacerdotal 
 character is almost exclusively prominent. Tlie same is the case with the tombs of the princes of 
 Akhmim in the time of Khtoiatonu and his successors ; the few still existing in 1884-5 have not 
 been published. The stelse belonging to them are at Paris and Berlin. 
 
 * Geifpith, The Inscriptions of Siut and Der-Rif eh, Tpls. 18, 19, where, in the tomb of Prince Nana, 
 the religious features of the inscriptions eclipse the military ones. 
 
THE FEUDAL LOBBS IN THEIR RELIGIOUS ASPECT. 
 
 489 
 
 at Hieraconpolis,^ at El-Kab,^ and in every place where we have information 
 from the monuments as to their position, bestowing more concern upon 
 their sacerdotal than on their other duties. This transfiguration of the 
 functions of the barons, which had been completed under the XIX"' and XX"^ 
 dynasties, corresponded with a more general movement by which the Pharaohs 
 themselves were driven to accentuate their official position as high priests, and 
 to assign to their sons sacerdotal functions in relation to the principal deities. 
 This rekindling of religious fervour would not, doubtless, have restrained 
 military zeal in case of war ;^ but if it did not tend to suppress entirely in- 
 dividual bravery, it discouraged the taste for arms and for the bold adventures 
 which had characterised the old feudality. The duties of sacrificing, of oflfering 
 prayer, of celebrating the sacred rites according to the prescribed forms, 
 and rendering due homage to the gods in the manner they demanded, were 
 of such an exactingly scrupulous and complex character that the Pharaohs 
 and the lords of earlier times had to assign them to men specially fitted for, 
 and appointed to, the task ; * now that they had assumed these absorbing func- 
 tions themselves, they were obliged to delegate to others an increasingly greater 
 proportion of their civil and military duties. Thus, while the king and his 
 great vassals were devoutly occupying themselves in matters of worship and 
 theology, generals by profession were relieving them of the care of command- 
 ing their armies; and as these individuals were frequently the chiefs of 
 Ethiopian, Asiatic, and especially of Libyan bands, military authority, and, 
 with it, predominant influence in the State were quickly passing into the 
 hands of the barbarians. A sort of aristocracy of veterans, notably of Shardana 
 or Mashauasha, entirely devoted to arms, grew up and increased gradually 
 side by side with the ancient noble families, now by preference devoted to 
 the priesthood.'^ 
 
 The barons, whether of ancient or modern lineage, were possessed of 
 immense wealth, especially those of priestly families. The tribute and spoil 
 of Asia and Africa, when once it had reached Egypt, hardly ever left it : 
 
 ' HorimOstt, Prince of Hierauonpolis under ThAtniosis III., is, above everything else, a prophet 
 of the local Uorus (Bouriant, Les Tomheaux d' Hierdconpol is, in the litudes Arcli€olo<jiquet, etc., 
 d4diee» a M. le V Leemans, pp. 39, 40). 
 
 * The princes of El-Kab during the XIX"" and XX"' dynasties were, before everything, priests 
 of Nekliabit, as appears from an examination of their tombs, which, lying in a side valley, far 
 away from the tomb of Piliiri, are rarely visited. 
 
 » The sons of Ramses II., Kliamoloit and MarltQmft, were brave warriors in spite of their being 
 high priests of Fhtali at Memphis, and of Ka at lleliopolis. With respect to Khamoisit, see pp. 424, 
 425 of the present work ; and in rc-jard to Rluritflma, see Erman, Autfuhiliches Verzeichiiigs der 
 jEgyptischen Alttrlumcr, 1894, p. 92, No. 7347. We shall ice later on how the high priests of Amon, 
 Hrihor, Pionkhi, Puinozmu, took the title of commander-in-chief. 
 
 ♦ For further information upon these " men of tlie roll," see Dawn of Civilization, pp. 124-127. 
 
 » This military aristocracy was fully developed in the XXI"' and XXII'"' dynasties, but it began 
 to takesliape after Kanises III. had planted the Shardana and Qahakain certain towns as garrisons; 
 see on this subject, pp. 472-474, 479 of the present work. 
 
490 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIEE. 
 
 they were distribiited among the population in proportion to the position occu- 
 pied by the recipients in the social scale. The commanders of the troops, the 
 attendants on the king, the administrators of the palace and temples, absorbed 
 the greater partj but the distribution was carried down to the private soldier 
 and his relations in town or country, who received some of the crumbs.^ 
 When we remember for a moment the four centuries and more during which 
 Egypt had been reaping the fruits of her foreign conquest, we cannot thiuk 
 without amazement of the quantities of gold and other precious metals which 
 must have been brought in divers forms into the valley of the Nile.^ Every 
 fresh expedition made additions to these riches, and one is at a loss to know 
 whence in the intervals between two defeats the conquered could procure so much 
 wealth, and why the sources were never exhausted nor became impoverished. 
 This flow of metals had an influence upon commercial transactions, for although 
 trade was still mainly carried on by barter, the mode of operation was becoming 
 changed appreciably. In exchanging commodities, frequent use was now 
 made of rings and ingots of a certain prescribed weight in tahonii ; and it 
 became more and more the custom to pay for goods by a certain number of 
 tahonu of gold, silver, or copper, rather than by other commodities : it was 
 the practice even to note down in invoices or in the oflftcial receipts, alongside 
 the products or manufactured articles with which payments were made, the 
 value of the same in weighed metal.^ This custom, although not yet widely 
 extended, placed at the disposal of trade enormous masses of metal, which were 
 preserved in the form of ingots or bricks, except the portion which went to the 
 manufacture of rings, jewellery, or valuable vessels.* The general prosperity 
 
 ' See, on pp. 86, 87, 88 of this work, the notices of the quantity of spoils received hy the two 
 officers of subordinate rank, both called Ahmosis of El-Kab. On one occasion there is (pp. 90, 91) the 
 distribution of booty to the whole crew of a ship who had distinguished themselves brilliantly. 
 
 2 The quantity of gold in ingots or rings, mentioned in the Annals of Tliutmosis III., represents 
 altogether a weight of nearly a ton and a quarter, or in value some £140,000 of our money. And this 
 is far from being the whole of the metal obtained; from the enemy, for a large portion of the inscrip- 
 tion has disappeared, and the unrecorded amount might be taken, without much risk of error, at as 
 much as that of which we have evidence— say, some two and a half tons, which Thfitmosis had 
 received or brought back between the years XXIII. and XLII. of his reign — an estimation rather 
 under than over the reality. These figures, moreover, take no account of the vessels and statues, or 
 of the furniture and arms plated with gold. Silver was not received in such large quantities, but it 
 was of great value, and the like may be said of copper and lead. 
 
 ' The facts justifying this position were observed and put together for the first time by Chabas, 
 Ilecherches sur les poids, etc., des Anciens Egyptiens, pp. 15-46 : a translation is given in this memoir 
 of a register of the XX"' or XXI"' dynasty (Mariette, Les Papyrus Egyptiens du Musge de Boulaq, 
 vol. ii. pis. iii., iv.), which gives the price of butcher's meat, both in gold and silver, at this date. 
 Fresh examples have been since collected by Spiegelberg, who has succeeded in drawing up a kind 
 of tariff for the period between the XVIII* and XX"" dynasties (Rechnungen aus der Zeit Seti's I., 
 Text, pp. 87-93). 
 
 * Tliere are depicted on the monuments bags or heaps of gold dust, ingots in the shape of bricks, 
 rings, and vases, arranged alongside each other : to cite only one example, see the Treasure scenes 
 at Medinet-Habu (Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, vol. i. pp. 365, 367 ; Dumichen, Historische 
 Lischriften, vol. i. pis. xxx.-xxxiv., and Besultate, vol. i. pis. xxviii., xxix., and pp. 22, 23), which re- 
 minded many Egyptologists of the legend of Ehampsinitos. 
 
RICHNESS IN TEE PRECIOUS METALS; GOLDSMITHS' WORK. 491 
 
 encouraged a passion for goldsmiths' work, and the use of bracelets, necklaces, 
 and chains became common among classes of the people who were not pre- 
 viously accustomed to wear them.^ There was henceforward no scribe or 
 merchant, however poor he might be, who had not his seal made of gold or 
 silver, or at any rate of copper gilt. The stone was sometimes fixed, but 
 frequently arranged so as to turn round on a pivot ; while among people of 
 superior rank it had some emblem or device upon it, such as a scorpion, a 
 sparrow-hawk, a lion, or a cynocephalous monkey. Chains occupied the same 
 position among the ornaments of Egyptian women as rings among men ; they 
 were indispensable decorations. Examples of silver chains are known of some 
 five feet in length, while others do not exceed two to three inches. There 
 are specimens in gold of all sizes, single, double, and triple, with large or 
 small links, some thick and heavy, while others are as slight and flexible as 
 the finest Venetian lace. The poorest peasant woman, alike with the lady of 
 the court, could boast of the possession of a chain, and she must have been 
 in dire poverty who had not some other ornament in her jewel-case. The 
 jewellery of Queen Ahhotpu shows to what degree of excellence the work of the 
 Egyptian goldsmiths had attained at the time of the expulsion of the Hyksos : 
 they had not only preserved the good traditions of the best workmen of 
 the XIT"' dynasty, but they had perfected the technical details, and had 
 learned to combine form and colour with a greater skill.^ The pectorals of 
 Prince Khamoisit and the Lord Psaru, now in the Louvre, but which were 
 originally placed in the tomb of the Apis in the time of Ramses IL,'' are 
 splendid examples. The most common form of these represents in miniature 
 the front of a temple with a moulded or flat border, surmounted by a curved 
 cornice. In one of them, which was doubtless a present from the king himself, 
 the cartouche, containing the first nahie of the Pharaoh-Usirmari, appears just 
 below the frieze, and serves as a centre for the design within the frame. The 
 wings of the ram-headed sparrow-hawk, the emblem of Amonra, are so dis- 
 played as to support it, while a large urajus and a vulture beneath embracing 
 both the sparrow-hawk and the cartouche with outspread wings give the idea 
 of divine protection. Two didu, each of them filling one of the lower corners, 
 symbolise duration. The framework of the design is made up of divisions 
 
 ' See, for the Efjyptiati goldsmiths' work of this period, Perrot-Chipiez, Hittoire de I'Arl daim 
 I' Antiquity, vol. i. pp. 831-839, and Maspero, ArcMologie Egyptienm; pp. 304-315. 
 
 ' Some of the jewels of Queen Ahhotpu I. nre represented on pp. 2, 3, 97, 108 of the present work ; 
 for the jewellery of the XII"' dynasty, see Daxon of Civilization, p. 518. 
 
 ' These jewels, which were ditcovered by Muriette in his excavations in the Scrapeum, are 
 represented in Le Sirap^am de Memphis, 1863, pis. 9, 12, 20; cf. Pbisse d'Avennes, Hi»- 
 ioire de VArt Egijplien, vol. ii., and Text, pp. 440, 441 ; Pebrot-Cuipiez, Eisloire de I'Art dan» 
 I'Atitiquit^, vol. i. pp. 831-832, and Maspero, Les Bijoux igyptienx du Louvre, in La Nature, vol. xlv. 
 pp. 230-234. 
 
492 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 marked out in gold, and filled either with coloured enamels or pieces of polished 
 stone. The general effect is one of elegance, refinement, and harmony, the 
 three principal elements of the design becoming enlarged from the top down- 
 wards in a deftly adjusted gradation. The dead-gold of the cartouche in the 
 upper centre is set off below by the brightly variegated and slightly undulating 
 band of colours of the sparrow-hawk, 
 while the ureeus and vulture, associated 
 together with one pair of win gs, envelope 
 the upper portions in a half-circle of 
 enamels, of which the shades pass from 
 red through green to a dull blue, with 
 a freedom of handling and a skill in the 
 manipulation of colour which do honour 
 to the artist. It was not his fault if 
 there is still an element of stiffness in 
 the appearance of the pectoral as a whole, 
 for the form which religious tradition 
 had imposed upon the jewel was so rigid 
 that HO artifice could completely get over this defect. It is a type which 
 arose out of the same mental concepts as had given birth to Egyptian 
 architecture and sculpture — monumental in character, and appearing often as 
 if designed for colossal rather than ordinary beings. The dimensions, too 
 overpowering for the decoration of normal men or women, would find an 
 appropriate place only on the breasts of gigantic statues: the enormous 
 size of the stone figures to which alone they are adapted would relieve 
 them, and show them in their proper proportions. The artists of the second 
 Theban empire tried all they could, howfever, to get rid of the square frame- 
 work in which the sacred bird is enclosed, and we find examples among 
 the pectorals in the Louvre of the sparrow-hawk only with curved wings,^ 
 or of the ram-headed hawk with the wings extended ; but in both of them 
 there is displayed the same brilliancy, the same purity of line, as in the 
 square-shaped jewels, while the design, freed from the trammels of the 
 hampering enamelled frame, takes on a more graceful form, and becomes 
 more suitable for personal decoration. The ram's head in the second case 
 excels in the beauty of its workmanship anything to be found elsewhere in 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the jewel in the Louvre ; cf. Pieeeet, Catalogue de la Salle 
 Historique de la Galerie ^gypiienne, p. 124, No. 521, and Maeiette, Le S^rap^um de Memphis, 
 1863, pi. 9. 
 
 - This pectoral is reproduced as a tail-piece to the table of contents of the present chapter, p. 4o2 ; 
 cf. Pieeeet, Catalogue de la Salle Eistorique de la Galerie Egyptienne, p. 127, No, .534, and Maeiette, 
 Le Serap€u.m de Memphis, 18G3, pi, 20. 
 
FURNITURE, COSTUME, EDUCATION. 
 
 493 
 
 the museums of Europe or Egypt. 
 It is of the finest gold, but its 
 value does not depend upon the 
 precious material : the ancient 
 engraver knew how to model it 
 with a bold and free hand, and he lias managed 
 to invest it with as much dignity as if he had 
 been carving his subject in heroic size out of 
 a block of granite or limestone. It is not an ^"^^'v^f is'^THE^Lat^^^^^^ 
 example of pure industrial art, but of an art 
 
 for which a designation is lacking. Other examples, although more carefully 
 executed and of more costly materials, do not approach it in value: such, 
 for instance, are the ear-rings of Ramses XII. at Gizeh, which are made 
 up of an ostentatious combination of disks, filigree-work, chains, 
 beads, and hanging figures of the urseus.^ 
 
 To get an idea of the character of the plate on the royal side- 
 
 ..^ boards, we must have recourse to the sculptures in the 
 
 ^ temples, or to the paintings on the tombs: the engraved 
 , ' gold or silver centrepieces, dishes, bowls, cups, and 
 
 L amphorae, if valued by weight only, were too precious to 
 
 ) / escape the avarice of the impoverished generations which 
 
 ^ followed the era of Theban prosperity.^ In the fabrication of 
 
 , these we can trace foreign influences, but not to the extent 
 
 DECORATED AUMCITAIR. ° 
 
 of a predominance over native art : even if the subject to be 
 dealt with by the artist happened to be a Phoenician god or an Asiatic prisoner, 
 he was not content with slavishly copying his model; he translated it and 
 interpreted it, so as to give it an Egyptian character. 
 
 The household furniture was in keeping with these precious objects. Beds 
 and armchairs in valuable woods, inlaid with ivory, carved, gilt, painted in 
 subdued and bright colours, upholstered with mattresses and cushions of many- 
 hued Asiatic stuffs, or of home-made materials, fashioned after Chaldaean 
 patterns,'^ were in use among the well-to-do, while people of moderate means 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a jewel in the Louvre ; cf. Pieisbet, Catalogue de la Salle 
 Uislnrique de la Gah.rie £gyptienne, p. 127, No. 535, and Mariette, Le Sfrapfiim de Memphis, pi. 12. 
 
 ' Martettk, Ahydos, vol. ii. pi. 40 a, h, and Catalogue General, pp. 527-529, No. 1370. 
 
 ^ See pp. 2:!r), 203 of the present work for specimens of fable-services, especially of those in the 
 precious luetals ; tlio finest examples have been described by Prisse d'Avexnes, Ilht. de I' Art ISgyptien, 
 vol. ii., and 'J\.rl. pn. i:iO-18S, 435-43S. 
 
 * Drawn l.y K;uii li( r ( i lulin, from one of these objects in the tomb of Ramses III. ; cf. Champollion, 
 Monumenta dr 1' I-'iiij/ilr. ( Ic , pi. cclviii. ; Rosellin'i, Monumenti Chili, pi. xci. 
 
 » For lO-yptian rnrniliirr in the XIX"' and XX"' dynasties, see Prisse d'Avennes, Hist, de I'Art 
 l<:gyptien, vol. ii., ;inil 7V . /. pp. 438, 439; Perrot-Chipiez, Ilisf. de I'Art dans I'Antiq., vol. i. pp. 841- 
 844 ; EiiM.\N, / ,11/1,1, II ,111,1 . Mgyptisches Lnhen, pp. 259-263 ; Maspero, Arch. f:gyptienne, pp. 264-270 ; 
 and particularly A\ m.kin-m.n. Munners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 408-421, vol. ii. pp. 195-201. 
 
494 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE TEE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 had to be content with old-fashioned furniture of the ancient regime. The 
 Theban dwelling-house was indeed more sumptuously furnished than the 
 earliest Memphite, but we find the same general arrangements in both, 
 which provided, in addition to quarters for the masters, a similar number of 
 rooms intended for the slaves, for granaries, storehouses, and stables.^ While 
 the outward decoration of life was subject to change, the inward element 
 remained unaltered. Costume was a more complex matter 
 than in former times : the dresses and lower garments were 
 more gauffered, had more embroidery and stripes ; the wigs 
 were larger and longer, and rose up in capricious arrange- 
 ments of curls and plaits.^ The use of the chariot had now 
 become a matter of daily custom, and the number of domestics, 
 already formidable, was increased by fresh additions in the 
 shape of coachmen, grooms, and saises, who ran before their 
 master to clear a way for the horses through the crowded 
 streets of the city.^ As material existence became more 
 complex, intellectual life partook of the same movement, and, 
 without deviating much from the lines prescribed for it by 
 the learned and the scribes of the Memphite age, literature had become in 
 the mean time larger, more complicated, more exacting, and more difficult to 
 grapple with and to master. It had its classical authors, whose writings were 
 committed to memory and taught in the schools. These were truly masterpieces, 
 for if some felt that they understood and enjoyed them, others found them almost 
 beyond their comprehension, and complained bitterly of their obscurity.'' The 
 later writers followed them pretty closely, in taking pains, on the one hand, 
 to express fresh ideas in the forms consecrated by approved and ancient 
 usage, or when they failed to find adequate vehicles to convey new thouglits, 
 
 ' It is easy to convince oneself of this, by comparing a town of the XII"" dynasty, given on p. 315, 
 Dawn of Civilization, after Petrie's drawings, with tlie plans of houses of the XVIII"', for which also 
 I am indebted to Petrie, Tell el-Amarna, pis. xxxviii.-xlii. 
 
 2 For the costume of this period, see Wilkin.son, Manners and CuHoms, 2nd edit., vol. ii. pp. 322- 
 339, and especially Eeman, Mgypten und Mgyptisches Leben, pp. 287-310. Examples are given in 
 the Dawn of Civilization, pp. 180, 185, 188, 18U, 194, and in the present work, pp. 96, 227, 269, 328, 
 501, 510-517, 519, 520, 522, 531-533. 
 
 ' The pictures at Tel el-Amarna exhibit the king, queen, and princesses driving in their 
 chariots with escorts of soldiers and runners (Lepsius, Denltm., iii. 92, 93). We often find in the 
 tomb-paintings the chariot and coachman of some dignitary, waiting while their master inspects a 
 field or a workshop, or while lie is making a visit to the palace for some reward (Champolhon, 
 Monuments de l'£gypte, etc, pi. cxliv.. No. 1, and vol. i. p. 263 ; Kosellini, Monumenti Civili, pi. cxvi.. 
 No. 5, and p. 238, et seq. ; Lepsius, DenJcm., iii. 104, 105, 108). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by M. de Mertens ; cf. Ersian, AusfUhrliches 
 Verzeichniss der Jlgyptischen Altertiimer, No. 6911, p. 89. 
 
 * See in the Anastasi Papyrus, No. 1, pi. x. 1. 9, pi. xi. 1. 8, the passage in which tlie scribe of 
 the time of Eamses II. states that few could understand the ancient writings attributed to the Prince 
 Didifhoru, son of Mykerinos, and one of which at least, chap. Ixiv. of the Boole of the Dead, has come 
 down to us (Chabas, Voyage d'un ^gyptien, pp. 43-46). 
 
INFLUENCE OF THE SEMITIC LANGUAGES ON TEE EGYPTIAN. 495 
 
 imagination to the foreigner 
 The necessity of knowing, at 
 thing of the dialect and 
 
 the Egyptian scribes to 
 
 study to some degree 
 
 the literature of Phoenicia and 
 
 of ChaldaBa.^ From these sources they had borrowed certain formulas 
 of incantation,^ medical recipes,* and devout legends, in which the deities 
 of Assyria and especially Astarte played the chief part.'^ They appropriated 
 in this manner a certain number of words and phrases with which they were 
 accustomed to interlard their discourses and writings. They thought it 
 polite to call a door no longer by the word ro, but by the term tird, and to 
 accompany themselves no longer with the harp bonit, but with the same 
 instrument under its new name hinnor, and to make the saldm in saluting 
 the sovereign in place of crying before him, aaii. They were thorough-going 
 Semiticisers ; but one is less offended by their aflfectation when one considers 
 that the number of captives in the country, and the intermarriages with 
 Canaanite women, had familiarised a portion of the community from childhood 
 with the sounds and ideas of the languages from which the scribes were 
 accustomed to borrow unblushingly." This artifice, if it served to infuse an 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from photographs of the objects in the Museums of Berlin and Gizeh. 
 
 \ See what has been said on this subject on p. 167 of the present work. Several of the literary 
 or religious pieces found at Tel el-Amarna were to help iu their studies Egyptian scribes who were 
 qualifying for the office of dragoman. See pp. 275, 276 of the present work. 
 
 ' See the Uarris Mafjio Papyrus, ed. Chabas, pi. c. 11. 1 5 ; the formula there given seems a 
 transcription in hieroglyphics of an incantation in cuneiform clianicterti. 
 
 * Ebers Papyrus, Ixiii., 1. 8, et seq., where the Egyptian compiler has inserted, among other 
 formulsB, a trivial recipe furnished him by an " Asiatic of Bybloe." 
 
 » Birch, Varia, iu the Zeitschri/t, 1871, pp. 119, 120, according to fragments then in the Tyssen 
 Amherst collection. 
 
 ' The Seraiticising mania of the Theban scribes was pointed out by Maspeko, Du Genre £'pitto- 
 laire, pp. 8-10, nnd afterwards by Erman, JEgyptenund JEgyplitchet Leben, pp. 682-684. Some of the 
 words thus introduced have been put together and commented on by Lauth, Scmitische LehntcSrler 
 im ^gypHschen, in the Zeitichri/t der I). Morgendl. GeselUchaft, vol. xxv. pp. 618-644, and by BosDi, 
 Dem Hebraitch-phSniziachen Sprachziceige angehSrige LehntcSrler in Hieroglyphischen U7id Hieratischen 
 
496 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIBE. 
 
 appearance of originality into tlieir writings, had no influence upon their 
 method of composition. Their poetical ideal remained what it had been in 
 the time of their ancestors, but seeing that we are now unable to determine 
 the characteristic cadence of sentences or the mental attitude which marked 
 eacli generation of literary men, it is often difficult for us to find out the 
 qualities in their writings which gave them popularity. A complete library 
 of one of the learned in the Eamesside period must have contained a strange 
 mixture of works, embracing, in addition to books of devotion, which were in- 
 dispensable to those who were solicitous about their souls,^ collections of hymns, 
 romances, war and love songs, moral and philosophical treatises, letters, and legal 
 documents. It would have been similar in character to the literary possessions 
 of an Egyptian of the Memphite period,^ but the language in which it was written 
 would not have been so stiff and dry, but would have flowed more easily, and 
 been more sustained and better balanced. The great odes to the deities which 
 we find in the Theban papyri are better fitted, perhaps, than the profane com- 
 positions of the period, to give us an idea of the advance which Egyptian genius 
 had made in the width and richness of its modes of expression, while still main- 
 taining almost the same dead-level of ideas which had characterised it from 
 the outset. Among these, one dedicated to Harmakhis, the sovereign sun, is no 
 longer restricted to a bare enumeration of the acts and virtues of the "Disk," 
 but ventures to treat of his daily course and his final triumphs in terms which 
 might have been used in describing the victorious campaigns or the apotheosis 
 of a Pharaoh.^ It begins with his awakening, at the moment when he has torn 
 himself away from the embraces of night. Standing upright in the cabin of 
 the divine bark, " the fair boat of millions of years," with the coils of the serpent 
 Mihni around him, he glides in silence on the eternal current of the celestial 
 waters, guided and protected by those battalions of secondary deities with whose 
 
 Texten, 1886. It appears not to have been noticed that several of these words betray an Aramaean 
 origin from the XVIIl"" dynasty onwards. 
 
 ' There are found in the rubrics of many religious books, for example that dealing with the unseen 
 world (Maspero, Mudes de MytJiologie, etc. , vol. ii. pp. 54-57), promises of health and prosperity to the 
 soul which, " while still on earth," had read and learned them. A similar formula appears at the end of 
 several important chapters of the Book of the Dead (Guieysse, Bit. Fun^r. Egijptien, ch. 64, pp. 58, 59). 
 
 ' See Dawn of Civilization, pp. 398-401. The composition of these libraries may be gathered 
 from the collections of papyri which have turned up from time to time, and have been sold by the 
 Arabs to European buyers ; e.g. the Sallier Collection, the Anastasi Collections, and that of Harris. 
 They have found their way eventually into the British Museum or the Museum at Leyden, and have 
 been published in the Select Papyri of the former, or in the Monuments Egyptiens of the latter. 
 
 ' The hymn to Harmakhis is in the Berlin Museum, and was published by Lepsius, Denhm., vi. 115, 
 117 a; it was translated by Maspeeo, Etudes de Mythologie, vol. ii. pp. 454-457, and Hist. Ancienne 
 des Peuptes de I'Orient, 4th edit., pp. 280-284. A hymn to Phtah in the same style, now also at Berlin 
 (Lupsivs, Denkm., vi. 118-121), has been tmualatedhy Ti-erhet, Etudes Egyptolog. pp. 1-19. Finally, the 
 great hymn to Amon in the Bulaq Papyrus (Mariette, Les Papyrus igyptiens, etc., vol. ii. pis. 11-13) 
 has been translated into French by Grebaxjt, Rymnea Amon-Bd des Pap. Egypt, du Mus^e du Boulaq, 
 1876, vol. i., into German by Stern, Ein Hymnusauf Amon-Ba, in Zeitsehrift, 1873, pp. 74-81, 125-127, 
 and into English by Goodwin, Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Amon, in Trans. Bibl. Arch. Soc, 
 vol. ii. pp. 250-268, and Hymn to Amen-Ba, in Becords of the Past, 1st series, vol. ii. pp. 127-136. 
 
FAIRY STORIES. 497 
 
 odd forms the monuments have made us familiar. "Heaven is in delight, 
 the earth is in joy, gods and men are making festival, to render glory to 
 rhra-Harmakhis, when they see him arise in his bark, having overturned his 
 enemies in his own time ! " They accompany him from -hour to hour, they 
 fight the good fight with him against Apopi, they shout aloud as he inflicts 
 each fresh wound upon the monster ; they do not even abandon him when the 
 west has swallowed him up in its darkness.^ Some parts of the hymn remind 
 us, in the definiteness of the imagery and in the abundance of detail, of a 
 portion of the poem of Peutauitit, or one of those inscriptions of Ramses III. 
 wherein he celebrates the defeat of hordes of Asiatics or Libyans. 
 
 The Egyptians took a delight in listening to stories. They preferred tales 
 which dealt with the marvellous and excited their imagination, introducing 
 speaking animals, gods in disguise, ghosts and magic.^ One of them tells of a 
 king who was distressed because he had no heir, and had no sooner obtained the 
 favour he desired from tlie gods, than the Seven Hathors, the mistresses of Fate, 
 destroyed his happiness by predicting that the child would meet with his death 
 by a serpent, a dog, or a crocodile.'^ Efforts were made to provide against such 
 a fatality by shutting him up in a tower ; but no sooner had he grown to man's 
 estate, than he procured himself a dog, went off to wander through the world, and 
 married the daughter of the Prince of Naharaim. His fate meets him first under 
 tlie form of a serpent, which is killed by his wile ; he is next assailed by a croco- 
 dile, and the dog kills the crocodile, but as the oracles must be fulfilled, the 
 brute turns and despatches his master without further consideration." Another 
 story describes two brothers, AnApu and Bitiu, who live happily together on 
 their farm till the wife of the elder falls in love with the younger, and on his 
 repulsing her advances, she accuses him to her husband of having offered her 
 violence. The virtue of the younger brother would not have availed him 
 much, had not his animals warned him of danger, and had not Phnl-Harmakhis 
 surrounded him at the critical moment with a stream teeming with crocodiles. 
 He mutilates himself to prove his innocence, and announces that henceforth he 
 will lead a mysterious existence far from mankind ; he will retire to the Valley 
 
 ' The remains of Egyptian romautic literature have been collected and translated into French by 
 Masi'ERO, Les Contes populairet de I'J-Sgypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., 1889, and subsequently into English 
 by Flinders Petuie, Egyptian Tales, i., ii., 1895. 
 
 » For the part of fairy godmothers played in Egypt by the Seven Hathors, cf. Maspero, Ler 
 Contes populaires de I'Kgypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. Ixv.-lxviii. ; for the methods of evading, or at 
 least of delaying, the execution of decrees of fatf, cf. Baton of Civilitaiion, pp. 212-215. 
 
 • This Story of the Doomed Prince was discovered in tlie Harris Papyrus, No. 500, in the British 
 Museum, and publislied by Goodwin, Translation of a Fragment of an Egyptian Fabulous Tale, the 
 Doomed Vrina; in the Transactions of the Soc. of Bibl. Arcl)., vol. iii. pp. 319-35G (cf. the Records of 
 the Past, 1st series, vol. ii. pp. 153-160), translated and commented on by Maspero, Etudes Fgyptiennes, 
 vol. i. pp. 1-47, and completed by Ebebs. Das alle JSgyptische Mdrchen vom cericunschenen Primen, 
 nacherzahlt und zu Ende gefuhrt, in Wetlermann's Monatshefte, Oct., 1881, pp. 96 103; cf. Maspero, 
 Les Contes poptdaires de VKgypte Anc enne, 2nd edit., pp. 225-244, and Petbie, Egyptian Tales, 2nd 
 series, pp. 13-35. 
 
498 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE THEBAN EMPIBE. 
 
 of the Acacia, place his heart on the topmost flower of the tree, and no one 
 will be able with impunity to steal it from him. The gods, however, who 
 frequent this earth take pity on his loneliness, and create for him a wife of 
 such beauty that the Nile falls in love with her, and steals a lock of her hair^ 
 which is carried by its waters down into Egypt. Pharaoh finds tlie locjk, and^ 
 intoxicated by its scent, commands his people to go in quest of the owner. 
 Having discovered the lady, Pharaoh marries her, and ascertaining from her who 
 she is, he sends men to cut down the Acacia, but no sooner has the flower touched 
 the earth, than Bitiu droops and dies. The elder brother is made immediately 
 acquainted with the fact by means of various prodigies. The wine poured out 
 to him becomes troubled, his beer leaves a deposit. He seizes his shoes and 
 staff and sets out to find the heart. After a search of seven years he discovers 
 it, and reviving it in a vase of water, he puts it into the mouth of the corpse,^ 
 which at once returns to life. Bitiu, from this moment, seeks only to be 
 revenged. He changes himself into the bull Apis, and, on being led to court, 
 he reproaches the queen with the crime she has committed against him. The- 
 queen causes his throat to be cut ; two drops of his blood fall in front of the 
 gate of the palace, and produce in the night two splendid "Persea" trees, which 
 renew the accusation in a loud voice. The queen has them cut down, but a 
 chip from one of them flies into her mouth, and ere loug she gives birth to 
 a child who is none other than a re-incarnation of Bitiu. When the child 
 succeeds to the Pharaoh, he assembles his council, reveals himself to them, and 
 punishes with death her who was first his wife and subsequently his mother.^ The 
 hero moves throughout the tale without exhibiting any surprise at the strange 
 incidents in which he takes part, and, as a matter of fact, they did not seriously 
 outrage the probabilities of contemporary life. In every town sorcerers could 
 be found who knew how to transform themselves into animals or raise the dead 
 to life : ^ we have seen how the accomplices of Pentauirit had recourse to spells 
 in order to gain admission to the royal palace when they desired to rid them- 
 selves of Eamses III.^ The most extravagant romances diSered from real life 
 merely in collecting within a dozen pages more miracles than were customarily 
 supposed to take place in the same number of years ; it was merely the 
 multiplicity of events, and not the events themselves, that gave to the narra- 
 tive its romantic and improbable character.* The rank of the heroes alone 
 
 ' The Orhiney Papyrus, wliicli contaius the Tale of the Two Brothers (Select Papyri, vol. ii. pis. ix.- 
 xix.), was discovered aud interpreted by E. de Eouge, Notice sur un monument ^gyptien en ^criture 
 hi€ratique, in the Ath^nseum Franjais, 1852, and in the Bevue Arch€6logique, 1st series, vol. viii. p. 30, 
 et seq. It has since then been translated or commented upon by some dozen Egyptologists, and the 
 translation, with a bibliography, will be found in Maspero, Lbb Conies populairesde VEgypte Aricienne, 
 2nd edit., pp. 1-32, and also in Peteie, Egyptian Tales, 2nd series, pp. 36-86. 
 
 " Cf. Bawn of Civilization, pp. 269, 270, 282, for the resurrections effected by the magician Didi. 
 
 3 Cf. p. 479 of the present volume. 
 
 * For this manner of accounting for the marvellous in Egyptian tales, cf Maspero, Les Contes 
 populaires, etc., 2nd edit., p. Ivii., et seq. ; Petrie, Egyptian Tales, 2nd series, pp. v., vi. 
 
BISTORICAL ROMANCES — FABLES. 
 
 499 
 
 raised the tale out of the region of ordinary life ; they are always the sons of 
 kings, Syrian princes, or Pharaohs ; sometimes we come across a vague and 
 undefined Pharaoh, who figures under the title of Piruiaui or Pruiti,^ but more 
 often it is a well-known and illustrious Pharaoh who is mentioned by name.^ 
 It is related how, one day, Kheops, suffering from ennui within his palace, 
 assembled his sons in the hope of learning from them something which he did 
 not already know. They described to him one after another the prodigies 
 performed by celebrated magicians under Kanibri and Snofrui ; and at length 
 Mykerinos assured him that there was a certain Didi, living then not far 
 from Meidum, who was capable of repeating all the marvels done by former 
 wizards.^ Most of the Egyptian sovereigns were, in the same way, subjects of 
 more or less wonderful legends — Sesostris, Amenothes III., Thiitmosis III., 
 Amenemhait I., Khiti, Sahuri, Usirkaf,and Kakiu.* These stories were put into 
 literary shape by the learned, recited by public story-tellers, and received by 
 the people as authentic history; they finally filtered ioto the writings of the 
 chroniclers, who, in introducing them into the annals, filled up with their 
 extraordinary details the lacunm of authentic tradition.'^ Sometimes the 
 narrative assumed a briefer form, and became an apologue. In one of them 
 the members of the body were supposed to have combined against the head, 
 and disputed its supremacy before a jury ; the parties all pleaded their 
 cause in turn, and judgment was given in due form." Animals also had their 
 place in this universal comedy. The passions or the weaknesses of humanity 
 were attributed to them, and the narrator makes the lion, rat, or jackal to 
 utter sentiments from which he draws some short practical moral. La Fontaine 
 had predecessors on the banks of the Nile of whose existence he little 
 dreamed.'' 
 
 ' For the meaning of these titles, of. Daim of Civilization, pp. 2()3, 2G4. 
 
 * Maspero, Leg Contes populaires de I'Egyple Ancienne, 2nd edit., p. xxxiv., et seq. 
 
 ' This is the Tale of King Khiifui and the Magicians, discovered and publislied by Erman, Ein 
 tieuer Papyrus dcs Berliner Museums, in the National Zeilung of Berlin (No. for the I4th May, 1886), 
 and subsequently in .Fgypten uml -h'gyp. Lehen, etc., pp. 498-502, and again in Die Mdrclien d< t Papyrus 
 lFe««cor,i.,ii., 1890; cf. Masi'EHO, Xe* Conies populaires de I'^gy/ite Ancieiine,2nd edit., pp. 51-86,and 
 F. Petkie, Egyptian Tales, 1st series, pp. 9-60. 
 
 * Sesostris-Ramscs II. appears in the Tale of Satni-Khdmois (ilJiSPEno, Lis Contes populaires, 2nd 
 edit., p. 195, et seq.), AmenOthes III. in the Tale of the Unclean (cf. on this subject pp. 418, 449 of 
 this volume), Thatmosis III. in the Tale of Thulii (cf. p. 277 of this volume), Anienenih&it I., with 
 his son tJsirtasen I., in the Memoirs of Sinuhit (of. Dawn of Civilization, 471-473), Khiti in tlie St. 
 Petersburg Papyrus, No. 1, at present unedite<l (cf. Daum of Civilization, p. 448), and finally Sahflri, 
 tJsirkaf, and Kakitt, in the Tale of King Khufui and the Magicians (cf. Daipn of Civilizatioi,. 
 pp. 387-389). 
 
 ' Maspero, Les Contes populaires de I'l-'gypte Ancienne, 2nd edit., pp. xxxv.-xli., and Notes sur 
 quelques points de Grammaire et d'Uistoire, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xvii. pp. .'»6-G4, 121-138. 
 I shall have occasion to revert to this subject again later on. 
 
 " This version of the Fable of the Members and the Stomach was discovered upon a schoolboy's 
 tablet at Turin, and published by Maspeko, Eludes Egyptieiines, vol. i. pp. 260-264. 
 
 ' The first Egyptologist to claim an Egyptian origin for many of our fables was Zijndel, Etopr 
 Aait-il Juif uu ^Igyptien > in the Revue Archeologique, 2nd series, vol. iii. pp. 354-369 ; cf Lacth, 
 Vber die symbolische Schrift der Alten ^gypter, in the Sitzungsbfrichte of the Academy of Sciences at 
 
500 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 As La Fontaine found an illustrator in Granville, so, too, in Egypt the 
 draughtsman brought his reed to the aid of the fabulist, and by his cleverly 
 executed sketches gave greater point to the sarcasm of story than mere words 
 could have conveyed.^ Where the author had briefly mentioned that the 
 jackal and the cat had cunningly forced their services on the animals whom 
 they wished to devour at their leisure, the artist would depict the jackal and 
 the cat equipped as peasants, with wallets on their backs, and sticks over 
 
 THE IJAT AND THli JACKAL GO OFF TO THE FIELDS WITH THEIR FLOCKS. " 
 
 their shoulders, marching behind a troup of gazelles or a flock of fat geese : 
 it was easy to foretell the fate of their unfortunate charges. Elsewhere it is an 
 ox who brings up before his master a cat who has cheated him, and his pro- 
 verbial stupidity would incline us to think that he will end by being punished 
 himself for the misdeeds of which he had accused the other. Puss's sly and 
 artful expression, the ass-headed and important-looking judge, with the wand 
 and costume of a high and mighty dignitary, give pungency to the story, and 
 
 Municli, 1868, vol. i. pp. 357, 358. The Fable of the Lion and the Rat was discovered in a demotic 
 papyrus at Leyden (i. 384, p. xviii. 11. 11-34; of. Leemans, Monuments Fgyptiens, vol. i. pi. ccxxiii.) 
 by Lauth, Vber die Thierfahel in JEgypten, in the Sitzungsherichte of the Academy of Sciences at 
 Munich, 18G8, vol. ii. pp. 50, 51, and retranslated into French and German by Brugsch, ia Fable du 
 Lion et de la Souris d'apres un manuscrit d€motique, in the Revue Arch€ologique, 2nd series, 1878, and 
 yEsopische Fabeln in einein yEgyptischen Papyrus, in the Zeitsehrift, 1878, pp. 47-50 (cf. Brugsch, 
 Erklarung, in the Zeitsehrift, 1878, p. 87, and Lauth, die RedaMion, in the Zeitsehrift, 1879, pp. 92, 
 93). The same papyrus contains other fables, introduced into a dialogue in which the jackal and 
 the cat sustain the conversation ; its general contents were pointed out by Lauth, Vber die Thierfahel 
 in ^gyplen, pp. 49-51, and tlie translation of a considerable part of it was given by Eevillout, 
 Entretiens philosophiques d'une ehatte ^thiopienne et d'unpetit chacal Rovfi, in the Revue Egyptologique, 
 vol. i. pp. 153-159, vol. iv. pp. 82-88. 
 
 ' The first to study Egyptian caricatures and fables was Lauth, Bie Thierfabel in JEgyplen, in 
 the Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Sciences at Munich, 1868, vol. ii. pp. 45-49 ; his views have 
 not received the attention they deserve. The caricatures are preserved in two papyri, one in the British 
 Museum, the other at Turin, which were published by Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Uricunden, 
 pi. xxiii. ; and on ostraca, of which one only, that in the former Abbott collection, and now at New 
 York, was published by Prisse d'Avennes, Notice sur le Muse'e du Caire (Extrait de la Revue Arche'ol., 
 1846), p. 17, and by Maspero, L'ArcliMogie Egyptienne, pp. 164, 165. They have been .studied by 
 De've'ria in Champfleury, Hist, de la Caricature Antique, 2nd edit., pp. 20-28, and by Ollivier- 
 Beauregaed, La Caricature Egyptienne, historique, politique et morale, 1894, in which the interpre- 
 tation is more ingenious than true to the meaning of the documents. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, pi. xxiii. 
 
CARICATURES AND SATIRES. 
 
 recall the daily scenes 
 at the judgment-seat of 
 the lord of Thebes. In 
 another place we see a 
 donkey, a lion, a croco- 
 dile, and a monkey 
 giving an instrumental 
 and vocal concert. A 
 lion and a gazelle play 
 a game of chess. A cat 
 of fashion, witb a flower 
 in her hair, has a dis- 
 
 THE ( AT BliFOliE ITS JUltiK.' 
 
 agreement with a goose : 
 
 they have come to blows, and the excitable puss, who fears she will come 
 ofif worst in the struggle, falls backwards in a fright. The draughtsmen having 
 once found vent for their satire, stopped at nothing, and even royalty itself 
 
 did not escape their at- 
 tacks. While the M riters 
 of the day made fun of 
 the military calling, both 
 in prose and verse the 
 caricaturists parodied 
 the combats and trium- 
 phal scenes of the Ramses 
 or Thutmosis of the day 
 depicted on the walls of 
 the pylons. The Pharaoli 
 of all the rats, perched 
 upon a chariot drawn by 
 dogs, bravely charges an 
 army of cats; standing in the heroic attitude of a conqueror, he pierces them 
 with his darts, while his horses tread the fallen underfoot ; his legions mean- 
 while in advance of him attack a fort defended by tomcats, with the same 
 ardour that the Egyptian battalions would display in assaulting a Syrian strong- 
 hold.* This treatment of ethics did not prevent the Egyptian writers from 
 giving way to their natural inclinations, and composing large volumes on this 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclicr-Guilin, from Lei'sius, Ausicahl der wichtiristen Urlunden, pi. xxiii. 
 
 * Of. the fragments which I have cited in tiiiB connexion on pp. 457, 45S of this volume. 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lepsius, Austeahl der wichtigiitfH Urhunden, pi. xxiii. 
 
 * This is the scene which serves as the head-piece to the present chapter ; see p. 453.. 
 
502 TEE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 subject after the manner of Kaqimni or Phtalihotpu.^ One of their books, 
 in which the aged Ani inscribes his Instructions to his son, Khoushotpii, is 
 compiled in the form of a dialogue, and contains the usual commonplaces 
 upon virtue, temperance, piety, the respect due to parents from children, or 
 to the great ones of this world from their inferiors.^ The language in which 
 it is written is ingenious, picturesque, and at times eloquent; the work explains 
 much that is obscure in Egyptian life, and upon which the monuments have 
 tlirown no light. " Beware of the woman who goes out surreptitiously in her 
 town, do not follow her or any like her, do not expose thyself to the experi- 
 ence of what it costs a man to face an Ocean of which the bounds are unknown.^ 
 The wife whose husband is far from home sends thee letters, and invites thee to 
 come to her daily when she has no witnesses ; if she succeeds in entangling 
 thee in her net, it is a crime which is punishable by death as soon as it is 
 known, even if no wicked act has taken place, for men will commit every sort 
 of crime when under this temptation alone." * " Be not quarrelsome in 
 breweries, for fear that thou mayest be denounced forthwith for words which 
 have proceeded from thy mouth, and of having spoken that of which thou art no 
 longer conscious. Thou fallest, thy members helpless, and no one holds out 
 a hand to thee, but thy boon-companions around thee say : ' Away with the 
 drunkard ! ' Thou art wanted for some business, and thou art found rolling 
 on the ground like an infant." ^ In speaking of what a man owes to his mother, 
 Ani waxes eloquent : " When she bore thee as all have to bear, she had in 
 thee a heavy burden without being able to call on thee to share it. When 
 thou wert born, after thy months were fulfilled, she placed herself under a 
 yoke in earnest, her breast was in thy mouth for three years ; in spite of the 
 increasing dirtiness of thy habits, her heart felt no disgust, and she never said : 
 * What is that I do here ? ' When thou didst go to school to be instructed in 
 
 ' See Bawn of Civilization, pp. 399- 401. 
 
 2 This papyrus, now in the Gizeli Museum, was discovered and published by Mariette, Les 
 Papyrm Egyptiens du Mus^e de Boulaq, vol. i. pis. 15-23. It was translated in externa by E. de 
 Rouge, Etude sur le papyrus du Mut^e de Boulaq, in the Comptes rendus de VAcad^mie de$ Inscrip- 
 tions et Belles-Lettres, 1872, vol. vii. pp. 340-351, and by Chabas, L' j^gyptologie, vols, i., ii. ; in 
 part by Brugsch, Altagyptische Lebensregeln in einem hieratischen Papyrus des Vice-KSniglichen 
 Museums zu Bulaq, in the Ztitschrift, 1872, pp. 49-58; and finally, without any new material, 
 lengthily paraphrased by Amelineatj, La Morale £gyptienne, Quinze Siecles avant notre ere, etc.; 
 the fragments which I here quote have been translated in the Guide du Vidteur au Mus^e de Boulaq, 
 pp. 192-194. 
 
 ' I have been obliged to paraphrase the sentence considerably to render it intelligible to the 
 modern reader. The Egyptian text says briefly : " Do not know the man who braves the water of 
 the Ocean whose bounds are unknown." To know the man means here know the state of the man 
 who does an action. 
 
 * The Moral Papyrus of Bulaq, p. ii. 11. 13-17 ; cf. Mariette, Les Papyrus Egyptiens du Mut€e de 
 Boulaq, vol. i. jdI. 16 ; Chabas, L' i^gyptologie, vol. i. pp. 55-87. 
 
 ^ The Moral Papyrus of Bulaq, p. iii. 11. 6-11 ; cf. Mariette, Les Papyrus Egyptians du Mus€e de 
 Boulaq, vol. i. pi. 17; Chabas, L'£gyptologie, vol. i. pp. 101-109. 
 
COLLECTIONS OF MAXIMS AND MORAL DIALOGUES. 503 
 
 writing, she followed thee every day with bread and beer from thy house. 
 Now thou art a full-grown man, thou hast taken a wife, thou hast provided 
 thyself with a house ; bear always in mind the pains of thy birth and the care 
 for thy education that thy mother lavished on thee, that her anger may not 
 rise up against thee, and that she lift not her hands to ( rod, for he will hear 
 her complaint ! " ^ The whole of the book does not rise to this level, but we 
 •find in it several maxims which appear to be popular proverbs, as for instance : 
 "He who hates idleness will come without being called;" "A good walker 
 comes to his journey's end without needing to hasten ;" - or, " The ox which 
 goes at the head of the flock and leads the others to pasture is but an animal 
 like his fellows." '* Towards the end, the son Khonshotpu, weary of such a 
 lengthy exhoitation to wisdom, interrupts his father roughly : "Do not ever- 
 lastingly speak of thy merits, I have heard enough of thy deeds ; " * whereupon 
 Ani resignedly restrains himself from further speech, and a final parable gives 
 us the motive of his resignation : " This is the likeness of the man who knows 
 the strength of his arm. The nursling who is in the arms of his mother cares 
 only for being suckled ; but no sooner has he found his mouth than he cries : 
 ' Give me bread ! ' " 
 
 It is, perhaps, difficult for us to imagine an Egyptian in love repeating 
 madrigals to his mistress,^ for we cannot easily realise that the hard and 
 blackened bodies we see in our museums have once been men and women 
 loving and beloved in their own day. The feeling which they entertained 
 one for another had none of the reticence or delicacy of our love ; they went 
 straight to the point, and the language in which they expressed themselves 
 
 ' The Moral I'apyrus of Boulaq, p. vi. 1. 17, p. vii. 1. 3 ; cf. Makiette, Le« J'apyrut Egyptient du 
 Musge (le Boulaq, vol. i. p. 20; E. de Rocqe, Etude »ur le Papyrus du Mus^e de Boulaq, j). 8 ; Cuabas, 
 L'^gyptoloijie, vol. ii. i)p. 42-54. 
 
 ' Tlie Moral Papyrus, etc., p. vii. 1. 14 ; cf. Makiette, Les Papyrus Eijyptieiis, etc., vol. i. pi. 21 ; 
 E. DE RouGiS, tjtude, etc., p. 9; Chabas, L'£gyptologie, vol. ii. pp. 80, 81. 
 
 ' The Moral Papyrus, etc, p. viii. 1. 3; cf. Mariette, Les Papyrus Kgyptiens, etc., vol. i. pi. 22; 
 Chabas, L'L'gyptologie, pp. 99-101. 
 
 * The Moral Papyrw, etc., p. ix. 11. 7-12 ; cf. Mabiette, Le Papyrus /'gypliens, etc., vol. i. pi. 23 ; 
 Ohauas, L' Egyptologie, vol. ii. pp. 196-202. 
 
 * The Moral Papyrus, etc., pi. ix. 11. 12- 17 ; cf. Mariette, Les Papyrus Egyptiem, etc., vol. i. pL 23 ; 
 U. de Rocge, Jitude, etc., pp. 11, 12; Chabas, U 6gyptvlogie, vol. ii. pp. 202-211. 
 
 * The remains of Egyptian amatory literature have been collected, tmnjslatcd, and commentated 
 on by Maspero, i:tudes JSgyptitnnes, vol. i. pp. 217-259. They have been preserved in two papyri, 
 one of which is at Turin (Pleyte-Rossi, Ze« Papyrus hi^ratiques de Turin, pis. Ixxix.-lxxxii. ; cf. 
 Chabas, L'£ptsode du Jardin des Fleurs, in the Comptes lendus of the Acaile'mie des Inscriptions tt 
 Bellee-Li ttres, 1874, pp. 117-124, and Records of ihe Pad, ist series, vol. vi. p. 153, et seq. ; Maspebo, 
 Alludes Egypliennes, vol. i. pp. 217-230). the other in the British Museum (Goodwin, On Four Sopgs 
 contained in an Egyptian Papyrus in the British Museum, in the Transactions of the Society of 
 Biblical ArcheBology, vol. iii. pp. 380-388 ; Maspero, Eludes £gyptiennes, vol. i. i)p. 230-256 ; Erman, 
 ^l,pten und JEgyptischen Leben, pp. 518-521). The first of these appears to be a sort of dialogue in 
 which the trees of a garden boast one after another of the beauty of a woman, and discourse of tho 
 dcve-scenes which took plai e under their shadow. 
 
'504 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 is sometimes too coarse for our taste.^ The manners and customs of daily- 
 life among the Egyptians tended to blunt in them the feelings of modesty 
 and refinement to which our civilization has accustomed us. Their children 
 went about without clothes, or, at any rate, wore none until the age of puberty. 
 Owing to the climate, both men and women left the upper part of the body 
 more or less uncovered, or wore fabrics of a transparent nature. In the towns, 
 the servants who moved about their masters or his guests had merely a narrow 
 loin-cloth tied round their hips ; while in the country, the peasants dispensed 
 with even this covering, and the women tucked up their garments when at 
 work so as to move more freely. The religious teaching and the ceremonies 
 connected with their worship drew the attention of the faithful to the unveiled 
 human form of their gods, and the hieroglyphs themselves contained pictures 
 which shock our sense of propriety. Hence it came about that the young girl 
 who was demanded in marriage had no idea, like the maiden of to-day, of the 
 vague delights of an ideal union. The physical side was impressed upon her 
 mind, and she was well aware of the full meaning of her consent. Her lover, 
 separated from her by her disapproving parents, thus expresses the grief 
 which overwhelms him : " I desire to lie down in my chamber, — for I am sick 
 on thy account, — and the neighbours come to visit me. — Ah ! if my sister but 
 came with them, — she would show the physicians what ailed me, — for she 
 knows my sickness ! " ^ Even while he thus complains, he sees her in his 
 imagination, and his spirit visits the places she frequents : " The villa of my, 
 sister, — (a pool is before the house), — the door opens suddenly, — and my sister 
 passes out in wrath. — Ah ! why am I not the porter, — that she might give me 
 her orders ! — I should at least hear her voice, even were she angry, — and I, like 
 a little boy, full of fear before her ! " ^ Meantime the young girl sighs in vain 
 for " her brother, the beloved of her heart," and all that charmed her before 
 has now ceased to please her. " I went to prepare my snare, my cage and the 
 covert for my trap — for all the birds of Puanit alight upon Egypt, redolent 
 with perfume ; — he who flies foremost of the flock is attracted by my worm, 
 bringing odours from Puanit, — its claws full of incense. — -But my heart is with 
 thee, and desires that we should trap them together, — I with thee, alone, and 
 that thou shouldest be able to hear the sad cry of my perfumed bird, — there 
 near to me, close to me, I will make ready my trap, — 0 my beautiful friend, 
 
 ' Cf. oa this subject, Maspero, Les Contes populaiies de Vi^cjypte Ancienne, 2ud edit., 
 pp. liv., Iv. 
 
 2 Harris Papyrus, No. 500, pi. x. 11. 9, 10 ; cf. Maspebo, i:tu(les Fgyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 238, 239 ; 
 Eeman, JSgypten und JEgyptisches Lthen im AUerthum, p. 520. For the meaaiup; of the words 
 " brother" and "sister" in such cases, see Dawn of Civilization, pp. 50, 51. 
 
 ^ Harris Papyrus, No. 500, pi. s. 11. 10-13; cf. Maspero, Htudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. p. 239; 
 Erman, Jigypten und JEgyptisches Leben im AUerthum, p. 520. 
 
LOVE-SONGS. 
 
 505 
 
 thou who goest to the field of the well-beloved ! " ^ The latter, however, is 
 slow to appear, the day passes away, the evening comes on : " The cry of the 
 goose resounds — which is caught by the worm-bait, — but thy love removes 
 me far from the bird, and I am unable to deliver myself from it ; — I will carry 
 off my net, and what shall I say to my mother, — when I shall have returned 
 to her ? — Every day I come back laden with spoil, — but to-day I have not 
 been able to set my trap, — for thy love makes me its prisoner ! " " The goose 
 flies away, alights, — it has greeted the barns with its cry ; — the flock of birds 
 increases on the river, but I leave them alone and think only of thy love, — 
 lor my heart is bound to thy heart — and I cannot tear myself away from thy 
 beauty." ^ Her motlier probably gave her a scolding, but slie hardly minds 
 it, and in the retirement of her chamber never wearies of thinking of her 
 brother, and of passionately crying for him : " 0 my beautiful friend ! I yearn 
 to be with thee as thy wife — and that thou shouldest go whither thou wishest 
 with thine arm upon my arm, — for then I will repeat to my heart, which is in 
 thy breast, my supplications. — If my great brother does not come to-night, — I am 
 as those who lie in the tomb — for thou, art thou not health and life, — he who 
 transfers the joys of thy health to my heart which seeks thee?"'' The hours 
 pass away and he does not come, and already " the voice of the turtle-dove 
 speaks, — it says : ' Behold, the dawn is here, alas ! what is to become of 
 me ? ' * Thou, thou art the bird, thou callest me, — and I find ray brother in 
 his chamber, — and my heart is rejoiced to see him ! — I will never go away 
 again, my hand will remain in thy hand, — and when I wander forth, I will go 
 with thee into the most beautiful places, — happy in that he makes rue the 
 foremost of women — and that he does not break my heart." ''' We should like 
 to quote the whole of it, but the text is mutilated, and we are unable to fill 
 in the blanks. It is, nevertheless, one of those products of the Egyptian mind 
 which it would have been easy for us to appreciate from beginning to end, 
 without effort and almost without explanation. The passion in it finds ex- 
 pression in such sincere and simple language as to render rhetorical ornament 
 needless, and one can trace in it, therefore, nothing of the artificial colouring 
 
 ' Harris Papyrus, No. 500, pi. xii. 11. 2-7 ; cf. Maspero, liludcx J^Jijyptieunef, vol. i. pp. 243. 244 ; 
 EuuAN, jEijyjtten und .^gyplisches Lebeti, pp. 518, 519. 
 
 ' Harris Papyrus, No. 50(1, pi. xii. 11. 7-11; cf. Masi'ebo, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 244-240; Ermas, 
 op. cit., p. 519. 
 
 ' Harris Papyrus, No. 500, pi. xiii. 11. 3-6; cf. Maspero, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 247, 248; Erman, 
 op.cit.,i>. 519. The expression ia the first verge— ni6»< pirH — "mistress of the house," which I 
 translate " my wife," is explained in the Dawn of Civilitation, p. 51, note 5. 
 
 * Literally, " AVhcre is my road? " 
 
 ' Harris Papyrus, No. 500, pi. xiii. II. G-S ; cf. Maspero, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 248. 24li, and Eumax, 
 op. cit, p. 519. For the relations of this love-song to the Canticles of Solomon, see Maspeuo. op. cit., 
 vol. i. pp. 258, 2M. 
 
506 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 which would limit it to a particular place or time. It translates a universal 
 sentiment into the common language of humanity, and the hieroglyphic groups 
 need only to be put into the corresponding words of any modern tongue to bring 
 
 home to the reader their full force and intensity. We might compare it 
 with those popular songs which are now being collected in our provinces 
 before the peasantry have forgotten them altogether : the artlessness of 
 some of the expressions, the boldness of the imagery, the awkwardness and 
 somewhat abrupt character of some of the passages, communicate to both 
 that wild charm which we miss in the most perfect specimens of our modern 
 love-poets. 
 
 Opposite the Thebes of the living, Khafitnibus, the Thebes of the dead, had 
 gone on increasing in a remarkably rapid manner.^ It continued to extend in 
 
 ' See pp. 309-312 of the present work for what is there said of the cemeteries of Thebes during 
 the XVIII"' dj'nasty. The literal meaning of Khafitnibus, " Opposite to its master " — the master 
 being liere Amon of Karnak — was discovered by Brugsch, Ueher den Stadtnamen Khe/ti-her-neh-s, 
 in the Zeitsohrift, 1863, pp. 38-40. It was properly applied to the original part of the necropolis, 
 Qurneh, the Assassif and Drah-abu'l-Neggah, but it was also extended so as to include the entire 
 region of tombs. 
 
THE NECROPOLIS OF THEBES. 
 
 507 
 
 the south-western direction from the heroic period of the XVIIl'" dynasty 
 onwards, and all the eminences and valleys were gradually appropriated one 
 after the other for burying-places. At the time of which I am speaking, this 
 region formed an actual town, or rather a chain of villages, each of which was 
 grouped round some building constructed by one or other of the Pharaohs as 
 
 at Drah-abu'l-Neggah around pyramids 
 
 of the first Theban monarchs, at Qurneh around the niausoloa ot" liamses 1. 
 and Seti I., and at Sheikh Abd el-Qurneh they lay near the Ainenopheum 
 and the Pamonkaniqimit, or Karaesseum built by Kamses II.'^ Towards the 
 south ti)ey diminished in number, tombs and monuments becoming fewer and 
 appearing at wider intervals ; the j\Iigdol of Kamses III, formed an isolated 
 suburb, that of Azamit, at Medinet-Habu ; ^ the chapel of Isis, constructed by 
 Ameuothes, son of Hapu, formed a rallying-point for the huts of the hiimlet of 
 Karka ; * and in the far distance, in a wild gorge at the extreme limit of human 
 habitations, the queens of the llamesside line slept their last sleep. Each of these 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Boato. 
 
 ' For information on the royal temples, see pp. 382, .383, 419 of the present work for (Qurneh, 
 pp. 310-312 for the Amenopheum, and pp. 419-421 for the Rumesseum. The name of the Ranietseum 
 was found in the ostraca by Wiedemann, Ein Fund Tliebanischer Ostraka, in the Zeituchrift, 18G3, p. 34. 
 
 ' The name was transcribed in Greek with the masculine article Pa, Pasemis; in Coptic, Siime, 
 Sime (Brugsch, G^ogr. Ins., vol. i. pp. 185, 18G, and Diet. G€og., pp. ;t88-991 ; cf. Goodwin, Topo- 
 (iraphical Notes from Coptic Papyri, in the Zeitachrift, 1868, p. 75, where the identification of the 
 Coptic with the hieroglyphic name was made for the first time, as far as I um aware). 
 
 * The village of Karka or Kaka woa identified by Brugsch with the hamlet uf Deir el-Medineh 
 (Der Tempel von Dir el-Medineh, in the Zeitschri/t, 187C, p. 127); the founder of the temple was none 
 other than Amenuthes, who was minister under Amen6thes III. ; see pp. 299, 301, 448, 449 of the 
 present work. 
 
508 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 temples had around it its enclosing wall of dried brick,^ and the collection 
 of buildings within this boundary formed tbe Khiru, or retreat of some one 
 of the Theban Pharaohs, which, in the official language of the time, was 
 designated the "august Khirii of millions of years." ^ A sort of fortified 
 structure, which was built into one of the corners, served as a place of deposit 
 for the treasure and archives, and could be used as a prison if occasion 
 required,^ Tbe remaining buildings consisted of storehouses, stables, and 
 houses for the priests and other officials. In some cases the storehouses were 
 constructed on a regular plan which the architect had fitted in with that 
 of the temple. Their ruins at the back and sides of the Kamesseum form a 
 double row of vaults, extending from the foot of the hills to the border of the 
 cultivated lands. Stone recesses on the roof furnished shelter for the watch- 
 men.* The outermost of the village huts stood among the nearest tombs. The 
 population which had been gathered together there was of a peculiar character, 
 and we can gather but a feeble idea of its nature from the surroundings of the 
 cemeteries in our own great cities. Death required, in fact, far more attendants 
 among the ancient Egyptians than with us. The first service was that of mummi- 
 fication, which necessitated numbers of workers for its accomplishment. Some 
 of the workshops of the embalmers have been discovered from time to time at 
 Sheikh Abd el-Qurneh and Deir el-Bahart, but we are still in ignorance as to 
 their arrangements, and as to the exact nature of the materials which they em- 
 ployed.^ A considerable superficial space was required, for the manipulations of 
 the embalmers occupied usually from sixty to eighty days, and if we suppose that 
 the average deaths at Thebes amounted to fifteen or twenty in the twenty-four 
 hours, they would have to provide at the same time for the various degrees of satu- 
 ration of some twelve to fifteen hundred bodies at the least.^ Each of the corpses, 
 moreover, necessitated the employment of at least half a dozen workmen to wash 
 
 ' For a boundary wall at Qurueli, and another at Medinet-Habu, see Jollois-Devilliees, Description 
 des Ruines de Qournah, in the Description de VUgypte, vol. ii. pp. 349, 350, and Idem., Description des 
 edifices, etc., de Medintt-Abu, in the Description de I'Egypte, vol. iii. pp. 42, 43. 
 
 * BiECH, Lo Papyrus Abbott, in tho Bevue ArchMogique, 1859, vol. xvi. pp. 263, 264; Chabas- 
 LiEBLEiN, De%ix Papyrus hieratiques du Mus^e de Turin, p. 12, et seq., and Melanges Egyptologiques, 
 3rd series, vol. i. p. 5'i, note 3, and Maspero, Une Knquete judiciaire a Thebes, p. 59, et seq. 
 
 ' This was the Uhatmu, tlie dungeon, frequently mentioned in the documents bearing upon the 
 necropolis (Pleyte-Rossi, Les Papyrus hieratiques de Turin, pis. xlii. 1. 7, xlviii. 1. 23, etc.). 
 
 * Jollois-Devilliers, Description du tombeaud'Osymandyas, in the Description de l'P:gypte, vol. ii. 
 pp. 268-270, and Ant., vol. ii. pi. 24, co-ordinate 2. Tlie discovery of quantities of ostraca in the 
 ruins of tbese chambers shows that they served partly for cellars (Wiedemann, Ein Fund TItebanischer 
 Ostraca, in tlie Zeitschrift, 1883, pp 33-35; cf. pp. 419-421 of the present work). 
 
 * The methods of embalming among the Egyptians have been studied during the present century 
 by RoCYER, Notice sur les embaumements, etc., in the Description de I'Egypte, vol. vi. pp. 461-487, and 
 especially by Pettigeew, History of Egyptian Mummies, 4to, 1834, where there is a resume ot previous 
 treatises. For Theban burials, see Btjdge, The Mummy, Chapters on Egyptian Funereal Archxology, 1893. 
 
 " I have formed my estimate of fifteen to twenty deaths per day Irom tlie mortality of Cairo during 
 the French occupation. This is given by R. Desgenettes, Tables necrologiques du Kaire pendant 
 les annees VIL, VIII., et IX. (1798, 1799, 1800, 1801), in the Description de I'Egypte, vol. xvi. pp. 229- 
 266, but only approximately, as many deaths, especially of females, must have been concealed from 
 the authorities; I have, however, made an average from the totals, and applied the rate of mortalily 
 
THE MUMMIES. 
 
 it, cut it open, soak it, dry it, and apply 
 the usual bandages before placing the 
 amulets upon the canonically prescribed 
 places, and using the conventional prayers. 
 There was fastened to the breast, imme- 
 diately below the neck, a stone or green 
 porcelain scarab, containing an inscription 
 which was to be efficacious in preventing 
 the heart, "his heart which came to him 
 from his mother, his heart from the time 
 he was upon the earth," from rising up and 
 witnessing against the dead man before the 
 tribunal of Osiris.^ There were placed on 
 his fingers gold or enamelled rings, as 
 talismans to secure for him the true voice.'"^ 
 The body becomes at last little more 
 than a skeleton, with a covering of yellow 
 skin which accentuates the anatomical details, but the head, on the other 
 hand, still preserves, where the operations have been properly conducted, its 
 natural form. The cheeks have fallen in slightly, the lips and the flesliy 
 parts of the nose have become thinner and more drawn than during life, but 
 the general expression of the face remains unaltered.* A mask of pitch was 
 placed over the visage to preserve it, above which was adjusted first a piece of 
 linen and then a series of bands impregnated with resin, which increased .the 
 size of the head to twofold its ordinary bulk.'^ The trunk and limbs were 
 
 thus obtained to ancient Tliebes. The same result follows from calculations based on more recent 
 figures, obtained before the great hygienic changes introduced into Cairo by Ismail Pacha, i.e. from 
 August 1, 1858, to July 31, 1850 (Schxefp, Considerations turle monvement ile la jwpulalion en £ijyptr, 
 in the Memoires de VlnsUtut Kgtjptien, vol. i. p. 544), and from May 24, 1865, to May 16, 1866 (Ch. 
 Edmosd, UEgyptc a I'Exposition Vniverselle de 1867, 8vo, Paris. 1867), and (or the two years from 
 April 2, 1869, to .March 21, 1870, and from April 2, 187(», to March 21, 1871 {Sldlistiqiie de rEr,ypte, 
 vol. ii. p. '.)4, vol. iii. p. 116). 
 
 ' The manipulations and prayers were prescribed in the " Book of Embalming," see Maspebo, 
 M€m.oires sur quelques Fapyrus du Louvre, pp. 14-104. For the scarabs, see BincH, On Formulas 
 relating to the Heart, in the Zeitschri/t, 1866, pp. 89-92, and 1867, pp. 16, 17, 54-.')6; cf. Maspero, 
 Guide du VisiUur, pp. 228-230, and Budge, The Mummy, etc., pp. 234-240. 
 
 ^ The ceremonies and formulas connected with this ring, "the ring of the true voice," are given 
 in Maspeuo, HUmoircs sur quelques Papyrus du Louvre, pp. 33-35. The prescribed gold ring was 
 often replaced by one of blue or green enamel. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Emil Brugsch Bey ; cf. Maspebo, Les Momies royakt, 
 etc., in the M€moires de la Minsion Frangaise, vol. i. pi. xviii. b. It is the head of the scribe Nibsoni. 
 
 * See the heads of the following: Seti I. (pi. 1 of the present work), Kamses II. (p. 429 of the 
 present work), those of the three Thutmoscs {ibid., pp. 242, 243, 290). These, it is true, were royal 
 mummies, but the mummies of ordinary citizens were no less carefully treated, iiml Joraard has 
 already pointed out the contrast between the appearance of the head and that of the body {Dfscripiion 
 des Hypog^es de la ville de Thehes, in the Description de VEgypte, vol. iii. pp. 77-84). 
 
 * This was the case in regard to the mummies of Ahmosis, Thutmosis III., Ramses III., and 
 Seti I. (Maspebo, Les Momiis royales de Deir cl-Bahari, in the Mgmoires d<- la Mission Frangaise, 
 vol. i. i)p. 53.5, 555. 565). Those of Ramses II. and of Thutmosis I. iiiid II. had no mask.-. 
 
510 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 THE MANUFACTUIiE AM) PAINTING OF THE CARTONNAGE.' 
 
 bound round with a first covering of some pliable soft stuff, warm to the touch. 
 Coarsely powdered natron was scattered here and there over the body as an 
 additional preservative. Packets placed between the legs, the arms and the 
 hips, and in the eviscerated abdomen, contained the heart, spleen, the dried 
 brain, tlie hair, and the cuttings of the beard and nails. In those days the hair 
 had a special magical virtue : by burning it while uttering certain incantations, 
 one might acquire an almost limitless power over the person to whom it had 
 belonged. The embalmers, therefore, took care to place with the mummy such 
 portions of the hair as they had been obliged to cut off, so as to remove them 
 out of the way of the perverse ingenuity of the sorcerers.^ Over the first 
 covering of the mummy already alluded to, there was sometimes placed a strip 
 of papyrus or a long piece of linen, upon which the scribe had transcribed 
 selections — both text and pictures — from " The Book of the going forth 
 by Day : " in such cases the roll containing the whole work was placed 
 between the legs.^ The body was further wrapped in several bandages, 
 then in a second piece of stuff, then in more bands, the whole being finally 
 covered with a shroud of coarse canvas and a red linen winding-sheet, sewn 
 together at the back, and kept in place by transverse bands disposed at intervals 
 from head to foot. The son of the deceased and a " man of the roll " were 
 present at this lugubrious toilet, and recited at the application of each piece 
 a prayer, in which its object was defined and its duration secured.* Every 
 Egyptian was supposed to be acquainted with the formulae, from having learned 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after Kosellini, Monumenti Civili, pi. cxxvi. 4, 5. 
 
 ^ Maspero, Etudes de Myihologie, etc., vol. i. p. 274; this whole description is based on the royal 
 mummies of Deir el-Bahari, and some score of other Theban mummies of the XX"' or XXP' dynasty 
 discovered from 1881 to 1886. 
 
 ' At Dfcir el-Bahari a strip of papyrus was found on the mummies of Pinozmu and Zodphtahau- 
 fonkhii respectively (Maspero, Les Momies royales, etc., in the M^moires de la Mission Franfuise, 
 vol. i. pp. 572, 573, 574), and inscribed pieces of linen on those of Thutmosis III. and the Princess 
 Maritamon (ibid., pp. 539, 548). 
 
 ' This is to be seen from the numerous rubrics inserted in the Bool; of the Dead (Lepsio?, Todlen- 
 buch, i. 11. 22-24, xv. 11. 47-49, xviii. 11. 39, 40, Ixx. 1, 3, Ixxii. 11. 9-11, cxxxv. 1. 4, cxxxvi. 11. 11-15, 
 cxliv. 11. 31-35, cxli. 11. 4-7, clxii. 11. 12, 13). 
 
THE FUNERAL OF A RICH MAN. 
 
 511 
 
 WRAPPING OP THE MUMMY, UNDEK THE DIKECTIOX OF THE "MAX OF THE RdLL.'" 
 
 them during his lifetime, by which he was to have restored to him the use of 
 his limbs, and be protected from the dangers of the world beyond. These were 
 repeated to the dead person, however, for greater security, during the process 
 of embalming, and the son of the deceased, or the master of the ceremonies,, 
 took care to whisper to the mummy the most mysterious parts, which no living 
 ear might hear with impunity.^ The wrappings having been completed, the 
 deceased person became aware of his equipment, and enjoyed all the privileges 
 of the " instructed and fortified Manes." He felt himself, both mummy and 
 double, now ready for the tomb. 
 
 Egyptian funerals were not liice those to which we are accustomed — mute 
 ceremonies, in which sorrow is barely expressed by a furtive tear: noise, 
 sobbings, and wild gestures were their necessary concomitants.** Not only was 
 it customary to hire weeping women, who tore their hair, filled the air with 
 their lamentations, and simulated by skilful actions the depths of despair, but 
 the relatives and friends themselves did not shrink from making an outward 
 show of their grief, nor from disturbing the equanimity of the passers-by by the 
 immoderate expressions of their sorrow. One after another they raised their 
 voices, and uttered some expression appropriate to the occasion : " To the West, 
 the dwelling of Osiris, to the West, thou who wast the best of men, and who 
 always hated guile." * And the hired weepers answered in chorus : " 0 chief,'^ 
 as thou goest to the West, the gods themselves lament."" The funeral cortege 
 started in the morning from the house of mourning, and proceeded at a slow 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from Rosellini. Mottumenti Cioili, pi. cxxvi. 2, 3. 
 
 ' See as to tlio " equipped Manes " and the " inatructed Manes," Dawn of Citilization, p. 18:?. 
 
 ' The arrangements in regard to burials were studied for the first time after Wilkinson, Maniier» 
 and CuBlomg, 2nd edit., vol. iii. pp. 427-492, by Maspero, Uludes Egyptieitnes, vol. i. pp. 81-194, and 
 Lectures Ilisioriques, pp. 140-160; afterwards by Budge, Hie Mammy, Chapterg oh Egyptian Funereal 
 Archxology, pp. 153-173. 
 
 * Formula taken from the scene of a burial in the tomb of Kai (Champollion, Moitumeiilg, etc.,. 
 pis. clxxvii., clxxviii., and vol. i. pp. 544, 545 ; Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, pis. cxxviii., cxxix.). 
 
 » The "chief" is one of the names of Osiris (Maspebo, M^moire* sur qiielques papyrus du Louvre, 
 pp. 11, 12, and Etudes Eijypiicnnet, vol. i. pp. 172, n. 2, 179, n. 1), and is applied naturally to the dea<l 
 person, who has become an Osiris by virtue of the embalming ; of. Dawn of Civilization, p. 178, et seq. 
 
 ' From an inscription on the tomb of Harkhamiti at Memphis (Mauiette, Mon. divers, pi. 60). 
 
512 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 pace to the Nile, amid the clamours of the mourners. The route was cleared 
 by a number of slaves and retainers. First came those who carried cakes and 
 flowers in their hands, followed by others bearing jars full of water, bottles of 
 liqueurs, and phials of perfumes ; then came those who carried painted boxes 
 intended for the provisions of the dead man, and for containing the Ushabtiu, or 
 Eespondents," The succeeding group bore the usual furniture required by 
 the deceased to set up house again, coffers for linen, folding and arm chairs. 
 
 THE FUNERAL OF HAEMHABI.' 
 
 state-beds, and sometimes even a caparisoned chariot with its quivers. Then 
 came a groom conducting two of his late mastei-'s favourite horses, who, having 
 accompanied the funeral to the tomb, were brought back to their stable. 
 Another detachment, more numerous than the others combined, now filed past, 
 bearing the effects of the mummy ; first the vessels for the libations, then the cases 
 for the Canopic jars, then the Canopic jars themselves, the mask of the deceased, 
 coloured half in gold and half in blue, arms, sceptres, military batons, necklaces, 
 scarabs, vultures with encircling wings worn on the breast at festival-times, 
 chains, " Eespondents," and the human-headed sparrow-hawk, the emblem of the 
 soul. Many of these objects were of wood plated with gold, others of the same 
 material simply gilt, and others of solid gold, and thus calculated to excite the 
 cupidity of the crowd. Offerings came next, then a noisy company of female 
 weepers ; then a slave, who sprinkled at every instant some milk upon the 
 ground as if to lay the dust ; then a master of the ceremonies, who, the panther 
 skin upon his shoulder, asperged the crowd with perfumed water ; and behind 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher Gudin, from the coloured print in Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd 
 •edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvi. ; cf. Bouriant, Le Tomleau d'Harmhabi, in the Mgmoires de la Mission 
 Frangaise, vol. v. pl. v. The lett side of this design fits on to the right of the following cut. 
 
TBE PROCESSION OF OFFERINGS AND FUNERARY FURNITURE. 513 
 
 liim comes the hearse. The latter, according to custom, was made in the form 
 of a boat — representing tlie bark of Osiris, with his ark, and two guardians, 
 Isis and Nephthys — and was placed upon a sledge, which was drawn by a team 
 of oxen and a relay of fellahin. The sides of the ark were, as a rule, formed 
 
 THE FUNtltAL OF HABMHAlfi.' 
 
 of movable wooden panels, decorated with pictures and inscriptions ; sometimes, 
 however, but more rarely, tlie panels were replaced by a covering of em- 
 broidered stuff or of soft leather. In the latter case the decoration was 
 singiilarly rich, the figures and hieroglyphs being cut out with a knife, and 
 the spaces thus left filled in with pieces of coloured leather, which gave 
 the whole an appearance of brilliant mosaic-work.'^ In place of a boat, a 
 shrine of painted wood, also mounted upon a sledge, was frequently used. 
 When the ceremony was over, this was left, together with the coflin, in 
 tlie lomb.^ The wife and children walked as close to the bier as possible, 
 and were followed by the friends of the deceased, dressed in long linen 
 garments,^ each of them bearing a wand. The ox-driver, while goading his 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after a coloured print in Wilkinson, Mannert and Cuttomt, 2nd 
 edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvi ; cf. Boubiant, Tombeau d'Harmhahi, in the M€moires de la MisnioH Frangaite, 
 vol. V. pi. V. This cut joins on to the left of that on the preceding page. 
 
 " One of these coverings was found in the hiding-place at Deir el-Haliati ; it had belonged to the 
 Princess Isimkhobift, whose mummy is now at Gizeh (Maspeko, Guide du Ymtetir, pp. 327, 32ri, 
 No. 3221). It was reproduced, uucoloured, by Masi'EKO, Les Momits royalen, in the M€inoires de la 
 Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 534-589, and Arch^ologie £gyptienne, pp. 203-284; in colours by 
 ViLLiEBS Stuaht, The Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, 1882, and Egypt after the War, pi. i. I o 2, 
 and in E. BniGSCH, La Tente Fun^raire de la Princes»e himkheh, pis. iii.-vii. 
 
 ' I found iu the tomb of Sonuozmii (Masi'EBO, Eludes de Mythologie, etc., vol. i. pp. 227-229) two 
 of these sledges with tiie superstructure in the form of a temple. They are now in the Gizeh 
 Museum (Toda, Sonnot'em en Tebax, Inventario y Textos de un Sepulcro Egipcio de la XX' Dinastia, 
 pp. 22, 23, 24; Vibey, Notice des principaux monuments exposes au Mus€e de Giz^h, Nos. 1254, 
 1259, pp. 320, 321). 
 
 * The whole of this description is taken from the pictures representing the interment of a certain 
 Harmhabi, who died at Thebes in the time of Tlifltmosis IV. Wilkinson reproduced the whole of 
 
 2 L 
 
514 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 beasts, cried out to them : " To the West, ye oxen who draw the hearse, to the 
 West ! Your master comes behind you ! " " To the West," the friends repeated ; 
 " the excellent man lives no longer who loved truth so dearly and hated lying ! " ^ 
 This lamentation is neither remarkable for its originality nor for its depth of 
 feeling. Sorrow was expressed on such occasions in prescribed formulae of 
 always the same import, custom soon enabling each individual to compose for 
 
 himself a repertory of 
 monotonous exclama- 
 tions of condolence, of 
 which the prayer, "To 
 the West ! " formed the 
 basis, relieved at inter- 
 vals by some fresh epi- 
 thet. The nearest rela- 
 tives of the deceased, 
 however, would find some 
 more sincere expressions 
 of grief, and some more 
 touching appeals with 
 which to break in upon the commonplaces of the conventional theme. They 
 blended with their inarticulate cries, and the usual protestations and formulae, 
 an eulogy upon the deceased and his virtues, allusions to his disposition and 
 deeds, mention of the offices and honours he had obtained, and reflections on 
 the uncertainty of human life — the whole forming the melancholy dirge 
 which each generation intoned over its predecessor, while waiting itself for 
 the same office to be said over it in its turn.^ 
 
 On reaching the bank of the Nile the funeral cortege proceeded to embark.* 
 The bearers of offerings, friends, and slaves passed over on hired barges, whose 
 cabins, covered externally with embroidered stuffs of several colours, or with 
 
 them to illustrate bis cliapter on Egyptian funerals (j¥a?iners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvi., 
 and pp. 444-446), and also Bouriant (Tombeau de Harmhahi, pi. v., in the Memoires de la Mission 
 Fran^aise, vol. v. p. 431). 
 
 ' Tliese expressions are taken from the inscriptions on the tomb of Eai (Champollion, ilforeu- 
 ments de I'Fgypte, etc., pis. clxxvii., clxxviii., and vol. i. pp. 544, 545 ; Eosellini, MonumeHti Civili, 
 pis. cxxviii., cxxix.). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from pictures in the tomb of Noflrhotpu at Thebes ; cf. Wilkinson, 
 Manners and Customs, 2ad edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvii. ; Champollion, Monuments del'Egtjpte, pi. clxxiii. 2 ; 
 RosELLiNi, Monumenti Civili, pi. cxxxi. 2 ; Dumichen, Bie Flotte einer ^gyptischen Kbingin, pi. xxx. 
 
 = Maspeeo, Etudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 81, 82, 117, 118. 
 
 ■* The description of this second part of the funeral arrangements is taken from the tomb of 
 Ilarmbabi (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvi., and Bouriant, Tombeau de 
 Harmhahi, in the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. v. pi. v.), and especially from that of 
 Noflrhotpu (Wilkinson, op. cit., 2nd edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvii. ; Champollion, op. ci<.,pl8. clxxii., clxxiii. 
 ■clxxvii., aud vol. i. pp. 547, 548; Rosellini, Monumenti Civili, pis. exxx , cxxxi.; Dumichen, Die 
 Flotte einer Aigyptischen Konigin, pi. xxx.). 
 
TEE CROSSING OF THE NILE. 
 
 515 
 
 The latter was supposed to represent the Noshemit, the mysterious skiff of 
 Abydos, which had been used in the obsequies of Osiris of yore. It was elegant, 
 
 THE IIUATS CONTAINING THE FUIENDS AND THE FtNEKAltV Kl KNITl Kt.-' 
 
 light, and slender in shape, and ornamented at bow and stern with a lotus-flower 
 of metal, which bent back its head gracefully, as if bowed down by its own 
 weight. A temple-shaped shrine stood in the middle of the boat, adorned with 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from paintings on the tomb of Xofirhotpu at Thebes (cf. Wilkinson, 
 Manners and Customs, 2m\ edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvil. ; Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte, pi. clxxiii. 3 ; 
 RosELLiNi, Mouumenti Civili, pi. exsx. 1, 2; Dumichen, Die Flolte, etc., pi. xxx.). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from paintings on the tomb of Nofirhotpil at Thebes ; cf. Wilkinson, 
 op. cit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvii. ; CiiAMroLLioN, op. cit., pi. clxxii. 2 ; Rosellini, op. cit., pi. cxxx. 1 ; 
 
 DtMICHEN, op. cit., pi. XXX. 
 
516 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 bouquets of flowers and with green palm-branches. The female members of 
 the family of the deceased, crouched beside the shrine, poured forth lamen- 
 tations, while two priestesses, representing respectively Isis and Nephthys, 
 took up positions behind to protect the body. The boat containing the female 
 mourners having taken the funeral barge in tow, the entire flotilla pushed out 
 into the stream. This was the solemn moment of the ceremony — the moment 
 in which the deceased, torn away from his earthly city, was about to set out 
 upon that voyage from which, there is no return. The crowds assembled on 
 the banks of the river hailed the dead with their parting prayers: "Mayest 
 thou reach in peace the West from Thebes ! In peace, in peace towards Abydos, 
 mayst thou descend in peace towards Abydos, towards the sea of the West!"^ 
 
 " Mouth of the Cleft " which gave him access to the other world, and it was 
 for this reason that the name of Abydos is associated with that of Thebes in 
 the exclamations of the crowd.^ The voices of the friends replied frequently 
 and mournfully: "To the West, to the West, the land of the justified! The 
 place which thou lovedst weeps and is desolate ! " Then the female mourners 
 took up the refrain, saying : " In peace, in peace, to the West ! 0 honourable 
 one, go in peace ! If it please God, when the day of Eternity shall shine, we 
 shall see thee, for behold thou goest to the land which mingles all men 
 together ! " The widow then adds her note to the concert of lamentations r 
 " 0 my brother, 0 my husband, 0 my beloved, rest, remain in thy place, do 
 not depart from the terrestrial spot where thou art ! Alas, thou goest away 
 to the ferry-boat in order to cross the stream ! O sailors, do not hurry, leave 
 him; you, you will return to your homes, but he, he is going away to the land 
 of Eternity ! 0 Osirian bark, why hast thou come to take away from me him 
 who has left me ! " * The sailors were, of course, deaf to her appeals, and the 
 
 ' Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 2nd edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvi., and Champollion, Monuments 
 de I'Egypte, vol. i. p. 835. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a stele in the Gizeh Museum ; of. Maeiette, Notices de» 
 principaux Monuments, 1864, p. 137, a.nA Album pliotograpMque du Mus^e deBoulaq, pi. 14; Maspero, 
 Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, etc., in the Recueil de Travaux,Yo\. ii. pis. 106, 107 ; Peerot- 
 Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans I' Antiquity, vol. i. p. 307. Another representation of a similar character 
 is in the Turin Museum ; Maspero, op. eit., in the Eecueil de Travaux, vol. ii. plates on pp 106, 107. 
 
 ' The significance of the crossing of the Nile, and the mystic meaning of the voyage towards 
 Abydos, were pointed out by Maspero, Mudes JSgyptiennes, vol, i. p. 118, et seq. 
 
 * Wilkinson, op. cit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvii. ; cf. Maspero, Etudes Egyptiennes, vol. 1. pp. 134-139. 
 
 A CORNER OF THE THEBAN NECEOPOLTS.^ 
 
 This crossing of the 
 Nile was of special sig- 
 nificance in regard to 
 the future of the soul 
 of the deceased : it re- 
 presented his pilgrimage 
 towards Abydos, to the 
 
THE FUNERARY CHAPEL AND THE FAREWELL TO THE DECEASED. 517 
 
 !iiummy pursued its undisturbed course towards the last stage of its mysterious 
 voyage. 
 
 The majority of the tombs — those which were distributed over the plain or 
 ■on the nearest spurs of tlie hill — were constructed on the lines of those brick- 
 built pyramids erected on mastabas which were very common during the 
 early Theban dynasties.^ The relative proportions of the parts alone were 
 modified: the mastaba, which had gradually been reduced to an insignificant 
 base, had now recovered its original height, while the pyramid had cor- 
 respondingly decreased, and was much reduced in size. The chapel was 
 
 constructed within the building, and the mummy-pit was sunk to a varying 
 depth below. The tombs ranged along the mountain-side were, on the other 
 hand, rock-cut, and similar to tliose at el-Bersheh and Beni-ilasan.^ The 
 heads of wealthy families or the nobility naturally did not leave to the last 
 moment tlie construction of a sepulchre worthy of their rank and fortune. 
 They prided themselves on having " finished their house which is in the funeral 
 valley when the morning for the hiding away of their body should come." * 
 Access to these tombs was by too steep and difficult a path to allow of oxen 
 being employed for the transport of the mummy : the friends or slaves of the 
 deceased were, therefore, obliged to raise the sarcophagus on their shoulders 
 and bear it as best they could to the door of the tomb. The mummy was then 
 placed in an upright position on a heap of sand, with its back to the wall and 
 facing the assistants, like the master of some new villa who, having been 
 accompanied by his friends to see him take possession, turns for a moment on 
 
 ' Cf. what is said of these brick pyramids in the Dawn of Civilization, pp. -IGO, 461. 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-GudiD, from the paintings in the Theban tombs ; cf. Roseluni, Monumenti 
 Civili, pi. exxxii. 
 
 ' Cf., for these Theban tombs, Maspeiio, Archeologie £gyplienne, pp. 141, 142. The chapel of the 
 Apis of AmcnOthes III., represented on p. 425 of the present work, is a good example of this kind 
 of tomb— half mastaba, half pyramid. 
 
 * Mauiette, Lei I'upyrus Jf^yyptiens du Mutfe de Boulaq, vol. i. pi. xvii. 11. 13, 14 
 
 FAl 
 
 THE MU.MMY, AND THE DOUBLE KECEIVED BY THE GODDESS.* 
 
518 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE 
 
 the thresliold to take leave of tliein before entering. A sacrifice, an offering, 
 a prayer, and a fresh outburst of grief ensued ; the mourners redoubled their 
 cries and threw themselves upon the ground, the relatives decked the mummy 
 with flowers and pressed it to their bared bosoms, kissing it upon the breast 
 and knees. " I am thy sister, O great one ! forsake me not ! Is it indeed thy 
 will that I should leave thee ? If I go away, thou shalt be here alone, and is 
 there any one who will be with thee to follow thee? O thou who lovedst 
 to jest with me, thou art now silent, thou speakest not ! " Whereupon the 
 mourners again broke out in chorus : " Lamentation, lamentation ! Make, 
 make, make, make lamentation without ceasing as loud as can be made. O 
 good traveller, who takest thy way towards the land of Eternity, thou hast 
 been torn from us ! 0 thou who hadst so many around thee, thou art now 
 in the land which bringest isolation ! Thou who lovedst to stretch thy limbs 
 in walking, art now fettered, bound, swathed ! Thou who hadst fine stuffs in 
 abundance, art laid in the linen of yesterday ! " ^ Calm in the midst of the 
 tumult, the priest stood and offered the incense and libation with the accus- 
 tomed words : " To thy double, Osiris N^ofirhotpu, whose voice before the great 
 god is true ! " This was the signal of departure, and the mummy, carried by 
 two men, disappeared within the tomb : the darkness of the other world had 
 laid hold of it, never to let it go again. 
 
 The chapel was usually divided into two chambers : one, which was of greater 
 width than length, ran parallel to the fa9ade ; the other, which was longer 
 than it was wide, stood at right angles with the former, exactly opposite to 
 the entrance.^ The decoration of these chambers took its inspiration from the 
 scheme which prevailed in the time of the Memphite dynasties, but besides 
 the usual scenes of agricultural labour, bunting, and sacrifice, there were 
 introduced episodes from the public life of the deceased, and particularly the 
 minute portrayal of the ceremonies connected with his burial. These pictorial 
 biographies are always accompanied by detailed explanatory inscriptions;, 
 every individual endeavoured thus to show to the Osirian judges the rank he 
 had enjoyed here upon earth, and to obtain in the fields of lalu the place 
 which he claimed to be his due. The stele was to be found at the far end of 
 the second chamber ; it was often let in to a niche in the form of a round- 
 headed doorway, or else it was replaced by a group of statues, either detached 
 
 ■ The lamentations for Maritn, in the tomb of Nofirhotpfl, in Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, 
 2nd edit., vol. iii. pi. Ixvii. ; cf. Maspero, Ji'tudes Egyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 139-143, where the Egyptian, 
 text has been restored as far as possible from the material at our disposal. 
 
 ^ Cf. the varieties of this T or cross-sliaped plan in Champollion, Mon. de l'£gypte et de la Nuhier 
 vol. i. pp. 487, 494, 496, 499, 505, 519, 526, 527, 529, 532, 535, 537, 538, 546, 558, 569. Two excellent 
 articles on tlie arrangement and state of these tombs have been published by Jomaed, Descriptions- 
 des hypog^es de la ville de Thebes, in the Description de VEgypte, vol. iii. p. 34, et seq., and by A- 
 Rhind, Th^hes, its Tombs and their Tenants, pp. 38-61, 77-123. 
 
THE FUNERARY SACRIFICE. 
 
 519 
 
 or sculptured in the rock itself, representing the occupant, his wives and 
 children, who took the place of the supporters of the double, formerly always 
 hidden within the serdab. The ceremony of the " Opening of the Mouth " 
 took place in front of the 
 niche on the day of burial, 
 at the moment when the 
 deceased, having completed 
 his terrestrial course, en- 
 tered his new home and 
 took possession of it for 
 all eternity.^ The object 
 of this ceremony was, as 
 we know, to counteract 
 the effects of the embalm- 
 ing, and to restore ac- 
 tivity to the organs of the 
 body whose functions had 
 been suspended by death. ^ 
 The "man of the roll" 
 and his assistants, aided 
 by the priests, who repre- 
 sented the "children of 
 Horus," once more raised 
 the mummy into an upright 
 position upon a heap of sand 
 in the middle of the chapel, 
 and celebrated in his behalf the divine mystery instituted by Horus for Osiris. 
 They purified it both by ordinary and by red water, by the incense of the south 
 and by the alum of the north, in the same manner as that in which the statues of 
 the gods were purified at the beginning of the temple sacrifices ; they then set to 
 work to awake the deceased from his sleep : they loosened his shroud and called 
 back the double who had escaped from the body at the moment of the death- 
 agony,* and restored to him the use of his arms and legn. As soon as the 
 
 ' Cf., for the idea involved in this ceremony. Dawn of denization, pp. 179, 180. The texts and 
 pictures relating to the "Opening of the Mouth" have been published by SciiiAPAnELLi, J? Ltfrro 
 dei Funerali dei Antichi Egiziani, by whom they have been annotated at length ; cf. Maspero, Eludet 
 de Mythologie et d'Archiblogie Egyptiennet, vol. i. pp. 203-324. The short description I have given in 
 the text follows exactly the order observed in the tomb of Seti I. (E. Lefebure, Let Hypog^es royaux 
 de Tliehes: I. Le tombeau de SAi I", in the Memoiret de la Mission Franfaise, vol. ii., pt. 3. 
 pis. i.-xiii.). 
 
 » Maspbbo, Etudes de Mythologie et d'Archiblogie tgyptiennes, vol. i. pp. 292-316. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger, taken at Thebes in 1881. 
 
 * Maspewo, op. cit., vol. i. p. 300. 
 
520 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 sacrificial slaughterers had despatched the bull of the south, and cut it in 
 pieces, the priest seized the bleeding haunch, and raised it to the lips of the 
 mask as if to invite it to eat; but the lips still remained closed, and refused to 
 perform their office. The priest then 
 touched them with several iron instru- 
 ments hafted on wooden handles, which 
 were supposed to possess the power 
 of unsealing them. The "opening" 
 once effected, the double became 
 free, and the tomb-paintings from 
 thenceforward ceasing to depict the 
 mummy, represented the double 
 only. They portrayed it " under the 
 form which he had on this earth," 
 wearing the civil garb, and fulfilling 
 his ordinary functions.^ The corpse 
 was regarded as merely the larva, 
 to be maintained in its integrity in 
 order to ensure survival ; but it could 
 be relegated without fear to the 
 depths of the bare and naked tomb, 
 there to remain until the end of time, 
 if it pleased the gods to preserve 
 it from robbers or archteologists. 
 COFFIN-LID.^ ^j^^ pg^.-^^ ^j^g Theban C0FFIK-UD.» 
 
 empire the coffins were rectangular wooden chests, made on the models of the 
 limestone and granite sarcophagi, and covered with prayers taken from the 
 various sacred writings, especially from the " Book of the Dead " : * during 
 the second Theban empire, they were modified into an actual sheath for the 
 body, following more or less the contour of the human figure. This external 
 model of the deceased covered his remains, and his figure in relief served 
 
 ' See the cut on p. 517, where on the left side, in front of the tomb, the deceased is represented 
 as a mummy ; while on the right, through the tomb doorway, he is represented as the " double," 
 alive and with his usual dress and appearance. 
 
 2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by M. de Mertens ; it is the cofiBn of Tamakit, 
 from the tomb of Sonnozmu, discovered at Thebes in 1886, and sold to the Berlin Museum (Erman, 
 Ausfiihrliclies Verzeichniss, p. 144, u. 10859). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by M. de Mertens; this coffin was discovered in 
 1886 at Mealali, near Gebelein (Euman, op. cit., p. 143, n. 8516). 
 
 * A description of the coffins of this type, both Tlieban and Memphite, of the XII"' dynasty, is 
 given in Lepsids, JElteste Texte des Todtenhuchs, pp. 21-24, pis. 1-43, and in Maspeko, Trois Annges 
 defouilles, in the M€moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 210-237. 
 
COFFINS — TBE REPAST OF TEE DECEASED. 
 
 521 
 
 as a lid to the coffin. The head was covered with the full-dress wig, a tippet 
 of white cambric half veiled the bosom, the petticoat fell in folds about the 
 limbs, the feet were shod with sandals, the arms were outstretched or were 
 folded over the breast, and the hands clasped various objects — either the 
 crux ansata, the buckle of the belt, the tat, or a garland of flowers. Some- 
 
 times, on the contrary, the collin was merely a conventional reproduction of 
 the human form. The two feet and legs were joined together, and the model- 
 ling of the knee, calf, thigh, and stomach was only slightly indicated in tlie 
 wood. Towards the close of the XVIIl"' dynasty it was the fashion for wealthy 
 persons to have two coftins, one fitting inside the other, painted black or 
 white. From the XX'" dynasty onwards they were coated with a yellowish 
 varnish, and so covered with inscriptions and mystic signs that each coffin was 
 a tomb in miniature, and could well have done duty as such, and thus meet all 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Maiuette, Album photographique dn Muf^e de Boulaq, 
 pi. 15. 
 
522 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 the needs of the so\\\} Later still, during the XXP' and XXIP'^ dynasties, 
 these two, or even three coffins, were enclosed in a rectangular sarcophagus of 
 thick wood, which, surmounted by a semicircular lid, was decorated with pictures 
 and hallowed by prayers : four sparrow-hawks, perched on the uprights at the 
 
 THE FUNERAL liEPAiST — MUSIC AND DANCING." 
 
 corners, watched at the four cardinal points, and protected the body, enabling- 
 the soul at the same time to move freely within the four houses of which the- 
 world was composed. The workmen, after having deposited the mummy in its 
 resting-place, piled upon the floor of the tomb the canopic jars, the caskets,, 
 the provisions, the furniture, the bed, and the stools and chairs ; the Ushabtiu 
 occupied compartments in their allotted boxes, and sometimes there would be 
 laid beside them the mummy of a favourite animal — a monkey, a dog of som& 
 rare breed, or a pet gazelle, wliose coffins were shaped to their respective outlines^ 
 
 • The first to summarise the characteristics of the cofiSns and sarcophagi of the second Theban 
 period -was Maeiette, Notice des principaux Monuments, 1864, pp. 37-40, but he places the use of the 
 yellow-varnished coffins too late, viz. during the XXII'"' dynasty. Examples of them have since 
 been found which incontestably belong to the XX"'. Cf. the results of later researches in Maspero, 
 ArcMohgie Egyptienne, pp. 273-276. 
 
 2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a fragment in the British Museum (cf. Champollion, Monuments 
 de I'Egypte et de la Nuhie, pi. ccclxxvii. ter ; Eosellini, Monumenti Civili, xcix. 1). The scene 
 representing the funeral repast and its accompanying dances occurs frequently in the Theban tombs: 
 cf. Champollion, Monuments de I'jSgypte et de la Nuhie, pi. clxxxvii. ; RofELLiNi, Monumenti Civili, 
 pis. Ixxviii., Ixxix,, xcvi., xcviii., xcix.; Virey, Le Tomheau de Bekhmara, in the M^moires dela 
 Mission Frangaise, vol. v. pis. xli.-xliii. ; Bouriant, Tomheau de Earmhahi, in the Memoires de la 
 Mission, pi. ii. ; Scheil, Tomheau de Rat'eserkasenh, in the M^moires, vol. v. pis. ii., ii"., iii. 
 
TEE SONG OF THE HARPER. 
 
 the better to place before the 
 deceased the presentment of the 
 living animal. A few of the prin- 
 cipal objects were broken or 
 damaged, in the belief that, by 
 thus destroying them,theirdoubles 
 would go forth and accompany the 
 human double, and render him 
 their accustomed services during 
 the whole of his posthumous ex- 
 istence ; a charm pronounced over 
 them bound them indissolubly to 
 his person, and constrained them 
 to obey his will. This done, the iXhoIicT"' ''"'""'^ 
 
 priest muttered a final prayer, 
 
 and the masons walled up the doorway. The funeral feast now took place 
 with its customary songs and dances. The almehs addressed the guests and 
 exhorted them to make good use of the passing hour : " Be happy for one 
 day ! for when you enter your tombs you will rest there eternally throughout 
 the length of every day ! " ^ 
 
 Immediately after the repast the friend.s departed from the tomb, and the 
 last link which connected the dead with our world was then broken. The 
 sacred harper was called upon to raise the farewell hymn : ^ " 0 instructed 
 mummies,* ennead of the gods of the coffin, who listen to the praises of this 
 dead man, and who daily extol the virtues of this instructed mummy, who is 
 living eternally like a god, ruling in Amentit, ye also who shall live in the 
 memory of posterity, all ye who shall come and read these hymns inscribed, 
 according to the rites, within the tombs, repeat : ' The greatness of the under- 
 world, what is it ? The annihilation of the tomb, why is it? ' It is to conform 
 to the image of the land of Eternity, the true country where there is no strife 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Emil Bi ugsch-Bey, taken in 1881 ; cf. Maspeuo, 
 Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the Memoiret de la Mission Frangaise, pi. xxi. b. 
 
 ^ KosELLiNT, Monamenti Civili, pi. xcvi. 4. The original, reproduced by Perbot-Chipiez, Histoire 
 de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. i. pi. xii., is in the Louvre. 
 
 ' The harper is often represented performing this last office, and, without mentioning Bruco's 
 harper, reproduced on p. 525 of this volume, we tiud the scene in Rosellini, Mun. Civili, xcv., Nos. 
 3, 4, xcvi.. No. 1 ; in DOmiciien, Ilist. Inschriftcn, vol. ii. pis. xl., xl. a; in Benkdite, Tombeau de 
 Neferhotpou, in the Mfmoircs de la Mission Frangaise, vol. v. pi. ii., and pp. 504-510, 529-531. In 
 the tomb of Noflrhotpii, and in many others, the daughters or the relatives of the deceased accompany 
 or even replace the harper; in this case tliey belonged to a priestly family, and fulfilled the duties 
 of the " Female Singers " of Amon or some other god. 
 
 * "Instructed mummies" is an analogous expression to that of "instructed shades," which I 
 liave already explained in Dawn of Civilization, p. 183, and on i>p. 510, .">ll of the present work. 
 
524 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 and where violence is held in abhorrence, where none attacks his neighbour, 
 and where none among our generations who rest within it is rebellious, 
 from the time when your race first existed, to the moment when it shall become 
 a multitude of multitudes, all going the same way ; for instead of remaining in 
 this land of Egypt, there is not one but shall leave it, and there is said to all 
 who are here below, from the moment of their waking to life : ' Go, prosper 
 safe and sound, to reach the tomb at length, a chief among the blessed, and ever 
 mindful in thy heart of the day when thou must lie down on the funeral 
 bed ! ' " ^ The ancient song of Antuf, modified in the course of centuries, was 
 still that which expressed most forcibly the melancholy thought paramount 
 in the minds of the friends assembled to perform the last rites. " The im- 
 passibility of the chiefs is, in truth, the best of fates! Since the times of 
 the god bodies are created merely to pass away, and young generations take 
 their place : Ea rises in the morning, Tumu lies down to rest in the land of 
 the evening, all males generate, the females conceive, every nose inhales the air 
 from the morning of their birth to the day when they go to their place ! Be 
 happy then for one day, 0 man ! — May there ever be perfumes and scents 
 for thy nostrils, garlands and lotus-flowers for thy shoulders and for the neck 
 of thy beloved sister^ who sits beside thee! Let there be singing and music 
 before thee, and, forgetting all thy sorrows, think only of pleasure until the 
 day when thou must enter the country of Maritsakro, the silent goddess, 
 though all the same the heart of the son who loves thee will not cease to beat ! 
 Be happy for one day, 0 man ! — I have heard related what befell our ancestors ; 
 their walls are destroyed, their place is no more, they are as those who have 
 ceased to live from the time of the god ! The walls of thy tomb are strong, 
 thou hast planted trees at the edge of thy pond, thy soul reposes beneath them 
 and drinks the water ; follow that which seemeth good to thee as long as 
 thou art on earth, and give bread to him who is without land, that thou 
 mayest be well spoken of for evermore. Think upon the gods who have lived 
 long ago : their meat offerings fall in pieces as if they had been torn by a 
 panther, their loaves are defiled with dust, their statues no longer stand 
 upright within the temple of Ea, their followers beg for alms ! Be happy for 
 one day ! " Those gone before thee " have had their hour of joy," and they 
 
 ' DuMiCHEN, Eidorische Inscliri/ten, vol. ii, pi. xi. a, 11. 9-15, the text of which has been revised 
 and corrected by Beneuite, Le Tomheau de Neferhotpou, in the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, 
 vol. V. pi. ii. 11. 9-15, and pp. 505-5 J7 ; cf., for the translation, Maspero, Etudes Egtjptiennes, vol. i. 
 pp. 165-167. 
 
 ^ Osiris is here designated by the word " chief," as I have already pointed out on p. 511, 
 note 5. 
 
 ^ For the meaning of this word " sister," cf. its use in the love-songs of the Harris Papyrus, 
 No. 500, vol. ii. pp. 504, 505 of the present work. Marriages between brothers and sisters in Egypt 
 (see Dawn of Civilization, pp. 50, 51) rendered it the most natural appellation. 
 
THE COMMON PIT. 525 
 
 have put o£f sadness " which shortens the moments until the day when hearts 
 are destroyed ! — Be mindful, therefore, of the day when thou shalt be taken 
 to the country where all men are mingled : none has ever taken thither his 
 
 ONE or TUE UAKl'EUS OF THE TUMIJ OF UAMSES III.' 
 
 goods with him, and no one can over return from it ! " ^ The grave did 
 not, however, mingle all men as impartially as the poet would have us believe. 
 The poor and insignificant had merely a place in the common pit, which was 
 situated in the centre of the Assassif,^ one of the richest funerary quarters of 
 Thebes. Yawning trenches stood ever open there, ready to receive their prey ; 
 the rites were hurriedly performed, and the grave-diggers covered the mummies 
 of the day's burial with a little sand, out of which we receive them intact,^ 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph taken by Insinger in 1881 ; cf., among other works iu 
 which this picture ia given, La Description del'£'gyi)te, Ant.,vol. ii. pi. 91 ; Ciiampollion, Monumtnt:^ 
 de Vigypte et de la Nubie, pi. cclxi., and Eosellini, Monumenli Civili, pi. xcvii. 
 
 ' DUmichen, Historische Inschrifleii, vol. ii. pi. xl.; Stebn, Das Lied d'S Harfnert, in the Z«i7- 
 tchri/t, 1873, pp. 58-63, 72, 73, and the Song of the Harper, in the Records of the Past, Ist aeries, 
 vol. vi. pp. 127-130; Maspero, Etudes £gyptienties, vol. i. pp. 172-177; Benedite, Tombeau de 
 Neferholpou, in the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. v. pi. iv. pp. 529-531. 
 
 ' There is really only one corapleto description of a cemetery of the poor, namely, that given by 
 A. Rhind, Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, pp. 124-139. Mariette caused extensive excavation* 
 to be made by Gabct and Vassalli, 1859-18G2, in tiie Assassif, near the spot worked by Rhind, and tho 
 objects found are now in the Gizeh Museum, but the accounts of tlie work are among his unpublished 
 papers. Vassalli assures me that he sometimes found the mummies piled one on another to the 
 depth of sixty bodies, and even then he did not reach the lowest of the pile. The hurried excava- 
 tions which I made in 1882 and 1884, appeared to confirm these statements of Rhind and Vassalli. 
 
526 THE CLOSE OF THE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 sometimes isolated, sometimes in groups of twos or threes, showing that they 
 had not even been placed in regular layers.^ Some are wrapped only in 
 bandages of coarse linen, and have been consigned without further covering 
 to the soil, while others have been bound round with palm-leaves laid side by 
 side, so as to form a sort of primitive basket.'-^ The class above the poorest 
 people were buried in rough-hewn wooden boxes, smaller at the feet than 
 towards the head, and devoid of any inscription or painting.^ IMany have 
 been placed in any coffin that came to hand, with a total indifference as to 
 suitability of size ; others lie in a badly made bier, made up of the fragments 
 of one or more older biers. None of them possessed any funerary furniture, 
 except the tools of his trade, a thin pair of leather shoes, sandals of cardboard 
 or plaited reeds, rings of terra-cotta or bronze, bracelets or necklets of a single 
 row of blue beads, statuettes of divinities, mystic eyes, scarabs, and, above 
 all, cords tied round the neck, arms, limbs, or waist, to keep off, by their 
 mystic knots, all malign influences.* 
 
 The whole population of the necropolis made their living out of tlie dead. 
 This was true of all ranks of society, headed by the sacerdotal colleges of 
 the royal chapels,^ and followed by the priestly bodies, to whom was entrusted 
 the care of the tombs in the various sections, but the rhost influential of 
 whom confined their attentions to the old burying-ground, "Isit-mait," the 
 True Place. It was their duty to keep up the monuments of the kings, 
 and also of private individuals, to clean the tombs, to visit the funerary 
 ■chambers, to note the condition of their occupants, and, if necessary, repair 
 the damage done by time, and to provide on certain days the offerings pre- 
 scribed by custom, or by clauses in the contract drawn up between the family 
 ■of the deceased and the religious authorities. The titles of these officials 
 indicated how humble was their position in relation to the deified ancestors in 
 whose service they were employed ; they called themselves the " Servants of 
 the True Place," and their chiefs the " Superiors of the Servants," but all the 
 while they were people of considerable importance, being rich, well educated, 
 and respected in their own quarter of the town. They professed to have a 
 
 ' Khind, Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, pp. 125, 126. 
 
 ^ Passalacqua, Catalogue raisonn^ el hintorique des Antiquil€s dgcouveries en Egypte, p. 204. 
 ^ Ehind, op. cit, p. 126. 
 
 * Ehind, op. cit., pp. 128-131. 
 
 ' We find on several monuments the names of persons belonging to these sacerdotal bodies, priests 
 of Ahmosis I. (Maspeeo, Rapport sur une Mission en Italie, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol.iii. p. 109), 
 priests of Thutmosis I., of Tbfitmosis II., of Amenothes II., and of Seti I. (Id., ibid., pp. 112-114). 
 
 * The persons connected with the " True Place " were for a long time considered as magistrates, 
 and the " True Place " as a tribunal ; their actual office was discovered independently by Brugsch 
 {Bictionnaire ggographique, pp. 1276-1278) and by Maspero {Rapport sur une Mission en Italie, in the 
 Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 159-166). The list of those among them who were known up to 1882 
 will be found in the Rapport sur une Mission en Italie {Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 166-169, and 
 vol. iii. pp. 103, 104), together with remarks on their costume {ibid., vol. iii. pp. Ill, 112). 
 
THE LIVING POPULATION OF THE NECBOPOLIS. 527 
 
 special devotion for Amenothes I. and liis mother, Nofritari, who, after five or 
 six centuries of continuous homage, had come to be considered as the patrons 
 of Khafitnibiis,^ but this devotion was not to the depreciation of other sovereigns. 
 It is true that the officials were not always clear as to the identity of the 
 royal remains of which they had the care, and they were known to have changed 
 one of their queens or princesses into 
 a king or some royal prince.^ They 
 were surrounded by a whole host of 
 lesser functionaries — bricklayers, 
 masons, labourers, exorcists, scribes 
 {who wrote out pious formulae for 
 poor people, or copied the " Books of 
 the going forth by day " for the 
 mummies), weavers, cabinet-makers, 
 and goldsmiths. The sculptors and 
 the painters were grouped into guilds ;^ 
 many of them spent their days in the 
 tombs they were decorating, while 
 others had their worksliops above- 
 ground, probably very like those of 
 our modern monumental masons. They 
 kept at the disposal of their needy 
 customers an assortment of ready- 
 made statues and stelae, votive tablets 
 to Osiris, Anubis, and other Theban 
 gods and goddesses, singly or combined. 
 The name of the deceased and the 
 enumeration of the members of his family were left blank, and were inserted 
 after purchase in the spaces reserved for the purpose.^ These artisans made the 
 greater part of their livelihood by means of these epitapliii, and the majority 
 thought only of selling as many of them as they could ; some few, however, 
 
 ' Masi'ero, Rapport sur une Mhnion cn Italie, in the Itecutil de Travaux, vol. ii. pp. 165, 166; cf. 
 pp. 98-100 of the present work for the worship of these two Bovereigns. 
 
 ' Thus Queen Alihotpft I., whom the servant " Anharkh&tt knew to be a woman (LEPsros, 
 Denhm., iii. 2 d), is transformed into a King Ahhotpft in the tomb of Khabokhnit (Lei-sics, Denkm., 
 iii. 2 a); cf. Maspero, Lea Momiea royalet de Detr.el-Bahari, in the M€moires de la Mittion Frangai»e, 
 vol. i. pp. 616-620. 
 
 ' We gather this from the inscriptions whieli give us the various titles of the. sculptors, draughts- 
 men, or workmen, but I have been unable to make out the respective positions held by these different 
 Ijersons (^Rapport mr une Mission en Italie, in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. iii. pp. 107, 108). 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Gayet, taken in 1892. 
 
 ' I succeeded in collecting at the Boulak JIuseum a considerable number of these unfinished 
 statues and stelae, coming from the workshops of the necropolis (Maspero, Guide du Visiteur, 
 pp. 308-310). 
 
528 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 devoted themselves to work of a higher kind. Sculpture had reached a high 
 degree of development under the Thutmoses and the Earases, and the art of 
 depicting scenes in bas-relief had been brought to a perfection hitherto unknown. 
 This will be easily seen by comparing the pictures in the old mastabas, such 
 as those of Ti or Phtahhotpu, with the finest parts of the temples of Qurneh, 
 
 Abydos, Karnak, Deir 
 el-Bahari, or with the 
 scenes in the tombs of 
 Seti I. and Eamses II., 
 or those of private indi- 
 viduals such as Hui. 
 The modelling is firm 
 and refined, showing a 
 skill in the use of the 
 chisel and an elegance 
 of outline which have 
 never been surpassed : 
 the Amenothes III, of 
 Luxor and the Khamhait 
 of Sheikh Abd el-Qurneh 
 might serve for models 
 in our own schools of 
 the highest types which 
 Egyptian art could pro- 
 duce at its best in this 
 particular branch. The drawing is freer than in earlier examples, the action 
 is more natural, the composition more studied, and the perspective less wild. 
 We feel that the artist handled his subject con amove. He spared no trouble in 
 sketching out his designs and in making studies from nature, and, as papyrus 
 was expensive, he drew rough drafts, or made notes of his impressions on 
 the flat chips of limestone with which the workshops were strewn. Nothing 
 at that date could rival these sketches for boldness of conception and freedom 
 in execution, whether it were in the portrayal of the majestic gait of a king 
 or the agility of an acrobat. Of the latter we have an example in the 
 Turin Museum. The girl is nude, with the exception of a tightly fitting belt 
 about her hips, and she is throwing herself backwards with so natural a motion, 
 that we are almost tempted to expect her to turn a somersault and fall once 
 more into position with her heels together. The unfinished figures on the 
 
 KHAMHAIT.' 
 
 1 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by M. de Mertens, taken from a bas-relief brought to 
 Berlin by Lepsius; cf. Erman, Auf/uhrliches Verzeichniss, p. 103, note 2063. 
 
THE DRAUQETSMEN, SCULPTORS, AND PAINTERS. 
 
 52D 
 
 tomb of Seti I. show with what a steady hand the clever draughtsman could 
 sketch out his subjects. The head from the nape of the neck round to 
 the throat is described by a single line, and the contour of the shoulders 
 is marked by another. The form of the body is traced by two undu- 
 lating lines, while the arms 
 and legs are respectively 
 outlined by two others.^ 
 The articles of apparel 
 and ornaments, sketched 
 rapidly at first, had to be 
 gone over again by the 
 sculptor, who worked out 
 the smallest details. One 
 might almost count the 
 tresses of the hair, while 
 the folds of the dress and 
 the enamels of the girdle 
 and bracelets are minutely 
 chiselled. When the draughtsman had finished his picture from the sketch 
 which he had made, or when he had enlarged it from a smaller drawing, the 
 master of the studio would go over it again, marking here and there in red 
 the defective points, to which the sculptor gave his attention when working the 
 subject out on the wall. If he happened to make a mistake in executing it, 
 he corrected it as well as he was able by filling up with stucco or hard cement 
 the portions to be remodelled, and by starting to work again upon the fresh 
 surface. This cement has fallen out in some cases, and reveals to our eyes 
 to-day the marks of the underlying chiselling. There are, for example, two 
 profiles of Seti I. on one of the bas-reliefs of the hypostyle hall at Karnak, 
 one faintly outlined, and the other standing fully out from the surface of the 
 stone. The sense of the picturesque was making itself felt, and artists were na 
 longer to be excused for neglecting architectural details, the configuration of 
 the country, the drawing of rare plants, and, in fact, all those accessories which 
 had been previously omitted altogether or merely indicated. The necessity 
 of covering such vast surfaces as the pylons ofierod had accustomed them to 
 arrange the various scenes of one and the same action in a more natural and 
 intimate connexion than their predecessors could possibly have done. In these 
 scenes the Pharaoh naturally played the chief part, but in place of choosing 
 for treatment merely one or other important action of the monarch calculated 
 
 ' One of these is reproduced on p. 385 of the present work. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a photograph taken by Petrie from an ostracon in the Turin Museum. 
 
 2 M 
 
 -SKETCH OF A FEMALE ACROBAT.' 
 
530 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE TEE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 to exhibit his courage, the artist endeavoured to portray all the succes- 
 sive incidents in his campaigns, in the same manner as the early Italian 
 painters were accustomed to depict, one after the other, and on the same 
 ^ canvas, all the events of the 
 
 same legend. The details 
 of these gigantic composi- 
 tions may sometimes ap- 
 pear childish to us, and we 
 may frequently be at a loss 
 in determining the relations 
 of the parts, yet the whole 
 is full of movement, and, 
 although mutilated, gives 
 us even yet the impression 
 which would have been 
 made upon us Ky the tur- 
 moil of a battle in those 
 distant days.^ 
 
 The sculptor of statues 
 for a long time past was 
 not a whit less skilful than 
 the artist who executed 
 bas-reliefs. The sculptor 
 was doubtless often obliged 
 to give enormous propor- 
 tions to the figure of the 
 
 king, to prevent his being 
 ■overshadowed by the mass of buildings among which the statue was to 
 appear ; but this necessity of exaggerating the human form did not 
 destroy in the artist that sense of proportion and that skilful handling of 
 the chisel which are so strikingly displayed in the sitting scribe or in the 
 princess at Meidum ; it merely trained him to mark out deftly the principal 
 lines, and to calculate the volume and dimensions of these gigantic granite 
 figures of some fifty to sixty-five feet high,^ with as great confidence and skill 
 as he would have employed upon any statue of ordinary dimensions which 
 
 ' Maspeeo, L'Arche'ologie £gyptienne, pp. 179-181 ; cf., for example, the scenes taken from the 
 representation of the battle of Qodshu on pp. 392-395 of the present work. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from pliotographs taken in 1881 by Insinger and Daniel Heron. 
 The original bas-relief is on the west wall of the great hypostyle hall at Karnak ; cf. Makiette, 
 Voyage de la Haute- Egypte, vol. ii. pi. 43. 
 
 ' See pp. 311-313 of the present work for the colossal figures of Amenothes III. in the Theban 
 plain before the Amenopheum, and ibid., pp. 420, 411, 412, and 424 for the statues of Ramses II. at 
 the Kamesseum, Abu-Simbel, and Tanis respectively. 
 
BAS-RELIEFS AND STATUES. 
 
 531 
 
 might be entrusted to him. The colossal statues at Abu-Simbel and Thebes 
 still witness to the incomparable skill of the Theban sculptors in the 
 difficult art of imagining and executing superhuman types. The decadence 
 of Egyptian art did not begin until the time of Ramses III.,^ 
 but its downward progress was rapid, and the statues of the 
 Eamesside period are of little or no artistic value. The form 
 ■of these figures is poor, the technique crude, and the ex- 
 pression of the faces mean and commonplace. 
 
 They betray the hand of a 
 mechanical workman who, 
 while still in the possession 
 of the instruments of his 
 trade, can infuse no new 
 life into the traditions 
 of the schools, nor break 
 away from them alto- 
 gether. We must look, 
 not to the royal studios, 
 but to tlie workshops con- 
 ^ ll nected with the necro- 
 
 polis, if we want tofind 
 j HH statues of half life- 
 
 rs;' size displaying intel- 
 
 ligent workmanship, 
 all of which we might 
 be tempted to refer to the XVIII'" dynasty if the inscriptions upon them 
 did not fix their date some two or three centuries later. An example of them 
 may be seen at Turin in the kneeling scribe embracing a ram-headed altar : 
 the face is youthful, and has an expression at once so gentle and intelligent 
 that we are constrained to overlook the imperfections in the bust and legs of 
 the figure. Specimens of this kind are not numerous, and their rarity is easily 
 Accounted for. The multitude of priests, soldiers, workmen, and small middle- 
 class people who made up the bulk of the Theban population had aspirations 
 for a luxury little commensurate with their means, and the tombs of such people 
 are, therefore, full of objects which simulate a character they do not possess, and 
 are deceptive to the eye : such were the statuettes made of wood, substituted 
 
 ' See p. 418 of the present work for my opinion on the ordinary theory, which makes the decadence 
 of Egyptian sculpture begin in the time of Earases II. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Petrie ; the scribe bears upon liis right shoulder, 
 perhaps tutooed, the human image of tlie god Amon-Ra, whose animal emblem he embraces. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph taken in the Louvre ; cf. Bknkditk, La Slatuelie 
 de la dame Tout, in the Monumentt et M^moires, vol. ii. i)ls. ii.-iv. 
 
 THE LADY TUI.' 
 
532 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 from economical motives instead of the limestone or sandstone statues usually 
 provided as supporters for the " double." The funerary sculptors had acquired 
 a perfect mastery of the kind of art needed for people of small means, and we 
 find among the medley of commonplace objects which 
 encumber the tombs they decorated, examples of artistic 
 works of undoubted excellence, such as the ladies Nai 
 and Tui now in the Louvre, the lady Nehai now at 
 Berlin, and the naked child at Turin.^ The lady Tui 
 in her lifetime had been one of the singing-women of 
 
 §Amon. She is clad in a tight- fitting robe, which accen- 
 \ tuates the contour of the breasts and hips without 
 coarseness : her right arm falls gracefully along- 
 side her body, while her left, bent across her 
 chest, thrusts into her bosom a kind of magic 
 whip, which was the sign of her profession. The 
 artist was not able to avoid a certain heaviness 
 in the treatment of her hair, and the careful 
 execution of the whole work was not without a 
 degree of harshness, but by dint of 
 scraping and polishing the 
 wood he succeeded in 
 ; softening the outline, and 
 removing from the figure 
 every sharp point. The 
 lady Nehai is smarter and 
 more graceful, in her close-fitting garment and her mantle thrown over the 
 left elbow ; and the artist has given her a more alert pose and resolute 
 air than we find in the stiif carriage of her contemporary Tui. The little 
 girl in the Turin Museum is a looser work, but where could one find a better 
 example of the lithe delicacy of the young Egyptian maiden of eight or ten 
 years old? We may see her counterpart to-day among the young Nubian 
 girls of the cataract, before they are obliged to wear clothes ; there is the same 
 thin chest, the same undeveloped hips, the same meagre thighs, and the 
 same demeanour, at once innocent and audacious. Other statuettes repre- 
 sent matrons, some in tight garments, and with their hair closely confined, 
 
 ' The lady Nai was reproduced by Maspero, in O. Eatet, Les Monuments de I'Art antique,\ol. i., 
 and in L' Arch^ologie Egyptienne, p. 263. 
 
 2 Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Petrie ; cf. Maspero, La Dame Tout, in La Nature, 
 23rd year, vol. ii. p. 213, fig. 2. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by M. de Mertens ; cf. Erman, Ausfiihrliches Verzetchniss, 
 p. 120, No. 8041. Enamelled eyes, according to a common custom, were inserted in the sockets, but 
 have disappeared. 
 
 YOUNG GIRL IN THE 
 
 THE LADr NEHAI.' 
 
WOODEN STATUETTES. 
 
 533 
 
 others without any garment whatever. The Turin example is that of a lady 
 who seems proud of her large ear-rings, and brings one of them into promi- 
 nence, either to show it off or to satisfy herself that the jewel becomes her : 
 her head is square-shaped, the shoulders narrow, 
 the chest puny, the pose of the arm stiff and awk- 
 ward, but the eyes have such a joyful openness, 
 and her smile such a self-satisfied expression, 
 that one readily overlooks the other defects of 
 the statue. In this collection of miniature 
 figures examples of men are not wanting, and 
 there are instances of old soldiers, officials, 
 guardians of temples, and priests proudly 
 executing their office in their distinctive 
 panther skins. Three individuals in the 
 Gizeh were contemporaries, or almost so, 
 of the young girl of the Turin Museum. 
 They are dressed in rich costumes, to 
 which they have, doubtless,a just claim ; 
 for one of them, Hori, surnamed Ka, 
 rejoiced in the favour of the Pharaoh, ~ 
 and must therefore have exercised some 
 court function. They seem to step forth 
 with a measured pace and firm de- 
 meanour, the body well thrown back 
 A soLDiEu.' and the head erect, their faces display- 
 
 ing something of cruelty and cunning.^ 
 An officer, whose retirement from service is now spent in the Louvre, is dressed 
 in a semi-civil costume, with a light wig, a closely fitting smock-frock with 
 shirt-sleeves, and a loin-cloth tied tightly round the hips and descending half- 
 way down the thigh, to which is applied a piece of stuff kilted lengthwise, 
 projecting in front.* A colleague of his, now in the Berlin Museum, still main- 
 tains possession of his official baton, and is arrayed in his striped petticoat, 
 his bracelets and gorget of gold. A priest in the Louvre holds before him, 
 grasped by both hands, the insignia of Amon-Ra — a ram's head, surmounted 
 
 ' Maspeuo, Guide du Visiteur au Mutie de Boulaq, Nog. 3274-327C, pp. 106, 107, and Archeologie 
 Hgyptienne, pp. 261, 262; PuiLiri'E ViUEY, Notice des principaux monuments exposes au Mutie de 
 Giz^h, Nos. 878-881, pp. 195. lt)G. 
 
 " Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by M. deMertcQs; cf. Erman, Ju«/u/(r{ic^e« Verteichnist, 
 p. 120, No. 4667. Otiier statuettes of the same kind in tho museum of the Louvre have been repro- 
 duced by MASPEno, in O. Rayet, Let Monuments de I'Art antique, and in Arch. Hgyptienne, pp. 261-263. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudior, from a photograph by Petrio ; cf. Maspero, La Dame Tout, in La Nature, 
 .23rd year, vol. ii. p. 213, fig. 3. 
 
 * This is reproduced by heliogravure in O. Kayet, Les Monuments de VArt antique, vol. i. 
 
 statue in thb TTTBOr 
 
534 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF TEE TEE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 by the solar disk, and inserted on the top of a thick handle ; another, who 
 has been relegated to Turin, appears to be placed between two long staves, 
 each surmounted by an idol, and, to judge from his attitude, seems to have no 
 small idea of his own beauty and importance. The Egyptians were an obser- 
 vant people and inclined to satire, and I have a shrewd suspicion that the 
 
 time been employed in funerary furniture, and usJiahtiu (respondents),^' 
 amulets, and images of the gods, as well as of mortals, were cast in this 
 metal. Many of these tiny figures form charming examples of enamel-work, 
 and are distinguished not only by the gracefulness of the modelling, but 
 also by the brilliance of the superimposed glaze ; but the majority of them 
 were purely commercial articles, manufactured by the hundred from the same 
 models, and possibly cast, for centuries, from the same moulds for the 
 edification of the devout and of pilgrims. We ought not, therefore, to be 
 surprised if they are lacking in originality ; they are no more to be dis- 
 tinguished from each other than the hundreds of coloured statuettes which 
 one may find on the stalls of modern dealers in religious statuary.^ Here- 
 and there among the multitude we may light upon examples showing a 
 marked individuality : the statuette of the lady Takushit, which now forms- 
 one of the ornaments of the museum at Athens,* is an instance. She stands 
 erect, one foot in advance, her right arm hanging at her side, her left pressed 
 against her bosom ; she is arrayed in a short dress embroidered over with 
 religious scenes, and wears upon her ankles and wrists rings of value. A wig 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph. 
 
 ^ Bronze respondents are somewhat rare, and most of those which are to be found among the 
 dealers are counterfeit. The Gizeh Museum possesses two examples at least of indisputable authen- 
 ticity (Maspero, Guide du Visiteur, Nos. 1594 and 1601, pp. 133, 134); both of these belong to the 
 XX"" dynasty. 
 
 ' Maspero, Archgologie Egyptienne, pp. 294, 295. 
 
 * Maspebo, Statuette Egyptienne de bronze incniste d'argent de la collection di Demetrio, in the- 
 Gazette ArcMologique, 1883, pp. 185-189, and pis. 33, 34 ; of. ArcUologie Egyptienne, pp. 292, 293. 
 
 sculptors, in giving to 
 such statuettes this 
 character of childlike 
 vanity, yielded to the 
 temptation to be merry 
 at the expense of their 
 model. 
 
 The smelters and 
 engravers in metal oc- 
 cupied in relation to 
 the sculpters a some- 
 what exalted position. 
 Bronze had for a long 
 
METAL-FOUNDING, BRONZE. 535 
 
 with stiflf-looking locks, regularly arranged in rows, covers her head. The 
 details of the drapery and the ornaments are incised on the surface of the 
 bronze, and lieightened with a thread of silver. The face is evidently a 
 portrait, and is that apparently 
 of a woman of mature age, 
 but the body, according to 
 the tradition of the Egyptian 
 schools of art, is that of a 
 young girl, lithe, firm, and 
 elastic. The alloy contains 
 gold, and the warm and soft- 
 ened lights reflected from it 
 blend most happily and har- 
 moniously with the white lines 
 of the designs. The joiners oc- 
 cupied, after the workers in 
 bronze, an important position 
 in relation to the necropolis, 
 and the greater part of the 
 furniture which they executed for the mummies of persons of high rank 
 was remarkable for its painting and carpentry-work. Some articles of their 
 manufacture were intended for religious use — such as those shrines, mounted 
 upon sledges, on which the image of the god was placed, to whom prayers were 
 made for the deceased ; others served for the household needs of the mummy, 
 and, to distinguish these, there are to be seen upon their sides religious and 
 funereal pictures, offerings to the two deceased parents, sacrifices to a god or 
 goddess, and incidents in the Osirian life. The funerary beds consisted, like 
 tliose intended for the living, of a rectangular framework, placed upon four feet 
 of equal height, although there are rare examples in which the supports are 
 so arranged as to give a gentle slope to the structure. The fancy which actuated 
 the joiner in making such beds supposed that two benevolent lions had, of 
 their own free will, stretched out their bodies to form the two sides of the 
 couch, the muzzles constituting the pillow, while the tails were curled up under 
 the feet of the sleeper.^ Many of the heads given to the lions are so noble 
 and expressive, that they will well bear comparison with the granite statues 
 of these animals which Amenothes III. dedicated in his temple at Soleb.^ The 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photogiapli by Lanzone ; cf. PERiiOT-CiiiriEZ, Uut. de I'Arl 
 (lana I' Antiquity, vol. i. p. 360. 
 
 ' Upon these funerary couches, see Maspeuo, Arch^ologie Kgyptienne, pp. 277-280. 
 
 ' Cf. the two lion's heads iu the Hoffmann sale, AntiquU^s £'gijptiennes, p. 80, Nos. 280, 281, 
 and pis. xxiv., xxv. ; they belonged to a funeral couch, and not to a throne, as the compiler of the 
 Catalogue maintains. 
 
 BHBINE IN THE TUBIN HC8EUM.' 
 
536 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 other trades depended upon the proportion of their members to the rest of the 
 community for the estimation in which they were held. The masons, stone- 
 cutters, and common labourers ^ furnished the most important contingent ; 
 among these ought also to be reckoned the royal servants— of whose functions 
 we should have been at a loss to guess the importance, if contemporary docu- 
 ments had not made it clear — fishermen, hunters, laundresses, wood-cutters, 
 gardeners, and water-carriers.^ Without 
 reckoning the constant libations needed 
 for the gods and the deceased, the 
 /^^^ j ' tt I* - '"V ^^^^v workshops required a large 
 
 'F..-,^,. 1 ! \ ^ quantity of drinking water 
 
 ior the men engaged in 
 them. In every gang of 
 workmen, even in the present 
 (lay, two or three men are 
 set apart to provide drinking- 
 water for the rest; in some 
 arid places, indeed, at a dis- 
 ^,t.,,.,^.,.jj | t[,yi,,^^ j tance from the river, such as 
 
 , the Valley of the Kings, as 
 
 Til .151 THE THEBAN NECROPOLIS. *' ° ' 
 
 many water-carriers are re- 
 quired as there are workmen. To the trades just mentioned must be added the 
 low-caste crowd depending on the burials of the rich, the acrobats, female 
 mourners, dancers and musicians. The majority of the female corporations 
 were distinguished by the infamous character of their manners, and prostitution 
 among them had come to be associated with the service of the god.^ 
 
 There was no education for all this mass of people, and their religion was 
 of a meagre character. They worshipped the official deities, Amon, Miit, Isis, 
 and Hathor, and such deceased Pharaohs as Amenothes I. and Nofritari, but 
 
 ' Chabas-Lieblein, Deux Papyrus Hi^ratiques du Mus€e de Turin, pp. 12-14, and Maspeeo, Une 
 Enquete judiciare a Thebes au temps de la XX" dynastie, p. 66, et seq. 
 
 ^ With regard to the fishermen of the necropolis, see Pleyte-Eossi, Papyrus de Turin, pi. xxxyii. 
 11. 19-23 ; the Cailliaud ostraeon, which contains a receipt given to some fishermen, -was found near 
 Sheikh Abd el-Qurneh, and consequently belonged to the fishermen of the necropolis (Deveeia, 
 Oluvres, vol. i. pp. 129-142). There is a question as to tlie water-carriers of tlieKhirfi in the hieratic 
 registers of Turin (Pleyte-Rossi, Papyrus de Turin, pis. xxxv. 1. 2, xxxvi. 1. 11, xxxvii. 11. 5, 12; 
 Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. ii. p. 16), also as to the washers of clothes (Id., 
 ibid., pis. xxxv. 1. 16, xxxvi. 11. 12, 17), wood-cutters (Id., ibid., pi. xxxvi. 1. 13), gardeners and 
 workers in the vineyard (Id., ibid., pis. xxxvi. 1. 14, xxxvii. 11. 15-17, xxxviii. 1. 13). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiii, from a photograph by Lanzone ; cf. Lanzone, Dizionario de Mitologia 
 Egizia, pi. cxviii. 
 
 * The heroine of the erotic papyrus of Turin bears the title of " Singing-woman of Amon " (Pleyte- 
 Rossi, Papyrus de Turin, p. 203, et seq.), and the illustrations indicate her profession so clearly and 
 so expressively, that no details of her sayings and doings are wanting : upon tlie double character of 
 the singing-women in general, see Maspero, La Dame Toui, in La Nature, 23rd year, vol. ii. p. 213. 
 
THE RELiaiONS OF THE NECROPOLIS. 
 
 537 
 
 they had also their own Pantheon, in which animals predominated — such as 
 the goose of Amon, and his ram Pa-rahaninofir, the good player on the horn, 
 the hippopotamus, the cat, the chicken, the swallow, and especially reptiles.^ 
 Death was personified by a great viper, the queen of the West, known by 
 the name Maritsakro, the friend of silence. Three heads, or the single head 
 of a woman, attaclied to the one body, were assigned to it.^ It was 
 supposed to dwell in the mountain opposite Karnak, which fact gave to it, as 
 well as to the necropolis itself, the 
 two epithets of Khafitnibus and 
 Ta-tahnit, that is. The Summit.^ 
 Its chapel was situated at the foot 
 of the hill of Sheikh Abd el- 
 Qurneh, but its sacred serpents 
 crawled and wriggled through the 
 necropolis, working miracles and 
 effecting the cure of the most dan- 
 gerous maladies. The faithful were 
 accustomed to dedicate to them, 
 in payment of their vows, stelae, or 
 slabs of roughly hewn stone, with 
 inscriptions which witnessed to 
 a deep gratitude. " Hearken ! I, 
 from the time of my appearance 
 on earth, I was a ' Servant of the True Place,' Nofirabii, a stupid ignorant 
 person, who knew not good from evil, and I committed sin against The Summit. 
 She punished me, and I was in her hand day and night. I lay groaning on my 
 ■couch like a woman in child-bed, and I made supplication to the air, but it did 
 not come to me, for I was hunted down by The Summit of the West, the brave 
 one among all the gods and all the goddesses of the city ; so I would say to all 
 
 ' The worship of the ram of Amon, the goose, the swallow, the cat, and the serpent was pointed 
 out, particularly from the monuments in the Turin Museum, by Masi'Eko, fi^ludes de Mythologie et 
 d'Arch^ologie i'gyptienneg, vol. ii. pp. 395-401, 411-414; of. Wiedemann, Le CuUe des animaux en 
 I'ygypte, in the Mutton, vol. viii. pp. 90-104, and Zu dem TliierhuU der Allen Jt'gyyter, in the MHanget 
 Charles de Harlez, pp. 372-380. A stele exhibiting the cat and goose (ace to faci; was reproduced in 
 Dawn of Civilization, p. 87. As to the cult of the hippopotamus in the necropolis, see the little stele 
 published by IMasi euo, Rapport sur une Mission en Italie, in the Recueil de Trataux, vol. iv. p. 151, 
 and by Lanzoni:, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pi. ccclxxx. 
 
 ' As to tlic cult ct Maritsakro, see Maspero, fUudes de Mythologie, etc., vol. ii. pp. 402-410. 
 
 ' As to the first of these names, see p. 506 of the present work. The abundance of the monuments 
 •of Maritsakro found at Sheikh Abd el-Gurneh, inclines me to boiievo that hor sanctuary was situated 
 in the neighbourhood of the temple of Oazraosft (Maspeko, in the Uevue Critique, 1890, vol. ii. 
 pp. 412-414), but there was also on the top of the hill another sanctuary which would equally satisfy 
 the name Ta-tahnit (Maspero, Etudes de Mythologie, etc., vol. ii. pp. 408-410). 
 
 * Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a photograph by Lanzone ; cf. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia 
 Egizia, pi. cxxv. The stele from which I have taken this figure is in the Turin Museum. 
 
538 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIEE. 
 
 the miserable sinners among the people of the necropolis : ' Give heed to The 
 Summit, for there is a lion in The Summit, and she strikes as strikes a spell-cast- 
 ing Lion, and she pursiies him who sins against her! ' I invoked then my mistress, 
 and I felt that she flew to me like a pleasant breeze ; she placed herself upon 
 me, and this made me recognise her hand, and appeased she returned to me, and 
 she delivered me from suffering, for she is my life. The Summit of the West, 
 when she is appeased, and she ought to be invoked ! " ^ There were many 
 sinners, we may believe, among that ignorant and superstitious population, but 
 the governors of Thebes did not put their confidence in the local deities alone to 
 keep them within bounds, and to prevent their evil deeds ; commissioners, with 
 the help of a detachment of Mazaiu, were an additional means of conducting 
 them into the right way.^ They had, in this respect, a hard work to accomplish, 
 for every day brought with it its contingent of crimes, which they had to follow 
 up, and secure the punishment of the authors.^ Nsisuamon came to inform them 
 that the workman Nakhtummaut and his companions had stolen into his house, 
 and robbed him of three large loaves, eight cakes, and some pastry ; they had 
 also drunk a jar of beer, and poured out from pure malice the oil which they 
 could not carry away with them.* Panibi had met the wife of a comrade alone 
 near an out-of-the-way tomb, and had taken advantage of her notwithstanding 
 her cries ; this, moreover, was not the first offence of the culprit, for several 
 young girls had previously been victims of his brutality, and had not ventured 
 up to this time to complain of him on account of the terror with which he 
 inspired the neighbourhood.^ Crimes against the dead were always common ; 
 every penniless fellow knew what quantities of gold and jewels had been entombed 
 with the departed, and these treasures, scattered around them at only a few 
 feet from the surface of the ground, presented to them a constant temptation 
 to which they often succumbed.^ Some were not disposed to have accomplices, 
 while others associated together, and, having purchased at a serious cost tlie 
 
 ' See stele No. 102 in Turin, published by Maspero, Notes sur qiielques points de Grammaire, etc., 
 in the Eecueil de Travaux, vol. i. pp. 109, 110, and Lanzone, Bizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pi. cxxv. 
 The figure reproduced on p. 537 of the present work was taken from this monument. 
 
 ' The part played by the Mazaiu in the necropolis was first pointed out by Birch, Le Papyrus 
 Abbott, in the Revue ArcMologique, 1st series, vol. xvi. p. 261 ; cf. Chabas-Lieblein, Deux Papyrus 
 hi^ratiques du Mns€e de Turin, p. 16. 
 
 ' A brief description of the crimes committed in the necropolis, and the strikes which disturbed 
 it, have been dealt with by Spiegelbeeg, Arbeiter und Arheiterhewegung im Pharaonenreich, 1895. 
 
 * See the ostracon, No. 5637, in the British Museum, published by Birch, Inscriptions in the 
 Hieratic and Demotic Characters, pi. xv., translated by Chabas, iManges Egyptologiques, 3rd series, 
 vol. i. pp. 212-216; cf. Spiegelberg, op. cit, p. 11. 
 
 " See the Salt Papyrus, No. 124, pi. i. 1. 19, pi. ii. 11. 1-4, in Chabas, 3Manges Egyptologiques, 
 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 180, 181, and in Spiegelberg, o^. ciY., pp. 11-15 ; cf., for other crimes of the same 
 kind, Chabas, op. cit., 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 38, 39. 
 
 * See the Abbott Papyrus, pi. iii. 11. 17, 18, pi. iv. 11. 1-4, for an account of the particular tombs 
 violated by a band of robbers (Maspero, Une Enquetejudiciare a Thebes, pp. 22-24 ; Chabas, Mdanges, 
 etc., 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 73, 74); we shall have occasion further on to show that even the royal 
 tombs did not escape the rapacity of thieves. 
 
CRIMES IN THE NECROPOLIS. 
 
 539- 
 
 connivance of the custodians, set boldly to work on tombs both recent and 
 ancient.^ Not content with stealing the funerary furniture, which they disposed 
 of to the undertakers, they stripped the mummies also, and smashed the bodies 
 in their efforts to secure the jewels ; then, putting the remains together again,, 
 they rearranged the mummies afresh so cleverly that they can no longer be 
 distinguished by their outward appearance from the originals, and the first 
 wrappings must be removed before the fraud can be discovered.'-^ From time to 
 time one of these rogues would allow himself to be taken for the purpose of 
 denouncing his comrades, and avenging himself for the injustice of which he 
 was the victim in the division of the spoil ; he was laid hold of by the Mazaiii,. 
 and brought before the tribunal of justice. The lands situated on the left bank 
 of the Nile belonged partly to the king and partly to the god Amon, and any 
 infraction of the law in regard to the necropolis was almost certain to come 
 within the jurisdiction of one or other of them.^ The commission appointed^ 
 therefore, to determine the damage done in any case, included in many instances 
 the higli priest or his delegates, as well as the officers of the Pharaoh.' The 
 office of this commission was to examine into the state of the tombs, to inter- 
 rogate the witnesses and the accused, applying the torture if necessary : when 
 they had got at tlie facts, the tribunal of the notables condemned to impale- 
 ment some half a dozen of the poor wretches, and caused some score of othera 
 to be whipped.'' But, when two or three months had elapsed, the remembrance 
 of the punishment began to die away, and the depredations began afresh. 
 
 The low rate of wages occasioned, at fixed periods, outbursts of discon- 
 tent and trouble which ended in actual disturbances. The rations allowed to 
 each workman, and given to him at the beginning of each month, would possibly 
 have been sufficient for himself and his family, but, owing to the usual lack 
 of foresight in the Egyptian, they were often consumed long before the time 
 fixed, and the pinch soon began to be felt.*^ The workmen, demoralised by 
 
 ' Ab to the corruption and complicity of scribes, priests, and guardians, see Chabas, Melanges 
 JCgyptologiques, 3rd scries, vol. i. pp. 196-201, and vol. ii. pp. 34-43. Many of these individuals figure 
 in the list of robbers copied on to the back of the Abbott Papyrus; see as to the scribes (11. II, 26, 
 27, 40, 41), as to the priests (11. 8, 12, 18, 33, 35), and even a prophet appears among tliem (11. 13, 38). 
 Other examples are cited by Si'iEaELUKRG, Arbeiler und Arheiterbeicegung im Pltaraonenreich, p. 24, 
 and especially in tlie Translation of the Mayor Papyri A, B, in which [a fair proportion of priests, 
 scribes, and guardians are to be found among those accused of violating the tombs. 
 
 ' Jomard pointed out some time ago cases of these re-made mummies of men and animals 
 (.Description de» Ilypog^es de la ville de Tliebes, in Description de I'Egypte, vol. iii. pp. 85, 86, 94, 95). 
 Many were discovered among those of the princes and princesses of the XVIII"' dynasty at Deir el- 
 Bahari (Maspkko, Let Mamies royales, in Mi'm. de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 538-542, 544, 547, 548). 
 
 ' Maspeiio, Une Enquete judiciare a Thebes sous la XX' dytiastie, p. 69. 
 
 * Witli regard to this organisation of tiie police and of the tribunals of justice, I can only refer to 
 the work of Si iegelberg, already referred to, Sludien und Materialien zum Rechtsioesen des Plia- 
 
 raonenreiches, 1892. 
 
 ' This is how I translate a fairly common expression, which means literally, " to be put on the wood." 
 Spiegelberg sees in this only a method of administering torture (op. cit., pp. 76-78, 125, n. 32!)). 
 
 " See pp. 342-344 of the Daim of Civilization for what is said on this subject. Brief descriptions- 
 
540 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 their involuntary abstinence, were not slow to turn to the overseer : " We 
 are perishing of hunger, and there are still eighteen days before the next 
 month." ^ The latter was prodigal of fair speeches, but as his words were 
 rarely accompanied by deeds, the workmen would not listen to him ; they 
 stopped work, left the workshop in turbulent crowds, ran with noisy demon- 
 strations to some public place to hold a meeting — perhaps the nearest monu- 
 ment, at the gate of the temple of Thutmosis III.,^ behind the chapel of 
 Minephtah,^ or in the court of that of Seti I.* Their overseers followed 
 them ; the police commissioners of the locality, the Mazaiii, and the scribes 
 mingled with them and addressed themselves to some of the leaders with whom 
 they might be acquainted. But these would not at first give them a hearing. 
 "We will not return," they would say to the peacemakers; "make it clear 
 to your superiors down below there." It must have been manifest that from 
 their point of view their complaints were well' founded, and the official, who 
 afterwards gave an account of the affair to the authorities, was persuaded of 
 'this. " We went to hear them, and they spoke true words to us." ^ For the 
 most part these strikes had no other consequence than a prolonged stoppage 
 of work, until the distribution of rations at the beginning of the next month 
 gave the malcontents courage to return to their tasks. Attempts were made 
 to prevent the recurrence of these troubles by changing the method and time 
 of payments. These were reduced to an interval of fifteen days, and at length, 
 indeed, to one of eight.*' The result was very much the same as before : the 
 workman, paid more frequently, did not on that account become more prudent, 
 -and the hours of labour lost did not decrease. The individual man, if he had 
 had nobody to consider but himself, might have put up with the hardships 
 of his situation, but there were almost always wife and children or sisters con- 
 cerned, who clamoured for bread in their hunger, and all the while the store- 
 houses of the temples or those of the state close by were filled to overflowing 
 with durrah, barley, and wheat.' The temptation to break open the doors and to 
 
 of these disorders have been given by Maspero, La Vie populcdre a Thebes, of which a summary was 
 published in tho Bulletin du Cercle Historique, 1883, pp. 68-71, Lectures Eistoriques, pp. 34-38, and 
 by Spiegelberg, Arbeiter und Arheiterbewegung im FharaonenreicJi, pp. 17-23. 
 ' Pleyte-Rossi, Turin Papyrus, pi. xlii. 1. 2. 
 
 ^ Id., ibid., pi. xlii. 11. 2, 3 ; perhaps the chapel of Uazmosu, or possibly the free space before 
 the temple of Deir el-Bahari. 
 
 ^ Id., ibid., pi. xlvi. 1. 15 ; cf. Chab.^^s, M^lamjes Fgyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. ii. p. 55. The site 
 of this chapel was discovered by Prof. Petrie in the spring of 189G. It had previously been 
 supposed to be a temple of Amenotlies III. 
 
 * Pleyte-Rossi, Turin Papyrus, pi. xlviii. 1. 117; cf. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques, 3rd series, 
 vol. ii. pp. 5G, 57 ; it was probably the court of the temple of Qurueh. 
 
 * The outbreak which I have described is treated fully in Pleyte-Rossi, Turin, Papyrus, pi. xliv. 
 11. 11-17; cf. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 49-51. 
 
 " Chabas-Lieblein, Deux Papyrus hi^ratiques du Mus^e de Turin, pp. 25, 38, and pi. iv. 1. 2. 
 
 ' Khonsu, for example, excites his comrades to pillage the storehouses of the gate (Plevte- 
 Rossi, Turin Papyrus, pi. xlv. 1. 6, xlvi. 1. 2 ; cf. Chabas, M€langes Egyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. ii. 
 pp. 53, 54). 
 
STBIEES AMONG THE WORKMEN AT THEBES. 
 
 541 
 
 help themselves in the present necessity must have been keenly felt. Some 
 bold spirits among the strikers, having set out together, scaled the two or three 
 boundary walls by which the granaries were protected, but having reached- 
 this position their heart failed them, and they contented themselves with 
 sending to the chief custodian an eloquent pleader, to lay before him their 
 very humble request : " We are come, urged by famine, urged by thirst« 
 having no more linen, no more oil, no more fish, no more vegetables. Send 
 to Pharaoh, our master, send to the king, our lord, that he may provide 
 us with the necessaries of life." ^ If one of them, with less self-restraint, was- 
 so carried away as to let drop an oath, which was a capital olfence, saying, 
 By Amon ! by the sovereign, whose anger is death ! " if he asked to be taken 
 before a magistrate in order that he might reiterate there his complaint, the 
 others interceded for him, and begged that he might escape the punishment 
 fixed by the law for blasphemy ; the scribe, good fellow as he was, closed his- 
 ears to the oath,'-^ and, if it were in his power, made a beginning of satisfying 
 their demands by drawing upon the excess of past months to such an extent 
 as would pacify them for some days, and by paying them a supplemental wage 
 in the name of the Pharaoh.'' They cried out loudly : " Shall there not be 
 served out to us corn in excess of that which has been distributed to us ; if 
 not we will not stir from this spot?" At length the end of the month 
 arrived, and they all appeared together before the magistrates, when they said : 
 " Let the scribe, Khatnoisit, who is accountable, be sent for ! " He was there- 
 upon brought before the notables of the town, and they said to him : " See 
 to the corn which thou hast received, and give some of it to the people of 
 the necropolis." Pmontuniboisit was then sent for, and " rations of wheat were 
 given to us daily." Famine was not caused only by the thriftlessuess of the 
 multitude : administrators of all ranks did not hesitate to ai)propriate, each 
 one according to his position, a portion of the means entrusted to them for the 
 maintenance of their subordinates, and the latter often received only instal- 
 ments of what was due to them. The culprits often escaped from their diffi- 
 culties by either laying hold of half a dozen of their brawling victims, or by 
 yielding to them a proportion of their ill-gotten gains, before a rumour of 
 the outbreak could reach head-quarters. It happened from time to time,^ 
 however, when the complaints against them were either too serious or too 
 frequent, that they were deprived of their functions, cited before the tribunals, 
 
 ' Plette-Rossi, Turin Papyrus, pi. xliii. 11. 1-5. 
 
 = Id., t6tU, pi. xliii. II. G, 7; cf. Guabas, Hebrxo-Mji/ptiaca. in the Transactiong of the Bilil. 
 Arch. Soc, vol. i. pp. 177-182, and Melanges Egyptologiques, 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 47, 48. 
 
 ' Pleyte-Rossi, Turin Papyrux, pi. xlvi. 11. 14-17; cf. Chabas, Melanges Egyplologiquef, 
 3rd series, vol. ii. pp. 52-55, and Chabas-Lieblein, Deux Papyrus Miratiques du Musiie de Turiv, 
 p. 38 
 
542 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 and condemned. What took place at Thebes was repeated with some varia- 
 tions in each of the other large cities. Corruption, theft, and extortion had 
 prevailed among the officials from time immemorial, and the most active 
 kings alone were able to repress these abuses, or confine them within narrow 
 limits ; ^ as soon as discipline became relaxed, however, they began to appear 
 again, and we have no more convincing proof of the state of decadence 
 into which Thebes had fallen towards the middle of the XX"" dynasty, than 
 the audacity of the crimes committed in the necropolis during the reigns of 
 the successors of Kamses III. 
 
 The priesthood of Amon alone displayed any vigour and enjoyed any 
 prosperity in the general decline. After the victory of the god over the 
 heretic kings no one dared to dispute his supremacy, and the Ramessides 
 displayed a devout humility before him and his ministers.^ Henceforward 
 he became united to Ra in a definite manner, and his authority not only 
 extended over the whole of the land of Egypt, but over all the countries also 
 which were brought within her influence ; so that while Pharaoh continued to 
 be the greatest of kings, Pharaoh's god held a position of undivided supremacy 
 among the deities. He was the chief of the two Enneads, the Heliopolitan and 
 the Hermopolitan, and displayed for the latter a special affection ; for the 
 vague character of its eight secondary deities only served to accentuate the 
 position of the ninth and principal divinity with whose primacy that of Amon 
 was identified. It was more easy to attribute to Amon the entire work of 
 creation when Shu, Sibu, Osiris, and Sit had been excluded — the deities whom 
 the theologians of Heliopolis had been accustomed to associate with the demi- 
 urge ; and in the hymns which they sang at his solemn festivals they did not 
 hesitate to ascribe to him all the acts which the priests of former times had 
 assigned to the Ennead collectively. " He made earth, silver, gold, — the true 
 lapis at his good pleasure.^ — He brought forth the herbs for the cattle, the 
 plants upon which men live. — He made to live the fish of the river, — the birds 
 which hover in the air, — giving air to those which are in the egg. — He animates 
 the insects, — he makes to live the small birds, the reptiles, and the gnats as 
 well. — He provides food for the rat in his hole, — supports the bird upon the 
 
 ■ See pp. 346, 347 of the present work for the measures taken by Harmhabi to put a stop to the 
 double-dealing of the officials and the depredations of the soldiers. 
 
 ^ For the exalted position obtained by Amon under the XVIIP' dynasty, see p. 312, et seq., of the 
 present work ; and ibid., pp. 344-346, for the triumph of Amon and his priests. 
 
 * Mariette, Les Papyrus £gyptiens du Muse'e de Boulaq,\o\. ii. pl.xi. p. 8, 11. 6, 7 ; of. Geebaut, 
 L'Hymne a Ammon-Rd des Papyrus de Boulaq, p. 22. Besides Gre'baut's French, we have also the 
 English translation of this hymn by Goodwin, Translation of an Egyptian Hymn to Amon, in the 
 Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 2o0-2(}3, and Hymn to Amen Ra, in the Records of 
 the Past, 1st series, pp. 127-136, and the German translation by L. Stern, Ein Hymnus auf Ammon- 
 Ra, in the Zeitschrift, 1873, pp. 74-81, 125-127. 
 
AMON, AND THE BELIEFS CONCERNING HIM. 
 
 543 
 
 branch. — May he be blessed for all this, he who is alone, but with many liands."^ 
 " Men spring from his two eyes," ^ and quickly do they lose their breath while 
 acclaiming him — Egyptians and Libyans, Negroes and Asiatics : " Hail to 
 thee ! " they all say ; " praise to thee because thou dwellest amongst us ! — 
 Obeisances before thee because thou createst us ! " — " Thou art blessed by 
 every living thing, — thou hast worshippers in every place, — in the highest of 
 the heavens, in all the breadth of the earth, — in the depths of the seas. — The 
 gods bow before thy Majesty, — magnifying the souls which form them, — rejoic- 
 ing at meeting those who have begotten them, — they say to thee : * Go in 
 peace, — father of the fathers of all the gods,— who suspended the heaven, 
 levelled the earth ; — creator of beings, maker of things, — sovereign king, chief 
 of the gods, — we adore thy souls, because thou hast made us, — we lavish 
 offerings upon thee, because thou hast given us birth, — we shower benedictions 
 upon thee, because thou dwellest among us.' " We have here the same ideas 
 as those which predominate in the hymns addressed to Atonii,'* and in the 
 prayers directed to Phtah, the Nile, Shu, and the Sun-god of Heliopolis at the 
 same period.^ The idea of a single god, lord and maker of all things, con- 
 tinued to prevail more and more throughout Egypt — not, indeed, among the 
 lower classes who persisted in the worship of their genii and their animals, but 
 among the royal family, the priests, the nobles, and people of culture. The 
 latter believed that the Sun-god had at length absorbed all the various beings 
 who had been manifested in the feudal divinities: these, in fact, had sur- 
 rendered their original characteristics in order to become forms of the Sun, 
 Amon as well as the others— and the new belief displayed itself in magni- 
 fying the solar deity, but the solar deity united with the Tlieban Amon, 
 
 ' Mariette, Leg Papyrus Kgyptiem da Muxee de Boulwi, vol. ii. pi. si. p. G. 11. 3-7; cl'. Gukuact, 
 L'Hymne a Ammon-Iid den I'apynix de lloidaq, pp. 17, 18. 
 
 ' Maiuette, ibid., vul. ii. pi. xi. ]i. 0, 1. .;; tor the idea of creation aa proceeding from the tears 
 of the god, see Masi'euo, Diani «./ Cirili-.iilinii. p. 15C. 
 
 ' Mariette, tfcid , vol. ii. pi. xi. p. 7, 1. 2, p. 8, 1. 1 ; cf. Gbebait, V Ilymne a Ammon-lld des 
 Papyrus de Boalaq, pp. 18-20. Cf. another hymn of a more mystic character, inscribed in the temple 
 of Amon in the Tlielnin Oasis; it was published, with a German translation, by Brlgsch, Rei$e an 
 der Grossen Oafe Kl-Khurgeh, pi. vii. pp. 27-48, and in English by Birch, Imcription of Darius at the 
 Temple of Kliargeh, in the Transactions Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. v. pp. 293-302 ; the latter translation is 
 also to be found in the Records of the Past, Ist series, vol. viii. pp. 135-144. 
 
 * See the fragments of these compositions given on pp. 322, 323 of the present work. Breasted 
 (De llymnis in Solem sub Ameiiophide 1 V. conceptis, p. 9) points out the decisive influence exercised 
 by t}ie solar hymns of AiucnOtlits IV. on the development of the solar ideas contained in the hymne 
 to Amon put fortli or re-edited in the XX"' dynasty. 
 
 ' The hymn to Phtah is contained in the Berlin Papyrus, No. VII. (Lepsius, Deithtn., vi. pis. 118- 
 121); it was exi)lained by Pierret, J^Yude* Egyptologiques, vol. i. pp. 1-19. As to hymns to the 
 Nile, see Maspero, Down o/ Civilization, pp. 39-43; the Berlin Papyrus, No. V. (Lepsius, Denfcm., 
 vi. 115-117), contains a fine hymn addressed to Ra-Harmakhis, which was translated by Maspero in 
 6tudes de Mythologie, etc., /Hgyptiennes, vol. ii. pp. 454-457 (of. llistoire Ancienne, 4th edit., pp. 280- 
 284), and by Lushington, Hymn to Jla-Harmachts, ia the Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. viii. 
 pp. 129-134. 
 
544 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 that is, Amon-Ea. The omnipotence of this one god did not, however, exclude 
 a belief in the existence of his compeers; the theologians thought all the 
 while that the beings to whom ancient generations had accorded a complete 
 independence in respect of their rivals were nothing more than emanations 
 from one supreme being. If local pride forced them to apply to this single 
 deity the designation customarily used in their city — Phtah at Memphis, 
 Anhuri-Shu at Thinis, Khnumu in the neighbourhood of the first cataract — 
 they were quite willing to allow, at the same time, that these appellations 
 were but various masks for one face. Phtah, Hapi, Khnumu, Ea, — all the 
 gods, in fact, — were blended with each other, and formed but one deity — 
 unique existence, multiple in his names, and mighty according to the impor- 
 tance of the city in which he was worshipped. Hence Amon, lord of the 
 capital and patron of the dynasty, having more partisans, enjoyed more 
 respect, and, in a word, felt himself possessed of more claims to be the sole 
 god of Egypt than his brethren, who could not claim so many worshippers. 
 
 He did not at the outset arrogate to himself the same empire over the dead 
 as he exercised over the living ; he had delegated his functions in this respect- 
 to a goddess, Maritsakro, for whom the poorer inhabitants of the left bank 
 entertained a persistent devotion.^ She was a kind of Isis or hospitable Hathor, 
 whose subjects in the other world adapted themselves to the nebulous and 
 dreary existence provided for their disembodied " doubles." The Osirian and 
 solar doctrines were afterwards blended together in this local mythology, and 
 from the XP'' dynasty onwards the Theban nobility had adopted, along with, 
 the ceremonies in use in the Memphite period, the Heliopolitan beliefs concerning 
 the wanderings of the soul in the west, its embarkation on the solar ship, and 
 its resting-places in the fields of lalu. The rock-tombs of the XVIIP'^ dynasty 
 demonstrate that the Thebans had then no different concept of their life 
 beyond the world from that entertained by the inhabitants of the most ancient 
 cities : they ascribed to that existence the same inconsistent medley of contra- 
 dictory ideas, from which each one might select what pleased him best — either 
 repose in a well-provisioned tomb, or a dwelling close to Osiris in the middle 
 of a calm and agreeable paradise, or voyages with Ea around the world.^ The 
 fusion of Ea and Amon, and the predominance of the solar idea which arose 
 from it, forced the theologians to examine more closely these inconsistent 
 notions, and to eliminate from them anything which might be out of harmony 
 
 ' See what is said about this goddess and her cult, pp. 537, 538 of the present work. 
 
 ^ The Pyramid texts are found for the most part in the tombs of Nofiru (Maspero, La Pyramide 
 du roi Ounas, in the Recueil, vol. iii. pp. 201 -210) and Harhotpft (Maspero, Trow Annies defouilles, 
 in the Mgmoires de la Mission, etc., vol. i. p. 137, et seq., 225-231, 236) ; the texts of the Book of the 
 Dead are met with on the Theban coffins of the same period (Lepsius, mteste Texte, and Maspero, 
 Trois Annies defouilles, in the M^moires de la Mission, vol. i. pp. 155-172, 177-180, 210-224). 
 
AMON GOD OF THE DEAD. 
 
 545 
 
 with the new views. The devout servant of Amon, desirous of keeping in 
 constant touch with his god both here and in the other world, could not 
 imagine a happier future for his soul than in its going forth iu the fulness of 
 light by day, and taking refuge by night on the very bark which carried the 
 object of his worship through the thick darkness of Hades. To this end he 
 ■endeavoured to collect the formulae which would enable him to attain to this 
 supreme happiness, and also inform him concerning the hidden mysteries of 
 that obscure half of the world in which the sun dwelt between daylight and 
 daylight, teaching him also how to make friends and supporters of the benevolent 
 genii, and how to avoid or defeat the monsters whom he would encounter. The 
 best known of the books relating to these mysteries contained a geographical 
 description of the future world as it was described by the Theban priests to- 
 wards the end of the Kamesside period ; it was, in fact, an itinerary in which was 
 depicted each separate region of the underworld, with its gates, buildings, and 
 inhabitants.^ The account of it given by the Egyptian theologians did not exhibit 
 much inventive genius. They had started with the theory that the sun, after 
 setting exactly west of Thebes, rose again due east of the city, and they therefore 
 placed in the dark hemisphere all the regions of the universe which lay to the 
 north of those two points of the compass. The first stage of the sun's journey, 
 after disappearing below the horizon, coincided with the period of twilight ; 
 the orb travelled along the open sky, diminishing the brightness of his fires 
 as he climbed northward, and did not actually enter the underworhl till he 
 reached Abydos, close to tlie spot where, at the " Mouth of the Cleft," the souls 
 of the faithful awaited him. As soon as he had received them into his 
 boat, he plunged into the tunnel which there pierces the mountains, and the 
 cities through which he first passed between Abydos and the Fayi\ra were 
 known as the Osirian fiefs. He continued his journey through them for the 
 space of two hours, receiving the homage of the inhabitants, and putting such 
 of the shades on shore as were predestined by their special devotion for the Osiris 
 
 ' The monumental text of this book is found sculptured on a certain number of the tombs of the 
 Theban kings ; it was partially copied by Champollion, Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, vol. i. 
 p. 758, et seq., and in extenso by Lefebuue, Les Hypogies royaux de Tliebes, in which the chapters are 
 distributed throughout the work according to the place which they occupy on the walls of the tombs. 
 Several texts from papyri liave been published, notably that by Lanzone, Le Domicile des Esprits, 
 1879 ; by Mariette, Les Ihipyrm Egyptiens du Mus^e de Boulaq, vol. i. pis. 40-44 ; and by Pi.eyte, Les 
 Monuments de Leyde, 3rd part, T. 71. It was first translated into English by Biitcii, The I'apyrut of 
 Neslthem, 8vo, 1803, then into French by Deveria, Catalogue des Manuscrits L'gyptiens du Musfe de 
 Louvre, pp. 15-18 (cf. Pierret, liecueil d'intcriplions inedites du Musfe du Louvre, vol. L pp. 103- 
 148), and by Maspero, J^tudes de Mythologie et d'Arch^ologie, etc., vol. ii. pp. 30-147. An edition without 
 illustrations, rarely met with on papyrus, has been edited and translated by Jequieb, Le Litre de savoir 
 ce qu'il y a de I'Uades, 1893, 8vo. A study of tlie ideas which inspired its composition has been 
 made by Maspero, Etudes de Mythologie tt d'Archgblogie, etc., vol. ii. pp. 1-181. Mention is made in 
 this article of other still rarer and more mysterious works of the same type, found on the walls of the 
 royal tombs; the illustration on p. 547 is taken from one of the latter. 
 
546 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of Abydos and his associates, Horus and Anubis, to establish themselves in this 
 territory. Beyond Heracleopolis, he entered the domains of the Memphite 
 gods, the " land of Sokaris," and this probably was the most perilous moment 
 of his journey. The feudatories of Phtah were gathered together in grottoes, 
 connected by a labyrinth of narrow passages through which even the most fully 
 initiated were scarcely able to find their way ; the luminous boat, instead of 
 venturing within these catacombs, passed above them by mysterious tracks. 
 The crew were unable to catch a glimpse of the sovereign through whose realm 
 they journeyed, and they in like manner were invisible to him ; he could only 
 hear the voices of the divine sailors, and he answered them from the depth 
 of the darkness. Two hours were spent in this obscure passage, after which 
 navigation became easier as the vessel entered the nomes subject to the Osirises 
 of the Delta : four consecutive hours of sailing brought the bark from the 
 province in which the four principal bodies of the god slept to that in which 
 his four souls kept watch, and, as it passed, it illuminated the eight circles 
 reserved for men and kings who worshipped the god of Mendes. From the 
 tenth hour onwards it directed its course due south, and passed through 
 the Augarit, the place of fire and abysmal waters to which the Heliopolitans 
 consigned the souls of the impious ; then finally quitting the tunnel, it soared 
 up in the east with the first blush of dawn. Each of the ordinary dead was 
 landed at that particular hour of the twelve, which belonged to the god of his 
 choice or of his native town. Left to dwell there they suffered no absolute 
 torment, but languished in the darkness in a kind of painful torpor, from which 
 condition the approach of the bark alone was able to rouse them. They hailed 
 its daily coming with acclamations, and felt new life during the hour in which 
 its rays fell on them, breaking out into lamentations as the bark passed away 
 and the light disappeared with it. The souls who were devotees of the sun 
 escaped this melancholy existence ; they escorted the god, reduced though he 
 was to a mummied corpse, on his nightly cruise, and were piloted by him safe 
 and sound to meet the first streaks of the new day. As the boat issued from 
 the mountain in the morning between the two trees which flanked the gate 
 of the east, these souls had their choice of several ways of spending the day on 
 which they were about to enter. They might join their risen god in his course 
 through the hours of light, and assist him in combating Apophis and his accom- 
 plices, plunging again at night into Hades without having even for a moment 
 quitted his side. They might, on the other hand, leave him and once more enter 
 the world of the living, settling themselves where they would, but always by 
 preference in the tombs where their bodies awaited them, and where they could 
 enjoy the wealth which had been accumulated there : they might walk within 
 
548 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 their garden, and sit beneath the trees they had planted ; they could enjoy the 
 open air beside the pond they had dug, and breathe the gentle north breeze on its 
 banks after the midday heat, until the time when the returning evening obliged 
 
 them to repair once more 
 
 toAbydos,a.nd re-embark 
 with the god in order to 
 pass the anxious vigils of 
 the night under his pro- 
 tection. Thus from the 
 earliest period of Egyp- 
 tian history the life be- 
 yond the tomb was an 
 eclectic one, made up of 
 a series of earthly enjoy- 
 mentscombined together. 
 
 The Pharaohs had 
 enrolled themselves in- 
 stinctively among the 
 most ardent votaries of 
 this complex doctrine. 
 Their relationship to the 
 sun made its adoption a 
 duty, and its profession 
 was originally, perhaps, 
 one of the privileges of 
 their position. Ra in- 
 
 vited them on board 
 
 because they were his children, subsequently extending this favour to those 
 whom they should deem worthy to be associated with them, and thus become 
 companions of the ancient deceased kings of Upper and Lower Egypt.^ The 
 idea which the Egyptians thus formed of the other world, and of the life of 
 the initiated within it, reacted gradually on their concept of the tomb and of 
 its befitting decoration. They began to consider the entrances to the pyramid, 
 and its internal passages and chambers, as a conventional representation of the 
 gates, passages, and halls of Hades itself; when the pyramid passed out of 
 fashion, and they had replaced it by a tomb cut in the rock in one or other of 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato of the tomb of Eamses IV. 
 
 * This is apparently what we gather from the picture inserted in chapter xvii. of the " Book of 
 tlie Dead " (Lepsitjs, Bas Todtenbuch, pi. vii., and from the variants collected by Naville, Das The- 
 hanische Todtenbuch, vol. i.), where we see the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt guiding the divine 
 bark and the deceased with them. 
 
1^ 
 U<3 
 
550 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 the branches of the Bab el-Moluk valley, the plan of construction which they chose 
 was an exact copy of that employed by the Memphites and earlier Thebans, 
 and they hollowed out for themselves in the mountain-side a burying-place ou 
 the same lines as those formerly employed within the pyramidal structure. 
 The relative positions of the tunnelled tombs along the valley were not deter- 
 mined by any order of rank or of succession to the throne ; ^ each Pharaoh after 
 Eamses I. set to work on that part of the rock where the character of the stone 
 favoured his purpose, and displayed so little respect for his predecessors, that 
 the workmen, after having tunnelled a gallery, were often obliged to abandon it 
 altogether, or to change the direction of their excavations so as to avoid piercing 
 a neighbouring tomb.^ The architect's design was usually a mere project 
 which could be modified at will, and which he did not feel bound to carry out 
 with fidelity ; the actual measurements of the tomb of Eamses IV. are almost 
 everywhere at variance with the numbers and arrangement of the working 
 drawing of it which has been preserved to us in a papyrus.^ The general 
 disposition of the royal tombs, however, is far from being complicated ; 
 we have at the entrance the rectangular door, usually surmounted by the sun, 
 represented by a yellow disk, before which the sovereign kneels with his hands 
 raised in the posture of adoration ; this gave access to a passage sloping gently 
 downwards, and broken here and there by a level landing and steps, leading 
 to a first chamber of varying amplitude, at the further end of which a second 
 passage opened which descended to one or more apartments, the last of which 
 contained the coffin. The oldest rock-tombs present some noteworthy ex- 
 ceptions to this plan, particularly those of Seti I. and Eamses III;* but 
 from the time of Eamses IV., there is no difi'erence to be remarked in them 
 except in the degree of finish of the wall-paintings or in the length of the 
 passages. The shortest of the latter extends some fifty-two feet into the rock, 
 while the longest never exceeds three hundred and ninety feet. The same 
 artifices which had been used by the pyramid-builders to defeat the designs of 
 robbers ^ — false mummy-pits, painted and sculptured walls built across passages, 
 stairs concealed under a movable stone in the corner of a chamber — were also 
 
 ' Chamfollion, Lettres Writes d'Egypte, 2nd edit., pp. 223, 224. 
 
 ' CosTAZ, Description des Totnbeaux des Rois, in the Bescription de VEgypte, vol. iii. p. 195 ; 
 Wilkinson, Topography of Thebes and General View of Egypt, p. 109 ; cf. p. 122. 
 
 ^ The papyrus is now in the Turin Museum. It was published by Lepsius, Grundplan des 
 Grahes Konig Ramses IV. in einem Tiiriner Papyrus, 1867, who was the first to recognize it 
 as being the plan of the tomb of Eamses IV., and to notice the discrepancies between it and the 
 tomb itself. 
 
 * For the tomb of Seti I., see supra, pp. 384, 385, and for the tomb of Eamses III., supra, 
 p. 478. 
 
 * For the precautions taken by the architects of the great pyramids against robbers, cf. Dawn of 
 Civilization, p. 367 ; the account of the discovery of the tomb of Seti I, is given in Belzoni, Narra- 
 tive of the Operations and Recent Discoveries in Egypt, p. 237, et seq. 
 
FATE OF SOULS ACCORDING TO THE TEACHING OF THE PRIESTS. 551 
 
 employed by the Theban engineers. The decoration of the walls was suggested, 
 as in earlier times, by the needs of the royal soul, with this difference — that 
 the Thebans set themselves to render visible to his eyes by paintings that 
 which the Memphites had been content to present to his intelligence in writing, 
 so that the Pharaoh could now see what his ancestors had been able merely to 
 read on the walls of their tombs. Where the inscribed texts in the burial- 
 chamber of Unas state that Unas, incarnate in the Sun, and thus representing 
 Osiris, sails over the waters on high or glides into the Elysian fields, the 
 sculptured or painted scenes in the interior of the Theban catacombs display 
 to the eye liamses occupying the place of the god in the solar bark and in the 
 fields of lalu. Where the walls of Unas bear only the prayers recited over the 
 mummy for the opening of his mouth, for the restoration of the use of his 
 limbs, for his clothing, perfuming, and nourishment, we see depicted on those 
 of Seti I. or Ramses IV. the mummies of these kings and the statues of 
 their doubles in the hands of the priests, who are portrayed in the perform- 
 ance of these various offices. The starry ceilings of the pyramids reproduce 
 the aspect of the sky, but without giving the names of the stars : on the 
 ceilings of some of the Ramesside rock-tombs, on the other hand, the con- 
 stellations are represented, each with its proper figure, while astronomical 
 tables give the position of the heavenly bodies at intervals of fifteen days, 
 so that the soul could tell at a glance into what region of the firmament 
 the course of the bark would bring him each night. In the earlier Ramesside 
 tombs, under Seti I. and Ramses II., the execution of these subjects shows 
 evidence of a care and skill which are quite marvellous, and both figures 
 and hieroglyphics betray the hand of accomplished artists. But in the 
 tomb of Ramses III. the work has already begun to show signs of inferiority, 
 and the majority of the scenes are coloured in a very summary fashion ; a raw 
 yellow predominates, and the tones of the reds and blues remind us of a child's 
 first efforts at painting. This decline is even more marked under the succeed- 
 ing Ramessides; the drawing has deteriorated, the tints have become more 
 and more crude, and the latest paintings seem but a lamentable caricature of 
 the earlier ones.^ 
 
 The courtiers and all those connected with the worship of Amon-Ra — 
 priests, prophets, singers, and functionaries connected with the necropolis — 
 shared the same belief with regard to the future world as their sovereign, 
 and they carried their faith in the sun's power to the point of identifying 
 themselves with him after death, and of substituting the name of Ra for that 
 of Osiris;''^ they either did not venture, however, to go further than this, 
 
 ' Maspeko, ArchMogie Kgypiienne, pp. 152-158. 
 
 ' For the substitution of tho title of Ra for that of Osiris, and for the monuments which have 
 (permitted us to take cognizance of this change, cf. Masfebo, Ra2)port sur une Mitsion en Italic, in tho 
 
552 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 or were unable to introduce into their tombs all that we find in the Bab 
 el-Moluk. They confined themselves to writing briefly on their own cofilns, or 
 confiding to the mummies of their fellow-believers, in addition to the " Book 
 of the Dead," a copy of the "Book of knowing what there is in Hades," 
 or of some other mystic writing which was in 
 ^-—^ harmony with their creed. Hastily 
 prepared copies of these were sold by 
 unscrupulous scribes, often badly written 
 and almost always incomplete, in which 
 were hurriedly set down haphazard 
 the episodes of the course of the sun 
 with explanatory illustrations. The 
 representations of the gods in them 
 are but little better than caricatures, 
 the text is full of faults and scarcely 
 decipherable, and it is at times 
 difficult to recognize the correspond- 
 ence of the scenes and prayers 
 with those in the royal tombs. 
 Although Amon had become 
 the supreme god, at least for 
 this class of the initiated, he 
 was by no means the sole deity 
 worshipped by the Egyptians : 
 the other divinities previously associated with him still held their own beside 
 him, or were further defined and invested with a more decided personality. The 
 goddess regarded as his partner was at first represented as childless, in spite of 
 the name of Maut or Mut — the mother — by which she was invoked, and Amon 
 was supposed to have adopted Montu, the god of Hermonthis, in order to- 
 complete his triad. Montu, however, formerly the sovereign of the Theban 
 plain, and lord over Amon himself, was of too exalted a rank to play the 
 inferior part of a divine son. The priests were, therefore, obliged to fall back 
 upon a personage of lesser importance, named Khonsu, who up to that period 
 had been relegated to an obscure position in the celestial hierarchy. How 
 they came to identify him with the moon, and subsequently with Osiris and 
 
 Jieeueil de Travaux, vol. iii. pp. 104-106, and Melanges de Mythologie et d'ArcMologie EgyptienneSf 
 vol. ii. pp. 26, 27. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bronze statuette iu the Gizeh Museum ; cf. Mauiette, Album 
 photograpMque du Musee de Boulaq, pi. 4. 
 
 2 Plan drawn by Tliuillier : A is the pylon, B the court, C the hypostyle hall, E the passage- 
 isolating the sanctuary, D the sanctuary, F the opisthodomos with its usual chambers, 
 
 TEMPLE OF KHO> 
 
KHONSU. 553 
 
 Thot, is as yet unexplained/ but the assimilation had taken place before the 
 XIX"^ dynasty drew to its close. Khonsu, thus honoured, soon became a 
 favourite deity with both the people and the upper classes, at first merely 
 
 THE TEMPLE OF KIKiNsO AT KAllNAK.- 
 
 supplementiug Montu, but finally supplanting liiiii in tho tliird place of the 
 Triad. From the time of Sesostris onwards, Tlieban dogma acknowledged 
 him alone side by side with Amon-Ea and 3Iut the divine mother. 
 
 It was now incumbent on the Pharaoh to erect to this newly made favourite 
 a temple whose size and magnificence should be worthy of the rank to which 
 his votaries had exalted him. To this end, Ramses III. chose a suitable site to 
 the south of the hypostyle hall of Karnak, close to a corner of the enclosing wall, 
 and there laid the foundations of a temple which his successors took nearly 
 a century to finish.'^ Its proportions are by no means perfect, the sculpture 
 is wanting in refinement, the painting is coaree, and the masonry was so faulty, 
 that it was found necessary in several places to cover it with a coat of stucco 
 before the bas-reliefs could be carved on the walls ; yet, in spite of all this, 
 
 '■ It is possible that tliis aasimilation originated in the fact that Kbonsa is derived from the verb 
 "khonsfl," to navigate : Khonsft would thus have been he who crossed the heavens in liis bark — that 
 is, tho moon-god (BituGSCH, Religion und Mythologie der Alten MjypUr, pp. 117, 118); cf. Dawn of 
 Civilization, p. 507. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 Tlie proof tliat the temple was founded by Eamses III. is furnished by the inscriptions of tho 
 sanctuary and the surrounding chambers ; cf. Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 207 h. 
 
554 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 its general arrangement is so fine, that it may well be regarded, in preference 
 to other more graceful or magnificent buildings, as the typical temple of the 
 Theban period. It is divided into two parts, separated from each other by a 
 
 solid wall. In the centre 
 
 of the smaller of these is 
 placed the Holy of Holies, 
 which opens at both ends 
 into a passage ten feet in 
 width, isolating it from the 
 surrounding buildings. To 
 the right and left of the 
 sanctuary are dark chambers, 
 and behind it is a hall sup- 
 ported by four columns, into 
 which open seven small 
 apartments. This formed 
 the dwelling-place of the 
 god and his compeers. The 
 sanctuary communicates, by 
 means of two doors placed 
 in the southern wall, with a 
 hypostyle hall of greater 
 width than depth, divided 
 by its pillars into a nave and 
 two aisles. The four columns 
 of the nave are twenty-three 
 feet in height, and have 
 bell-shaped capitals, while 
 those of the aisles, two on either side, are eighteen feet high, and are crowned 
 with lotiform capitals. The roof of the nave was thus five feet higher than 
 those of the aisles, and in the clear storey thus formed, stone gratings, similar 
 to those in the temple of Amon, admitted light to the building. The court- 
 yard, surrounded by a fine colonnade of two rows of columns, was square, and 
 was entered by four side posterns in addition to the open gateway at the end 
 placed between two quadrangular towers. This pylon measures 104 feet in 
 length, and is 32 feet 6 inches wide, by 58 feet high. It contains no internal 
 chambers, but merely a narrow staircase which leads to the top of the door- 
 way, and thence to the summit of the towers. Four long angular grooves 
 
 THE COURT 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato. 
 
THE TEMPLE OF KHONSU. 
 
 555 
 
 run up the facade of the towers to a height of about twenty feet from the 
 ground, and are in the same line with a similar number of square holes 
 which pierce the thickness of the building higher up. Iq these grooves 
 were placed Venetian masts, made of poles spliced toiretlier and held in their 
 place by means of hooks 
 and wooden stays which 
 projected from the four 
 holes ; these masts were 
 to carry at their tops 
 pennons of various colours.^ 
 Such was the temple of 
 Khonsu, and the majority 
 of the great Tlieban build- 
 ings — at Luxor, Qurneh, 
 the Kamesseum, or Medi- 
 net-Habu — were constructed 
 on similar lines. Even 
 in their half-ruined con- 
 dition there is something 
 oppressive and uncanny in 
 their appearance. The gods 
 loved to shroud themselves 
 in mystery, and, therefore, 
 the plan of the building 
 was so arranged as to 
 render the transition almost 
 
 THE COLONNADE BlILT BY TUCtMOSIS III.- 
 
 imperceptible from the 
 
 blinding sunlight outside to the darkness of their retreat within. In the 
 courtyard, we are still surrounded by vast spaces to which air and light have 
 free access. The hypostyle hall, however, is pervaded by an appropriate 
 twilight, tlie sanctuary is veiled in still deeper darkness, while in the 
 chambers beyond reigns an almost perpetual night. The effect produced by 
 this gradation of obscurity was intensified by constructional artifices. The 
 different parts of the building are not all on the same ground-level, the 
 pavement rising as the sanctuary is approached, and tlie rise is concealed 
 by a few steps placed at intervals. The difference of level in the temple 
 
 ' For a desciiption of the various parts of the temple of KhonsA, cf. Perbot-Chipiez, Higl. de 
 I'Arl don« I'AnliquiU, vol. i. pp. 354-301, 591, 593-595, 009, 612, 618, 619, and Maspebo, Archeohgie 
 £gyj>iienne, pp. 69-73. 
 
 ' Drawu by Fauchcr-Gudin, from a photograph by Insinger and Daniel He'ron. 
 
556 
 
 TEE CLOSE OF THE THEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 ICAF\NAIC 
 
 VNDEF\ THE F^AMESSIDES. 
 
 of Khonsu is not more than five 
 feet three inches, but it is com- 
 bined with a still more considerable 
 lowering of the height of the roof. 
 From the pylon to the wall at the 
 further end the height decreases as 
 we go on ; the peristyle is more 
 lofty than the hypostyle hall, this 
 again is higher than the sanctuary 
 and the hall of columns, and the 
 chamber beyond it drops still further 
 in altitude.^ 
 
 Karnak is an exception to this 
 rule ; this temple had in the course 
 of centuries undergone so many 
 restorations and additions, that it 
 formed a collection of buildings 
 rather than a single edifice. It 
 might have been regarded, as early 
 as the close of the Theban empire, 
 as a kind of museum, in which 
 every century and every period of 
 art, from the XIl'" dynasty down- 
 wards, had left its distinctive mark.^ 
 All the resources of architecture 
 had been brought into requisi- 
 tion during this period to vary,, 
 at the will of each sovereign, 
 the arrangement and the general 
 effect of the component parts- 
 Columns with sixteen sides stand 
 in the vicinity of square pillars, 
 
 ' This is "the law of progressive 
 diminution of heights" of Pereot-Chipiez, 
 Hisioire de I'Art, vol. i. pp. 365, 366. 
 2 A on the pliin denotes the XII"' 
 dynasty temple (cf. 
 Dawn of Civilization, 
 pp. 506, 507); B is the 
 great hypostyle hall of 
 Seti I. and Eamses II. 
 (see swpra, p. 478, note 
 3) ; C the temple of 
 III. 
 
THE TEMPLE OF AMON AT KARNAK. 557 
 
 and lotiform capitals alternate with those of the bell-shape ; attempts 
 were even made to introduce new types altogether. The architect who 
 built at the back of the sanctuary what is now known as the colonnade of 
 Tutmosis III., attempted 
 to invert the bell-shaped 
 capital ; the bell was 
 turned downwards, and 
 the neck attached to the 
 plinth, while the mouth 
 rested on the top of the 
 shaft.^ This awkward 
 arrangement did not 
 meet with favour, for 
 we find it nowhere re- 
 peated ; other artists, 
 however, with better 
 taste, sought at this 
 time to apply the flowers 
 symbolical of Upper and 
 Lower Egypt to the de- 
 corations of the shafts. 
 In front of the sanctuary 
 of Karnak two pillars arc 
 still standing which have 
 on them in relief repre- 
 sentations respectively 
 of the full-blown lotus and the papyrus.^ A building composed of so many 
 incongruous elements required frequent restoration — a wall which had been 
 undermined by water needed strengthening, a pylon displaying cracks claimed 
 attention, some unsafe colonnade, or a colossus which had been injured by the 
 fall of a cornice, required shoring up — so that no sooner had the corvee for repairs 
 completed their work in one part, than they had to begin again elsewhere. The 
 revenues of Amon must, indeed, have been enormous to have borne the continual 
 
 ' Jollois-Devilliehs, Description du palais, des propyl^er, des avenuex de sphinx, des temples, 
 etc., in the Description de VUgypie, vol. ii. p. 474, and vol. iii. pi. 30, No. 4 ; Lei-sics, Sur VVrigine 
 des cnlonnes-piliers en ^gypte, p. 20 ; Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. i. p. 558, 
 and MASrERO, Arcligblogie Egyptienne, pp. 5G, 57. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a jjliotograph by Beato. 
 
 ' For further remarks on these pillars, usually called stele pillars, of. Jollois-Devilliebs, 
 Description du palais, des propylies, etc., in the Description de VEgypte, vol. iii. pp. 461, 462, and 
 vol. iii. pi. 30, No. 7; Lepsius, Stir VOrigine des colonnes-piliers en Egypte, pp. 27, 28; Prisse 
 d'Avennes, Eistoire de I'Art Egyptien, pp. 359, 360, and Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dans 
 VAntiquitf, vol. i. p. 548. 
 
558 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 drain occasioned by restoration, and the resources of the god would soon have 
 been exhausted had not foreign wars continued to furnish him during several 
 centuries with all or more than he needed. The gods had suffered severely in 
 the troublous times which had followed the reign of Seti II., and it required 
 all the generosity of Kamses III. to compensate them for the losses they 
 had sustained during the anarchy under Arisii.^ The spoil taken from the 
 Libyans, from the Peoples of the Sea, and from the Hittites had flowed into 
 the sacred treasuries, while the able administration of the sovereign had done 
 the rest, so that on the accession of Eamses IV. the temples were in a more 
 prosperous state than ever.'^ They held as their own property 169 towns, nine 
 of which were in Syria and Ethiopia ; they possessed 113,433 slaves of both 
 sexes, 493,386 head of cattle, 1,071,780 arurss of land, 514 vineyards and 
 orchards, 88 barks and sea-going vessels, 336 kilograms of gold both in 
 ingots and wrought, 2,993,964 grammes of silver, besides quantities of copper 
 and precious stones, and hundreds of storehouses in which they kept corn, 
 oil, wine, honey, and preserved meats — the produce of their domains. Two 
 examples will suffice to show the extent of this latter item : the live geese 
 reached the number of 680,714, and the salt or smoked fish that of 494,800.'^ 
 Amon claimed the giant share of this enormous total, and three-fourths of 
 it or more were reserved for his use, namely — 86,486 slaves, 421,362 head of 
 cattle, 898,168 arurseoi cornland, 433 vineyards and orchards, and 56 Egyptian 
 towns.* The nine foreign towns all belonged to him, and one of them con- 
 tained the temple in which he was worshipped by the Syrians whenever they 
 came to pay their tribute to the king's representatives : ^ it was but just that 
 his patrimony should surpass that of his compeers, since the conquering Pharaohs 
 owed their success to him, who, without the co-operation of the other feudal 
 deities, had lavished victories upon them. His domain was at least five times 
 more considerable than that of Ra of Heliopolis, and ten times greater than 
 that of the Memphite Phtah," and yet of old, in the earlier times of history, 
 
 ' Cf. what is said of the Syrian Arisft, supra, 440, 453. 
 
 " The donations of Ramses III., or rather the total of the donations made to the gods by the pre- 
 decessors of that Pharaoh, and confirmed and augmented by him, are enumerated at length in the 
 Great Harris Papyrus, Birch's edit., pis. 10-66. This information was first brought to notice by 
 Erman, JEgypten und Mgyptisclies Leben, etc., pp. 415, 416, and subsequently by Brcgsch, Die 
 JEgyptologie, pp. 271-274. 
 
 ' An abridgement of these donations occupies seven large plates in the Great Harris Papyrus, 
 Birch's edit., pis. 67-74 ; cf. Eeman, JEgypten und JEgyptisches Lehen im Alterthum, pp. 406-408, 
 and Beugsch, Die JEgyptologie, p. 274. 
 
 * The Great Harris Papyrus, Birch's edit., pi. 11, 11. 4-11 ; cf. Eisenlohr-Birch, Annals of Barneses 
 III., in the Records of the Past, 1st series, vol. vi. p. 36; Erman, Mgypten, etc., p. 409. 
 
 * The Great Harris Papyruf, Birch's edit., pi. 9, 11. 1-3; cf. Eisenlohr-Birch, Annals of Rameses 
 III., in the Records of (he Past, 1st series, vol. vi. pp. 33, 34, and p. 475 of the present work. 
 
 " Cf. the comparative table drawn up by Erman from the information in the Great Harris 
 Papyrus, in his JEgypten, etc., p. 410. 
 
THE REVENUES AND PRIESTHOOD OF AMON. 
 
 559 
 
 Ea and Phtah were reckoned the wealthiest of the Egyptian gods. It is 
 easy to understand the influence which a god thus endowed with the goods 
 of this world exercised over men in an age wlien tlie national wars had the 
 same consequences for the immortals as for their worshippers, and when 
 the defeat of a people was regarded as a proof of the inferiority of its 
 patron gods. The most victorious divinity became necessarily the wealthiest, 
 before whom all other deities bowed, and whom they, as well as their subjects, 
 were obliged to serve. 
 
 So powerful a god as Amon had but few obstacles to surmount before 
 becoming the national deity ; indeed, he was practically the foremost of the 
 gods . during the Eamesside period, and was generally acknowledged as 
 Egypt's representative by all foreign nations.^ His priests shared in the 
 prestige he enjoyed, and their influence in state affiiirs increased pro- 
 portionately with his power. The chief of their hierarchy, however, did not 
 bear the high titles which in ancient times distinguished those of IMemphis 
 and Heliopolis ; he was content with the humble appellation of first 
 prophet of Amon.^ He had for several generations been nominated by the 
 sovereign, but he was generally chosen from the families attached hereditarily 
 or otherwise to the temple of Karnak, and must previously have passed 
 through every grade of the priestly hierarchy. Those who aspired to this 
 honour had to graduate as " divine fathers ; " this was the first step in the 
 initiation, and one at which many were content to remain, but the more 
 ambitious or favoured advanced by successive stages to the dignity of third, 
 and then of second, prophet before attaining to the highest rank.'' The 
 Pharaohs of the XIX"' dynasty jealously supervised the promotions made in 
 the Theban temples, and saw that none was elected except him who was devoted 
 to their interests — such as, for example, Baukuni-khonsu and Unnofri under 
 
 ' From the XVIII"' dynasty, at least, the first prophet of Amon Lad taken the precedence of tlie 
 liigh priests of Heliopolis and Memphis, as is proved by the position ho occupies in the Egyptian 
 hierarchy in tlie Hood Papyrus; cf. Maspero, Etudes ^^gyptiennet, vol. ii. pp. 33-35, and Urugsch, 
 Din JEgijptologie, pp. 217, 218. 
 
 ' Masi'ero, t^tudes Hgyptiennes, vol, ii. pp. 53-5o, wliere the fact and the consequences entailed 
 by it are pointed out for the first time. 
 
 ' What we know on this subject has been brought to light mainly by the inscriptions on the 
 statue of Buukdni-Khonsft at Munich, published and commented on by Dkveria, Monument bio- 
 graphique de Bakenhhonsnu, grand preire d' Amnion et architecte principal de Thibet, contemporain de 
 Moise, in the Mimoirm de I'Instilut Egyptian, vol. i. pp. 701-754 (cf. Mfmoires et Fragments, vol. i. 
 pp. 275-324), and by Lauth, Der Hohepriester und Oberbaumeister Bokenchons, ein Zeitgenotie 
 Mosig, in the Zeitschri/t der Morgenl. Oesellscha/t, vol. xvii. Brugsch at first thought that 
 tlie personage thus chosen was submitted to frequent re-elections (^Hecueil de Monuments, vol. i. 
 p. 39); his opinion has been refuted by A. Baiixet, De V Election et de la dur^e des/onclions du 
 Qrand-Prclre d'Ammon a Thebes, in the Revue Arch^ologique, 1863, vol. vii. ; cf. Erman, ^gypten und 
 Mgyptisches Leben, p. 397, et seq., and Brugsch, Die JEgyptologie, pj). 27.">-278. The cursus honorum 
 of Eamft shows us that he was first third, theu second prophet of .Vmon, before being raised to the 
 pontificate in the reign of Minephtah. 
 
560 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE TEEBAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Ramses II.^ Baukuni-khonsu distinguished himself by his administrative 
 qualities ; if he did not actually make the plans for the hypostyle hall at 
 Karnak, he appears at least to have superintended its execution and decoration. 
 He finished the great pylon, erected the obelisks and gateways, built the 
 hari or vessel of the god, and found a further field for his activity on the 
 opposite bank of the Nile, where he helped to complete both the chapel 
 at Qurneh and also the Ramesseum, Ramses II. had always been able to 
 make his authority felt by the high priests who succeeded Baukuni-khonsu, 
 but the Pharaohs who followed him did not hold the reins with such a strong 
 hand. As early as the reigns of Minephtah and Seti II. the first prophets, 
 Rai and Rama, claimed the right of building at Karnak for their own 
 purposes, and inscribed on the walls long inscriptions in which their own 
 panegyrics took precedence of that of the sovereign ; they even aspired to a 
 religious hegemony, and declared themselves to be the "chief of all the 
 prophets of the gods of the South and North." We do not know what became 
 of them during the usurpation of Arisu, but Nakhtu-ramses, son of Miribastit, 
 who filled the office during the reign of Ramses III., revived these ambitious 
 projects as soon as the state of Egypt appeared to favour them. The king, 
 however pious he might be, was not inclined to yield up any of his authority, 
 even though it were to the earthly delegate of the divinity whom he reverenced 
 before all others; the sons of the Pharaoh were, however, more accommodating, 
 and Nakhtu-ramses played his part so well that he succeeded in obtaining from 
 them the reversion of the high priesthood for his son Amenothes. The 
 priestly office, from having been elective, was by this stroke suddenly made 
 hereditary in the family.^ The kings preserved, it is true, the privilege 
 of confirming the new appointment, and the nominee was not considered 
 properly qualified until he had received his investiture from the sovereign.* 
 Practically the Pharaohs lost the power of choosing one among the sons of 
 the deceased pontiff ; they were forced to enthrone the eldest of his survivors, 
 and legalise his accession by their approbation, even when they would have 
 preferred another. It was thus that a dynasty of vassal High Priests came to 
 be established at Thebes side by side with the royal dynasty of the Pharaohs. 
 The new priestly dynasty was not long in making its power felt in Thebes. 
 
 ' Unnofri is known to us by a monument in the Naples Museum, published by Vassali, Bi alcuni 
 Monumenti del Museo Egizio di Napoli, pp. 25, 26, and pi. iv. b ; of. Beugsch, Gesch. Mgyptens, p. 541. 
 
 ^ Lepsitjs, Denlcm., iii. 200 a, 237 c ; Steen, Ein Hymnus auf Amon-Rd, in the Zeitschrift, 1873, 
 pp. 74-76 ; cf. Maspero, Les Momies Royales, etc., in M^m. de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 666, 667. 
 
 * For Nakhtfi-ramses and Amenothes, cf. Maspero, Les Momies royales de Beir el-Bahari, in the 
 M^moires da la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 667-671. 
 
 * Tliis is proved by the Maunier stele, now in the Louvre ; it is there related bow the high priest 
 Manakh-pirri received his investiture from the Tanite king (Beugsch, Recueil de Monuments, vol. i. 
 pi. xxii. pp. 39, 40, and Reise nach der Grossen Case El-Khargeh, pi. xxii. pp. 85, 88). 
 
NAKHTU-RAMSES AND AMENOTHES. 
 
 561 
 
 Nakhtu-ramses and Amenothes lived to a great age — from the reign of 
 Ramses III. to that of Ramses X., at the least ; they witnessed the accession 
 of nine successive Pharaohs, and the unusual length of their pontificates no 
 doubt increased the already extraordinary prestige which they enjoyed through- 
 out the length and breadth of Egypt. It seemed as if the god delighted 
 to prolong the lives of his representatives beyond the ordinary limits, while 
 shortening those of the temporal sovereigns.^ When the reigns of the Pharaohs 
 began once more to reach tlieir normal length, the authority of Amenothes 
 had become so firmly established that no human power could withstand it, 
 and the later Ramessides were merely a set of puppet kings who were ruled 
 by him and his successors. Not only was there a cessation of foreign expedi- 
 tions, but the Delta, Memphis, and Ethiopia were alike neglected, and the 
 only activity displayed by these Pharaohs, as far as we can gather from their 
 monuments, was confined to the service of Amon and Khonsu at Thebes. The 
 lack of energy and independence in these sovereigns may not, however, be 
 altogether attributable to tlieir feebleness of character ; it is possible that they 
 would gladly have entered on a career of conquest had they possessed the means. 
 It is always a perilous matter to allow the resources of a country to fall into the 
 hands of a priesthood, and to place its military forces at the same time in the 
 hands of the chief religious authority The warrior Pharaohs had always had 
 at their disposal the spoils obtained from foreign nations to make up the deficit 
 which their constant gifts to the temples were making in the treasury. The 
 sons of Ramses III., on the other hand, had suspended all military eflforts, 
 without, however, lessening their lavish gifts to the gods, and they must, in the 
 absence of the spoils of war, have drawn to a considerable extent upon the 
 ordinary resources of the country ; their successors therefore found the treasury 
 impoverished, and they would have been entirely at a loss for money had 
 they attempted to renew the campaigns or continue the architectural work 
 of their forefathers. The priests of Amon had not as yet sufiered materially 
 from this diminution of revenue, for they possessed property throughout 
 the length and breadth of Egypt, but they were obliged to restrict their 
 expenditure, and employ the sums formerly used for the enlarging of the 
 temples on the maintenance of their own body. Jleanwhile public works 
 had been almost everywhere suspended; administrative discipline became 
 relaxed, and disturbances, with which the police were unable to cope, 
 were increasing in all the important towns. Nothing is more indicative of 
 the state to which Egypt was reduced, under the combined influence of the 
 
 ' For tlic complete list of the double series of kings and high priests, see Maspeho, Le* Mamies 
 royales de IMr el-Bahari, in the M^mira de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. p. 662, et seq. 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, GeseUichtc yTJgyptens, p. 322, et seq., where the eflfect of the rapid increase of the 
 holding of land by the priesthood is forcibly depicted. 
 
 2 o 
 
562 
 
 THE CLOSE OF TEE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 priesthood and the Kamessides, than the thefts and pillaging of which the 
 Theban necropolis was then the daily scene. The robbers no longer confined 
 themselves to plundering the tombs of private persons ; they attacked the royal 
 burying - places, and their depredations 
 were carried on for years before they were 
 discovered. In the reign of Eamses IX., 
 an inquiry, set on foot by Amenothes, re- 
 vealed the fact that the tomb of Sovkum- 
 sauf I, and his wife, Queen Nubkhas, had 
 been rifled, that those of Amenothes I. and 
 of Antuf IV. had been entered by tunnelling, 
 and that some dozen other royal tombs in 
 the cemetery of Drah abu'l Neggah were 
 threatened.'^ The severe means taken to 
 suppress the evil were not, however, suc- 
 cessful; the pillagings soon began afresh, 
 and the reigns of the last three Eamessides 
 were marked by a struggle between the 
 robbers and the authorities, in which the 
 latter did not always come off triumphant. A system of repeated inspections 
 secured the valley of Biban el-Moluk from marauders,? but elsewhere the 
 measures of defence employed were unavailing, and the necropolis was given 
 over to pillage, although both Amenothes and Hrihor had used every effort 
 to protect it. Hrihor appears to have succeeded immediately after Ameno- 
 thes, and his accession to the pontificate gave his family a still more exalted 
 
 • The principal part of this inquiry constitutes the Abbott Papyrus, acquired and published by the 
 British Museum {Select Papyri, vol. ii. pis. i.-viii.), first examined and made the subject of study by 
 Birch (Biech-Chabas, Le Papyrus Abbott, in the Bevue ArcMologique, 1st series, vol. xvi. pp. 257-262), 
 translated simultaneously into French by Maspero {Une Enquete judiciaire a Thebes, etc., in M^moires 
 de VAcad^mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Letlres, vol. iii. p. 99, et seq.) and by Chabas {Melanges Egypto- 
 logiques, 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 1-172), into German by Lauth {Papyrus Abbott, in the Sitzungsberichte 
 of the Academy of Sciences of Munich, 1871, vol. i. pp. 707-755), by Erman (in part only, in the 
 Beitrage zur Kenntniss des JEgyptischen GericUsverfahrens, in the Zeitschrift, 1879, pp. 81-83, 148-152, 
 and in JEgypten und JEgyptisches Leben, pp. 190-193). Other papyri relate to the same or similar 
 occurrences, such as the Salt and Amherst Papyri published by Chabas {Melanges Egyptologiques, 3rd 
 series, vol. i. pp. 173-201, and vol. ii. pp. 1-26 ; cf. lEnuAS, Beitrage zur Kentniss des ^gypt. Gerichts- 
 verfahren, in the Zeitschrift, 1879, pp. 152, 153), and also the Liverpool Papyri, of which we possess 
 merely scattered notices in the writings of Goodwin {Notes on unpublished Papyri, in the Zeitschrift, 
 1873, pp. 39, 40, and Notes on the Mayor Papyri, in the Zeitschrift, 1874, pp. 61-65), and particularly 
 in those of Spiegelberg {Studien und Materialen zum Bechtswesen des Pharaonenreichcs, 1892, and 
 Translation of Hieratic Papyri Mayor A-B). 
 
 2 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lepsius, Denlcm., iii. 300, No. 74 ; cf. Champollion, Mon. de 
 I'Egypte et de la Nubie, pi. cclsix. 3, 4, and Eosellini, Monumenti Storici, pis. viii. 37 and xviii. 14. 
 
 ^ Graffiti which are evidences of these inspections have been drawn on the walls of several royal 
 tombs by the inspectors. Others have been found on several of the coffins discovered at Deir el- 
 Bahari, e.g. on those of Seti I. and Eamses II. ; cf. Maspero, Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari, 
 in the Memoires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 563, 567; the most ancient belong to the 
 pontificate of Hrihor, others belong to the XXI*' dynasty. 
 
HRIHOR AND THE LASI OF THE RAMESSIDES. 
 
 563 
 
 position in the country. As his wife Nozmit was of royal blood, he assumed 
 titles and functions to which his father and grandfather had made no claim. ^ 
 He became the "Eoyal Son" of Ethiopia and commander-in-chief of the 
 national and foreign troops; he engraved 
 his name upon the monuments he decorated, 
 side by side with that of Eamses XII. ; 
 in short, he possessed all the characteristics 
 of a Pharaoh except the crown and the 
 royal protocol. A century scarcely had 
 elapsed since the abdication of Kamses 
 III., and now Thebes and the whole of 
 Egypt owned two masters : one the em- 
 bodiment of the ancient line, but a mere 
 nominal king ; the other the representative 
 of Amon, and the actual ruler of the 
 country.-* 
 
 What then happened wlien the last 
 Eamses who bore the kingly title was 
 gathered to his fathers? The royal lists 
 record the accession after his death of a 
 new dynasty of Tanitic origin, whose founder was Xsbindidi or Smendes;* 
 but, on the other hand, we gather from the Theban monuments that the crown 
 was seized by Hrihor, who reigned over the southern provinces contem- 
 poraneously with Smendes. Hrihor boldly assumed as prenomen his title 
 of " First Prophet of Amon," and his authority was acknowledged by Ethiopia, 
 over which he was viceroy, as well as by the nomes forming the temporal domain 
 -of the high priests. The latter had acquired gradually, either by marriage 
 or inheritance, fresh territory for the god, in the lauds of the princes of Nek- 
 habit, Koptos, Akhmim, and Abydos, besides the domains of some half-dozen 
 
 ' For the Queen Nozmit, and for the position which she occupies among the members of the sacer- 
 dotal family, cf. Maspero, Le» Momies royalc» de Deir el-Bahari, in the Mi'moires de la Mission Frangaise, 
 -vol. i. pp. G48-650, 677, G78 ; her mummy and coffin are described on pp. 369, 370 of the same work. 
 
 ' E. DE Rouge, Etude sur une Stele Egyptienne apparteiiant a la Bibliotheque Imp^iale, pj). 197, 
 198, and Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d'Histoire, in the Zeilsehri/t, 1883, 
 pp. 75-77, and Les Momies royales de Diir el-Bahari, in the Mfmoires de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. 
 pp. 651-653, 671, 672. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Champollion, Monuritenta de l'£gyple et de la Nubie, pi. cclxxxi. 
 4; KosELLiNi, Monumenti Storici, pi. x.. No. 40; Lepsics, Denkm., iii. 300, No. 75. 
 
 * Several attempts have been made to reconcile the testimony of the monuments with that of 
 Manetho, by Lepsius, Ueher die XXIl .T':gyplische KSnigsdynaslie, pi. i., and Klinigsbuch, pis. xlii.- 
 xliii., Nos. 531-566, and aguiti in 1882, Z»te XXI manethonische Dynaslie, in the Zeitschri/t, 1882. 
 pp. 103-117, 151-159; by E. de Houge, Etude sur une Stele Egyptienne appurtenant h la Bibliothique 
 Impiriale, pp. 184, 193-205 ; by Bkugsch, Eistoire d'Egypte, pp. 210-218y 221, 222; by Wiedemann, 
 JEgyptische Geschichte, pp. 528-542 ; the subject is fully discussed in Maspero, Let Momies royales, 
 •etc., ill the M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. p. 640, et seq. Some of the solutionB suggested 
 in this last-mentioned work have since had to be modified. 
 
564 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 feudal houses who, from force of circumstances, had become sacerdotal families ; 
 the extinction of the direct line of Kamessides now secured the High Priests the 
 possession of Thebes itself, and of all the lands within the southern provinces 
 which were the appanage of the crown. They thus, in one way or another,, 
 became the exclusive masters of the southern half of the Nile valley, from 
 Elephantine to Siut ; beyond Siut also they had managed to acquire suzerainty 
 over the town of Khobit, and the territory belonging to it formed an isolated 
 border province in the midst of the independent baronies.^ The representative 
 of the dynasty reigning at Tanis held the remainder of Egypt from Siut to 
 the Mediterranean — the half belonging to the Memphite Phtah and the Helio- 
 politan Ea, as opposed to that assigned to Amon. The origin of this Tanite 
 sovereign is uncertain, but it would appear that he was of more exalted rank 
 than his rival in the south. The official chronicling of events was marked by 
 the years of his reign, and the chief acts of the government were carried out in 
 his name even in the Thebaid.^ Eepeated inundations had caused the ruin of 
 part of the temple of Karnak, and it was by the order and under the auspices 
 of this prince that all the resources of the country were employed to accomplish 
 the much-needed restoration.^ It would have been impossible for him to have 
 exercised any authority over so rich and powerful a personage as Hi ihor had he 
 not possessed rights to the crown, before which even the high priests of Amon 
 were obliged to bow, and hence it has been supposed that he was a descendant 
 of Eamses II. The descendants of this sovereign were doubtless divided into 
 at least two branches, one of which had just become extinct, leaving no nearer 
 heir than Hrihor, while another, of which there were many ramifications, had 
 settled in the Delta. The majority of these descendants had become mingled 
 with the general population, and had sunk to the condition of private indi- 
 viduals ; they had, however, carefully preserved the tradition of their origin, 
 and added proudly to their name the qualification of royal son of Ramses. 
 They were degenerate scions of the Eamessides, and had neither the features 
 
 ' The extent of the principality of Tliebus under the high priests has been determined by means 
 of the sacerdotal titles of the Theban princesses, by Maspero, Les Mamies royales de Deir el-Bahari, 
 in tlie M^moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i, pp. 712-718. 
 
 * I have pointed out that the years of the reign mentioned in the inscriptions of the high priests 
 and the kings of the sacerdotal line must be attributed to their suzerains, the kings of Tanis (Maspero, 
 01). cit, in the M^moires, vol. i. p. 723, et seq.). Hrihor alone seems to have been an exception, since 
 to him are attributed the dates inscribed in the name of the King Siamon : M. Daressy, however, 
 will not admit this, and asserts that this Siamon was a Tanite sovereign who must not be identified 
 with Hrihor, and must be placed at least two or three generations later than the last of the Eamessides 
 (Contribution a Vilude do la XXL Dynastie Egyptienne, p. 8). 
 
 ^ The real name Nsbindidi and the first monument of the Manethonian Smendes were discovered 
 in the quarries of Dababieh, opposite Gebelen, by Daressy, Les Carrieres de G^dein et le roi Smendes, 
 in the Eecueil de Travaux, vol. x. pp. 133-138 ; cf. Maspeko, Les Momies royales, etc., in the Mdmoiret 
 de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 675-677, and A Stele of King Smendes, in the Records of the Past, 
 2nd series, vol. v. pp. 17-24. 
 
SMENDES AND RISE OF THE XXF'' DYNASTY. 
 
 5G5 
 
 nor the energy of their ancestor.^ One of them, Zodphtahaufonkhi, whose 
 mummy was found at Deir el-BaharJ, appears to have been tall and vigorous, 
 but the head lacks the haughty refinement which characterizes those of Seti I. 
 and Ramses II., and the features are heavy and coarse, having a vulgar, common- 
 place expression. It seems probable that one branch of the family, 
 endowed with greater capability than the rest, was settled at 
 Tanis, where Sesostris had, as we have seen, resided for many 
 years; Smendes was the first of this branch to ascend the 
 throne. The remembrance of his remote ancestor, Rarases II., 
 which was still treasured up in the city he had com- 
 pletely rebuilt, as well as in the Delta into which he 
 had infused new life, was doubtless of no small service in 
 securing the crown for his descendant, when, the line of 
 the Theban kings having come to an end, the Tanites put 
 in their claim to the succession. We are unable to dis- 
 cover if war broke out between the two competitors, or if 
 they arrived at an agreement without a struggle ; but, 
 at all events, we may assume that, having divided 
 Egypt between them, neither of them felt himsell 
 strong enough to overcome his rival, and contented 
 himself with the possession of half the empire, since 
 he could not possess it in its entirety. We may ,1^ 
 fairly believe that Smendes had the greater right 
 to the throne, and, above all, the more efficient 
 army of the two, since, had it been otherwise, 
 Hrihor would never have consented to yield him 
 the priority. 
 
 The unity of Egypt was, to outward appearances, preserved, through the 
 nominal possession by Smendes of the suzerainty; but, as a matter of fact, it had 
 ceased to exist, and the fiction of the two kingdoms had become a reality for the 
 first time within the range of history. Henceforward there were two Egypts, 
 governed by different constitutions and from widely remote centres. Theban 
 Egypt was, before all things, a community recognizing a theocratic government, 
 in which the kingly office was merged in tliat of the high priest. Separated 
 from Asia by the lengtli of the Delta, it turned its attention, like the Pharaohs 
 
 ' For these personages and for the various hypotlieses of which they have been the subject, see 
 Brugscli (Geschichte yEgyptens, p. 660), Haigli (llameBBes Messes, Horm Horemheb, in the Zeitschri/t, 
 1879, p. 154, ct seq.), Lauth (^Aus ^Egyptens Vorzeit, p. 408) ; cf. Maspero, Les Momies royaleg, etc., in 
 the Mimoires de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. pp. 718-723. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the photograi)h by Insinger ; cf. Maspero, Les Momies royales de Deir 
 ^l-Bahari, in the M^moires de la Mission Fran^aise, vol. i. pp. 572-574. 
 
566 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE THE BAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of the VP'' and XIP'^ dynasties, to Ethiopia, and owing to its distance from the 
 Mediterranean, and from the new civilization developed on its shores, it became 
 more and more isolated, till at length it was reduced to a purely African state. 
 Northern Egypt, on the contrary, maintained contact with European and 
 Asiatic nations; it took an interest in their future, it borrowed from them 
 to a certain extent whatever struck it as being useful or beautiful, and when 
 the occasion presented itself, it acted in concert with the Mediterranean 
 powers. There was an almost constant struggle between these two divisions 
 of the empire, at times breaking out into an open rupture, to end as often 
 in a temporary re-establishment of unity. At one time Ethiopia would 
 succeed in annexing Egypt, and again Egypt would seize some part of 
 Ethiopia; but the settlement of affairs was never final, and the conflicting 
 elements, brought with difficulty into harmony, relapsed into their usual 
 condition at the end of a few years. A kingdom thus divided against itself 
 could never succeed in maintaining its authority over those provinces which, 
 even in the heyday of its power, had proved impatient of its yoke. Asia was 
 associated henceforward in the minds of the Egyptians with painful memories 
 of thwarted ambitions, rather than as offering a field for present conquest. They 
 were pursued by the memories of their former triumphs, and the very monu- 
 ments of their cities recalled what they were anxious to forget. Wherever they 
 looked within their towns they encountered the representation of some Asiatic 
 scene; they read the names of the cities of Syria on the walls of their temples; 
 they saw depicted on them its princes and its armies, whose defeat was re- 
 corded by the inscriptions as well as the tribute which they had beeji forced 
 to pay. The sense of their own weakness prevented the Egyptians from 
 passing from useless regrets to action ; when, however, one or other of the 
 Pharaohs felt sufficiently secure on the throne to carry his troops far afield, 
 he was always attracted to Syria, and crossed her frontiers, often, alas 1 
 merely to encounter defeat. 
 
THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 PHCENICIA AND THE NORTHEEN NATIONS AFTER THE DEATH OF RAMSES III. — THE FIRST 
 ASSYRIAN empire: TIGLATH-PILESER I. — THE ARAMAEANS AND THE KHATI. 
 
 The cdiitiiiiiance of Egyptian influence ovei- Syrian civilization after the death of Rain.ies 
 III. — Egyptian myths in Phoenicia : Osiris and Isis at Byblos — Homs, Thot, and the origin 
 of the Egyptian alphabet — The tombs at Arvad and the Kah-Hiram; Egyptian designs in 
 Pficenician glass and goldsmiths' work — Commerce unth Egypt, the withdrawal of Phoenician 
 colonies in the ^'Jgeon Sea and tlie Achcecms in Cyprus ; maritime expeditions in tin- Western 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 No^-thtrn Syria: the decadence of the Hittites and the steady growth of the Aratncean tribes 
 — The decline of the Babylonian empire under the Cosaoean kings, and its relatio)ui icith Egypt : 
 Assuriiballit, Rammdn-nirdri I. and the first Assyi-ian con,q\usts — Assyria, its climate, 
 provitices, and cities : the god Assur and his Ishtar — Tlie u^rs against Chaldoia : Shal- 
 mamser I., Tuhdti-ninip I., and the taking of Babylon — Belchudrezzar aud the last of 
 the CossKuns. 
 
 Hie dynasty of Pashe : Nebuchadrezzar I., his disputes with Elam, /n'w defeat by Assur - 
 rishisM—The legend of the first Assyrian empire, Ninos and Semiramis — The Assyrians and 
 their political constitution : the limmu, the king and hU divine character, his huidiwj and 
 his wars — The Assyrian army : the infantry ami chariotry, the crossing of rivers, mode of 
 
( 568 ) 
 
 marching in the plains and in the mountain districts — Camps, battles, sieges ; cruelty shown 
 to the vanipiished, the destruction of towns and the removal of the inhabitants, the ephemeral 
 character of the Assyrian conquests. 
 
 Tiglath-pileser I. : Ms campaign against the Mushku, his conquest of KurJchi and of the 
 regions of the Zab — The petty Asiatic kingdoms and their civilization : art and writing in the 
 old Hittite states — Tiglath-pileser I. in Navri and in Syria : his triitmphal stele at Sehbeneh-Su 
 — His buildings, his hunts, his conquest of Babylon — Merodach-nadin-akhi and the close of the 
 Pashe dynasty — Assurbelkcda and Samsi-rammdn III. : the decline of Assyria — Syria without 
 a foreign rider : the incapacity of the Khdti to give unitij to the country. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Ph(«iiicia and the northern nations after the death of Ranisea III. — The first Assyrian 
 empire : Tiglath-pileser I.— The Aramseaiis and the Khati. 
 
 rilHE cessation of Egyptian authority over countries 
 in which it had so long prevailed did not at 
 once do away with the deep impression which it 
 bad made upon their constitutiou and customs. 
 While the nobles and citizens of Thebes were 
 adopting tlie imported worship of Baal and Astarte, 
 and were introducing into the spoken and written 
 language words borrowed from Semitic speech,^ the 
 Syrians, on the other hand, were not unreceptive of 
 the influence of their conquerors. They had applied 
 themselves zealously to the study of Egyptian arts, 
 industry, and religion, and had borrowed from these 
 as much, at least, as they had lent to the dwellers 
 on the Nile. The ancient Babylonian foundation 
 ization was not, indeed, seriously modified, but it was covered 
 
 ' Drawn by Buudier, from a picture in Chesnex's Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates 
 nd Tigris, vol. ii. p. 2G7. The vignette is by Fauclier-Gudiu, from a bas-relief from Koyunjiif, now 
 the British Museum ; of. Layard, The Monuments of Sineveh, vol. i. pis. 11, 2U. 
 ' See what is said on this subject on pp. 495, 49C of the present work. 
 
 f their ( 
 
570 
 
 TEE EISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 over, so to speak, with an African veneer which varied in depth according 
 to the locality.^ Phoenicia especially assumed and retained this foreign 
 exterior. Its merchants, accustomed to establish themselves for lengthened 
 periods in the principal trade-centres on the Nile, had become imbued therein 
 with something of the religious ideas and customs of the land,^ and on 
 returning to their own country had imported these with them and propagated 
 them in their neighbourhood. They were not content 
 with other household utensils, furniture, and jewel- 
 lery than those to which they had been accustomed 
 on the Nile, and even the Phoenician gods seemed 
 to be subject to this appropriating mania, for 
 they came to be recognised in the indigenous 
 deities of the Said and the Delta. There was, at the 
 outset, no trait in the character of Baalat by which 
 she could be assimilated to Isis or Hathor: she 
 was fierce, warlike, and licentious, and wept for 
 her lover, while the Egyptian goddesses were 
 accustomed to shed tears for their husbands only.^ 
 It was this element of a common grief, however, 
 which served to associate the Phoenician and Egyp- 
 tian goddesses, and to produce at length a strange 
 blending of their persons and the legends concerning them : the lady of 
 Byblos ended in becoming an Isis or a Hathor,^ and in playing the part 
 assigned to the latter in the Osirian drama. This may have been occasioned 
 by her city having maintained closer relationships than the southern towns 
 with Buto and Mendes, or by her priests having come to recognise a funda- 
 mental agreement between their theology and that of Egypt. In any case, it 
 was at Byblos that the most marked and numerous, as well as the most ancient, 
 examples of borrowing from the religions of the Nile were to be found. The 
 theologians of Byblos imagined that the coffin of Osiris, after it had been 
 thrown into the sea by Typhon, had been thrown up on the land somewhere 
 
 ' Most of the views put fortli in this part of the chapter are based on posterior and not con- 
 temporary data. As to the mixture of Egyptian and Assyrian influences on Phoenician art, see 
 PERROT-CHiriEZ, Eistoire de I'Art dans VAntiquM, vol. iii. pp. 121-123, et seq., 241, et seq., 403, 
 et seq., etc. The most ancient monuments which give evidence of it show it in such a complete state 
 that we may fairly ascribe it to some centuries earlier ; that is, to the time when Egypt still ruled in 
 Syria, the period of the XIX"" and even the XVIII"" dynasty. 
 
 ' As to the sanctuaries of Astarte and other Phoenician deities, and consequently the presumed 
 establishment of foreign colonies in Egyptian cities, see what is said on pp. 485, 486 of the present work. 
 
 ' See on the Baalat of Byblos, p. 174, et seq., of the present work. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Prisse d'Avennes, Monuments de I'Egypte, etc., 1. xxs. ; of. 
 DEVfiRiA, CEuvres et Fragments, vol. i. pp. 123-126. 
 
 ' The assimilation must have been ancient, since the Egyptians of the Theban dynasties already 
 accepted Baalat as the Hathor of Byblos; see supra, p. 174, n. 6. 
 
EGYPTIAN MYTHS IN PH(ENICIA. 571 
 
 near their city at the foot of a tamarisk, and that this tree, in its rapid growth, 
 had gradually enfolded within its trunk the body and its case. King ]\Ial- 
 kander cut it down in order to use it as a support for the roof of his palace : a 
 marvellous perfume rising from it filled the apartments, and it was not long 
 before the prodigy was bruited abroad. Isis, who was travelling through the 
 world in quest of her husband, heard of it, and at once realised its meaning : 
 clad in rags and weeping, she sat down by the well whither the women of Byblos 
 were accustomed to come every morning and evening to draw water, and, being 
 interrogated by them, refused to reply ; but when the maids of Queen Astarte ^ 
 approached in their turn, they were received by the goddess in the most 
 amiable manner — Isis deigning even to plait their hair, and to communicate 
 to them the odour of myrrh with which she herself was impregnated. Their 
 mistress came to see the stranger who had thus treated her servants, took her 
 into her service, and confided to her the care of her lately born son. Isis 
 became attached to the child, adopted it for her own, after the Egyptian 
 manner, by inserting her finger in its mouth ; ^ and having passed it through 
 the fire during the night in order to consume away slowly anything of a 
 perishable nature in its body, metamorphosed herself into a swallow, and flew 
 around the miraculous pillar uttering plaintive cries. Astarte came upon 
 her once while she was bathing the child in the flame, and broke by her 
 shrieks of fright the charm of immortality. Isis was only able to reassure 
 her by revealing her name and the object of her presence there. She opened 
 the mysterious tree-trunk, anointed it with essences, and wrapping it in 
 precious cloths, transmitted it to the priests of Byblos, who deposited it 
 respectfully in their temple : she put the cofSn which it contained on board 
 ship, and brought it, after many adventures, into Egypt.^ Another tradition 
 asserts, however, that Osiris never found his way back to his country : he was 
 buried at Byblos, this tradition maintained, and it was in his honour that the 
 festivals attributed by the vulgar to the young Adonis were really celebrated. 
 A marvellous fact seemed to support this view. Every year a head of papyrus, 
 thrown into the sea at some unknown point of the Delta, was carried for six 
 days along the Syrian coast, buffeted by winds and waves, and on the seventh 
 
 ' Astarte is the name taken by the queen in the Phoenician version : the Egyptian counterpart 
 of the same narrative substituted lor it Nemanous or Saosis; that is to say, the two principal forma 
 of Hathor— the Hermopolitau Nahraluit and the Heliopolitan lusasJt (see Dawn of Civilization, 
 p. 104); avrf Si ol nh 'A(rrdpTrif oi Se 2dw(riv ol 5f Hffiavo'vy, utrep fiv "EAATji-et 'AOvvaiSa vpoad-iroifi' 
 (De hide et Osiride, § 15, edit. Paethey, p. 26). It wouhl appear from the presence of these names 
 that there must have been in Egypt two versions at least of the Phoeniciau adventures of Isis— the 
 one of Hermopolitau and the other of Heliopolitan origin. 
 
 ' Upon this detail in the legend, which the author of De laide, etc., did not understand (§ IG, edit. 
 Pabthey, p. 2G), see mpra, pp. 487, 488 ; Isis, in putting her finger iu the mouth, was following the 
 ordinary rite of adoption. 
 
 ' This history is contained in chaps, xv.-xvii. of De hide et Osiride (edit. Partiiey, pp. 25-29); 
 cf., with the ordinary reserve, Movers, Die PhSnizier, pp. 235-238. 
 
THE EISE OF THE ASSYBIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 was thrown up at Byblos, where the priests received 
 it and exhibited it solemnly to the people.^ The 
 details of these different stories are not in every 
 case very ancient, but the first fact in them carries 
 us back to the time when Byblos had accepted 
 the sovereignty of the Theban dynasties, and was 
 maintaining daily commercial and political rela- 
 tions with the inhabitants of the Nile valley.- The 
 city proclaimed Horus to be a great god.^ El- 
 Krouos allied himself with Osiris as well as with 
 Adonis ; Isis and Baalat became blended together 
 at their first encounter, and the respective peoples 
 made an exchange of their deities with the same 
 light-heartedness as they displayed in trafficking 
 with the products of their soil or their industry. 
 After Osiris, the Ibis Thot was the most important among the deities 
 who had emigrated to Asia.^ He was too closely connected with the Osirian 
 cycle to be forgotten by the Phoenicians after they had adopted his com- 
 panions. We are ignorant of the particular divinity with whom he was 
 identified, or would be the more readily associated from some similarity in 
 the pronunciation of his name : we know only that he still preserved in 
 
 ' Be Bed Syria, § 7. lu the later Koman period it was letters announcing the resurrection of 
 Adonis-Osiris that the Alexandrian women cast into the sea, and these were carried by the current 
 as far as Byblos. See on this subject the commentaries of Cyril of Alexandria and Procopius of 
 Gaza on chap, xviii. of Isaiah. 
 
 ^ It is worthy of note tlfe,t Philo gives to the divinity with the Egyptian name Taautos the part in 
 the ancient history of Phoenicia of having edited the mystic writings put in order by Sanchoniathon 
 at a very early epoch (Fragm. 1, § 4, in MijLLER-DiDOT, Fragmenta Historicorum Grxcorum, vol. iii. 
 pp. 563, 564). 
 
 ' This is confirmed by one of the names inscribed on the Tel el-Amarna tablets as being that of 
 a governor of Byblos under Amenothes IV. This name was read Rabimur (Delattre, Azirou,\n the 
 Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 219, 220), Anrabimur, or Ilrabimur 
 (Halevy, La Correspondance d'Ame'nophis III., etc., in the Journal Asiatique, 1891, vol. xviii. pp. 
 171, 172), and finally llurabihur (Savce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 131) : the meaning of it is, 
 "Muru is the great god," or " Horus is the great god." Muru is the name which we find in an 
 appellation of a Hittite king, Maurusaru, " Mauru is king " (cf. supra, p. 355, note 1). On an 
 Aramaean cylinder in the British Museum, representing a god in Assyrian dress fighting with two 
 gri ffins, there is the inscription " Horkhu," Harmakhis (M. de Vogue, Melanges d'ArcMologie Orientale, 
 p. 127, and pi. vi.. No. 24). 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from an intaglio engraved in Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 310, 372 ; cf. 
 Pebeot-Chipiez, Eistoire de VArt dans I' Antiquity, vol. iii. p. 644. The Phoenician figures of Horus and 
 Thot which I have reproduced were pointed out to me by my friend Clermont-Ganneau. 
 
 * He is the Taautos of Sanchoniathon : Tdavros, hs evpe rr)v twv irpwrtav aroiX^iuv 'ypa<\>-l]v, ov 
 AlyviTTioi fiiv 0010)0, 'AA.e^ai'SpfiS Se ©ojufl, "EA.A7)(/6S Se "E.pixr\v fKU^eaav (Philo OF Byblos, Frag. 1,§ 11, 
 in MuLLEE-DiDOT, Frag. Hist. Grxcorum, vol. iii. p. 567 ; cf. Frag. 1, § 4, p. 564 ; Frag. 5, p. 570 ; 
 Frag. 9, pp. 571-573); El, having conquered the world, gave Thot as a king to the Egyptians 
 (Philo op Byblos, Frag. 2, § 27, in Mdllek-Didot, op. cit., vol. iii. p. 579). The principal passages 
 in ancient authors bearing upon this god have been collected and annotated by Movers, Die 
 Fhonizier, pp. 500-502, cf. pp. 89-92. 
 
EORUS — THOT AND TEE ALPHABET. 
 
 573 
 
 his new country all the power of his voice and all the subtilty of his 
 mind. He occupied there also the position of scribe and enchanter, as he 
 had done at Thebes, Memphis, Thinis, and before the chief of each Helio- 
 politan Ennead. He became the usual adviser of El-Kronos at Byblos, as 
 he had been of Osiris and Horus ; he composed charms 
 for him, and formulaB which increased the warlike zeal 
 of his partisans; he prescribed the form and insignia 
 of the god and of his attendant deities, and came 
 finally to be considered as the inventor of letters.^ The 
 epoch, indeed, in which he became a naturalised 
 Phoenician coincides approximately with a fundamental 
 revolution in the art of writing — that in which a simple 
 and rapid stenography was substituted for the compli- 
 cated and tedious systems with which the empires of 
 the ancient world had been content from their origin. 
 Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, Arvad, had employed up to this period the most intricate 
 of these systems. Like most of the civilized nations of Western Asia, they had 
 conducted their diplomatic and commercial correspondence in the cuneiform 
 character impressed upon clay tablets. Their kings had had recourse to a Baby- 
 lonian model for communicating to the Amenothes Pharaohs the expression 
 of their wishes or their loyalty ; we now behold them, after an interval of four 
 hundred years and more^ — during which we have no examples of their 
 monuments — possessed of a short and commodious script, without the encum- 
 brance of ideograms, determinatives, polyphony and syllabic sounds, such as 
 had fettered the Egyptian and Chaldaian scribes, in spile of their cleverness in 
 dealing with them. Phonetic articulations were ultimately resolved into twenty- 
 two sounds, to each of which a special sign was attached, which collectively 
 took the place of the hundreds or thousands of signs formerly required. This 
 was an alphabet, the first in point of time, but so ingenious and so pliable that 
 the majority of ancient and modern nations have found it able to supply all their 
 
 ' The part of counsellor which Thot played in connexion with the god of Byblos was described at 
 some lengtli in the writinRS attributed to Sankhoniathon (Philo or Byblos, Fraf). 2, §§ 11, 15,25-27, 
 in MiiLLEit-DiDOT, Frag. Ilist. Grmo., vol. iii. pp. 5G7-569). 
 
 * Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, after an intaglio engraved in M. de Vogle, Melanges d' Archeologie 
 Orienlale, pi. i., No. 1, pp. 106-108. 
 
 ' The iiiscription on the bronze cup dedicated to the Baal of the Lebanon, and reproduced on the 
 next page (574), goes back probably to the time of Hiram I., say the X'" century before our era 
 {Corpun Inscriptionum Semiticarum, vol. i. pi. iv. pp. 22-2()) ; the reasons advanced by AVinckler 
 {Geechichte Israels, vol. i. p. 120) for dating it in the time of Uiram II. have not been fully accepted 
 up to the present. By placing the introduction of the alphabet somewhere between Amenothes IV. 
 in the XV"' and Hiram I. in the X"" century before our era, and by taking the middle date between 
 them, say the accession of the XXI" dynasty towards the year 1100 B.C. for its invention or adoption, 
 we cannot go far wrong one way or the other. 
 
574 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYBIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 needs — Greeks and Europeans of the western Mediterranean on the one hand, 
 and Semites of all kinds, Persians and Hindus on the other. It must have 
 originated between the end of the XVIIP^ and the beginning of the XXP' 
 dynasties, and the existence of Pharaonic rule in Phoenicia during this period 
 has led more than one modern scholar to assume that it developed under 
 Egyptian influence.^ Some affirm that it is traceable directly to the hieroglyphs, 
 
 while others seek for some intermediary in the shape of a cursive script, 
 and find this in the Hieratic writing, which contains, they maintain, proto- 
 types of all the Phoenician letters. Tables have been drawn up, showing at a 
 glance the resemblances and differences which appear respectively to justify 
 or condemn their hypothesis. Perhaps the analogies would be more evident 
 and more numerous if we were in possession of inscriptions going back nearer 
 to the date of origin.^ As it is, the divergencies are sufficiently striking to 
 
 ' The hypothesis of an Egyptian origin, suggested casually by Cbampollion {Lettre a M. Dacier, 
 p. 80 ; of. Salvolini, Analyse grammaticale de I'inseription de Rosette, p. 86, at seq.), has been ably 
 dealt with by E. de Rouge' (Mg'moire sur Vorigine ^gyptienne de 1' Alphabet Phemcien, read at the 
 Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres in 1859, criticised in the Comptes Rendus, 1859, vol. iii. 
 pp. 115-124, and published in 1874 by E. de Rouge'). E. de Rouge' derives the alphabet from the 
 Hieratic, and his identifications have been accepted by Lauth (Veher den Mgyptischen TJnprung 
 unserer Buchstaben und Ziffern, in the Sitzungsbericlite of the Academy of Sciences at Munich, 1867, 
 -vol. ii. pp. 84-124), by Brugsch (Ueber Bildung und Entwickelung der Schrift, 1866), by P. Lenor- 
 mant (Essai sur la propagation de I' Alphabet Plienicien dans VAncien Monde, vol. i. pp. 85-97), and by 
 Isaac Taylor {The Alphabet, vol. i.). Halevy would take it from the Egyptian hieroglyphics directly 
 ■without the intervention of the Hieratic {Melanges d'Epigraphie et d'Areh^ologie S^mitiques, pp. 
 168-183). The Egyptian origin, strongly contested of lute, lias been accepted by the majority of 
 scholars ; cf. Ph. Berger, Histoire de I'Ecriture dans V Antiquity, pp. 115-122. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Paucher-Gudin, from a heliogravure in the Corpus Inscr. Semit., vol. i. pi. iv. This 
 is the cup of the Baal of the Lebanon, mentioned in the preceding page, note 3. 
 
 ' The table on the next page (575) contains the principjl ideutiticatious proposed by E. de Rouge, 
 tut varies from it in a few minor points. I derive the Phoenician /y from the hieratic ^»t> and not 
 from Q : the form is that which is used, in fact, to express the Semitic g in the names Megiddo 
 and Gargamish, and a hieratic form in which the ring is reduced to a simple stroke like that of the 
 Phoenician alphabet is common in all Egyptian epochs. The ^ Ic, comes also from the which 
 is easily explained, the Egyptians having but one sign and one sound for the g and Ic of Semitic 
 speech : the Phoenicians must have taken two hieratic variants to make the two separate letters 
 ■equivalent to their a and k. The appears to me to be derived from the Archaic form of the owl," 
 and not from that with which E. de Rouge' identifies it, and which was more in use in Theban times. 
 I accept, as others do, the assumption that >y and ^ are but one sign, differentiated to mark the 
 
THE EGYPTIAN ORIGIN OF THE PHCENICIAN ALPHABET. 575 
 
 lead some scholars to seek the prototype of the alphabet elsewhere — either in 
 Babylon,^ in Asia Minor,'^ or even in Crete, among those barbarous hieroglyphs 
 
 r.UEEK 
 
 HIERATIC 
 
 I'HCENICIAK 
 ALPHABET. 
 
 GREEK 
 ALPHABET. 
 
 HIERATIC 
 
 PH(ENICIAN 
 ALPHABET. 
 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 
 A 
 
 / 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 E 
 
 ul 
 
 
 () 
 
 
 O 
 
 F 
 
 
 4/ 
 
 / 
 
 II 
 
 
 7 
 
 z 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 (-) 
 
 
 & 
 
 p 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 K 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 r 
 
 V 
 
 
 which are attributed to the primitive inhabitants of the island.^ It is no easy 
 matter to get at the truth amid these conflicting theories. Two points only 
 
 aoiinds of the zain and the ttade; the hieroglyph is, indeed, the equivalent of at least in 
 
 the Theban porio.l, and answers as well as the latter to the zain and hade of the Semites. The ^ 
 and the ^ appear to mo to be the same character, although I cannot say whether the former came 
 from the latter or vice versa. I have preferred to use in my comparison the hieratic signs in the 
 manuscripts of the XIX"' dynasty, which is the period approximately of the beginning of Phoenician 
 writing. The Greek alphabet is given merely to show the values of the Egyptian and Phoenician 
 signs. 
 
 ' This position was taken up by Deecke, Die Urspruiig dee alttemitiichen Alphabets aus der neu- 
 atsyrischen Keilschrift, in the Zeittcli. der D. Morgenl. Gesellsclia/t, 1877, pp. 102-154, afterwards by 
 Peteiis, The Babylonian Origin of the Phoenician Alphabet, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 
 vol. vi., 1882-84, and by Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyrient, pp. 50-55. 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthtims, vol. i. p. 238, derives it from the Hittite syllabary. 
 
 ^ This identification was proposed by Arthur Evans, Cretan Pictographa and pr«-Phenieian Script, 
 pp. 92-103; cf the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xiv. pp. 361-372, and accepted by Reinach, 
 
576 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYEIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 are indisputable : first, the almost unanimous agreement among writers of 
 classical times in ascribing the first alphabet to the 
 Phoenicians ; and second, the Phoenician origin of the 
 Greek, and afterwards of the Latin alphabet which we 
 employ to-day.^ 
 
 To return to the religion of the Phoenicians : the foreign 
 deities were not content with obtaining a high place in 
 the estimation of priests and people ; they acquired such 
 authority over the native gods that they persuaded them 
 to metamorphose themselves almost completely into 
 Egyptian divinities. One finds among the majority of 
 them the emblems commonly used in the Pharaonic 
 temples, sceptres with heads of animals, head-dress like the 
 Pschent, the crux ansata, the solar disk, and the winged 
 scarab,^ The lady of Byblos placed the cow's horns upon 
 her head from the moment she became identified with 
 Hathor.^ The Baal of the neighbouring Arvad — probably 
 a form of Kashuf — was still represented as standing 
 upright on his lion in order to traverse the high places : 
 but while, in the monument which has preserved the 
 figure of the god, both lion and mountain are given 
 according to Chaldfean tradition, he himself, as the 
 illustration shows, is dressed after the manner of Egypt, 
 in the striped and plaited loin-cloth, wears a large neck- 
 lace on his neck and bracelets on his arms, and bears upon 
 his head the white mitre with its double plume and the 
 Egyptian uraeus.^ He brandishes in one hand the weapon of the victor, and ie 
 on the point of despatching with it a lion, which he has seized by the tail with 
 
 Chronique d'Orient, No. xxx., pp. 64, 6.5. He puts reliance on a Cretan tradition, which has been 
 preserved by Diodorus Siculus: cpaal roi/s ^oiVikos ovk apxvs eupe^v aWa. Tohs Tvirovs Tuv ypanndruv 
 fx^Ta6(Lvai fxSvov (v. 74). 
 
 ' For the testimony of ancient writers on this subject, see F. Lenoemant, Esmi sur la propagation 
 de Valphahet ph^nicien, vol. i. pp. 82, 83, and Ph. Berger, Hutoire de I'Ecriture dans VAntiquite, 
 pp. 115, 120. Some ancient as well as certain modern writers, notably Winckler (Geschichte Israels, 
 vol. i. pp. 124-126), have repudiated altogether the claim of the Phoenicians to have been the 
 inventors of the alphabet. 
 
 2 Perrot-Chipiez, Hutoire de I'Art dans VAntiquite, vol. iii. p. 130, Nob. 75, 407, 408, 410, et seq. 
 
 ^ She is represented as Hathor on the stole of lehav-melek. King of Byblos, during the Persiau 
 period (^Corpus Inseript. Semit., vol. ii. pi. 1, and p. 2) ; cf. the bronze belonging to the former Pe'retie 
 collection, reproduced in Peeeot-Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art, etc., vol. iii. p. 77, No. 26 ; and the fragment 
 of a bas-relief of the Saite epoch, published in Eenan, Mission de Phgnicie, pp. 179, 180, and Corpus 
 Inseript. Semit., vol. i. p. 2. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph reproduced in Ci.ermont-Gasneau, Mission en 
 Palestine et en Phenicie, Fifth Report, pi. vi. A, and p. 129 ; cf. Peeeot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'Art dans 
 VAntiquite, vol. iii. p. 413. 
 
 * This monument, which belonged to the Peretie collection, was found near Amrith, at the place 
 called Nahr-Abrek (Cleemont-Ganneau, Mission en Palestine, etc., en 1S81, Fifth Report, p. 128). 
 
 EASHUF O.V HIS LIOS.* 
 
EGYPTIAN ELEMENTS IN PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. 577 
 
 the other, after the model of the Pharaonic hunters, 
 Amenothes I. and Thutmosis III. The lunar 
 disk floating above his head lends to him, it is 
 true, a Phoenician character, but the winged 
 sun of Heliopolis hovering above the 
 disk leaves no doubt as to his Egyptian ' 
 antecedents.^ The worship, too, offered ' 
 to these metamorphosed gods was as much 
 changed as the deities themselves ; the 
 altars assumed something of the Egyptian 
 form, and the tabernacles were turned 
 into shrines, which were decorated at the 
 top with a concave groove, or with a frieze 
 made up of repetitions of the ura3us.'* 
 Egyptian fashions had influenced the subine.' 
 better classes so far as to change even their mode of dealing with the dead, 
 of which we find in not a few places clear 
 evidence.* Travellers arriving in Egypt at 
 that period must have been as much 
 astonished as the tourist of to-day 
 
 The dress aud bearing are so like those of the 
 Rashuf represented on Egyptiun raouumcnta 
 (see supra, pp. 15G, 158), that I have no hesita- 
 tion in regarding this as a representation of that 
 ■j;od. Ho may be compared with the individual 
 represented on the small Egyptian stele pub- 
 lished by Griffith, 2'Ae God Set of Hamesnes II. 
 and an Egypto- Syrian Deity, in the Proceedings 
 of the Bibl. Arch. Sec., 1893-94, vol. xvi. p. 69, 
 the head-dress of which has the floating pennon 
 — in this case u serpent— of the Phoenician god. 
 
 ' The Phoenician symbol represents the 
 cresceut moon holding the darkened portion in 
 its armsCCLEUMONT-GANNEAU, Mission en Pales- 
 tine, etc.. Fifth Report, p. 128, note 1), like the 
 symbol reserved in Egypt for the lunar gods. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from p. 3C5 of 
 Kenan's Mission de Plignicie, p. 365. 
 
 ' Renan, Mission de Ph^nicie, p. 69, and 
 pi. ix., where one of the shrines of Anirit is 
 reproduced ; the urajus frieze crowning it must 
 have been the origin of its modern name, Ain el-Hayya.t, tlie " Fountain of Serpents." Cf. the 
 similar remains pointed out by Eenan at Arvad (Id., ibid., p. 29), at Sidon {ibid., p. 365), and at 
 Tyre {ibid., p. 561). 
 
 ♦ With regard to the Egyptian aspect of the necropolis at Adlun, see p. 166, note 5, of the present 
 volume. Renan, op. cit., p. 421, et seq., insists upon the resemblance between the Phoenician 
 Taricheutica and the Egyptian tomb. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin; cf. Rosellimi, Monumenti Storici, vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 110, and pi. ii. E. 
 This monument was in the Louvre Museum. See p. 101, supra, for another stele of the same series. 
 Analogous figures of gods or kings holding a lion by the tail are found on various monuments of 
 
 2 p 
 
 I. SEIZING A LION.' 
 
578 - TBE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 by the monuments which the Egyptians erected for their dead. The pyramids 
 which met their gaze, as soon as they had reached the apex of the Delta, 
 must have far surpassed their ideas of them, no matter how frequently they 
 
 may have been told about them, 
 and they must have been at a 
 loss to know why such a number of 
 stones should have been brought 
 together to cover a single corpse. 
 At the foot of these colossal 
 monuments, lying like a pack 
 of hounds asleep around their 
 master, the mastabas of the early 
 dynasties were ranged, half buried 
 under the sand, but still visible, 
 and still visited on certain days 
 by the descendants of their in- 
 habitants, or by priests charged 
 with the duty of keeping them 
 up. Chapels of more recent 
 generations extended as a sort of 
 screen before the ancient tombs, 
 affording examples of the two archaic types combined — the mastaba more or less 
 curtailed in its proportions, and the pyramid with a more or less acute point.''^ 
 The majority of these monuments are no longer in existence, and only one of 
 them has come down to us intact — that which Amenothes III. erected in the 
 Serapeum at Memphis in honour of an Apis which had died in his reign. 
 Phoenicians visiting the Nile valley must have carried back with them to their 
 native country a remembrance of this kind of burying-place, and have suggested 
 it to their architects as a model. One of the cemeteries at Arvad contains a 
 splendid specimen of this imported design.'^ It is a square tower some thirty- 
 
 the Theban dynasties, as well as on a little wooden vessel, No. 292 iu the Hoffmann CoUectioc,. 
 Antiques ^^(jyptiennes, pp. 84, 85. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchei-Gudin, from tlie restoration by Thobois, as given in Eenan, Mission dn 
 PMnicie, pi. xvi. The cuttings made in the lower stonework appear to be traces of unfinished 
 steps, corresponding to the steps of the Egyptian chapel reproduced on p. 425, supra. The pyramid 
 at tlie top is no longer in existence, but its remains are scattered about the toot of the monument, 
 and furnished M. Thobois with the means of reconstructing with exactness the original form. 
 
 ^ This kind of tomb is described at p. 517, supra ; the chapel of Amenothes III.— the only 
 example existing a few years ago — is reproduced on p. 425, supra. 
 
 ' Kenan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 80-90; cf. Peerot-Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans V Antiquity, 
 vol. iii. pp. 23, 24, 145, 155, 15G. Pietschmann {GescldoUe der I'hoHizier, p. 196, note 2) thinks that 
 the monument is not older than the Greek epoch, and it must be admitted that the cornice is not 
 such as we usually meet with in Egypt in Theban times ; nevertheless, the very marked resemblance 
 to the Theban mastaba shows that it must have been directly connected with the Egyptian type 
 which prevailed from the XYIII"' to the XX"' dynasties. 
 
TOMBS OF ABVAD AND THE KABR-IIIRAM 
 
 six feet high ; the six lower courses consist of blocks 
 each some sixteen and a half feet long, joined to each 
 other without mortar. The two lowest courses pro- 
 ject so as to form a kind of 
 pedestal for the building. 
 The cornice at the top con- 
 sists of a deep moulding, sur- 
 mounted by a broad flat band, 
 above which rises tlie pyramid, 
 which attains a height of 
 nearly thirty feet. It is im- 
 possible to deny 
 that it is con- 
 structed on a 
 foreign model ; it 
 is not a slavish 
 imitation, how- 
 ever, but rather 
 an adaptation 
 upon a rational 
 plan to the con- 
 ditions of its new home. Its foundations rest on nothing but a mixture 
 of soil and sand impregnated with water, and if vaults had been con- 
 structed beneath this, as in Egypt, the body placed there would soon have 
 corrupted away, owing to the infiltration of moisture. Tiie dead bodies were, 
 therefore, placed within the structure above ground, in chambers correspond- 
 ing to tlie Egyptian chapel, which were superimposed the one upon the other. 
 The first storey would furnish space for three bodies, and the second would 
 contain twelve, for which as many niches were provided. In the same 
 cemetery we find examples of tombs which the architect has constructed, not 
 after an Egyptian, but a Chaldajan model. A round tower is here substi- 
 tuted for the square structure and a cupola for the pyramid, while the cornice 
 is represented by crenellated markings. The only Egyptian feature 
 about it is the four lions, which seem to support the whole edifice upon 
 their backs.^ Arvad was, among Phcimician cities, the nearest neighbour 
 
 THE TOMBS AT ARVAD.' 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a water-colour by Thoboi», reproduced in Renan, Miition de 
 Phfnicie, pi. xi. 
 
 » The iellahin in the neighbourhood call these two monimicnts the Mephazil or "distaflfu." 
 They have been minutely described by Resan, op. cit., pp. 70-80, and pU. xi.-xiii. ; cf. Pebrot- 
 Ohipiez, Hist, de I'Art dam VAntiquiU, Tol. iii. pp. 149-I.").">. 
 
580 THE BISJS OF TEE ASSYBIAN EMPIEE. 
 
 to the kingdoms oq the Euphrates, and was thus the first to experience either 
 the brunt of an attack or the propagation of fashions and ideas from these 
 countries. In the more southerly region, in the country about Tyre, there 
 are fewer indications of Babylonian influence, and such examples of burying- 
 places for the ruling classes as the K.abr-Hiram and other similar tombs 
 correspond with the mixed mastaba of the Theban period.^ We have the 
 same rectangular base, but the chapel and its crowning pyramid are repre- 
 sented by the sarcophagus itself with its ridged cover. The work is of an 
 
 THE KABE-HIEAM NEAR TYRE.^ 
 
 unfinished character, and carelessly wrought, but there is a charming simplicity 
 about its lines and a harmony in its proportions which betray an Egyptian 
 influence. 
 
 The spirit of imitation which we find in the religion and architecture of 
 Phoenicia is no less displayed in the minor arts, such as goldsmiths' work, 
 sculpture in ivory, engraving on gems, and glass-making. The forms, de- 
 signs, and colours are all rather those of Egypt than of Chaldsea. The many- 
 hued glass objects, turned out by the manufacturers of the Said in millions, 
 furnished at one time valuable cargoes for the Phoenicians ; they learned at length 
 to cast and colour copies of these at home, and imitated their Egyptian models 
 
 ' Eenan, Mission de FMnicie, pp. 597-606, and pi. xlvii. ; cf. F. de Saulct, Voyage en Terre 
 Sainte, 1865, pp. 278, 279, and Pbrrot-Chipiez, Bist. de V Art, etc., vol. iii. pp. 164-167. 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a sketch by Thobois, reproduced by Eenan, op. cit, pi. xlvii. 
 
EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE ON GOLDSMITHS' WOEK. 
 
 581 
 
 80 successfully that classical antiquity was \ , 
 
 often deceived by them.^ Their engravers, ^ ^ ^ . "^^^ ^^T^ 
 
 while still continuing to employ cones y^^^^^^^i ' J ) 
 and cylinders of Babylonian form, ^J^^^^^ 
 borrowed the scarab type also, and 
 made use of it on the bezils of rings, 
 the pendants of necklaces, and on 
 a kind of bracelet used partly for 
 ornament and partly as a protec- 
 tive amulet. The influence of the 
 Egyptian model did not extend, 
 however, amongst the masses, and 
 we find, therefore, no evidence of it 
 in the case of common objects, such as 
 those of coarse sand or glazed earthen- 
 ware. Egyptian scarab forms were thus confined to the rich, and the material 
 upon which they are found is generally some costly gem, such as cut and 
 polished agate, onyx, hiumatite, and lapis-lazuli.'' The goldsmiths did not 
 slavishly copy the golden and silver bowls which were imported from the 
 Delta; they took their inspiration from the principles displayed in the orna- 
 mentation of these objects, but they treated the subjects after their own manner, 
 grouping them afresh and blending them with new designs.* The intrinsic 
 value of the metal upon which these artistic conceptions had been impressed 
 led to their destruction, and among the examples which have come down to us 
 I know of no object which can be traced to the period of the Egyptian con- 
 quest. It was Theban art for the most part which furnished the Phcenicians 
 with their designs. These included the lotus, the papyrus, the cow standing 
 in a thicket and suckling her calf, the sacred bark, and the king threatening with 
 his uplifted arm the crowd of conquered foes who lie prostrate before him. The 
 king's double often accompanied him on some of the original objects, impassive 
 and armed with the banner bearing the name of Horus. The Phoenician artist 
 modified this figure, which in its original form did not satisfy his ideas of 
 
 ' Glass raanufiicturc was carried to such a degree of perfection among the Phoenicians, that many 
 ancient authors attributed to them the invention of glass (I'l.iNY, Nat. Hist, v. § 17 ; cf. xsxvi. § 190). 
 As to Phoenician glasswork, see Perrot-Chii'iez, Hint, dc 1' Art, etc.,yo\. iii. p. 733, et seq. ; and on the 
 existence of numerous glass objects — some of eastern and others of local manufacture — in the tombs 
 of primeval Greece, see Pebrot-Chipiez, op. cit., vol. vi. pp. 482, 556, 557, 745, 746, 850, 943-947. 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, after Griki, Monumeiiti di Cere antica, pi. x. 1 ; this monument 
 ought to be ascribed approximately to the Saite rather than the Tanitc period. 
 
 ' A detailed notice of Phoenician cylinders and scarabs is given in Perrot-Cuipiez, Hist, de I'Art, 
 etc., vol. iii. p. 629, et seq. 
 
 • For Phoenician goldsmiths' work, and the various influences to which it was subjected before 
 the Greek period, see Perrot-Cuipiez, op. cit., vol. iii. p. 751, et seq. 
 
582 
 
 TEE BISE OF THE ASS FB IAN EMPIRE. 
 
 human nature, by transforming it into a protective genius, who looks with 
 approval on the exploits of his p'otege, and gathers together the corpses of 
 those he has slain. Once these designs had become current among the gold- 
 smiths, they continued to be supplied for a long period, without much modi- 
 fication, to the markets of the Eastern and Western worlds. Indeed, it was 
 natural that they should have taken a stereotyped form, when we consider that 
 the Phoenicians who employed them held continuous commercial relations with 
 the country whence they had come — a country of which, too, they recognised the 
 supremacy. Egypt in the Ramesside period was, as we have seen, distinguished 
 for the highest development of every branch of industry ; it had also a population 
 which imported and exported more raw material and more manufactured pro- 
 ducts than any other. The small nation which acted as a commercial inter- 
 mediary between Egypt and the rest of the world had in this traffic a steady 
 source of profit, and even in providing Egypt with a single article — for example, 
 bronze, or the tin necessary for its preparation — could realise enormous profits^ 
 The people of Tyre and Sidon had been very careful not to alienate the good 
 will of such ricli customers, and as long as the representatives of the Pharaoh 
 held sway in Syria, they had shown themselves, if not thoroughly trustworthy 
 vassals, at least less turbulent than their neighbours of Arvad and Qodshii. 
 Even when the feebleness and impotence of the successors of Eamses III. 
 relieved them from the obligation of further tribute, they displayed towards 
 their old masters such deference that they obtained as great freedom of trade 
 with the ports of the Delta as they had enjoyed in the past. They maintained 
 with these ports the same relations as in the days of their dependence, and 
 their ships sailed up the river as far as Memphis, and even higher, while the 
 Egyptian galleys continued to coast the littoral of Syria.^ An official report 
 addressed to Hrihor by one of the ministers of the Theban Amon, indicates at 
 one and the same time the manner in which these voyages were accomplished, 
 and the dangers to which their crews were exposed. Hrihor, who was still high 
 priest, was in need of foreign timber to complete some work he had in hand, 
 probably the repair of the sacred barks, and commanded the official above 
 mentioned to proceed by sea to Byblos, to King Zikarbal,^ in order to purchase 
 cedars of Lebanon. The messenger started from Tanis, coasted along Kharu, 
 
 ' The provision of bronze and copper for Egypt is referred to at p. 287, supra, as showing the 
 relations of Alasia and Egypt during the XVIII"' dynasty. 
 
 * Several Egyptian documents of the XX"' dynasty refer to these Egyptian and foreign vessels 
 voyaging on the ''Very Green" (Pleyte-Kossi, Les Papijrus de Turin, pi. Ixxxviii. 11. 9, 10, and 
 pi. Ixxxix. 11. 1, 2); see pp. 407, 408, supra, where there is an illustration representing the arrival of 
 Piicenician ships at Thebes. 
 
 ' ^V. Max MiiLLER, Asien und Europa, \>. 39.5. This is the name wliicli classical tradition ascribed 
 to the first husband of Dido, the founder of Carthage— Sicharbus, SichsBUS, Acerbas (Schroder, Die 
 PhSninische Sprache, pp. 90, 100, 198). 
 
PHCENICIAN COMMERCE. 
 
 and put into the harbour of Dor, 
 which then belonged to the /ak- 
 kala : ^ while he was revictual- 
 ling his ship, one of the 
 sailors ran away with the 
 cash-box. The local ruler, 
 Badilu,^ expressed at first 
 his sympathy at this naisfor- 
 tnne, and gave his help to 
 capture the robber; then 
 unaccountably changing his 
 mind he threw the messenger 
 into prison, who had accordingly 
 to send to Egypt to procure fresh 
 funds for his liberation and the accom- 
 plishment of his mission. Having 
 arrived at Byblos. nothing occurred ^'"^ '^"'^ ""^ " ''»'»•^•'^'•^^• 
 
 there worthy of record. The wood 
 
 having at length been cut and put on board, the ship set sail homewards. Driven 
 by contrary winds, the vessel was thrown upon the coast of Alasia; where the crew- 
 were graciously received by the Queen Khatiba.* We have evidence every- 
 where, it may be stated, as to the friendly disposition displayed, either with or 
 without the promptings of interest, towards the representative of the Theban 
 pontiff, flad he been ill-used, the PhcDenicians living on Egyptian territory 
 would have been made to suffer for it. 
 
 Navigators had to take additional precautions, owing to the presence of 
 ^gean or Asiatic pirates on the routes followed by the mercantile marine, which 
 rendered their voyages dangerous and sometimes interrupted them altogether. 
 
 ' For the establishment of the Zakkala ou the Canaanite coai^t in the neighbourhood of Dor and 
 Curmel, see p. 470, tupra. 
 
 ■ The name Badilu, Budilu, Bodilu, appears to be an apocopated form of Abdilu, " the servant of 
 Ilu," of which we have numerous instances in such Phoenician names as Bodcshmun, Bodashtoreth 
 = BoSdfTTwp, Bodraelkarth = Bw^iiA/cas, Boii/x(Axop (Maspero, Sur tin Nom Aniatique, in the Jlecueil 
 de Travaux, vol. .wiii. p. 120). Cf. an analogous form in the name of the King of Arvad, Budibniu, 
 Bodbaal, who lived in the time of Assurbanipiil (Tkloni, Varia, in the Zeitschrijt fur Keil/orschung. 
 vol. ii. pp. 302, 303), and possibly also in that of the King of Assyria, Budihi, Tudilu, of whom there 
 will be something to say on p. 590, infra. 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by Losgi'ERIkb, Mufge XapoUon III., pi. si. The 
 importance this group acquired in Phoenician mythology, and its possible derivations in (ireek art 
 and tradition, were studied especially by Ci.eumont-Gannkai', Mythologie Iconographiqiie, pp. S, 9, 
 and PEUiiOT-CHiriEZ, UM. de I' Art, etc., vol. iii. pp. it6. 97, 772-774, 787-789, 802. 
 
 * The document containing an account of these events was discovered by Golenischeff in 1891. 
 The text i8unpubli8hed,but two brief summaries of it exist : Golenischeff, Extraitd'uneMIre, etc., 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xv. p. 88, and W. Max Muller, Asian und Kuropa, pp. 388, 389, 395, 396. 
 
584 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The Syrian coast-line was exposed to these marauders quite as much as the 
 African had been during the sixty or eighty years which followed the death of 
 Kamses II. ; the seamen of the north — Achseans and Tyrseni, Lycians and Shar- 
 daniaus — had pillaged it on many occasions, and in the invasion which followed 
 these attacks it experienced as little mercy as Naharaim, the Khati, and the 
 region of the Amorites. The fleets which carried the Philistines, the Zakkala, 
 and their allies had devastated the whole coast before they encountered the 
 Egyptian ships of Eamses III. near Magadil, to the south of Carmel. Arvad 
 as well as Zahi had succumbed to the violence of their attack, and if the cities 
 of Byblos, Berytus, Sidon, and Tyre had escaped, their suburbs had been 
 subjected to the ravages of the foe.'- Peace followed the double victory of the 
 Egyptians, and commerce on the Mediterranean resumed once more its wonted 
 \\ ays, but only in those regions where the authority of the Pharaoh and the fear 
 of his vengeance were effective influences. Beyond this sphere there were 
 continual warfare, piracy, migrations of barbaric hordes, and disturbances of all 
 kinds, among which, if a stranger ventured, it was at the almost certain risk of 
 losing his life or liberty. The area of undisturbed seas became more and more 
 contracted in proportion as the memory of past defeats faded away. Cyprus 
 was not comprised within it, and the ^geans, who were restrained by the fear 
 of Egypt from venturing into any region under her survey, perpetually flocked 
 thither in numerous bodies. The Achaeans, too, took up their abode on this 
 island at an early date — about the time when some of their bands were infest- 
 ing Libya, and offering their help to the enemies of the Pharaoh. They 
 began their encroachments on the northern side of the island — the least rich, it 
 is true, but the nearest to Cilicia, and the easiest to hold against the attacks of 
 their rivals.^ The disaster of Piriu had no doubt dashed their hopes of finding, 
 a settlement in Egypt : ^ they never returned thither any more, and the current 
 of emigration which had momentarily inclined towards the south, now set 
 steadily towards the east, where the large island of Cyprus offered an unpro- 
 tected and more profitable field of adventure. We know not how far they 
 penetrated into its forests and its interior. The natives began, at length, 
 under their influence, to despise the customs and mode of existence with which 
 they had been previously contented : they acquired a taste for pottery rudely 
 decorated after the Mycenean manner, for jewellery, and for the bronze swords 
 which they had seen in the hands of the invaders. The Phoenicians, in order to 
 
 ' See, for this invasion, pp. 465-468, awpra. 
 
 ^ I am forced here, by the exigencies of space, to leave out details. I confine myself to the facts 
 indispensable for a knowledge of the history of the East, without criticism or a bibliography. 
 
 ' Cf., for the part taken by the Achceaus in the Libyan war against Minephtah, the short account 
 on pp. 432-435, supra. 
 
THE PHCENICIANS FORCED TO GIVE UP COLONIES IN THE ^GEAN. 58^ 
 
 inaitttain their ground against the intruders, had to strengthen their ancient 
 posts or found others — such as Carpasia, Cerynia, and Lapathos on the Achaean 
 coast itself, Tamassos near the copper-mines, and a new tovvn,Qart-hadashat, which 
 is perhaps only the ancient Citium under a new name.^ They thus added to their 
 earlier possessions on the island regions on its northern side, while the rest either 
 fell gradually into the hands of Hellenic adventurers, or continued in the posses- 
 sion of the native populations. Cyprus served henceforward as an advance-post 
 against the attacks of Western nations, and the Phoenicians must have been 
 thankful for the good fortune which had made them see the wisdom of fortifying 
 it. But what became of their possessions lying outside Cyprus ? They retained 
 several of them on the southern coasts of Asia Minor, and Ehodes remained 
 faithful to them, as well as Tliasos, enabling them to overlook the two extremities 
 of the Archipelago ; but, owing to tlie movements of the People of the Sea and 
 the political development of the Mycenean states, they had to give up the 
 stations and harbours of refuge which they held in the other islands or on 
 the continent. Tliey still continued, however, to pay visits to these localities — ■ 
 sometimes in the guise of merchants and at others as raiders, according to their 
 ancient custom. Tliey went from port to port as of old, exposing their wares 
 in the market-places, pillaging the farms and villages, carrying into captivity 
 the women and children whom they could entice on board, or whom they might 
 find defenceless on the strand ; but they attempted all tliis with more risk than 
 formerly, and with less success. The inhabitants of the coast were possessed of 
 fully manned ships, similar in form to those of the Philistines or the Zakkala, 
 which, at the first sight of the Phoenicians, set out in pursuit of them, or, 
 following tlie example set by their foe, lay in wait for ihem behind some 
 headland, and retaliated upon them for their cruelty. Piracy in the Archipelago 
 was practised as a matter of course, and there was no islander who did not give 
 himself up to it when the opportunity offered, to return to his honest occu- 
 pations after a successful venture. Some kings seem to have risen up here 
 and there who found this state of affairs intolerable, and endeavoured to 
 remedy it by every means within their power : they followed on the heels of 
 the corsairs and adventurers, whatever might be their country; they followed 
 them up to their harbours of refuge, and became an effective police force in 
 
 ' It is meutioned in tho inscription of Baal of Lebanon (Corpiw Inter. Semit., vol. i. pp. 25, 26), 
 and in the Assyrian inscriptions of the VII"' century B.C. (F. Deutzsch, Wo lag da* Paradiet t 
 
 pp. 292-294). 
 
 ' This would appear to be the case, as far as Rhodes is concerned, from the traditions which 
 ascribed the final expulsion of the Pluvniciaus to a Doric invabiou from Argos; cf. Thvcydides, 
 viii. 57, 'P65ioi 'hpytwt yivos. The somewhat legendary accounts of the state of aflfairs after tho 
 Hellenic conquest are in the fragments of Ergias and I'olyzelos (Muller-Didot, Fragm. Hist. Grxc, 
 vol. iv. pp. 405, 406, 481). 
 
.5^86 . TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 all parts of the sea where they were able to carry their flag. The memory of 
 such exploits was preserved in the tradition of the Cretan empire which Minos 
 "had constituted, and which extended its protection over a portion of continental 
 "Greece. 
 
 If the Phoenicians had had to deal only with the piratical expeditions of 
 the peoples of the coast or with the jealous watchfulness of the rulers of the 
 sea, they might have endured the evil, but they had now to put up, in addition, 
 with rivalry in the artistic and industrial products of which they had long had 
 the monopoly. The spread of art had at length led to the establishment of 
 local centres of production everywhere, which bade fair to vie with those of 
 Piioenicia. On the continent and in the Cyclades there were produced statuettes, 
 intaglios, jewels, vases, weapons, and textile fabrics which rivalled those of 
 the East, and were probably much cheaper. The merchants of Tyre and 
 Sidon could still find a market, however, for manufactures requiring great 
 technical skill or displaying superior taste — such as gold or silver bowls, en- 
 graved or decorated with figures iu outline — but they had to face a serious 
 falling off in their sales of ordinary goods.^ To extend their commerce they 
 had to seek new and less critical markets, where the bales of their wares, 
 -of which the -lEgean population was becoming weary, would lose none of 
 their attractions. We do not know at what date they ventured to sail 
 into the mysterious region of the Hesperides, nor by what route they first 
 reached it. It is possible that they passed from Crete to Cythera, and 
 from this to tlie Ionian Islands and to the point of Calabria, on the other 
 «ide of the straits of Otranto, whence they were able to make their way 
 gradually to Sicily.^ Did the fame of their discovery, we may ask, spread so 
 rapidly in the East as to excite there the cupidity and envy of their rivals ? 
 However this may have been, the People of the Sea, after repeated checks in 
 Africa and Syria, and feeling more than ever the pressure of the northern tribes 
 encroaching on them, set out towards the west, following the route pursued 
 by the Phoenicians. The traditions current among them and collected after- 
 Avards by the Creek historians give an account, mingled with many fabulous 
 details, of the causes which led to their migrations and of the vicissitudes 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, Geitchichte des AUerthums, vol. ii. pp. 368-370, where a brief summary of all that is 
 Tcnown on the subject is given ; for details, see Helbic, L'lSpop^e hom^rique, translated by Trawinski, 
 pp. 23, 24, 27, et seq. 
 
 ' Ed. Meyer, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 235, 337-348, and vol. ii. pp. 90, 689-690, thinks that the exten- 
 sion of Phojnieian commerce to the Western Mediterranean goes back to the XVIII"" dynasty, or, at 
 the latest, the XV"' century before our era. Without laying undue stress on this view, I am inclined 
 to ascribe with him, until we get further knowledge, the colonisation of the We&t to the period 
 immediately following the movements of the People of the Sea and the diminution of Phoenician 
 trade in the Grecian Archipelago. Exploring voyages had been made before this, but the founding 
 of colonies was not earlier than this epoch. 
 
THE PHCENICIANS IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN. 587 
 
 which they experienced in the course of them. Daedalus having taken flight 
 from Crete to Sicily, Minos, who had followed in his steps, took possession of 
 the greater part of the island with his Eteocretes,* lolaos was the leader of 
 Pelasgic bands, whom he conducted first into Libya and finally to Sardinia.^ 
 It came also to pass that in the days of Atys, son of Manes, a famine broke out 
 and raged throughout Lydia : the king, unable to provide food for his people, 
 had them numbered, and decided by lot which of the two halves of the popu- 
 lation should expatriate themselves under the leadership of his son Tyrsenos. 
 Those who were thus fated to leave their country assembled at Smyrna, con- 
 structed ships there, and having embarked on board of them what was necessary, 
 set sail in quest of a new home. After a long and devious voyage, they at 
 length disembarked in the country of the Umbrians, where they built cities, 
 and became a prosperous people under the name of Tyrseni, being thus called 
 after their leader Tyrsenos.^ The remaining portions of the nations who had 
 taken part in the attack on Egypt — of which several tribes had been planted 
 by llamses III. in the Shephelah, from Gaza to Carmel — proceeded in a series 
 of successive detachments from Asia Minor and the iEgean Sea to the coasts 
 of Italy and of the large islands ; the Tursha into that region which was known 
 afterwards as Etruria, the Shardana into Sardinia, the Zakkala into Sicily, and 
 along witl) the latter some Pulasati, whose memory is still preserved on the 
 northern slope of Etna.* Fate thus brought the Phoenician emigrants once 
 more into close contact with their traditional enemies, and the hostility which 
 they experienced in their new settlements from the latter was among the 
 influences which determined their further migration from Italy proper, and 
 from the region occupied by the Ligurians between the Arno and the Ebro. 
 
 ' For the traditions of the colonisation of Sicily by Cretans, see HiiCK, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 372-391, 
 anil Holm, Gefchichte SicHien$, vol. i. pp. 90, 91. [The Eteocretes are mentioned in the Odyssey, 
 xix. 175.-TK.] 
 
 ' For the traditions as to the original inhabitants of Sardinia, see, with much reserve, Movers, 
 Dax Phonizigche Alterthum, vol. ii. p. 562, et soq. 
 
 ' Hehodotis, I. xciv., whence all the information of other classical writers is directly or indirectly 
 taken. Most modern historians reject this tradition. I see no reason for my own part why they 
 should do 80, at least in the present state of our knowledge. The Etrurians of the historical period 
 were the result of a fusion of severul different elements, and there is nothing against the view 
 that the Tursha — one of these elenienis— should have come from Asia ikiinor, as Herodotus says. 
 Properly understood, the tradition seems well founded, and the details may have been added after- 
 wards, either by the Lydians themselves, or by the Grtek historians who collected the Lydian 
 traditions. 
 
 * This view was put forth by Maspero in tlie Revue Cnliqve, 1S73, vol. i. pp. 84-86 ; 1878, vol. i 
 p. ;i20; 1880, vol. i. pp. 109, 110: for the contrary views, which make the tribes mentioned on the 
 Egyptian monuments to liave come from Italy and Sicily, see pp. 360, note 2 ; 364, 432, note 2, 
 supra. Tlie Pulasati of Sicily are known only from a passage in Appian: Mtro 8i rovro riiv Tla\ai- 
 (TTqviiv yr\v ^Kupe {Bell. Cio., V. cxvii.), which Cluvier and most geographers after him have correcttd 
 into tJji/ 'AfiaKaivlvuv yriv. Movers was the first to identify these Palestines of Sicily with the 
 I'hilistines of Syria, and saw in them the remains of a Cretan colony {Das Plioniiische Alterthum, 
 vol. ii. i)p. 318, 1319), and was followed with some reserve by Holm {Gesch. Siciliens, vol. i. pp. 
 91,370). 
 
588 THE RISE OF THE ASSTEIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 They had already probably reached Sardinia and Corsica, but the majority of 
 their ships had sailed to the southward, and having touched at Malta, Gozo, 
 and the small islands between Sicily and the Syrtes, had followed the coast-line 
 of Africa, until at length they reached the straits of Gibraltar and the 
 southern shores of Spain.^ No traces remain of their explorations, or of their 
 early establishments in the western Mediterranean, as the towns which they 
 are thought — with good reason in most instances — to have founded there 
 belong to a much later date. Every permanent settlement, however, is pre- 
 ceded by a period of exploration and research, which may last for only a few 
 years or be prolonged to as many centuries. I am within the mark, I think, 
 in assuming that Phoenician adventurers, or possibly even the regular tradino- 
 ships of Tyre and Sidon, had established relations with the semi-barbarous 
 chiefs of Byetica as early as the XII"' century before our era, that is, at the 
 time when the power of Thebes was fading away under the weak rule of the 
 pontiffs of Amon and the Tanite Pharaohs. 
 
 The Phoenicians were too much absorbed in their commercial pursuits 
 to aspire to the inheritance which Egypt was letting slip through her 
 fingers. Their numbers were not more than sufficient to supply men for 
 their ships, and they were often obliged to have recourse to their allies or 
 to mercenary tribes — the Leleges or Carians — in order to provide crews for 
 their vessels or garrisons for their trading posts ; ^ it was impossible, there- 
 fore, for them to think of raising armies fit to conquer or keep in check the 
 rulers on the Orontes or in Naharaim. They left this to the races of 
 the interior — the Amorites and Hittites— and to their restless ambition. 
 The Hittite power, however, had never recovered from the terrible blow 
 inflicted on it at the time of the Asianic invasion.^ The confederacy of 
 feudal chiefs, which had been brought momentarily together by Sapalulu 
 and his successors, was shattered by the violence of the shock, and the 
 elements of which it was composed were engaged henceforward in struggles 
 with each other. At this time the entire plain between the Amanus and the 
 Euphrates was covered with rich cities, of which the sites are represented 
 to-day by only a few wretched villages or by heaps of ruins. Arabian and 
 Byzantine remains sometimes crown the summit of the latter, but as soon as 
 we reach the lower strata we find in more or less abundance the ruins of build- 
 ings of the Greek or Persian period, and beneath these those belonging to a 
 still earlier time. The history of Syria lies buried in such sites, and is waiting 
 
 > I shall have to return later on to the Phoenician colonies in Spain, and especially to the founding 
 of Cadiz. 
 
 * Cf., with the necessary reserve, Movers, Das Phdiiizische AUerthum, vol. ii. pp. 17-21. 
 » See what is said on this subject on pp. 466, 468-470, 475 of the present work. 
 
SYRIA AFTER TEE WITHDRAWAL OF TEE EGYPTIAN TROOPS. 58'.) 
 
 only for a patient and wealthy explorer to bring it to light.^ The Khati proper 
 were settled to the south of the Taurus in the basin of the Sajur, but they 
 were divided into several petty states, of which that which possessed Carchemish 
 was the most important, and exercised a practical hegemony over the others. 
 Its chiefs alone had the right to call themselves kings of the Khati.'' The 
 Patinu, who were tlieir immediate neighbours on the west, stretched right up 
 to the Mediterranean above the plains of Naharaim and beyond the Orontes ; 
 they had absorbed, it would seem, the provinces of the ancient Alasia."* 
 Aramteans occupied the region to the south of the Patinu between the two 
 Lebanon ranges, embracing the districts of Hamath and Qobah.^ The valleys 
 of the Amanus and tlie southern slopes of the Taurus included within them 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by M. Bartbelemy, taken in 1895. 
 
 - The results of the excavations at Zinjirli are evidence of what historical material we may bopo 
 to find in tliese tumuli. See the account of the curlier results in F. von Lusciian, Autgrabungert 
 in Sendschirli, 1893. 
 
 ' As to the localisation of the Khati to the south of the Taurus, and the restricted use of their 
 name, see Sciirader, Keilinschri/ten und Geschichfs/orschung, pp. 225-'236 ; F. Delitzsch, TT'o lag 
 das ParaduB '/ pp. '269-273; F. Lk.normant, Les Origines dc VEistoire, vol. iii. p. 267, note 2; 
 Delattre, L'Asie Occidentale dam les Inscriptions Assyriennes, pp. 34-3G. 
 
 * The extension of the Patinu was determined by Schradeb, op. cit., pp. 214-221 ; cf. 1'. Delitzsch, 
 Wo lag das Paradies? p. 274, and Dei.attke, op. cit., pp. 45-50. 
 
 ^ The Aramajans are mentioned by Tiglath-piieser I. as situated between the Balikh, the 
 Euphrates, and the Sajur (Schuader, op. cit., p. 226, note; Delitzsch, op. cit., pp. 257-259; 
 Delattre, op. cit., p. 37). 
 
590 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 some half-dozen badly defined principalities — Samalla on the Kara-Su/ 
 Gurgum ^ around Marqasi, the Qui ^ and Khilakku * in the classical Cilicia, and 
 the Kasku ^ and Kummukh ^ in a bend of the Euphrates to the north and north- 
 east of the Khati. The ancient Mitanni to the east of Carchemish, which was 
 so active in the time of the later Amenothes, had now ceased to exist, and 
 there was but a vague remembrance of its former prowess. It had foundered 
 probably in the great cataclysm which engulfed the Hittite empire, although 
 its name appears inscribed once more among those of the vassals of Egypt 
 on the triumphal lists of Eamses IIIJ Its chief tribes had probably 
 migrated towards the regions which were afterwards described by the Greek 
 geographers as the home of the Matieni on the Halys and in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Lake Urmiah.^ Aramjean kingdoms, of which the greatest 
 was that of Bit-Adini,^ had succeeded them, and bordered the Euphrates on 
 
 ' The country of Samalla, in Egyptian Samalua (Mariette, Karnalt, pi. 2, No. 314 ; cf. Tomkins, 
 On the Topography of Northern Syria, in the Trantactions Bibl. Arch. Sec, vol. ix. p. 251), extended 
 around the Tell of Zinjirli, at the foot of the Amanus, in the valley of Marash of the Arab historians 
 (Sachau, Zur Eistorischen Geographic von Nordsyrien, pp. 2, 7). 
 
 ^ The name has been read Gamgumu, Gaugum (Waldemak Schmidt, Assyriens og ^Egrjptens 
 Gamle Historie, p. 735, who places it near Zeugma, on the Euphrates), and connected by Tomkins 
 (Notes on the Geography of Northern Syria, in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, vol. iii. pp. 3, 44) 
 with the Egyptian Augama, which he reads Gagama, in the lists of Thfttmosiss III. (Mariette, 
 Karnnk, pi. 21, No. 315). The Aramaean inscription on the statue of King Panammu sliows that it 
 must be read Gurgumu, and Sachau has identified this new name with that of Jurjum, which was^ 
 the name by which the province of the Amanus, lying between Baias and the lake of Antioch, was 
 known in the Byzantine period (Zur Eistorischen Geographie von Nordsyrien, pp. 2-17); the ancient 
 Gurgum stretches further towards the north, around the town of Marqasi, which Tomkins (Notes on 
 the Geog. of Northern Syria, pp. 3, 44) and Sachau (op. ciL, pp. 6, 7) have identified with Marash. 
 
 ' The site of the country of Qui was determined by Schrader (Keilimchriften and Geschichts- 
 furschung, pp. 238-242) ; it was that part of the Cilician plain which stretches from the Amanus to the 
 mountains of the Ketis, aud takes in the great town of Tarsus. F. Lenormant has pointed out that 
 this country is mentioned twice in the Scriptures (1 Kings x. 28 and 2 Chron. i. 16) [The Kevised 
 Aversion does not support this, but the LXX. gives "of Thecue," and the Vulgate "de Coha." — Tr.] 
 in the time of Solomon (Les Origines de I'Eistnire, vol. iii. p. 9, n. 2). The designation of the country, 
 transformed into the appellation of an eponymous god (see p. 355, note 1, supra), is found in the 
 name Qauisaru, "Qaui is king" (F. Lenokmant, op. cit., vol. iii. pp. 70, 273, n. 6). 
 
 ' Khilakku, the name of which is possibly the same as the Egyptian Khalakka (Maspero, Notes sur 
 quelques points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeitschrift, 1879, p. 58), is the Cilicia Trac/faa of classical' 
 geographers (Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 245). 
 
 * The country of Kashku, which has been connected with Kashkisha, which takes the place of 
 Karkisha in an Egyptian text (see p. 380, note 4, supra), was still a dependency of the Hittites in the 
 time of Tiglath-pileser (Aniials, ii. 1. 101). It was in the neighbourhood of the Urumu, whose capital 
 seems to have been Urum, the Ourima of Ptolemy (V. xv. § 14), near the bend of the Euphrates 
 between Sumeisat and Bircjik; it extended into the Commagene of classical times, on the borders of 
 Melitene and the Tubal (Delattre, L'Asie Occidentale dans les Inscriptions Assyriennes, pp. G4, 65, 
 and Encore un mot sur la Geographic Assyrienne, pp. 27-31). 
 
 " Kummukh lay on both sides of the Euphrates and of the Upper Tisjris (Delattre, L'Asie 
 Occidentale, etc , pp. 41-43) ; it became gradually restricted, until at length it was conterminous with 
 the Commagene of classical geographers (Schrader, Keilinschriften, etc., pp. 127-155, 181-213). 
 
 ' DiiMiCHEN, Eistorische Inschriften, vol. i. pi. 11, where Eamses III. seems to have simply copied 
 the lists of Thutmosis III. ; see supra, p. 470. 
 
 » Theodore Reinach, Vn Peuple oublie, les Matienes, in the Revue des £tudes Grecques, 1894. 
 pp. 217-318. 
 
 ' The province of Bit-Adini was specially that part of the country which lay between the Euphrates 
 and the Balikh (Schrader, Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung, pp. 199, 200), but it extended 
 
THE WEAKNESS OF THE COSS^AN KINGS OF BABYLON. 591 
 
 each side as far as the Chalus and Balikh respectively ; the ancient Harran 
 belonged also to them, and their frontier stretched as far as Hamath, and to 
 that of the Patinu on the Orontes. It was, as we have seen, a complete 
 breaking up of the old nationalities, and we have evidence also of a similar 
 disintegration in the countries to the north of the Taurus, in the direction of 
 the Black Sea. Of the mighty Khati with whom Thutmosis III. had come 
 into contact, there was no apparent trace : either the tribes of which they were 
 composed had migrated towards the south, or those who had never left their 
 native mountains had entered into new combinations and lost even the remem- 
 brance of their name. The Milidu, Tabal (Tubal), and Mushku (Meshech) 
 stretched behind each other from east to west on the confines of the Tokhma-Su,^ 
 and still further away other cities of less importance contended for the possession, 
 of the Upper Saros and the middle region of the Halys. Tiiese peoples, at 
 once poor and warlike, had been attracted, like the Hittites of some centuries- 
 previous, by the riches accumulated in the strongholds of Syria. Revolutions 
 must have been frequent in these regions, but our knowledge of them is more 
 a matter of conjecture than of actual evidence. Towards the year 1170 n.c. 
 the Mushku swooped down on Kutnmukh, and made themselves its masters; 
 then pursuing their good fortune, they took from the Assyrians the two 
 provinces, Alzi and Purukuzzi, which lay not far from the sources of the Tigris 
 and the Balikh.^ A little later the Kashku, together with some Aramasans, 
 broke into Shubarti, then subject to Assyria, and took possession of a part of 
 it.^ The majority of these invasions had, however, no permanent result : they 
 never issued in the establishment of an empire like that of the Kliati, capable- 
 by its homogeneity of offering a serious resistance to the marcli of a conqueror 
 from the south. To sum up the condition of affairs : if a redistribution of 
 races had brought about a change in Northern Syria, their want of cohesion 
 was no less marked than in the time of the Egyptian wars; the first enemy 
 to make an attack upon the frontier of one or other of these tribes was sure 
 
 also to other Syrian provinces between the Euphrates and tlie Aprir (Delitzsch, W'o lag da» Paradie* t 
 pp. 203-205; Delattke, L'Atie Occidenlale dans Us Inscriptions Assyriennei, pp. 14, 18, et acq.). 
 
 ' With regard to these peoples, see Schradcr (Keilinsr.hri/len, etc., pp. 15r)-IC2), F. Lenormant 
 {Lei Origines de I'Histoire, vol. ill. pp. 181-248), and afterwards the observations of Delattre {op. cit.^ 
 pp. 64-(>8, and by the same writer, Encore iin mot siir la Giograpliie Assyrienne, pp. 27-:^G), who has 
 succeeded in fixing their positions on the map better than any of his predecessors. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglatli-pileser I., col. i. 11. 02-70, ed. Lotz, pp. 16, 17. The king places their invasion 
 fifty years before the beginning of his reign. Ed. Meyer {Geschichte des Allerthums, vol. i. pp. 318,. 
 31!), and Geschichte JEgyptens, p. 312) saw a connexion between this and the invasion of the 
 People of the Sea, which took place under Ramses III (cf.' Winckleu, Geschichte Babyloniens, etCv 
 pp. 171, 172). I think tliat the invasion of the Mushku was a purely local aflfair, and had nothing 
 in common with the general catastrophe occasioned by the movement of the Asiatic armies (see supra, 
 p. 461, et seq.). As to the site of Alzu, see Sayce, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van decyphered 
 and translated, in the J. It. As. Soc, vol. xiv. pp. 398, 399; the Purukuzzi must liave occupied the 
 neighbouring region to the west of Diarbekr. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 1. 100— col. iii. 1. 2. 
 
592 
 
 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 of victory, and if he persevered in his efforts could make himself master of as 
 much territory as he might choose. The Pharaohs had succeeded in welding 
 together their African possessions, and their part in the drama of conquest 
 had been played long ago ; but the cities of the Tigris and the Lower Euphrates 
 — Nineveh and Babylon — were ready to enter the lists as soon as they felt 
 themselves strong enough to revive their ancient traditions of foreign conquest. 
 
 The successors of Agumkakrime were not more fortunate than he had 
 been in attempting to raise Babylon once more to the foremost rank ; their 
 want of power, their discord, the insubordination and sedition that existed 
 among their Cossaean troops, and the almost periodic returns of the Theban 
 generals to the banks of the Euphrates, sometimes even to those of the Balikh 
 and the Khabur, all seemed to conspire to aggravate the helpless state into 
 which Babylon had sunk since the close of the dynasty of Uruazagga.^ Elam 
 was pressing upon her eastern, and Assyria on her northern frontier, and their 
 kings not only harassed her with persistent malignity, but, by virtue of their 
 alliances by marriage with her sovereigns, took advantage of every occasion to 
 interfere both in domestic and state affairs ; they would espouse the cause of 
 some pretender during a revolt, they would assume the guardianship of such of 
 their relatives as were left widows or minors, and, when the occasion presented 
 itself, they took possession of the throne of Bel, or bestowed it on one of their 
 ■creatures. Assyria particularly seemed to regard Babylon with a deadly hatred. 
 The capitals of the two countries were not more than some one hundred and 
 eighty-five miles apart, the intervening district being a flat and monotonous 
 alluvial plain, unbroken by any feature which could serve as a natural frontier. 
 The line of demarcation usually followed one of the many canals in the narrow 
 strip of land between the Euphrates and the Tigris ; it then crossed the latter, 
 and was formed by one of the rivers draining the Iranian table-land, — either 
 the Upper Zab, the Eadanu, the Turnat, or some of their ramifications in the 
 spurs of the mountain ranges. Each of the two states strove by every means 
 in its power to stretch its boundary to the farthest limits, and to keep it 
 there at all hazards. This narrow area was the scene of continual war, either 
 between the armies of the two states or those of partisans, suspended from time 
 to time by an elaborate treaty -which, was supposed to settle all difficulties, 
 but, as a matter of fact, satisfied no one, and left both parties discontented 
 with their lot and jealous of each other. The concessions made were never 
 of sufficient importance to enable the conqueror to crush his rival and regain 
 for himself the ancient domain of Khammurabi ; his losses, on the other hand, 
 were often considerable enough to paralyse his forces, and prevent him from 
 •extending his border in any other direction. When the Egyptians seized on 
 
 ' Cf. pp. 115-120 of the present work. 
 
THE RELATIONS OF ASSYRIA AND BABYLON WITH EGYPT. 593 
 
 Naharaim, Assyria and Babylon each adopted at the outset a different attitude 
 towards the conquerors. Assyria, which never laid any permanent claims to 
 the seaboard provinces of the Mediterranean, was not disposed to resent their 
 occupation by Egypt, and desired only to make sure of their support or their 
 neutrality. The sovereign then ruling Assyria, but of whose name we have no 
 record, hastened to congratulate Thutmosis III. on his victory at Megiddo, and 
 sent him presents of precious vases, slaves, lapis-Iazuli, chariots and horses, all 
 of which the Egyptian conqueror regarded as so much tribute.^ Babylon, on 
 the other hand, did not take action so promptly as Assyria ; it was only towards 
 the latter years of Thutmosis that its king, Karaiodasb, being hard pressed by 
 the Assyrian Assurbelnishishu, at length decided to make a treaty with the 
 intruder.^ The remoteness of Egypt from the Babylonian frontier no doubt 
 relieved Karaindash from any apprehension of an actual invasion by the 
 Pharaohs; but there was the possibility of their subsidising some nearer enemy, 
 and also of forbidding Babylonish caravans to enter Egyptian provinces, and 
 thus crippling Chaldgean commerce.^ Friendly relations, when once estab- 
 lished, soon necessitated a constant interchange of embassies and letters between 
 the Nile and the Euphrates. As a matter of fact, the Babylonian king could 
 never reconcile himself to the idea that Syria had passed out of his hands. 
 While pretending to warn the Pharaoh of Syrian plots against him,* the Baby- 
 lonians were employing at the same time secret agents, to go from city to city 
 and stir up discontent at Egyptian rule, praising the while the great Cossican 
 king and his armies, and inciting to revolt by promises of help never meant 
 to be fulfilled. Assyria, whose very existence would have been endangered by 
 the re-establishment of a Babylonian empire, never missed an opportunity of 
 denouncing these intrigues at head-quarters : they warned the royal messengers 
 and governors of them, and were constantly contrasting the frankness and honesty 
 
 ' Cf. p. 262 of the present work. 
 
 ' We have no direct testimony in support of this hypothesis, but several important considera- 
 tions give it probability. As no tribute from Babylon is mentioned in the Anndlt of Thutmotis III., 
 we must place the beginning of the relations between Egypt and Chaldasa at a later date. On the 
 other hand, Burnaburiasli II., in a letter written to Amcnothcs III., cites Karaindash a.s the first of 
 his fathers, who had established friendly relations with the fathers of the Pharaoh (Bezold-Budoe, 
 Tell el-Amarna Tablets, etc., No. 3, p. 28, 11. 8-10, and p. xxxi.), a fact which obliges us to place the 
 interchange of presents before tlie time of Amenothes III.: as the reigns of Amenuthes II. and of 
 Thatmosis IV. were both short (cf. supra, pp. 289-295), it is probable that these relations began in the 
 latter years of Thfltmosia III. 
 
 ' Cf. p. 279, et seq., of the present work. Buruaburiash II. had taken the precaution to warn 
 Amenothes IV. of what the Assyrians might say of him, and dissuaded him from forming an alliance 
 with them (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, etc.. No. 2, p. 7, 11. 31-35; cf. Zimsiern, Briefe 
 au» dem Funile in El-Amarna, in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 152, 153; Delattbe. 
 Correspondance d'Amenophia III, in the Revue des Questions Uisloriques, vol. liv. p. 381. 
 
 * This was done by Kurigalzu I., according to a letter addressed by his son Burnaburiash to 
 Amenothes IV. (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, etc.. No. 2, p. 7, 11. 19-30; cf. Zimmbrn, 
 Briefe aus dem Funde in El-Amarna, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 152, 153, and 
 Delattbe, Lettres de Tell el-Amarna, in Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1890-91, vol. xiii. pp. 2, 3), 
 
 2 Q 
 
594 
 
 TEE BISE OF TEE ASSYBIAN EMPIRE . 
 
 of their own dealings with the duplicity of their rival.^ This state of affairs 
 lasted for naore than half a century, during which time both courts strove to 
 ingratiate themselves in the favour of the Pharaoh, each intriguing for the 
 exclusion of the other, by exchanging presents with him, by congratulations 
 on his accession, by imploring gifts of wrought or unwrought gold, and by 
 offering him the most beautiful women of their family for his harem. The son 
 of Karaindash, whose name still remains to be discovered, bestowed one of his 
 daughters on the young Amenothes III. : Kallimasin, the sovereign who suc- 
 ceeded him, also sent successively two princesses to the same Pharaoh.^ But 
 the underlying bitterness and hatred would break through the veneer of polite 
 formulae and protestations when the petitioner received, as the result of his 
 advances, objects of inconsiderable value such as a lord might distribute to his 
 vassals, or when he was refused a princess of solar blood, or even an Egyptian 
 bride of some feudal house ; at such times, however, an ironical or haughty 
 epistle from Thebes would recall him to a sense of his own inferiority. 
 
 As a fact, the lot of the Cossaean sovereigns does not appear to have been 
 a happy one, in spite of the variety and pomposity of the titles which they 
 continued to assume. They enjoyed but short lives, and we know that at least 
 three or four of them — Kallimasin, Burnaburiash L, and Kurigalzu I. ascended 
 the throne in succession during the forty years that Amenothes III. ruled over 
 Egypt and Syria.^ Perhaps the rapidity of this succession may have arisen from 
 
 ' Cf. the letter of Assuruballit, King of Assyria, to Pharaoh Amenothes IV., in Winckleb-Abel, 
 Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, No. 9, p. 8. 
 
 ' See, lor example, the correspondence between Kallimasin and Amenothes III. (Wincklek-Abel, 
 IJer Thontafelfund, etc., No. 1, pi. 1, and Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, etc., No. 1, pp. 2-5, 
 and pp. xxv.-xxx.), and the letters of Burnaburiash to Amenothes IV. (Winckler-Abel, op. ct<., 
 No. 3, p. 3, and Bezold-Budge, op. cit. No. 3, pp. 8, 9, and pp. xxxi., xxxii.). 
 
 ' WiNCKLER, Altorientalische Forschungen, p. 120. Tlie copy we possess of the Koyal Canon of 
 Babylon is mutilated at this point (Pinches, The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in the 
 Transactions, 1883-84, vol. vi. pp. 195, 196, and pi. i. col. ii. ; cf. Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den 
 Sonnengoit, vol. i. pi. 60), and the original documents are not sufficiently complete to fill the gap. 
 About two or three names are missing after that of Agumkakrime (cf. p. 119, note 1, of the present 
 work, for the list of the first seven kings of the Cossaean dynasty), and the reigns must have been 
 very short, if indeed, as I think, Agumkakrimi and Karaindash were both contemporaries of the 
 earlier Pharaohs bearing the name of Tbutmosis. The order of the names which have come down 
 to us is not indisputably established; Hilprecht (The Babylonian Expedition of the University of 
 Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 37, 38, and Assyriaea, vol. i. pp. 85-99) and Winckler (Altorientalische 
 Forschungen, pp. 109-139) do not agree on the subject (cf. Tiele, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, 
 vol. X. pp. 105-112). The following order appears to me to be the most probable at present : — 
 
 This is, with a slight exception, the classification adopted by Winckler (Altorientalische Forschungen, 
 p. 133), and that of Hilprecht (Assyriaea, vol. i. p. 99) differs from it only in the intercalation of 
 Kudurturgu and Shagaraktiburiash between Burnaburiash II. and Karakhardash. 
 
 Karaindash. 
 
 Karakhardash. 
 Kadashmankharbe I. 
 Nazibugash. 
 Kukigalzd II. 
 Nazimaruttash. 
 Kadashmantubgu. 
 
 Kallimasin. 
 Burnaburiash I. 
 Kurigalzu I. 
 Burnaburiash II. 
 
ASSURUBALLIT AND RAMMAN-NIRaRI I. 
 
 595 
 
 some internal revolution or from family disturbances. The Chaldaeans of the 
 old stock reluctantly rendered obedience to these Cosseean kings, and, if we may 
 judge from the name, one at least of these ephemeral sovereigns, Kallimasin, 
 appears to have been a Semite, who owed his position among the Cossaean 
 princes to some fortunate chance.^ A few rare inscriptions stamped on bricks, 
 one or two letters or documents of private interest, and some minor objects 
 from widely distant spots, have enabled us to ascertain the sites upon which 
 •these sovereigns erected buildings ; Karaindash restored the temple of 
 Nana at Uruk,^ Burnaburiash and Kurigalzii added to that of Shamash at 
 Larsam,^ and Kurigalzu took in hand that of Sin at Uru.* We also 
 possess a record of some of their acts in the fragments of a document, 
 which a Ninevite scribe of the time of Assurbanipal had compiled, or rather 
 jumbled together,'' from certain Babylonian chronicles dealing with the wars 
 against Assyria and Elam, witli public treaties, marriages, and family quarrels.^ 
 We learn from this, for example, that Burnaburiash I. renewed with Buzur- 
 assur the conventions drawn up between Karaindash and Assurbelnishishu.'' 
 These friendly relations were maintained, apparently, under Kurigalzu 1. and 
 
 • This is the opiuion of Robert W. Koceks, Outlines of the Ilistory of Early Babylonia, p. 55, and I 
 propose to adopt it for the present, I ought, however, to remark that Kallimasin may have been 
 'born of a Cosssean king and a Babylonian concubine, which would explain the form of his name 
 without excluding him from the royal line. 
 
 ' Brick in the British Museum mentioned in Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. At., vol. iv. pi. 36, No. 3 ; 
 .cf. G. Smith, Early Hislory of Babylonia, in the Transactiont of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. i. p. 68, and 
 WiNCKLEB, Inschriften voa Babylonischen Kassiten-Kiinigen, in Schradeu, Keilimchrif Cliche Bibliolhel; 
 vol. Hi. pt. 1, pp. 152, 153. 
 
 ' Brick from Senkcreh, in Rawlinson, Cun. Int. W. As., vol. i. pi. 4, No. xiii. ; cf. G. Smith, Early 
 Eistory of Babylonia, in the Transactions, vol. i. p. 68, and Winckler, Intchriften von Babylonitchen 
 Kassiten-Eonigen, in the Keilinschriflliche Bibliolhel; vol. iii. pp. 152, 153. Nabonidus stated 
 that Burnaburiash made this restoration seven hundred years after Khammurabi (Bezold, Ttoo 
 Inscriplions of Nabonidus, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1888-89, vol. xi. pp. 93, 94, 
 38, 99, and Peisek, Intchriften Nahonid's, in Schhadek, Keilinschriftliclie Bibliothek, vol. iii. pt. 2, 
 pp. 88-91). 
 
 • Brick from Mugheir in the British Museum, see Rawlinson, Cun. Int. W. At., vol. i. pi. 4, 
 No. xiv. 2, 3 ; cf. Smith, Early Hist, of Babylonia, in the Transaclions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 
 vol. i. p. 70, and Winckler, op. cit., in Schuadek, op. cit., vol. iii. pt. 1, pp. 155, 156. For the 
 works undertaken by Kurigalzu in Agade, see the inscription on the cylinder in Rawlinson, Cun. 
 Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 69, col. ii. 11. 32-36 ; cf. Peiser, Intchriften Nahonid's, in the Keil. Bibliothek, 
 vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 84, 85. 
 
 ' This is what is generally called the " Synchronous History," the principal remains of which 
 were discovered and published by H. Rawlinson, Cun. Int. W. At., vol. ii. pi. 65, No. 1, and vol. iii. 
 pi. 3, No. 3, and subsequently by Sayce, Synchronous Hist, of Assyria and Babylon, in the Transactions 
 of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 119-145 (cf. Records of the Fast, Ist series, vol. iii. pp. 29-36, and 
 2nd series, vol. iv. pp. 24-35), and again by Peiser- Winckler, Die Sogenannte Synchronittiiche 
 Geschichte, in Schrader, Keil. Bibliothek, vol. i. pp. 194-203. It is a very unskilful compilation, 
 in which Winckler has discovered several blunders {Altorientalische Fortchungen, pp. 114-138, 
 122, 123). 
 
 • One of these Babylonian chronicles has been found, and the fragments have been translated by 
 Pinches, An Early Tablet of the Babylonian Chronicle, in the Records of the Past, 2ud series, vol. v. 
 pp. 106-114, and since by W liiCKLEtt, Altorient. Forschungen, pp. 115, 110, 122-124, who has most 
 skilfully filled in several of the lacunse. 
 
 ' Synchronous Ilistory, col. i. 11. 5-7. 
 
596 
 
 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Assur-nadin-akhi, the son of Buzurassur : ^ if Kurigalzu built or restored the 
 fortress, long called alter him Dur-Kurigalzu,^ at one of the fords of the 
 Narmalka, it was probably as a precautionary measure rather than because of 
 any immediate danger. The relations between the two powers became some- 
 what strained when Burnaburiash II. and Assuruballit had respectively suc- 
 ceeded to Kurigalzu and Assur-nadin-akhi ;2 this did not, however, lead to 
 hostilities, and the subsequent betrothal of Earakhardash, son of Burnaburiash 
 II., to Muballitatserua, daughter of Assuruballit, tended to restore matters to 
 their former condition. The good will between the two countries became still 
 more pronounced when Kadashmankharbe succeeded his father Earakhardash. 
 The Cossaean soldiery had taken umbrage at his successor and had revolted, 
 assassinated Eadashmankharbe, and proclaimed king in his stead a man of 
 obscure origin named Nazibugash. Assuruballit, without a moment's hesitation, 
 took the side of his new relatives ; he crossed the frontier, killed Nazibugash, 
 and restored the throne to his sister's child, Eurigalzu II., the younger.* The 
 young king, who was still a minor at his accession, appears to have met with 
 no serious difficulties ; at any rate, none were raised by his Assyrian cousins, 
 Belniraii I. and his successor Budilu.^ Towards the close of his reign, how- 
 ever, revolts broke out, and it was only by sustained efforts that he was able 
 to restore order in Babylon, Sippara, and the Country of the Sea. While the 
 king was in the midst of these difficulties, the Elamites took advantage of 
 his troubles to steal from him a portion of his territory, and their king, 
 Ehurbatila, challenged him to meet his army near Dur-Dungi. Eurigalzu 
 accepted the challenge, gained a decisive victory, took his adversary prisoner, 
 and released him only on receiving as ransom a province beyond the Tigris ; 
 he even entered Susa, and, from among other trophies of past wars, resumed 
 possession of an agate tablet belonging to Dungi, which the veteran Eudurna- 
 khunta had stolen from the temple of Nipur nearly a thousand years previously.^ 
 
 * Assur-nadia-akhi I. is mentioned in a Tel el-Amariia tablet as being tlie father of Assuruballit 
 (Winckler-Abel, Der Thontafelfund von El-Amarna, No. 9, p. 8, 11. 19-25). 
 
 " This is the present Akerkuf, as is proved by the discovery of bricks bearing the name of 
 Kurigalzu (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 4, xiv., No. 1 ; cf. Winokler, Inscliriften von bah. 
 Kassiten-Konigen, in Schkader, Keilinschrift. Bibliothek, vol. iii. pt. 1 , pp. l.')4, 155) ; but perhaps 
 what I have attributed to Kurigalzu I. must be referred to the second king of that name. For mention 
 of Dur-Kurigalzu, cf. the documents collected by Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies / pp. 207, 208. 
 
 * We infer this from the way in which Burnaburiash speaks of the Assyrians in the correspon- 
 dence with Ameuothes IV. (Bezold-Budge, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, No. 2, p. 7, 11. 30-35); cf pp. 279, 
 et seq., and 593, note 1, of the present volume. 
 
 * Synchronous History, col. i. 11. 8-17, in which the errors of the Assyrian scribe have been 
 corrected by the Chronicle of Pinches, An Eaily Tablet of the Babylonian Chronicle, in the Records 
 of the Past, 2nd series, vol. v. pp. 107, 108; cf. Wincklee, Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 115, 116. 
 For the succession of the Babylonian kings of this period, cf. Lehmann, Inschrift Kurigalzu' s II., in the 
 Zeitschrift fUr Assyriologie, vol. v. pp. 417-419, and Wincklee, Eurigalzu sihru, ibid., vol. vi. pp. 454-457. 
 
 ^ The Synchronous History erroneously places the events of the reign of Ramman-niiari in that of 
 Belnirari (Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 115, 116). Tlie order of succession of Buzu- 
 rassur, Assuruballit, Belnirari, and Budiln, has been established by the bricks of Kalah-Shergat (Fr. 
 Lenormant, Inscriptions cuneiformes inedites, in the Bevue Arch^ologique, 1869, vol. xix. pp. 360-367. 
 
 « HiLPRECHT, The Babylonian Expedition, vol. i. p. 31 ; and p. 37, note 3, of the present volume. 
 
KURIOALZU Ii:S FIRST CONQUESTS. 
 
 597 
 
 This victory was followed by the congratulations of most of his neighbours, 
 with the exception of Eamman-niiari II., who had succeeded Budilu in 
 Assyria, and probably felt some jealousy or uneasiness at the news. He 
 attacked the Cossajans, and overthrew them at Sugagi, on the bank's of the 
 Salsallat ; their losses were considerable, and Kurigalzu could only obtain 
 peace by the cession to Assyria of a strip of territory the entire length of the 
 north-west frontier, from the confines of the Shubari country, near the sources 
 of the Khabur, to the suburbs of Babylon itself.' Nearly the whole of Meso- 
 potamia thus changed hands at one stroke, but Babylon had still more serious 
 losses to suffer. Nazimaruttash, who attempted to wipe out the disaster sus- 
 tained by his father Kurigalzu, experienced two crushing defeats, one at Kar- 
 Ishtar and the other near Akarsallu,^ and the treaty which he subsequently 
 signed was even more humiliating for his country than the preceding one. All 
 that part of the Babylonian domain which lay nearest to Nineveh was ceded to 
 the Assyrians, from Pilaski on the right bank of the Tigris to the province of 
 Lulume in the Zagros mountains.^ It would appear that the Cossajan tribes 
 who had remained in their native country, took advantage of these troublous 
 times to sever all connection witli their fellow-countrymen established in the 
 cities of the plain ; for we find them henceforward carrying on a petty warfare 
 for their own profit, and leading an entirely independent life. The descendants 
 of Gandish, deprived of territories in the north, repulsed in the east, and 
 threatened in the south by the nations of the Persian Gulf, never recovered 
 their former ascendency, and their authority slowly declined during the century 
 which followed these events. Their downfall brought about the decadence of 
 the cities over which they had held sway ; and the supremacy which Babylon 
 iiad exercised for a thousand years over the countries of the Euphrates passed 
 into the hands of the Assyrian kings. 
 
 Assyria itself was but a poor and insignificant country when compared with 
 lier rival. It occupied, on each side of the middle course of the Tigris, the 
 territory lying between the 35th and 37th parallels of latitude.* It was bounded 
 
 ' Synchronous UUtory, col. i. 11. 18-23, where the events are attributed to Beliiirari I.; ef. Sayce, 
 The Synchronous Hidory, in the Records of the Fast, 2nd series, vol. iv. p. 28, and Peiseb-Wisckler, 
 Die sogenannle synchronistische Geschichte, in Schbadeb, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, vol. i. pp. 196, 
 197. For the Shubari or Shubarti, and the territory ceded by the Babylonians, cf. Hommel, Gesch. 
 Bab. und Assyriens, pp. 463, 500; Jensen, Vorstudieri zur Entzifferumj dts Mitanni, in the ZeiUchri/t, 
 vol. vi. p. 59. WiNCKLEB, AllorieniuUsche Forschungen, pp. 153-155, and Geschichte Bab. und Ass.y 
 pp. 173, 331, distinguishes between Shubari and the Shubarti, which appears to bo a proviuce near 
 Melitene, along the Tokhnia-su. 
 
 » The names of Nazimaruttash and of his successors, Kadashmankharbi, Bibeiashu, and Kadash- 
 manburiash, were read by Hili'becut, Die Votiv-Inschri/t eines nicht erhannten KassitenhSnigs, in the 
 ZeiUchrijt fur Assyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 305-318 ; cf. As'yriaca, vol. i. pp. 85-99. 
 
 » Synchrotious History, col i. 11. 24-31 ; cf. Sayce, The Synchronous Hidory, in the Records of the 
 Past, 2nd series, vol. iv. pp. 28, 29, and Peiseb-Winckleb, Die sogenanute synchronirtische Geschichte, 
 in Schbadeb, Keilinschriftliche Bihliotheh, vol. i. pp. 196, 197. For the frontier line, of. Hommel, 
 JGesch. Babyloniens, pp. 436, 437, and Wincklbb, Altorientalitche Forschungen, p. 155. 
 
 • These aie approximately the limits of the first Assyrian empire, as given by the monuments 
 
598 
 
 TEE BISE OF THE ASSTBIAN EMPIBE. 
 
 on the east by the hills and mountain ranges running parallel to the Zagros^ 
 Chain — Gebel Guar, Gebel Gara, Zerguizavan-dagh, and Baravan-dagh, with 
 their rounded monotonous limestone ridges, scored by watercourses and destitute 
 of any kind of trees. On the north it was hemmed in by the spurs of the 
 Masios, and bounded on the east by an undefined line running from Mount 
 Masios to the slopes of Singar, and from these again to the Chaldaean plain ;. 
 to the south the frontier followed the configuration of the table-land and the 
 curve of the low cliffs, which in prehistoric times had marked the limits of the 
 Persian Gulf ; from here the boundary was formed on the left side of the Tigris 
 by one of its tributaries, either the Lower Zab or the Kadanu. The territory 
 thus enclosed formed a compact and healthy district: it was free from extremes 
 of temperature arising from height or latitude, and the relative character and 
 fertility of its soil depended on the absence or presence of rivers. The eastern 
 part of Assyria was well watered by the streams and torrents which drained the 
 Iranian plateau and the lower mountain chains which ran parallel to it. The 
 beds of these rivers are channelled so deeply in the alluvial soil, that it is 
 necessary to stand on the very edge of their banks to catch a sight of their 
 silent and rapid waters ; and it is only in the spring or early summer, when 
 they are swollen by the rains and melting snow, that they spread over the 
 adjacent country. As soon as the inundation is over, a vegetation of the 
 intensest green springs up, and in a few days the fields and meadows are 
 covered with a luxuriant and fragrant carpet of verdure. This brilliant growth, 
 is, however, short-lived, for the heat of the sun dries it up as quickly as it 
 appears, and even the corn itself is in danger of being burnt up before 
 reaching maturity. To obviate such a disaster, the Assyrians had constructed, 
 a network of canals and ditches, traces of which are in many places still- 
 visible, while a host of shadufs placed along their banks facilitated irrigation, 
 in the dry seasons.^ The provinces supplied with water in this manner enjoyed 
 a fertility which passed into a proverb, and was well known among the 
 
 (G. Eawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, 2nd edit., vol. i. p. 180 ; Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und> 
 Assyriens, pp. 436, 437, 479 ; Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies '? p. 252) ; from the Persian epoch 
 onwards, the name was applied to the whole course of the Tigris as far as the mountain dis- 
 trict (Hekodot., i. 106, 192, iii. 92 ; cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist., viii. 26 ; Strabo, XVI. i. § 1, p. 725, 
 who applies the name Aturia especially to Nineveh). The ancient orthography of the name i* 
 Aushar (H. Eawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. ii. pi. 46, 2 c, d, and vol. iii. pi. 2, No. 5, vol. iv. 
 pis. 18, 32 b), which we shall meet with later on (p. 602 of the present work) as applied to both 
 the god and the town. 
 
 ' For the irrigation by means of shadufs, cf. Dawn of Civilization, p. 764 ; the illustration on 
 that page is taken from an Assyrian monument. The course of an Assyrian canal and the works 
 undertaken to keep it up are described by F. Jones, Topography of Nineveh, in the Journal of the 
 Boyal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. pp. 310, 311 ; the inscriptions mention the opening of new and the clean- 
 ing out of old canals {Annals of Assur-nazir-pal. col. iii. 1. 135, and Hunting Inscriptions, col. ii. 
 11. 20-24). 
 
TEE PROVINCES AND CLIMATE OF ASSYRIA. 
 
 599 
 
 ancients ; ^ they yielded crops of cereals which rivalled those of Babylonia, and 
 included among their produce wheat, barley, millet, and sesame. But few olive 
 trees were cultivated, and the dates were of inferior quality ; indeed, in the 
 
 L.Thnillier, delV 
 
 Greek period, these fruits were only used for fattening pigs and domestic 
 animals.^ The orchards contained the pistachio, the apple, the pomegranate, 
 the apricot, tlie vine, the almond, and the fig, and, in addition to the essences 
 common to both Syria and Egypt, the country produced cedrats of a delicious 
 scent which were supposed to be an antidote to all kinds of poisons.'' Assyria 
 was not well wooded, except in the higher valleys, where willows and poplars 
 bordered the rivers, and sycamores, beeches, limes, and plane trees abounded, 
 besides several varieties of pines and oaks, including a dwarf species of the 
 latter, from whose branches manna was obtained.* This is a saccharine substance, 
 
 ' Herod., i. 105; Dionys. Pebieoetes, 11. 992-1000, and the commentary of Eustathius on this 
 passage in Muller-Didot, Geographi Grxci minoret, vol. ii. pp. 1G7, 1G8, and pp. 388, 389 ; Strabo. 
 XVI. i. § 14, p. 742. 
 
 ^ Puny, Nat. IlisL, xiil. 4. 
 
 ' Pliny, Nat. Hist., xii. 3. For the history of this species, which was known in Egypt in the 
 time of Thfttmosis III., cf. V. Loret, Le Cedratier dang V Antiquity, iu the Annates de la SociAe 
 Botanique de Lyon, 1891, vol. xvii. 
 
 * For manoa and the various ways of preparing it, cf. Olivieu, Voyage dans I'Empire Olhoman. 
 
600 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 which is deposited in small lumps, and is found in greater abundance during wet 
 years and especially on foggy days. When fresh, it has an agreeable taste and 
 is pleasant to eat ; but as it will not keep in its natural state, the women prepare 
 it for exportation by dissolving it in boiling water, and evaporating it to a 
 sweetish paste, which has more or less purgative qualities. The aspect of 
 the country changes after crossing the Tigris westward. The slopes of Mount 
 Masios are everywhere furrowed with streams, which feed the Khabur and its 
 principal affluent, the Kharmis ; ^ woods become more frequent, and the valleys 
 green and shady. The plains extending southwards, however, contain, like 
 those of the Euphrates, beds of gypsum in the sub-soil, which render the 
 water running through them brackish, and prevent the growth of vegetation. 
 The effects of volcanic action are evident on the surface of these great steppes ; 
 blocks of basalt pierce through the soil, and near the embouchure of the 
 Kharmis, a cone, composed of a mass of lava, cinders, and scoriae, known as the 
 Tell-Kokab, rises abruptly to a height of 325 feet. The mountain chain of 
 Singar, which here reaches its western termination, is composed of a long ridge 
 of soft white limestone, and seems to have been suddenly thrown up in one of 
 the last geological upheavals which affected this part of the country : in some 
 places it resembles a perpendicular wall, while in others it recedes in natural 
 terraces which present the appearance of a gigantic flight of steps. The summit 
 is often wooded, and the spurs covered with vineyards and fields, which flourish 
 vigorously in the vicinity of streams ; when these fail, however, the table-land 
 resumes its desolate aspect, and stretches in bare and sandy undulations to 
 the horizon, broken only where it is crossed by the Thartar, the sole river in 
 this region which is not liable to be dried up, and whose banks may be traced 
 by the scanty line of vegetation which it nourishes.^ 
 
 In a country thus unequally favoured by nature, the towns are necessarily dis- 
 tributed in a seemingly arbitrary fashion. Most of them are situated on the left 
 bank of the Tigris, where the fertile nature of the soil enables it to support a 
 dense population. They were all flourishing centi es of population, and were in 
 close proximity to each other, at all events during the centuries of Assyrian 
 hegemony.^ Three of them soon eclipsed their rivals in political and religious 
 
 vol. ii. pp. 359, 360 ; Chesnet, Tlie Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, 
 vol. i. pp. 123, 124. 
 
 ' The Kharmis is the Mygdonios of Greek geographers, the Hiriiias of the Arabs ; the latter 
 name may be derived from Kharmis (G. Eawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 87, note 2; 
 SCHRADER, Keilinschri/ten und GescMchtsforschung, pp. 141, note 2, 532 ; Hommel, Geschichte Bahylo- 
 niens und Assyriens, p. 577, note 2), or it may be that it merely presents a fortuitous resemblance to 
 it (NoLDEKE, in the Zeitschrift der Deut. Morgenl. Ges., vol. xxxiii. p. 328). 
 
 " For the countries to the west of the Tigris, of. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 199, et seq., 
 -where the author describes his journey to the Khabur and his retura to Koyuujili. 
 
 ' We find, for example, in the inscription of Bavian (H. Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. 
 pi. 14), a long enumeration of towns and villages situated almost within the suburbs of Nineveh, on 
 the banks of the Khoser (Pognon, L'Jnscription de Bavian, pp. 8, 9, 116-119). 
 
THE ASSYRIAN CITIES. 
 
 601 
 
 importance; these were Kalakh and Nina on the Tigris, and Arbailu, lying 
 beyond the Upper Zab, in the broken plain which is a continuation eastwards of 
 the first spurs of the Zagros/ On the right bank, however, we find merely 
 some dozen cities and 
 towns, scattered about 
 in places where there 
 was a supply of water 
 sufficient to enable the 
 inhabitants to cultivate 
 the soil; as, for example, 
 Assur on the banks of 
 the Tigris itself, Sin- 
 gara near the sources of 
 the Thartar, and Nazibina near those of the Kharmis, at the foot of the 
 Masios.^ These cities were not all under the rule of one sovereign when 
 Thutmosis III. appeared in Syria, for the Egyptian monuments mention, 
 besides the kingdom of Assyria, that of Singara* and Araphka in the upper 
 basin of the Zab.'' Assyria, however, had already asserted her supremacy over 
 this corner of Asia, and the remaining princes, even if they were not mere vice- 
 gerents depending on her king, were not strong enough in wealth and extent 
 of territory to hold their own against her, since she was undisputed mistress 
 of Assur, Arbeles, Kalakh, and Nineveh, the most important cities of the plain. 
 Assur covered a considerable area, and the rectangular outline formed by the 
 remains of its walls is still discernible on the surface of the soil. Within 
 the circuit of the city rose a mound, which the ancient builders had trans- 
 formed, by the addition of masses of brickwork, into a nearly square platform, 
 surmounted by the usual palace, temple, and ziggurat ; it was enclosed within a 
 wall of squared stone, the battlements of which remain to the present day.' 
 
 ' Tlie name of Arbeles is written in a form which appears to signify "the town of the four gods" 
 {arhd-ilu) ; of. the analogous orthography of Arah-hha, " tue town of the four fish," which the Assyrians 
 use for the name of the country of Arrapakhitis (Fu. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiesf pp. 124, 125, 256). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the cut in Layabd, Ninereh and Babylon, p. 274. 
 
 ' For Singura and its ruins, cf. Layaud, op. cil., pp. 211, 212; for Nazibiua (Nisibis) and its ruin^, 
 cf. G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 39, 109, 110. 
 
 * This kingdom of Singara is mentioned in the Egyptian lists of Thfttmosis III. (W. Max MCller, 
 Asien und Europa, etc., p. 279). Schroder was doubtful as to its existence {Kdlintrhrijten und 
 Geschichtfforscliung, pp. 473-475, note), but one of its kings is nioiitiuned in a letter from the King of 
 Alasiii to Amenothes IV. (Bezold-Budge, Tell el Amarna Tablets, No. 5, p. 13, 1. 49, and p. xxxv. 
 note 2); according to Niebuhr {Studien und Bemerkungen, etc., p. 91, et seq.), the state of whicii 
 Singara was the capital must have been identical, at all events at one period, with tlie Mitanni of the 
 Egyptian texts (cf. what is said of Mitanni on p. 14G, note 2, of the present volume). 
 
 ' The Arapakha of the Egyptian monuments has been identified with the Arrapakhitis of the 
 Greeks by Brugsch (Geoff. Inschri/ten, vol. ii. pp. 52, 5G). • 
 
 • Layaru, Nineveh and ils Remains, vol. i. p. 5, and vol. ii. pp. 48-64. Ainsworth (Journal of the 
 Geographical Society, vol. xi. p. 5) states the circumference of the principal mound of Kalah-Shergut 
 to be 4685 yards, which would make it one of the most extensive ruins in the whole country. 
 
602 
 
 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The whole pile was known as the " Ekharsagkurkurra," or the " House of the 
 terrestrial mountain,"^ the sanctuary in whose decoration all the ancient 
 sovereigns had vied with one another, including Samsiramman I. and Irishum, 
 who were merely vicegerents dependent upon Babylon.^ It was dedicated 
 to Anshar, that duplicate of Anu who had led the armies of heaven in the 
 struggle with Tiamat ; the name Anshar, softened into Aushar, and sub- 
 sequently into Ashshur, was first applied to the town and then to the whole 
 country .3 The god himself was a deity of light, usually represented under 
 the form of an armed man, wearing the tiara and having the lower half of his 
 body concealed by a feathered disk. He was supposed to hover continually 
 over the world, hurling fiery darts at the enemies of his people, and protecting 
 his kingly worshippers under the shadow of his wings.* Their wars were his 
 wars, and he was with them in the thick of the attack, placing himself in the 
 front rank with the soldiery,^ so that when he gained the victory, the bulk 
 of the spoil — precious metals, gleanings of the battle-field, slaves and pro- 
 ductive lands — fell to his share. The gods of the vanquished enemy, 
 moreover, were, like their princes, forced to render him homage. In the 
 person of the king he took their statues prisoners, and shut them up in his 
 sanctuary; sometimes he would engrave his name upon their figures and 
 send them back to their respective temples, where the sight of them 
 
 ' For the " terrestrial mountain," cf. what is said in Bawn of Civilization, pp. 543, 544. The 
 name of this temple is met with for the first time in the inscription of Kamman-nirari I., discovered 
 by G. Smith (H. Rawlinson, Can. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 45, verso, 1. 28). 
 
 " Bricks in the British Museum found at Kalah-Shergat, bearing the names of Samsiramman 
 (H. Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 6, Nos. 1, 2) and of Irishum (H. Rawlinson, op. cit.r 
 vol. i. pi. 6, No. 2 ; cf. Scheader, AUeste Assyrische Inschriften, in the Keil. Bibliotheh, vol. i. pp. 2, 3). 
 
 » Another name of the town in later times was Palbeki. " the town of the old empire," " the ancient 
 capital," or Shauru (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 254, 255). Many Assyriologists believe 
 that the name Ashur, anciently written Aushar, signified "the plain at the edge of the water," 
 a+ushar ; and that it must have been applied to the town before being applied to the country and the 
 god (Fe. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 252-254 ; Hosimel, Gesch. Bah. und Assyriens, pp. 280, 
 479). Others, on the contrary, think, with more reason, that it was the god who gave his name to the 
 town and the country (Scheadee, Die Keilinschri/ten und das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., pp. 35-37); 
 they make a point of the very ancient play of words, which in Assyria itself attributed the meaning 
 " good god " to the word Ashur (Oppert, Grande Inscription du Palais de Khorsabad, in the Journal 
 Asiatique, 1865, vol. vi. p. 237). Jensen was the first to state that Ashur was the god Anshar of the 
 account of the creation (Ueber einige Sumero-Aklcadisehe und Bab.-Assyrische Gotternamen, in the- 
 Zeitschrift, vol. i. pp. 1-7, and Die Kosmologie, p. 275). Against this opinion, cf. Schradeb, Bemer- 
 kungen zu D'' Jensen, etc., in tlie Zeitschrift, vol. i. pp. 209-217; Schrader had, however, traced the 
 same connection in Die Keilinschriflen und das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., p. 36. Jensen's opinion has 
 been adopted by Hommel {Gesch. Bab. und Assyriens, p. 492, note 2), by Sayce {The Religion of the 
 Ancient Babylonians, pp. 125, 126), and by Tiele (Ge«c7t. der Religion im Altertum, vol. i. p. 186). 
 
 * See the picture of Assur, drawn by Faucher-Gudin at the head of the present chapter, p. 567 ; 
 cf. Layaed, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 21. I have used, in describing the god, the very 
 words of the inscriptions, pulkhu adiru milam Ashur, " the fear inspired by the splendour of Ashur " 
 {Inscription of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 1. 38), namrisi Ashur, "the fearful brightness of Assur" 
 {Annals of Assurhanipal, Rassam Cylinder, col. i. 1. 48). 
 
 ^ In one of the pictures, for instance, 'representing the assault of a town, we see a small figure of 
 the god, hurling darts against the enemy (Layabd, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 19). The inscrip- 
 tions also state that the peoples " are alarmed and quit their cities before the arms of Assur, the 
 powerful one" {Annals of Samsiramman, col. iii. 11. 28-30). 
 
TEE GOD ASSUJt AND EIS ISETAR. 
 
 603 
 
 his own omnipotence.^ The goddess 
 
 would remind their worshippers of 
 associated with him as 
 his wife had given her 
 name, Nina, to Nine- 
 veh,^ and was, as the 
 companion of the Chal- 
 daean Bel, styled the 
 divine lady Belit; she 
 was, in fact, a chaste and 
 warlike Ishtar, who led 
 the armies into battle 
 with a boldness charac- 
 teristic of her father.^ 
 These two divinities 
 formed an abstract and 
 solitary pair, around 
 whom neither story nor 
 myth appears to have 
 gathered, and who never 
 became the centre of 
 any complex belief. 
 Assur seems to have 
 had no parentage assigned to him, no statue erected to him, and he was 
 
 ' As, for instance, the statues of the gods taken from the Arabs in the time of Esarhaddon (CyUnilert 
 A and C, col. iii. 11. 7-12). Tiglath-pileser I. had carried awuy twentj -five statues of gods taken from 
 the peoples of Kurkhi and Kummukh, and had jdaced them in tlie temples of Beltis, Ishtar, Ann, and 
 Bamm&n (Annalg,co\. iv. 11. 32-39); ho mentions other foreign divinities who had been similarly 
 treated, in the Annals, col. ii. 1. 31, col. iii. 1. 106, col. iv. 1. 23, col. vi. 11. 8-10. 
 
 ' The ideogram of the name of tJio goddess Ninii serves to write the name of the town Xineveh 
 (Oppert, Sur quelques-unet des Inscriptions cun^iformes d^cotivertes en Chaldie, in the Aclcs dit Congrig 
 de Leyden, vol. ii. p. 628). The name itself has been interpreted by Sclirader us " station, habitation " 
 (Die Keilinschriften und das AUe Testament, 2nd edit., p. 102), in the Semitic languages, and by 
 Fr. Delitzsch "repose of the god " (cf. LIojimel, Die Semitischen VSlker und Sprache. vol. i. pp. 382^ 
 492, 493, and Gesch. Bab.und Assyriens, p. 280), an interpretation whicli Delitzsch himself repudiated 
 later on {Wo lag das Parodies / p. 260). It is probable that the town, which, like Assur, was a 
 Chaldaean colony, derived its name from the goddess to wliom it was dedicated, and whose temple existed 
 there as early as the time of the vicegerent Samsiramm4n (G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 247-249). 
 
 ' Belit is called by Tiglath-pileser I. " the great sjwuse beloved of Assur "(ilnHoZn, col. iv. 11.34,35; 
 cf. K, 100, 1. 5, in Sayoe, The Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, p. 128, note), but Belit, " the lady." 
 is here merely an epithet used for Ishtar (Delitzsch-IMurdter, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., 2nd edit., 
 pp. 108, 109). For the C'halda;aii Ishtar, see Daion of Civilization, pp. 658, 070, 072, 693. et seq. : the 
 Assyrian Ishtar, Ishtar of Assur {Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iv. 1. 36, col. vi. 11. 86, 87), Ishtar 
 of Nineveh {Annals of Assurnazirpal, col. iii. 11. 91. 9'2), or rather— especially from the time of the 
 Sargonids — Ishtar of Arbeles, is almost always a fierce and warlike Ishtar, the " lady of combat, who 
 directs battles" {Annals of Tiglath-pileser 7, col. i. II. 13, 14), " whose heart incites her to the combat 
 and the struggle" {Annals of Assurhanipal, Cylinder B, col. v. II. 52-76). Sayce thinks that the 
 union of Ishtar and Assur is of a more recent date {The Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, pp. 123, 
 126, 127, 271, et seq.). 
 
 * Drawn by Fauchor-Qudin, from squeezes brought back by M. de Morgan ; cf. J. de MoRGANr 
 
 KlIIOl; BKINOlNl 
 
 )NQUE111NG KING.* 
 
■604 
 
 TEE BISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 not associated with the crowd of other divinities ; on the contrary, he was called 
 their lord, their " peerless king," and, as a proof of his supreme sovereignty over 
 them, his name was inscribed at the head of their lists, before those of the 
 -triads constituted by the Chaldfean priests — even before those of Anu, Bel, and 
 Ea.^ The city of Assur, which had been the first to tender him allegiance for 
 many years, took precedence of all the rest, in spite of the drawbacks with 
 which it had to contend. Placed at the very edge of the Mesopotamian 
 desert, it was exposed to the dry and burning winds which swept over the 
 plains, so that by the end of the spring the heat rendered it almost intolerable 
 as a residence. The Tigris, moreover, ran behind it, thus leaving it exposed 
 io the attacks of the Babylonian armies, unprotected as it was by any natural 
 fosse or rampart. The nature of the frontier was such as to afford it no safe- 
 guard ; indeed, it had, on the contrary, to protect its frontier, Nineveh, on the 
 other hand, was entrenched behind the Tigris and the Zab, and was thus secure 
 from any sudden attack. Northerly and easterly winds prevailed during the 
 summer, and the coolness of the night rendered the heat during the day more 
 bearable. It became the custom for the kings and vicegerents to pass the most 
 trying months of the year at Nineveh, taking up their abode close to the temple 
 ■of Nina, the Assyrian Ishtar, but they did not venture to make it their habitual 
 residence, and consequently Assur remained the official capital and chief sanc- 
 tuary of the empire. Here its rulers concentrated their treasures, their archives, 
 their administrative offices, and the chief staff of the army ; from this town they 
 ■set out on their expeditions against the Cossasans of Babylon or the mountaineers 
 of the districts beyond the Tigris, and it was in this temple that they dedicated 
 to the god the tenth of the spoil on their return from a successful campaign.^ 
 
 The struggle with Chaldaea, indeed, occupied the greater part of their 
 energies, though it did not absorb all their resources, and often left them 
 times of respite, of which they availed themselves to extend their domain 
 to the north and east. We cannot yet tell which of the Assyrian sove- 
 •xeigns added the nearest pi'ovinces of the Upper Tigris to his realm; but 
 when the names of these districts appear in history, they are already in a 
 state of submission and vassalage, and their principal towns are governed 
 hj Assyrian officers in the same manner as those of Singara and Nisibe. 
 
 Mission scientifique en Perse, vol. ii. p. 109. It is a monument of Anubanini, King of Lulume, 
 •mentioned on p. G06 of the present volume. 
 
 > For the kingly character of the god Assur, cf, Sayce, Tlie lieligion of the Ancient Babylonians, 
 pp. 122-129, where he is compared with the lahveh of the Israelites ; Delitzsoh-Muedter, Gescli. Bab. 
 ■und Aug., 2nd edit., pp. lOG-108, and Tiele, Gesch. der Religion im Altertum, vol. i. pp. 185-188. 
 
 2 We owe nearly all our information with regard to the local history of Nineveh during this ancient 
 period to G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 242-252. The majority of scholars now admit that the 
 town of Nina, mentioned by Gudea and the vicegerents of Telloh, was a quarter of, or neighbouring 
 borough of, Lagaih (cf. Dawn of Civilization, p. 603, note 5), and had nothing in common with Nineveh, 
 jn spite of Hommel's assumption to the contrary {Gescli. Bah. und Ass., pp. 280, 327, 328, 489, 490, 
 where the name of the goddess is read Ghanna, and that of the town Ghanna-ki). 
 
WARS AGAINST CHALD^A. 60& 
 
 A VILLAGE IN THE MOUNTAIN DISlitlCTS OF TUE OLD ASSYUIAN KINGDOM.' 
 
 Assuruballit, the conqueror of the Cossseans, had succeeded in establish- 
 ing his authority over the turbulent hordes of Shubari which occupied the 
 neighbourhood of the Masios, between the Khabur and the Balikh, and ex- 
 tended perhaps as far as the Euphrates; at any rate, he was considered 
 by posterity as the actual founder of the Assyrian empire in these districts.'* 
 Belnirari had directed his efforts in another direction, and had conquered 
 the petty kingdoms established on the slopes of the Iranian table-land, around 
 the sources of the two Zabs, and those of the Radanu and the Turnat.'' Like 
 Susiana, this part of the country was divided up into parallel valleys, separated 
 from each other by broken ridges of limestone, and watered by the tributaries 
 of the Tigris or their affluents. It was thickly strewn with walled towns and 
 villages ; the latter, perched upon the precipitous mountain summits, and 
 surrounded by deep ravines, owed their security solely to their position, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a drawing by Pfcrc Durand, lent by Poro Scheil. 
 
 ' It is called, in an inscription of his great-grandson, Rammun-niriri I., the powerful king " who 
 reduced to servitude the forces of the vast country of Shubari, and who enlarged the territory and 
 limits" of Assur (11. Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. IF. As., vol, iv. pi. 44, recto, 11. 32-154 ; Scheil, Inscription 
 de liamviawiirari I., in the liecueil de Travaux, vol. xv. p. 139, 11. 23, 24 ; and J. Jastuow, The two 
 Copies of Rammannirari's Inscription, in the Zeitschrift, vol. x. pp. 35-48 : cf. Pognon, Inscription de 
 Mgrou-n€rar I., King of Assyria, pp. 12, 19, 78, 79 ; Peisek, Die Steinplatteninschrift Rantman- 
 nirdrVs I., in the Kcilinschriftliche Bihliothek, vol. i. pp. 6, 7 ; Oppert, Adadnirar roi d'Ellassar, 
 Extrait des Comptcs rendus de I'Acadtfnie des Inscriptions, 1893, pp. 9, 13). For the country of 
 Shubari, Shubartu, see p. 59G, note 3, of the present work. 
 
 ' The inscription of Ramma,n-nira.ri I. styles liim the prince " who crushes the army of the Cossseans, 
 he whose hand unnerves the enemy, and who enlarges the territory and its limits" (Redo, 11. 24-27). 
 The Cossseans mentioned in tliis passage are usually taken to be the Cossajan kings of Babylon 
 (HoMMEL, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 499, 500), and not the mountain tribes. 
 
€06 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 and, indeed, needed no fortification. The country abounded in woods and 
 pastures, interspersed with cornlands ; access to it was gained by one or two 
 passes on the eastern side, which thus permitted caravans or armies to reach 
 the districts lying between the Erythraean and Caspian Seas. The tribes who 
 inhabited it had been brought early under Chaldsean civilization, and bad 
 adopted the cuneiform script; sucb of their monuments as are still extant 
 resemble the bas-reliefs and inscriptions of Assyria.^ It is not always easy 
 to determine the precise locality occupied by these various peoples ; the Guti 
 were situated near the upper courses of the Turnat and the Kadanu, in the 
 vicinity of the Kasbshu ; ^ the Lulume had settled in the neighbourhood of 
 the Batir, to the north of the defiles of Zohab ; ^ the Namar separated the 
 Lulume from Elam, and were situated half in the plain and half in the moun- 
 tain,* while the Arapkha occupied both banks of the Great Zab. Budilu carried 
 his arms against these tribes, and obtained successes over the Turuki and the 
 Nigimkhi, the princes of the Guti and the Shuti, as well as over the Akhlami 
 and the lauri.^ The chiefs of the Lulume had long resisted the attacks of 
 their neighbours, and one of them, Anubanini, had engraved on the rocks 
 overhanging the road not far from the village of Seripul, a bas-relief cele- 
 brating his own victories. He figures on it in full armour, wearing a turban 
 on his head, and treading underfoot a fallen foe, while Ishtar of Arbeles leads 
 
 ' Pinches lias published an inscription of a king of Khani, named Tukultimir, son of Ilushaba, 
 written in Chaldeo-Assyrian, and found in the temple of Shamash at Sippara, where the personage 
 himself had dedicated it {Babylonian Art illustrated by M. A. Rassam's latest discoveries, in the 
 Transactions of the Soc. of Bibl. Arch., vol. viii. pp. 351-353). Winckler gives another inscription of 
 a king of the Guti (Fine neu-veroffentlichte Inschri/t eines unbehannten Konigs, in the Zeitschrift, 
 vol. iv. p. 406), wliich is also in Semitic and in cuneiform character. 
 
 ^ The name is written sometimes Quti, at others Guti, which induced Pognon to believe that they 
 were two diiferent peoples (^Inscription de M€rou-n€rar 1., p. 78, note 1) : the territory occupied by 
 this nation must have been originally to the east of the Lesser Zab, in the upper basins of the Adhem 
 and the Diyaleh (Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 233, 234). Oppert proposes to recognise iu 
 these Guti " the ancestors of the Goths, who, fifteen hundred years ago, pushed forward to theEussia 
 of the present day : we find " (he adds), " iu this passage and in others, some of which go back to the 
 third millennium before the Christian era, the earliest mention of the Germanic races " (^Adad-nirar, 
 King of Ellassar, p. 18). 
 
 ' The people of Lulume-Lullubi have been pointed out as living to the east of the Lesser Zab by 
 Schrader {Keilinschriften und GeschicMsforschung, pp. 270, 271) ; their exact position, together with 
 that of Mount Padir-Batir in whose neighbourhood they were, has been determined by Pere Scheil 
 (Les deux Steles de ZoMb, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. pp. 104, 105). 
 
 * For the locality of Namar, see the observations of Boscawen, The Horses of Namar, in the 
 Babylonian and Oriental Record, vol. vi. pp. 139, 140. 
 
 ' Inscription of Rammdn-nirdri I., recto, 11. 14-22. For the Guti, see supra, note 2 of this page ; 
 the Shutu or Shuti, who are always found in connection with the Guti, appear to have been the 
 inhabitants of the lower mountain slopes which separate the basin of the Tigris with the regions of 
 Elam, to the south of Turnat (Fe. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? pp. 234, 235). The Akblame 
 were neighbours of the Shuti and the Guti; they were settled partly in the Mesopotamian plain and 
 partly in the neighbourhood of Turnat (Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 432). The territory of the 
 lauri is not known; the Turuki and the Nigimkhi, the latter of whom are called Nisikhkhi by 
 Oppert, Adad-nirar, roi d' Ellassar, pp. 9, 13, and Nigimti by Winckler, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 158, 
 were probably situated somewhere to the east of the Great Zab : in the same way that Oppert connects 
 the Goths with the Guti, so Hommel sees in the Turuki the Turks of a very early date (Gesch. Bab. 
 und Assyriens, p. 501). 
 
ramman-nirari and SBALMANESER I. 
 
 607 
 
 towards him a long file of naked captives, bound ready for sacrifice.' The 
 resistance of the Lulume was, however, finally overcome by 
 Ramman-nirari, the son of Budilu ; he strengthened the suzerainty 
 gained by his predecessor over the Guti, the Cossseans, and the 
 Shubarti, and he employed the spoil taken from them in beau- 
 tifying the temple of Assur.-^ He had occasion to spend some 
 time in the regions of the Upper Tigris, warring against the 
 Shubari, and a fine bronze sabre belonging to him has been found 
 near Diarbekir, among the ruins of the ancient Amidi, where, no 
 doubt, he had left it as an offering in one of the temples.'' . 
 
 He was succeeded by Shalmanuasharid,^ better known to us 
 as Shalmaneser I., one of the most powerful sovereigns of this 
 heroic age of Assyrian history. His reign seems to have been 
 one continuous war against the various races then in a state of 
 ferment on the frontiers of his kingdom. He appears in the 
 main to have met with success, and in a few years had doubled 
 the extent of his dominions.'^ His most formidable attacks were 
 directed against the Aramaeans of Mount Masios, whose numerous 
 tribes had advanced on one side till they had crossed the Tigris, 
 while on the other they had pushed beyond the river Balikh, and 
 
 ' MoBGAN-ScHEiL, ie« deuz Steles de Zohab, in the Becueil de Travaux, vol. xiii. 
 l)p. 100-107; cf. Heuzey, Sculpture rupegtre de Cheikh khan relev€e par le Capi- 
 taine Lion Berger, in the Bevue d'Assyriologie et d' Arelifdogie Oritntale, vol. ii. 
 pp. 115-120. 
 
 ^ Imcription of Ramman-nirari I., recto, II. 3-5; cf. Pogkox, Inscription de 
 Mirou-nerar I., pp. 8, 19 ; Peiser, Die Steinplatteninschrijt Ramman-nirari^ s I., in 
 the Keilingchri/tliche Bibliothek, vol. i. pp.4, 5 ; Oi-pebt, Adad-nirar, etc., pp. 9, 12, 
 18. The document which has preserved tlio record of these facts mentions the 
 restoration of two of the gates of the temple of Assur (recto, 11. 35, 3G, remo, 11. 1-S). 
 
 ' BoscAWEN, Notes on an Ancient Assyrian Bronze Sword bearing a Cuneiform 
 Inscription, in the Transactions of tlie Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iv. pp. 347, 348. 
 
 * Shulmuuu-asharid, or Shulmdnu-asharid, signifies " tlio god Shulm&nu (Slial- 
 miinu) is prince," as Pinches was the first to point out (IVis Babylonian Kings of 
 the Second Period, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc , 1882-84, vol. vi. 
 )). 198 ; cf. ScHRADEU, Der Assyrische KGnigsname Salmanastar, in the Zeitschrifl fur sabrS op 
 
 Keilforschung, vol. ii. pp. 197-204). bammIn^nikari"!. 
 
 ' Some of the details of these campaigns have been preserved on the mucli- 
 mutilated obelisk of Assur-nazir-pal, published in H. Rawlinson, Can. Ins. W. As., 
 vol. i. pi. 28, and vol. iii. pi. 4, No. 1. This was a compilation taken from the Annals of Assyria to 
 celebrate the important acts of the king's ancestors. The events recorded in the third column 
 (Pinches, Guide to the Kouyunjik Gallery, p. 122) were at first attributed to the reign of Tiglatb- 
 pileser I. (G. Smith, On Fragments of an Inscription giving part of the Chronology, etc., in the Trans- 
 actions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 366, 367); Fr. Delitzscli was the first to recognise that 
 they could be referred to the reign of this Shalmaneser (Die Sprachc der Kossxer, p. 10, note 9), and 
 his opinion is now admitted by most of the Assyriologists who have studied the question (Hommei., 
 Gesch. Bab.und Assyriens, pp. 437,438, 505-508; WiacKLr.ii, Allorientalische Forschungen, pp. 110, 127, 
 129, 137; HiLPRECHT, The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 32, 33). 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the sketch published in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. 
 Soc, vol. iv., plate facing p. 347. 
 
608 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 had probably reached the Euphrates.^ He captured their towns one after 
 another, razed their fortresses, smote the agricultural districts with fire and 
 sword, and then turned upon the various peoples who had espoused their 
 cause — the Kirkhu, the Euri, the Kharrin,^ and the Muzri, who inhabited 
 the territory between the basins of the two great rivers ; ^ once, indeed, he 
 even crossed the Euphrates and ventured within the country of Khanigalbat, 
 a feat which his ancestors had never even attempted.* He was recalled by a 
 revolt which had broken out in the scattered cities of the district of Dur- 
 Kurigalzu ; he crushed the rising in spite of the help which Kadash-manburiash, 
 King of Babylon, Ijad given to the rebels,^ and was soon successful in subduing 
 the princes of Lulume.^ These were not the raids of a day's duration, under- 
 taken, without any regard to the future, merely from love of rapine or adventure. 
 Shalmaneser desired to bring the regions which he annexed permanently under 
 the authority of Assyria, and to this end he established military colonies 
 in suitable places, most of which were kept up long after his death.'' He 
 seems to have directed the internal affairs of his kingdom with the same 
 
 ' The identity of the Arami (written also Armaya, Arumi, Arimi) with the Aramaeans, admitted 
 by the earlier Assyriologists, Eawlinson, Oppert, Hincks, Talbot (cf., latterly, 'Honv.is, Assyrian Did.y 
 vol. i. p. 52, and Finzi, Ricerclie per lo Studio dell' Antichita Assira, pp. 206-212), is still universally 
 accepted (Fr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? pp. 257, 258 ; Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., p. 507 ; 
 WiNCKLER, Gesch. Israels, vol. i. p. 136). 
 
 2 Tlie people of the country of Kilkhi, or Kirkhi, the Kurkhi, occupied the region between the 
 Tigris at Diarbekir and the mountains overlooking the lake of Urumiah (Schrader, Keilinschriflen, 
 etc., pp. 145-147 ; Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 522). The position of the Ruri is not known, 
 but it is certain that on one side they joined the Aramaeans, and that they were in the neighbourhood 
 of Tushklian (Annals of Assurnazirpal, col. ii. 11. 2-8). Kharran is the Harran of the Balikh, 
 mentioned on pp. 26, 27 of the present work. 
 
 ' The name of Muzri frequently occurs, and in various positions, among the countries mentioned 
 by the Assyrian conquerors (Oppert, Histoire des Empires de Chald^e et d'Assyrie, pp. 52, 109; 
 Fr. Lenormant, Sur une prAendue mention de VUgyple dans un texts assyrien, in the Zeitschrift, 1870, 
 pp. 21-24, 71, 72 ; Schrader, Das Balctrische Kamel und das ostliche Land Musri der Keilinschriften, 
 in the Zeils. der Dent. Morgenl. Ges., vol. xxiv. p. 436, et seq., and Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung,. 
 pp. 246-282) : the frequency of its occurrence is easily explained if, according to Hommel (Gesch. Bah. 
 und Ass., p. 530, note 2), we are to regard it as a purely Assyrian term used to designate the military 
 confines or marches of the kingdom at different epochs of its history. The Muzri here in question is 
 the borderland situated in the vicinity of Cilicia (Tiele, Bab.-Assyrische Gesch., p. 201), probably the 
 Sophene and the Gumathene of classical geographers : Winckler appears to me to exaggerate their 
 importance when he says they were spread over the whole of Northern Syria as early as the time of 
 Shalmaneser I. (Alitestamentliche Untersuchungen, p. 172). 
 
 * Khanigalbat is the name of the province in which Milid was placed (Schrader, Keilinschriftert 
 und Geschichtsforschung, pp. 151, et seq., 530, 531) ; for the connection which has been attempted 
 between this name, transcribed Khani-ra6bat and translated " Khani the Great," and that of the 
 Khati, cf. what I have already stated, supra, p. 353. 
 
 * In interpreting this passage I have followed the translation of G. Smith (On Fragments of an 
 Inscription giving part of the Chronology, etc., in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. iii. 
 pp. 366, 367), who appears to have read the text when in a less mutilated state than it is now m 
 (Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Assyriens, p. 437, note 2). 
 
 " This campaign against the people of Lulume is known to us through the fragmentary inscription 
 discovered by G. Smith at Kalah-Shergat (Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 248, 249 ; cf. Hommel, Gesch. 
 Bab. und Ass., pp. 504-507). . . 
 
 ' More than five centuries after the time of Shalmaneser I., Assurnazirpal makes mention in his 
 Annals (col. i. 11. 102, 103, col. ii. 11. 7, 8) of one of these colonies, established in the country of Diarbekir 
 at Khabziluklia (or Khabzidipkha), near to the town of Damdamua, not far from the sources of the 
 Sebbeneh-su (Schrader, Die Keilinschriften am Eingange des Quellgrotte des Sehheneh-Su, pp. 20-24). 
 
TUKULTI-NINIP I. TAKES BABYLON. 
 
 609 
 
 firmness and energy which he displayed in his military expeditions. It was 
 no light matter for the sovereign to decide on a change in the seat of govern- 
 ment ; he ran the risk of offending, not merely his subjects, but the god who 
 presided over the destinies of the State, and neither his throne nor his life 
 would have been safe had he failed in his attempt. Shalmaneser, however, did 
 not hesitate to make the change, once he was fully convinced of the drawbacks 
 presented by Assur as a capital. True, he beautified the city, restored its 
 temples, and permitted it to retain all its privileges and titles ; but having done 
 so, he migrated with his court to the town of Kalakh, where his descendants con- 
 tinued to reside for several centuries. His son Tukulti-ninip made himself master 
 of Babylon, and was the first of his race who was able to claim the title of King 
 of Sumir and Akkad. The Cossseans were still suffering from their defeat at the 
 hands of Eamman-nirari. Four of their princes had followed Nazimaruttash 
 on the throne in rapid succession — Kadashraanturgu, Kadashmanburiash, who 
 was attacked byShalmaneser,a certain Isammeti whose name has been mutilated, 
 and lastly, Shagaraktiburiash : Bibeiasdu, son of this latter, was in power at 
 the moment when Tukulti-ninip ascended the throne. War broke out between 
 the two monarchs, but dragged on without any marked advantage on one side 
 or the other, till at length the conflict was tem})orariIy suspended by a treaty 
 similar to others which had been signed in the course of the previous two or 
 three centuries.' The peace thus concluded might have lasted longer but for 
 an unforeseen catastrophe which placed Babylon almost at tlie mercy of her 
 rival. The Elamites had never abandoned their efibrts to press in every 
 conceivable way their claim to the supremacy, which, prior to Kharamurabi, 
 
 ' The passage from the Synchronous Hittory (col. ii. 11. 1, 2), republished by Winokler (I7nt«r- 
 suchungen zur AUorientalhchen Geschichte, p. 152, 3" recto, 11. 9, 10), contains the termination of the 
 mutilated name of a Babylonian king . . . ashu, which, originally left undecided by Winokler {Unler- 
 suchungen, p. 32), has been restored "Bibeiashu" byHilprecht, in the light of monuments discovered 
 at Nipur (The Babylonian Expedition of the Vnivertity of Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 11, and Aegyriaca, 
 vol. i. p. 85, et seq.), an emendation which has since tlien been accepted by Wincklcr (Altorienlali$che 
 Forschungen, pp. 109, 110, 123). Winokler, on his part, has restored the passage on the assumption that 
 the name of the King of Assyria engaged against Bibeiashu was Tukulti-ninip; then, combining this 
 fragment with that in the Pinches Clironicle, which deals with tiio taking of Babylon, he argues that 
 Bibeiashu was the king dethroned by Tukulti-ninip {AUorientalische Forschungen, pp. 123-127, 137). 
 An examination of the dates, in so fur ns they are at present known to us from the various documents, 
 seems to me to render tliis arrangement inadmissible. The Pinchet C7ironicZe practically tells us that 
 Tukulti-ninip reigned over Babylon for seven years, when the Chaldajaus revolted, and named Kamm&u- 
 sliumusur king (col. iii. 11. 7-'J). Now, the Babylonian Canon gives us the following reigns for this 
 epoch: Bibeiashu S years, Belnadinshumu / year (J months, Kadashmankharbe 1 year (i months, 
 Rammannadinshumu 6' years, Kammdnshumusur 30 years, or !> years between the end of the reign 
 of Bibeiashu and the beginning of that of llamm&nshumusur, instead of the 7 years given us by the 
 Pinches Chronicle for the length of the reign of Tukulti-ninip at Babylon. If wo reckon, as the only 
 documents known require us to do, seven years from the beginning of the reign of Kammanshumusur 
 to the date of the taking of Babylon, we are forced to admit that this took place in the reign of 
 Kadashmankharbe II., and, consequently, that the passage in the Synchronous llistory, in which 
 mention is made of Bibeiashu, must be interpreted as I have done in the text, by the hypothesis of 
 a war prior to that in which Babylon fell, which was followed by a treaty between tliis prince and 
 the King of Assyria. 
 
610 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 had been exercised by their ancestors over the whole of Mesopotamia ; they 
 swooped down on Karduniash with an impetuosity like that of the Assyrians, 
 and probably with the same alternations of success and defeat. Their king, 
 Kidinkhutrutash, unexpectedly attacked Belnadinshumu, son of Bibeiashu, 
 appeared suddenly under the walls of Nipur and forced the defences of Durilu 
 and Etimgarkalamma : Belnadinshumu disappeared in the struggle after a 
 reign of eighteen months. Tukulti-ninip left Belnadinshumu's successor, Ka- 
 dashmankharbe II., no time to recover from this disaster ; he attacked him in 
 turn, carried Babylon by main force, and put a number of the inhabitants to 
 the sword. He looted the palace and the temples, dragged the statue of Mero- 
 dach from its sanctuary and carried it off into Assyria, together with the badges 
 of supreme power ; then, after appointing governors of his own in the various 
 towns, he returned to Kalakh, laden with booty : he led captive with him 
 several members of the royal family — among others, Rammanshumusur, the 
 lawful successor of Bibeiashu. 
 
 This first conquest of Chaldsea did not, however, produce any lasting results. 
 The fall of Babylon did not necessarily involve the subjection of the whole 
 country, and the cities of the south showed a bold front to the foreign intruder, 
 and remained faithful to Kadashmankharbe ; on the death of the latter, some 
 months after his defeat, they hailed as king a certain Eammanshumnadin, 
 who by some means or other had made his escape from captivity. Eamman- 
 shumnadin proved himself a better man than his predecessors ; when Kidin- 
 khutrutash, never dreaming, apparently, that he would meet with any serious 
 resistance, came to claim his share of the spoil, he defeated him near Ishin, 
 drove him out of the districts recently occupied by the Elamites, and so 
 effectually retrieved his fortunes in this direction, that he was able to concen- 
 trate his whole attention on what was going on in the north. The effects of 
 his victory soon became apparent : the nobles of Akkad and Karduniash 
 declined to pay homage to their Assyrian governors, and, ousting them from 
 the offices to which they had been appointed, restored Babylon to the inde- 
 pendence which it had lost seven years previously. Tukulti-ninip paid dearly 
 for his incapacity to retain his conquests : his son Assurnazirpal I. conspired 
 with the principal officers, deposed him from the throne, and confined him in the 
 fortified palace of Kar-Tukulti-ninip, which he had built not far from Kalakh, 
 where he soon after contrived his assassination. About this time Rammanshum- 
 nadin disappears, and we can only suppose that the disasters of these last years 
 had practically annihilated the Cosssean dynasty, for Rammanshumusur, who 
 was a prisoner in Assyria, was chosen as his successor. The monuments tell us 
 nothing definite of the troubles which next befell the two kingdoms : we seem 
 to gather, however, that Assyria became the scene of civil wars, and that the 
 
BELKUDURUSUR AND TEE LAST OF THE COSS^ANS. 611 
 
 sons of Tukulti-ninip fought for the crown among themselves. Tukultiassurbel, 
 who gained the upper hand at the end of six years, set Eammanshumusur at 
 liberty, probably with the view of purchasing the support of the Clialdaeaus, but 
 he did not succeed in restoring his country to the position it had held under 
 Shalmaneser and Tukulti-ninip I.^ The history of Assyria presents a greater 
 number of violent contrasts and extreme vicissitudes tlian that of any otlier 
 Eastern people in the earliest times. No sooner had the Assyrians arrived, 
 thanks to the ceaseless efforts of five or six generations, at the very summit 
 of their ambition, than some incompetent, or perhaps merely unfortunate, king 
 appeared on the scene, and lost in a few years all the ground which had been 
 gained at the cost of such tremendous exertions : then the subject races would 
 rebel, the neighbouring peoples would pluck up courage and reconquer the 
 provinces whicli they had surrendered, till the dismembered empire gradually 
 shrank back to its original dimensions. As the fortunes of Babylon rose, those 
 of Nineveh suffered a corresponding depression : Babylon soon became so 
 powerful that Eammanshumusur was able to adopt a patronising tone in 
 his relations with Assurnirari 1. and Nabodainani, the descendants of Tukul- 
 tiassurbel, who at one time shared the throne together.'-' This period of 
 subjection and humiliation did not last long. Belkudurusur, who appears 
 on the throne not long after Assurnirari and his partner, resumed military 
 operations against the Cossajan;!, but cautiously at first ; and though he 
 fell in the decisive engagement, yet Kammanshumusur perished with him, 
 and the two states were thus simultaneously left rulerless. Milishikhu suc- 
 ceeded Kammanshumusur, and Ninipabalesharra filled the place of Belku- 
 durusur ; tlie disastrous invasion of Assyria by the Chaldajans, and their 
 subsequent retreat, at length led to an armistice, which, while it afforded 
 
 ' The sole authority for all these events is the Pinches Chronicle (col. ill. 11. 3-23). In classifying 
 them, I have accepted, in addition to the hypothesis put forward on p. 609, supra, Hommei's con- 
 jecture, put forward by Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 138, 139. The scribe must have 
 divided the events which took place during these years into two series. He first relates those which 
 refer to the relations of Babylon with Assyria (11. 3-13), then he comes to the events whicli took 
 place between Babylonia and Elara (II. 14-20). I have restored them to their proper order. C. 
 Niebuhr regards the name of Tukultiassurbel as being that of tlio Assyrian liinmu, under which the 
 events of the sixth year took [place ; the Babylonian author, unfamiliar with Assyrian usages, mis- 
 understood tiie text in which this person is mentioned, and takes him to be a king {Studien uiid 
 Bemerhungen zur Geschichte des Allen Orients, pp. 83-87). Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, 
 p. 269, n. 1, accepts Niobuhr's conjecture. 
 
 * All that we know of these two kings is contained in the copy, executed in the time of Assur- 
 banipal, of a letter addressed to them by Rammanshumusur, fragments of w hich have been published 
 by Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. pi. 4, No. 5. Tliey have been placed, at one time or another, 
 either at the beginning of Assyrian history before Assurbelnishishu (Mi:nan't, Annales des roit 
 d'Assyrie, p. 21 ; AVinckleh, Oesch. Bab. und Assyr., pp. 102, 103, 150, 157, 330, 331), or alter Tiglath- 
 pileser I., about the XI"' or X"', or oven the VIII"' century before our era (Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und 
 Ansyr., pp. 150, 422, n. 1, 639, n. 1, 645, 646 ; Tiele, Babyl.-Assyrische Gesch., pp. 166, 177). It has 
 since been discovered that the Rammansliumusur who wrote this letter wos the successor of Tukulti- 
 ninip I. in Chaldtoa (Bezold, Kurzgefasster Ueberblich, p. 20 ; Satce, Records of the Pant, 2ud series, 
 vol. ii. p. 207, vol. v. p. Ill, note 2; Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 124, 125, 136, 137). 
 
612 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 evidence of the indisputable superiority of Milishikhu, proved no less plainly • 
 the independence of his rival.^ Merodachabaliddina I. replaced Milishikhu, ' 
 Zamamashumiddin followed Merodachabaliddina : Assurdan I., son of Ninipaba- 
 lesharra, broke the treaty, captured the towns of Zaban, Irria, and Akarsallu, 
 and succeeded in retaining them. The advantage thus gained was but a 
 slight one, for these provinces lying between the two Zabs had long been 
 subject to Assyria, and had been wrested from her since the days of Tukulti- 
 ninip : however, it broke the run of ill luck which seemed to have pursued 
 her so relentlessly, and opened the way for more important victories.^ This 
 was the last Cosssean war ; at any rate, the last of which we find any mention 
 in history: Belnadinshumu II. reigned three years after Zamamashumiddin, 
 but when he died there was no man of his family whom the priests could 
 invite to lay hold of the hand of Merodach, and his dynasty ended with him. 
 It included thirty-six kings, and had lasted five hundred and seventy-six 
 years and six months.^ It had enjoyed its moments of triumph, and at one 
 time had almost seemed destined to conquer the whole of Asia; but it 
 appears to have invariably failed just as it was on the point of reaching the 
 goal, and it became completely exhausted by its victories at the end of every 
 two or three generations. It had triumphed over Elam, and yet Elam re- 
 mained a constant peril on its right. It had triumphed over Assyria, yet 
 Assyria, after driving it back to the regions of the Upper Tigris, threatened to 
 bar the road to the Mediterranean by means of its Masian colonies : were they 
 once to succeed in this attempt, what hope would there be left to those who 
 ruled in Babylon of ever after re-establishing the traditional empire of the 
 ancient Sargon and Khammurabi ? 
 
 The new dynasty sprang from a town in Pashe, the geographical position 
 
 ^ The Synchronous History, col. ii. 11. 3-5 ; cf. Satce, Tlie Synchronous History of Assyria and 
 Babylonia, in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. iv. p. 29, and Peisee-Wincklek, Die sogenannte 
 synchronistische Geschiehte, in Schbader, Keilinschriftliche Bihliothek, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, and 
 WiNCKLER, Altorientalische Forschungen, pp. 134, 135, whose interpretation I have here adopted. 
 
 ' The Synchronous History, col. ii. 11. 9-12 ; cf. Peiser-Winckler, Die sogenannte synchronistische 
 Geschiehte, pp. 19G, 197. 
 
 ' The followinr^ is a list of some of the kings of this dynasty according to the canon discovered by 
 Pinches {The Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, in tlie Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 
 1883-84, vol. vi. p. 196 ; cf Fr. Delitzsch, Assyrische Miscellen, in the Berichte of the Academy of 
 Sciences of Saxony, 1893, p. 186, and Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, vol. i. p. 60). 
 Kadashmanbdeiash ... 2 years Eammannadinshumu ... 6 years 
 
 Isamme[ . . . ]ti . . . . 6 years Rammanshumusce .... 30 years 
 
 Shagaeakibdeiash ... 13 years \ Milishikhu 15 years 
 
 BiBEiASHC 8 years Merodachabaliddina I. . . 13 years 
 
 BELNADiNSHDMU I. . . . 1 year 6 months Zamamashumiddin .... 1 year 
 
 Kadashmankhaebe II. . . 1 year 6 months | Belnadinshumu II 3 years 
 
 Hilprecht (The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 37, 38) and 
 Winckler (Altorientalische Forschungen, Tp. 133) agree entirely in the restorations of this list. For 
 the earlier part of it, see the incomplete tables given on pp. 119 and 594, supra. Belnadinshumu 
 must have died about 1150 b.c, within twenty years or so. 
 
THE DYNASTY OF PASHE. 
 
 613 
 
 of which is not known.^ It was of Babylonian origin, and its members placed, 
 at the beginning of their protocols, formula which were intended to indicate, 
 in the clearest possible manner, the source from which they sprang: they 
 declared themselves to be scions of Babylon, its vicegerents, and supreme 
 masters.^ The names of the first two we do not know: the third, Nebuchad- 
 rezzar, shows himself to have been one of the most remarkable men of all 
 those who flourished during this troubled era.^ At no time, perhaps, had 
 Chaldsea been in a more abject state, or assailed by more active foes. The 
 Elamite had just succeeded in wresting from her Namar, the region from 
 whence the bulk of her chariot-horses were obtained,* and this success had 
 laid the provinces on the left bank of the Tigris ^ open to their attacks. They 
 had even crossed the river, pillaged Babylon, and carried away the statue of 
 Bel and that of a goddess named Eria, the patroness t»f Khussi : " " Jlerodach, 
 
 ' The term Dynasty of Pashe occurs in the Koyal Canon (Pinchks, Babylonian Kings of the 
 Second Period, in the Proeeedingsoi Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1883-8i, vol. vi. p. I'JC). From a passage in the 
 list published by Rawunson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. ii. pi. 53, 1. 13 a, Sayce is led to think that Pashe 
 was one of the names of Ishin {The Dynastic Tablets and Chronicles of the Babylonians, in the 
 Record* of the Past, 2nd series, vol. i. p. 17). 
 
 ' HOMMEL, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 451. 
 
 • The names of the first eight kings have disappeared from the only copy we possess of the Royal 
 Canon (Pinches, Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, p. 190). Nebuchadrezzar I.'s place in the 
 series has, therefore, been the subject of much controversy. Several Assyriologists were from the 
 first inclined tu place him in the first or second rank, some being in favour of tho first (Hommel, 
 Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 448, 451 ; ^I. .Tastiiow, A Cylinder of Marduhtabihzirim, in 
 the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. iv. pp. 317, 318), others preferring the second (OprEiiT, La Non- 
 identity de Phul et de Tiglathphalasar, prouvie par les textes cuntiformes, in the Revue d'AsKyriologie, 
 vol. i. pp. 169, 170) ; Uelitzsch put him into the fifth place (Dkhtzscii-MCrdteb, Geschichte Babylo- 
 niens und Assyriens, 2nd edit., Tabelle), and Winckler, without pronouncing definitely on tho position 
 to be assigned him, thouglit he must come in about half-way down the dynasty {Untersuchungen 
 zur altorientalischen Geschichte, pp. 28, 29, and Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, j). 94). Hil- 
 precht, on taking up the questions, adduced reasons for supposing him to have been the founder of 
 the dynasty {The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pentisylvania, vol. i. pp. 39-44, und 
 Assyriaca, vol. i. pp. 20-32), and his conclusions have been adopted by Oppett (La Fondation consacr^e 
 ii la diesse Mind, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. vii. pp. 361-3GG) ; they have been disputed by 
 Tiele {Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. x. pp. 107-110), who wishes to put the king back to fourth 
 or fifth in order, and by Winckler, who places him fourth or fifth {Altorientalische Forschungen, 
 pp. 130, 131, 138, 26G-2G8 ; cf. Rogers, Outlines of the History of Early Babylonia, p. G4). It is 
 difficult, however, to accept Hilprecht's hypothesis, plausible though it is, so long as Assyriologists 
 who have seen the original tablet (Pincues, Babylonian Kings of the Second Period, p. 190 ; 
 SOHRADEB, Die Keilinschriftliche Babylonische Kdnigiliste, in the Silzungsberichte of the Berlin 
 Academy of Sciences, 1887, vol. xxxi. ; Bezold, in the Zeitschr.fur Ass., vol. iv. p. 317, note 1; Fu. 
 Delitzscu, Assyriidie Miscellen, in tho Berichle of the I.eipzig Academy of Sciences, 1893, p. 18G ; 
 Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, vol. i. p. GO) agree in declaring that the name of the 
 first king began with the sign of Merodach and not with that of Nebo, as it ought to do, were this 
 prince really our Nebuchadrezzar. 
 
 • As to the breed of horses referred to, cf. Boscawen, The Hortet of Namar, in the Babylonian and 
 Oriental Record, vol. vi. pp. 139, 140. 
 
 ' These facts are manifest from the events recorded in the Donation to Rittimerodach, published by 
 H. Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. v. pis. 55-57, translated and annotated by Hilpbecht, Freibrief 
 Nebukadnezar's I., 1883; by Pinches-Budge, On an Edict of Nebuchadnezzar I., about B.C. 1150, in 
 \kQ Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1883-84, vol. vi. pp. 144-170; and by Peiseb, InschrifUn 
 Nabulcadnezar's I., in Scubadeb, Keilinschriftliche Bibliotheh; vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 164-171. 
 
 • All this seems to be deducible from the facts mentioned in the Donation to Shamud and Shamai, 
 published by Aldeb-Smith, Assyrian Letters, iv. pis. viii., ix., translattd and annotated by Meissneb, 
 
614 
 
 THE BISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 sore angered, held, himself aloof from the country of Akkad ; " the kings 
 could no longer " take his hands " on their coming to the throne, and were 
 obliged to reign without proper investiture in consequence of their failure to 
 fulfil the rite required by religious laws.^ Nebuchadrezzar arose "in Babylon, 
 — roaring like a lion, even as Eamman roareth, — and his chosen nobles roared 
 like lions with him. — To Merodach, lord of Babylon, rose his prayer :— ' How 
 long, for me, shall there be sighing and groaning ? — How long, for my land, 
 weeping and mourning ? — How long, for my countries, cries of grief and 
 tears ? Till what time, O lord of Babylon, wilt thou remain in hostile 
 regions ? — Let thy heart be softened, and make Babylon joyful, — and let 
 thy face be turned toward Esbaggil which thou lovest ! ' " Merodach gave 
 ear to the plaint of his servant : he answered him graciously and promised 
 his aid.2 Namar, united as it had been with Chaldaea for centuries, did 
 not readily become accustomed to its new masters. The greater part of the 
 land belonged to a Semitic and Cossaean feudality, the heads of which, 
 while admitting their suzerain's right to exact military service from them, 
 refused to acknowledge any further duty towards him. The kings of Susa 
 declined to recognise their privileges : they subjected them to a poll-tax, 
 levied the usual imposts on their estates, and forced them to maintain at their 
 own expense the troops quartered on them for the purpose of guaranteeing 
 their obedience.^ Several of the nobles abandoned everything rather than 
 submit to such tyranny, and took refuge with Nebuchadrezzar : others entered 
 into secret negotiations with him, and promised to support him if he came to 
 their help with an armed force.* He took them at their word, and invaded 
 Namar without warning in the month of Tamuz, while the summer was at its 
 height, at a season in which the Elamites never even dreamt he would take 
 the field. The heat was intense, water was not to be got, and the army suffered 
 terribly from thirst during its forced march of over a hundred miles across a 
 
 Ein Freihrief Nebuhadnezar' s II., in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, vol. iv. pp. 259-267 ; afterwards 
 by Peiser, Inscliriflen Nehultadnezar's I, in Schradee, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, vol. iii. pt. 1, 
 pp. 172, 173. Meissner bad assigned this document to Nebuchadrezzar II.; Winckler restored 
 it to Nebuchadrezzar I. (4ms einem Briefe C. Bezold, in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. iv. 
 pp. 403, 404). 
 
 ' In regard to this ceremony, see what has been said above on p. 24. The Donation to Shamud 
 and Shamai,\l. 11, 12, informs us that Nebuchadrezzar "took the hands of Bel" as sooq as he 
 regained possession of the statue ; cf. Winckler, Aus einem Briefe an C. Bezold, in the Zeitschrift 
 fiir Assyriologie, vol. iv. pp. 403, 404, and on p. 615, supra. 
 
 ' A. BoissiER, JSIehuhadnezar h^, in the Revue Sgmitique, vol. ii. pp. 76-78. The tablet K 3426, 
 which is given in Boissier's text, is a copy executed in the time of Assurbanipal. 
 
 ' Shamua and Shamai "fled in like manner towards Karduniash, before the King of Elam" 
 (Donation to Shamud and Shamai, 11. 1-16) ; it would seem that Rittimerodach had. entered into secret 
 negotiations with Nebuchadrezzar, though this is nowhere explicitly stated in the text. 
 
 * Donation to Rittimerodach, col. i. 11. 45-60, and col. ii. 11. 1-5, where the immunities granted 
 to nobles by the Babylonian kings who occupied Namar are enumerated; these must evidently 
 have been withdrawn by the Elamite king, since Nebuchadrezzar found it necessary to restore 
 them. 
 
NEBUCHADREZZAR I. 
 
 615 
 
 parched-up country. One of the malcontents, Rittimerodach, lord of Bitkarzi- 
 abku, joined Nebuchadrezzar with all the men he could assemble, and together 
 they penetrated as far as Ulai. The King of Elam, taken by surprise, made no 
 attempt to check their progress, but collected his vassals and awaited their 
 attack on the banks of the river in front of Susa. Once "the fire" of the 
 combat " had been lighted between the opposing forces, the face of the sun 
 grew dark, the tempest broke forth, the whirlwind raged, and in this whirl- 
 wind of the struggle none of the characters could distinguish the face of his 
 neighbour." ' Nebuchadrezzar, cut off from bis own men, was about to sur- 
 render or be killed, when Eittimerodach flew to his rescue and brought him off 
 safely. In the end the Chaldseans gained the upper hand.^ The Elamites 
 renounced their claims to the possession of Namar, and restored the statues of 
 the gods : Nebuchadrezzar " at once laid hold of the hands of Bel," and thus 
 legalised his accession to the throne.^ Other expeditions against the peoples 
 of Lulume and against the Cossaeans restored his supremacy in the regions 
 of the north-east, and a campaign along the banks of the Euphrates opened 
 out the road to Syria.^ He rewarded generously those who had accompanied 
 him on his raid against Elam. After issuing regulations intended to maintain 
 the purity of the breed of horses for which Namar was celebrated,* he rein- 
 stated in their possessions Shamua and his son Shamai, the descendants of one 
 of the priestly families of the province, granting them in addition certain 
 domains near Upi, at the mouth of the Turuat. He confirmed Rittimerodach 
 in possession of all his property, and reinvested him with all the privileges of 
 which the King of Elam had deprived him. From that time forward the 
 domain of Bitkarziabku was free of the tithe on corn, oxen, and sheep ; it was 
 no longer liable to provide horses and mares for the exchequer, or to afford 
 free passage to troops in time of peace; the royal jurisdiction ceased on the 
 boundary of the fief, the seignorial jurisdiction alone extended over the inha- 
 bitants and their property. Chaldaean prefects ruled in Namar, at Khalman,'' 
 
 ' Donation to Bittimerodach, col. i. 11. 12-43. The description of the battle aa given in this docu- 
 ment is generally taken to be merely symbolical, and I have followed the current usage. But if we 
 bear in mind that the text lays emphasis on the drought and severity of the season, we are tempted 
 to agree with Pinches and Budge (On an Edict of Nebuchadnezzar I., in the Proceedingt, 1883-84, 
 vol. vii. p. 145) tliat its statements should be taken literally. The aflair may have been begun in a 
 cloud of dust, and have endeil in a downpour of rain so lieavy ns to partly blind the combatants. 
 The king was probably drawn away from his men in the confusion ; it was probably then that he was 
 in danger of being made prisoner, and that Kittimerodach, suddenly coming up, delivered Jiim from 
 the foes who surrounded him. 
 
 ' Donation to Shamua and Sliamai, 11. 7-14; cf. p. 613, note 4, supra. 
 
 " Donation to Rittimerodach, col. i. 11. 9, 10 ; cf. Hommel's remarks on this passage in the 
 
 Chaldaean text {Gegchiehte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 451, 452). 
 
 « BoscAWE\, ne Horses of Namar, iu the Bahijlonian and Oriental Record, vol. vi. pp. 139, 140, 
 » The Chaldsean prefect of Namar and the prefect of Khalmin are mentioned in the Donation to 
 
 Rittimerodach, col. i. 11. 52-55, and col. ii. 11. 10, 22, 23, 2S. 
 
616 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSTRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 and at the foot of the Zagros, and Nebuchadrezzar no longer found any to 
 oppose him save the King of Assyria. 
 
 The long reign of Assurdau in Assyria does not seem to have been dis- 
 tinguished by any event of importance either good or bad : it is true he won 
 several towns on the south-east from the Babylonians, but then he lost several 
 others on the north-west to the Mushku/ and the loss on the one side fully 
 balanced the advantage gained on the other. His son Mutakkilnusku lived 
 in Assur at peace,^ but his grandson, Assurishishi, was a mighty king, con- 
 queror of a score of countries, and the terror of all rebels ; he scattered the 
 hordes of the Akhlame and broke up their forces ; then Ninip, the champion 
 of the gods, permitted him to crush the Lulume and the Guti in their valleys 
 and on their mountains covered with forests.^ He made his way up to the 
 frontiers of Elam,* and his encroachments on territories claimed by Babylon 
 stirred up the anger of the Chaldaeans against him ; Nebuchadrezzar made 
 ready to dispute their ownership with him. The earlier engagements went 
 against the Assyrians ; they were driven back in disorder, but the victor lost 
 time before one of their strongholds, and, winter coming on before he could take 
 it, he burnt his engines of war, set fire to his camp, and retui:ned home. Next 
 year, a rapid march carried him right under the walls of Assur; then As- 
 surishishi came to the rescue, totally routed his opponent,^ captured forty of 
 his chariots, and drove him flying across the frontier. The war died out of 
 itself, its end being marked by no treaty : each side kept its traditional position 
 and supremacy over the tribes inhabiting the basins of the Turnat and Radanu. 
 
 ' HoMMEL, GesohicMe Bahyloniens und Asayriens, p. 510, has proved, by a very simple calculation, 
 that Assurdan must have been the king in whose reign the Mushku made the inroad into the basin 
 of the Upper Tigris and of the Balikb, which is mentioned in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. i. 
 11. 62-69; of. what is said on this point on p. 591, supra. These Annals, col. vii. 11. 49-54, are our 
 authority for stating that Assurdau was on the throne for a long period, though the exact length of 
 his reign is not known. 
 
 ^ Annals of Tiglath-pileser 1., col. vii. 11. 45-48. Mutakkilnusku himself has only left us one 
 inscription, in which he declares that he had built a palace in the city of Assyria (G. Smith, Assyrian 
 Discoveries, pp. 142, 251). 
 
 ' Votive Inscription of Assurishishi, 11. 6, 7 ; cf. H. Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. pi. 3, 
 No. 6, and Schbader, Insohrift Aschur-risch-ischi's, in the Eeilinschri/tliche Bihliotheh, vol. i. 
 pp. 12, 13. 
 
 * Smith discovered certain fragments of Annals (afterwards published by Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. 
 W. As., vol. iii. pi. 4, Nos. 1-5), which l)e attributed to Assurishishi (^Assyrian Discoveries, p. 232); 
 his view has been adopted by Hommel, Geschiehte Bahyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 511-513 : cf. Assyria- 
 logical Notes, in the Proceedings of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, 1893-94, vol. xvi. p. 211. The longest of 
 these tell, as we shall see, later on, of a campaign against Elam. Lotz attributed them to Tiglath- 
 pileser I. {Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' s I., 193, 194), and is supported in this by most Assyriologists of 
 the day (Wincklee, Die Inschriften Tiglath-pileser' s I., vol. i. pp. 26-29 ; Meissner, Der Elamitische 
 Feldzug Tiglatpileser's L, in the Zeitschrift fUr Assyriologie, vol. ix. pp. 101-104). 
 
 ' Synchronous History, col. ii. 11. 1-13 of the principal tablet ; cf. Peiseb-Winckler, Die sogen- 
 nannte synchronistische Geschiehte, in Schrader, EeilinschriftUche Bihliothek, vol. i. pp. 198, 199, and 
 Satce, The Synchronous History of Assyria and Babylonia, in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, 
 vol. iv. p. 30. 
 
THE LEGEND OF NINOS AND SEMIRAMIS. 
 
 617 
 
 The same names reappear in line after line of these mutilated Annals, and the 
 same definite enumerations of rebellious tribes who have been humbled or 
 punished. These kings of the plain, both Ninevite and Babylonian, were 
 continually raiding the country up and down for centuries without ever arriving 
 at any decisive result, and a detailed account of their various campaigns would 
 be as tedious reading as that of the cea,seless struggle between the Latins and 
 Sabines which fills the opening pages of Koman history. Posterity soon grew 
 weary of them, and, misled by the splendid position wiiich Assyria attained 
 when at the zenith of its glory, set itself to fabricate splendid antecedents for 
 the majestic empire established by the later dynasties. The legend ran that, 
 at the dawn of time, a chief named Ninos had reduced to subjection one after 
 the other — Babylonia, Media, Armenia, and all the provinces between the 
 Indies and the Mediterranean. He built a capital for himself on the banks of 
 the Tigris, in the form of a parallelogram, measuring a hundred and fifty stadia 
 in length, ninety stadia in width ; altogether, the walls were four hundred and 
 eighty stadia in circumference. In addition to the Assyrians who formed the 
 bulk of the population, he attracted many foreigners to Nineveh, so that in a 
 few years it became the most flourishing town in the whole world. An inroad 
 of the tribes of the Oxus interrupted his labours : Ninos repulsed the invasion, 
 and, driving the barbarians back into Bactria, laid siege to it ; here, in the 
 tent of one of his captains, he came upon Semiramis, a woman whose past was 
 shrouded in mystery. She was said to be the daughter of an ordinary mortal 
 by a goddess, the Ascalonian Derketo. Exposed immediately after her birth, 
 she was found and adopted by a shepherd named Simas, and later on her beauty 
 aroused the passion of Oannes, governor of Syria. Ninos, amazed at the 
 courage displayed by her on more than one occasion, carried her off, made her 
 his favourite wife, and finally met his death at her hands. No sooner did she 
 become queen, than she founded Babylon on a far more extensive scale than 
 that of Nineveh. Its walls were three hundred and sixty stadia in length, 
 with two hundred and fifty lofty towers, placed here and there on its circuit, 
 the roadway round the top of the ramparts being wide enough for six chariots 
 to drive abreast. She made a kind of harbour in the Euphrates, threw a bridge 
 across it, and built quays one hundred and sixty stadia in length ^aloug its 
 course ; in the midst of the town she raised a temple to Bel. This great work 
 was scarcely finished when disturbances broke out in Media ; these she promptly 
 repressed, and set out on a tour of inspection through the whole of her pro- 
 vinces, with a view to preventing the recurrence of similar outbreaks by her 
 presence. Wherever she went she left records of her passage behind her, 
 cutting her way through mountains, quarrying a pathway through the solid 
 
THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 rock, making broad highways for herself, bringing 
 rebellious tribes beneath her yoke, and raising 
 
 tumuli to mark the tombs of such 
 of her satraps as fell beneath the 
 blows of the enemy. She built 
 Ecbatana in Media, Semiramocarta 
 
 THE DOVE-GODDESS. 
 
 on Lake Van in Armenia, and Tarsus in 
 Cilicia ; then, having reached the confines of 
 Syria, she crossed the isthmus, and conquered 
 
 Egypt and Ethiopia. The far-famed wealth of India recalled her from the 
 banks of the Nile to those of the Euphrates, en route for the remote east, but 
 at this point her good fortune forsook her : she was defeated by King Strato- 
 bates, and returned to her own dominions, never again to leave them. She 
 had set up triumphal stelae on the boundaries of the habitable globe, in the 
 very midst of Scythia, not far from the laxartes, where, centuries afterwards, 
 Alexander of Macedon read the panegyric of herself which she had caused 
 to be engraved there. " Nature," she writes, " gave me the body of a woman, 
 but my deeds have put me on a level with the greatest of men. I ruled over 
 the dominion of Nines, which extends eastwards to the river Hinaman, south- 
 wards to the countries of Incense and Myrrh, and nortliwards as far as the 
 Sacae and Sogdiani. Before my time no Assyrian had ever set eyes on the 
 sea : I have seen four oceans to which no mariner has ever sailed, so far remote 
 are they. I have made rivers to flow where I would have them, in the places 
 where they were needed ; thus did I render fertile the barren soil by watering 
 it with my rivers. I raised up impregnable fortresses, and cut roadways through 
 the solid rock with the pick. I opened a way for the wheels of my chariots in 
 places to which even the feet of wild beasts had never penetrated. And, 
 amidst all these labours, I yet found time for my pleasures and for the society 
 of my friends." On discovering that her son Ninyas was plotting her assassina- 
 tion, she at once abdicated in his favour, in order to save him from committing 
 a crime, and then transformed herself into a dove ; this last incident betrays 
 the goddess to us. Niuos and Semiramis are purely mythical, and their mighty 
 deeds, like those ascribed to Ishtar and Grilgames, must be placed in the same 
 category as those other fables with which the Babylonian legends strive to fill 
 up the blank of the prehistoric period.'-^ 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the sketch published in Longperier, (Euvres, vol. i. p. 276, Schlum- 
 bergee's edition ; of. Perrot-Chipiez, Eistoire de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. ii. p. 584. 
 
 2 The legend of Nines and Semiramis is taken from Diodorus Siculus, ii. 1-20, who reproduces, 
 often word for word, the version of Ctesias (Ctesix Cnidii Fragmenta, ed. MOller-Didot, pp. 12-33). 
 As to the relation of Semiramis to the Babylonian legend, of. the antiquated work by Fr. Lenokmant, 
 La Legende de Semiramis, 1872 ; this ought to be now brought up to date by the addition of what we 
 know concerning tlie adventures of Ishtar with Gilgames and other Chaldseau demigods (cf. what is 
 said on this point by Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, 2nd edit., pp. 580-582). 
 
THE BACE AND ITS POLITICAL CONSTITUTION. 619 
 
 AS ASSYKIAN.' 
 
 The real facts were, as we know, far less 
 brilliant and less extravagant than those sup- 
 plied by popular imagination. It would be a 
 mistake, however, to neglect or despise them 
 on account of their tedious monotony and 
 the insignificance of the characters who appear 
 on the stage. It was by dint of fighting her 
 neighbours again and again, without a single 
 day's respite, that Kome succeeded in forging 
 the weapons with which she was to conquer 
 the world ; and any one who, repelled by their 
 tedious sameness, neglected to follow the his- 
 tory of her early struggles, would find great 
 difficulty in understanding how it came about 
 that a city wliich had taken centuries to subjugate 
 her immediate neighbours should afterwards overcome 
 all the states on the Mediterranean seaboard with such 
 magnificent ease. In much tlie same way the ceaseless 
 struggles of Assyria with the Chaldaeans, and with the mountain tribes of 
 the Zagros Chain, were unconsciously preparing Iier for those lightning-like 
 campaigns in which she afterwards overthrew all the civilized nations of the 
 East one after another. It was only at the cost of unparalleled exertions that 
 she succeeded in solidly welding together the various provinces within her 
 borders, and in kneading (so to speak) the many and diverse elements of her vast 
 population into one compact mass, containing in itself all that was needful for 
 its support, and able to bear the strain of war for several years at a time without 
 giving way, and rich enough in men and horses to provide the material for an 
 effective army without excessive impoverishment of her trade or agriculture. 
 Tiie race came of an old Semitic strain, somewhat crude as yet, and almost 
 entirely free from that repeated admixture of foreign elements which had 
 marred the purity of the Babylonian stock. The monuments show us a type 
 similar in many respects to that which we find to-day on the slopes of Singar, 
 or in the valleys to the east of BIossul.'-^ The figures on the monuments are 
 tall and straight, broad-shouldered and wide in the hips, the arms well developed, 
 the legs robust, with good substantial feet. The swell of the muscles on the 
 naked limbs is perhaps exaggerated, but this very exaggeration of the modelling 
 suggests the vigour of the model ; it is a heavier, more rustic type than the 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a painted bas-relief given iu Layaud, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 92. 
 
 ^ As to those nioderu Chaldasaus and the type which they now represent, cf. what is said by one 
 of the first travellers to come in contact with them during the present century, A. liicu, Residence in 
 Kurdistan, vol. i. p. 278. 
 
o20 TEE BISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Egyptian, promising greater strength and power of resistance, and ia so far an 
 indisputable superiority in the great game of war. The head is somewhat 
 small, the forehead low and flat, the eyebrows heavy, the eye of a bold almond 
 shape, with heavy lids, the nose aquiline, and full at the tip, with wide nostrils 
 terminating in a hard well-defined curve ; the lips are thick and full, the chin 
 bony, while the face is framed by the coarse dark wavy hair and beard, which 
 fell in curly masses over the nape of the neck and the breast. The expression 
 of the face is rarely of an amiable and smiling type, such as we find in the 
 statues of the Theban period or in those of the Memphite empire, nor, as a 
 matter of fact, did the Assyrian pride himself on the gentleness of his manners : 
 he did not overflow with love for his fellow-man, as the Egyptian made a 
 pretence of doing ; on the contrary, he was stifi'-necked and proud, without pity 
 for others or for himself, hot-tempered and quarrelsome like his cousins of 
 Chaldsea, but less turbulent and more capable of strict discipline. It mattered 
 not whether he had come into the world in one of the wretched cabins of a 
 fellah village, or in the palace of one of the great nobles ; he was a born soldier, 
 and his whole education tended to develop in him the first qualities of the 
 soldier — temperance, patience, energy, and unquestioning obedience ; he was 
 enrolled in an army which was always on a war footing, commanded by the god 
 Assur, and under Assur, by the king, the vicegerent and representative of the 
 god. His life was shut in by the same network of legal restrictions which con- 
 fined that of the Babylonians, and all its more important events had to be re- 
 corded on tablets of clay ; the wording of contracts, the formalities of marriage 
 or adoption, the status of bond and free, the rites of the dead and funeral 
 ceremonies, had either remained identical with those in use during the earliest 
 years of the cities of the Lower Euphrates, or differed from them only in their 
 less important details.^ The royal and municipal governments levied the same 
 taxes, used the same procedure, employed the same magistrates, and the grades 
 of their hierarchy were the same, with one exception. After the king, the 
 highest oflSce was filled by a soldier, the tartan who saw to the recruiting of 
 the troops, and led them in time of war, or took command of the staff-corps 
 whenever the sovereign himself deigned to appear on the scene of action.^ 
 The more influential of these functionaries bore, in addition to their other titles, 
 one of a special nature, which, for the space of one year, made its holder the 
 most conspicuous man in the country ; they became limmu, and throughout 
 
 ' In regard to all these points, cf. what is said in Maspeeo, Bawn of Civilization, p. 748, et seq., 
 2nd edit. 
 
 We can determine the rank occupied by the tartanu at court by the positions they occupy in the 
 lists of eponymous limmu : they invariably come next after the king — a fact which was noticed many 
 years ago (G. Smith, The Assyrian Eponym Canon, pp. 24-26 ; cf. Tiele, Babyloniscli-Assyrische 
 Geschichte, pp. 495, 496). 
 
THE KING AND HIS DIVINITY. 
 
 621 
 
 their terra of office their names appeared on all official documents. The 
 Chaldaeans distinguished the various years of each reign by a reference to 
 some event which had taken place in each ; the Assyrians named them after 
 the liinmu} The king was the ex-officio limmu for the year following that of 
 
 A HON-UDXT.' 
 
 his accession, then after him the tartan, then the ministers and governors of 
 provinces and cities in an order which varied little from reign to reign. The 
 names of the limmu, entered in registers and tabulated — just as, later on, were 
 those of the Greek arclions and Roman consuls — furnished the annalists with a 
 rigid chronological system, under which the facts of history might be arranged 
 with certainty.^ 
 
 ■ As to the system adopted by the Cbaldaean kings in naming the years, cf. what is said iu 
 Maspebo, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 730, 731. According to Delitzscb, the term limu or limmu 
 (ABsyrischea EandwHrterbuch, p. 379, «. v.) meant at first any given period, then later more especially 
 the year during which a magistrate filled his oflSce ; in the opinion of most other Assyriologiats it 
 referred to the magistrate himself as eponymous archon. 
 
 ' Drawn by lioudicr, from a bas-relief in tho British Museum ; cfi Layard, The Motiument$ of 
 NiJieveh, vol. i. pi. 31. 
 
 ' The first list of limmu was discovered by H. Kawlinsos (The Alhenxum, I8G2, p. 724 ; cf. Oppbbt, 
 Le$ Inscriptions agsyriennes des Sargonidet ct les Fiutes de Ninive, pp. 4-7, 15-18). The cuneiform 
 originals are given by H. Rawunson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. ii. pis. 68, Gt), vol. iii. pi. 1, and in 
 Fr. Delitzsoh, Assyrische LesestUcke, 2nd edit., pp. 87-94 ; the translation of the whole, in so far as 
 it was known twenty years ago, has been given by G. Smith, The Assyrian Eponym Canon, pp. 29-71, 
 and more recently by Schradeh, Die Assyrische Eponymenliste, in the Keilinschriflliche Bibliolhek, 
 vol. i. pp. 204-215, and vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 142-147. The jwrtions which have been preserved extend 
 from the year 893 to the year 66G B.C. without a break. In the periods previous and subsequent to 
 this we have only names scattered here and there which it has not been possible to classify : the 
 earliest limmu known at present flourished under Bamman-nir&ri I., and was named Mukhuriiani 
 
622 
 
 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The king still retained the sacerdotal attributes with which Chaldaean 
 monarchs had been invested from the earliest times, but contact with the 
 
 Egyptians had modified the 
 popular conception of his 
 personality. His subjects 
 ^\ere no longer satisfied to 
 regard him merely as a man 
 superior to his fellow-men ; 
 they had come to discover 
 something of the divine 
 nature in him, and some- 
 times identified him — not 
 with Assur, the master of 
 all things, who occupied a 
 position too high above the 
 pale of ordinary humanity 
 — but with one of the demi- 
 gods of the second rank, 
 Shamash, the Sun, the deity 
 whom the Pharaohs pre- 
 tended to represent in flesh 
 and blood here below. His 
 courtiers, therefore, went as 
 
 LION J KAXsriXKD BY AN AKKOW.' 
 
 far as to call him " Sun " 
 when they addressed him, and he himself adopted this title in his inscrip- 
 tions.^ Formerly he had only attained this apotheosis after death, later on he 
 was permitted to aspire to it during his lifetime.^ The Chaldeeans adopted 
 the same attitude, and in both countries the royal authority shone with the 
 
 (Peiser, Die Sleinplalleninschri/t Rammdn-niidri' » I., in the Keilinsehriftliche BibliotheJc, vol. i. 
 pp. 8, 9). Three different versions of the canon have come down to us. In the most important one 
 the names of the eponymous officials are written one after another without titles or any mention of 
 important events ; in the other two, the titles of each personage, and any important occurrences which 
 took place during his year of office, are entered after the name. 
 
 > Drawn by Boudier, from a bas-relief in the British Museum ; cf. Layard, The Monuments of 
 Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 10. 
 
 2 Nebuchadrezzar 1. of Babylon assumes the title of Shamash mati-shu, the "Sun of his country" 
 {Donation to Rittimerodach, col. i. 1. 5), and Hilprecht rightly sees in this expression a trace of Egyptian 
 influences {The Babylonian Exp. of the Univ. of Penn., vol. i. p. 42); later on, Assurnazirpal, King of 
 Assyria, similarly describes himself as Shamshu hishshat nishi, the "Sun of all mankind" (Annals, 
 col. 1. 1. 10 ; cf. Peisek, Inschriften Aschur-ndsir-alal's, in Schrader, Keilinscliriftliche BihliotheJf, 
 vol. 1. pp. 54, 55). Tiele is of opinion that tliese expressions do not necessarily point to any theory 
 of the actual incarnation of the god, as was the case in Egypt, but that they may be mere rhetorical 
 figures (Bahyloniach-Assyrische Geschiohte, p. 492). 
 
 ' In regard to the apotheosis of the Chaldiean kings after their death, cf. Scheil, Le Culte de Gudea, 
 in the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xviii. pp. 64-74, where evidence of the worship of Gudea and Dungi 
 is put forward. 
 
HUNTING THE LION AND URUS. 623 
 
 borrowed lustre of divine omnipotence. With these exceptions life at court 
 remained very much the same as it had been ; at Nineveh, as at Babylon, 
 we find harems filled with foreign princesses, who had either been carried 
 off as hostages from the country of a defeated enemy, or amicably obtained 
 from their parents. In time of war, the command of the troops and the 
 dangers of the battle-field ; in time of peace, a host of religious ceremonies 
 
 A UBU8-HCNT.' 
 
 and judicial or administrative duties, left but little leisure to the sove- 
 reign who desired to perform conscientiously all that was required of him.^ 
 His chief amusement lay in the hunting of wild beasts : the majority of 
 the princes who reigned over Assyria had a better right than even Amen- 
 6thes III. himself to boast of the hundreds of lions whicli thoy had slain.^ 
 They set out on these hunting expeditions with quite a small army of 
 charioteers and infantry, and were often away several days at a time, provided 
 urgent business did not require their presence iu the palace. They started 
 their quarry with the help of large dogs,* and followed it over hill and dale till 
 they got within bowshot : if it was but slightly wounded and turned on them, 
 they gave it the finishing stroke with their lances without dismounting. 
 Occasionally, however, they were obliged to follow their prey into places where 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a bas-relief in the British Museum; cf. Layard, The Monuments of 
 Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 11. 
 
 * As to the private uutl public life of Chaldasan monarchs of the First Empire, cf. what is said in 
 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, 2nd edit., p. 703, et scq. 
 
 ' Cf. wiiat is written ou p. 29S, supra, in regard to the lion-hunts of Ameuotbes III. The 
 facts connected with the hunting expeditions of the Assyrian kings have been collected by 
 G. Bawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 314, 345, 354-3G1, 505-523. 
 
 * Place, Mnive et VAsMjrie, vol. iii. pis. 50"''', 51, 52'"', where tlio kind of dog used is clearly 
 shown; cf. Uouguton, On the Mammalia of the Assyrian Sculptures, in the Transactions of the Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc, vol. v. pp. 52-02. 
 
624 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYEIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 horses could not easily penetrate ; then a hand-to-hand conflict was inevitable. 
 The lion would rise on its hind quarters and endeavour to lay its pursuer 
 low with a stroke of its mighty paw, but only to fall pierced to the heart by his 
 lance or sword.^ This kind of encounter demanded great presence of mind 
 and steadiness of hand ; the Assyrians were, therefore, trained to it from their 
 
 LIBATION POUBED OVER THE I.IONS ON THE RETURN FROM THE CHASE.* 
 
 youth up, and no hunter was permitted to engage in these terrible encounters 
 without long preliminary practice. Seeing the lion as they did so frequently, 
 and at such close quarters, they came to know it quite as well as the Egyptians, 
 and their sculptors reproduce it with a realism and technical skill which have 
 been rarely equalled in modern times. But while the Theban artist generally 
 represents it in an attitude of repose, the Assyrians prefer to show it in violent 
 action in all the various attitudes which it assumes during a struggle, either 
 crouching as it prepares to spring, or fully extended in the act of leaping ; 
 sometimes it rears into an upright position, with arched back, gaping jaws, and 
 claws protruded, ready to bite or strike its foe ; at others it writhes under a 
 spear-thrust, or rolls over and over in its dying agonies. In one instance, an 
 arrow has pierced the skull of a male lion, crashing through the frontal bone 
 a little above the left eyebrow, and protrudes obliquely to the right between 
 his teeth : under the shock of the blow he has risen on his hind legs, with 
 contorted spine, and beats the air with his fore paws, his head thrown back as 
 
 ' Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 11, and Place, Ninive et I'Aasyrie, vol. iii. 
 pis. 50, 50'"% 51, 52'''% 55, 57, 62 ; cf. Houghton, On the Mammalia of the Assyrian Sculptures, in the 
 Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. v. pp. 322-326. 
 
 " Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Hommel, Zwei Jagdinschriften Assurbanipals ; 
 cf. Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, vol. iii. pi. 57. The pouring out of the libation on the urus is also 
 shown in Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 12. 
 
THANK-OFFERINGS AFTER THE CHASE. 
 
 625 
 
 though to free himself of the fatal shaft. Not far from him the lioness lies 
 stretched out upon its back in the rigidity of death,^ 
 
 The "rimu," or urus, was, perhaps, even a more formidable animal to 
 encounter than any of the felidw, owing to the irresistible fury of his attack. 
 No one would dare, except in a case 
 of dire necessity, to meet him on foot. 
 The loose flowing robes which the king 
 and the nobles never put aside — not 
 even in sucli perilous pastimes as these 
 — were ill fitted for the quick move- 
 ments required to avoid the attack of 
 such an animal, and those who were 
 unlucky enough to quit their chariot 
 ran a terrible risk of being gored or 
 trodden underfoot in the encounter. 
 It was the custom, therefore, to attack 
 the beast by arrows, and to keep it 
 at a distance. If the animal were 
 able to come up with its pursuer, 
 tlie latter endeavoured to seize it by 
 the horn at the moment when it 
 lowered its head, and to drive his 
 dagger into its neck. If the blow were adroitly given it severed the spinal cord, 
 and the beast fell in a heap as if struck by lightning." A victory over such 
 animals was an occasion for rejoicing, and solemn thanks were offered to Assur 
 and Ishtar, the patrons of the chase, at the usual evening sacrifice. The 
 slain beasts, whether lion or urus, were arranged in a row before the altar, 
 while the king, accompanied by his flabella- and umbrella-bearers, stood along- 
 side them, holding his bow in his left hand. While the singers intoned the 
 hymn of thanksgiving to the accompaniment of the harp, the monarch took the 
 Lowl of sacred v\ine, touched his lips with it, and then poured a portion of the 
 contents on the heads of the victims. A detailed account of each hunting 
 exploit was preserved for posterity either in inscriptions or on bas-reliefs.* 
 
 ' See the cut of a lion vomiting blood on p. 558 of the Dawn of Civilitalion. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin ; see the initial letter at the beginning of chap, vi., on p. 5G9, tupra. 
 
 ' As to the " rimu," sec Duum of Civilizalion, pp. 559, 5G0. 
 
 ' Annah of Tiglath-irileser I., col. vi. 11. 55-84, where the king counts tho number of bis victims : 
 4 urus, 10 male elephants, 120 lions slain in single combat on foot, 800 lions killed by arrows kl 
 lly from his chariot; cf. The Broken Obdish, col. i. 11. 1-12 (Lotz, Die Inschrijten Tiglath-pileter't I., 
 pp. 54-57, 196, 197); Avnah of Assuriiazirpal, Layaud, Imcriptiont in the Cuneiform Charactir, 
 pi. 43, 11. 12-24, in which the king boasts of having slain 30 elephants, 250 urus, and 370 lions. 
 
 2 s 
 
 1 wo ASSYRIAN ARCBEIIS.' 
 
626 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The chase was in those days of great service to the rural population ; the kings 
 also considered it to be one of the duties attached to their ofiice, and on a 
 level with their obligation to make war on neighbouring nations devoted by the 
 will of Assur to defeat and destruction. 
 
 The army charged to carry out the will of the god had not yet acquired 
 
 AN ASSYRIAN WAR-UHAKIOT CHAKGING THE FOE.' 
 
 the homogeneity and efficiency which it afterwards attained, yet it had been 
 for some time one of the most formidable in the world, and even the Egyptians 
 themselves, in spite of their long experience in military matters, could not put 
 into the field such a proud array of effective troops. We do not know how 
 this army was recruited, but the bulk of it was made up of native levies, to 
 which foreign auxiliaries were added in numbers varying with the times.^ A 
 permanent nucleus of troops was always in garrison in the capital under the 
 " tartan," or placed in the principal towns at the disposal of the governors.^ 
 The contingents wliich came to be enrolled at these centres on the first rumour 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Mansell, taken in the British Museum. 
 
 * Everything bearing on the military affairs of the country is dealt with in detail in G. Kawlin- 
 SON, Tlie Five Great Monarchies, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 406-484; of. Tiele, Bahylonisch-Assyrisclte 
 Geschiehte, pp. 501-503 ; Delitzsch-Mubdtek, GescMchte Balyloniens und Assyriens, 2nd edit., pp. 113- 
 116; WiNCKLER, Geschiehte Babyloniens und Assyriens, pp. 219, 220. We have no bas-relief represent- 
 ing the armies of Tiglath-pileser I. Everything in the description which follows is taken from the 
 mimumeuts of Assurnazirpal and Shalmaneser II., revised as far as possible by the iuscriptions of 
 Tiglath-pileser ; the armament of both infantry aud chariotry must have been practically the same in 
 the two periods. 
 
 ^ This is based on the account given in the Obelisk of Shalmaneser, where the king, for example, 
 after having gathered his soldiers together at Kalakh [Calah], put at their head Dainassur the 
 artan, " the master of his innumerable troops " (11. 146-149 ; cf. 11. 141, 142, 175, 176). 
 
THE ASSYIIIAN INFANTRY. 
 of war may liave been taken from among the feudal militia, 
 as was the custom in the Nile valley, or the whole popu- 
 lation may have had to render personal military service, 
 each receiving while with the colours a certain daily pay. 
 The nobles and feudal lords were accustomed to call their 
 own people together, and either placed themselves at their 
 head or commissioned an officer to act in their behalf.' 
 These recruits were subjected to the training necessary fui 
 their calling by exercises similar to those of the Egyptians, 
 but of a rougher sort and better adapted to the cumbrous 
 cliaracter of their equipment. The blacksmith's art had 
 made such progress among the Assyrians since the times 
 of Thutmosis III. and Ramses II., that both tlie character 
 and the materials of the armour were entirely changed. 
 While the Egyptian of old entered into the contest almo.st * tiki-m.^n - 
 
 naked, and without other defence than a padded cap, a light shield, and a 
 leather apron, the Assyrian of the new 
 age set out for war almost cased in 
 metal.3 The pikemen and archers of 
 whom the infautry of the line was com- 
 posed wore a copper or iron helmet, 
 conical in form, and having cheek- 
 pieces covering the ears ; they were clad 
 in a sort of leathern shirt covered with 
 plates or imbricated scales of metal, 
 which protected the body and the upper 
 part of the arm ; a quilted and padded 
 loin-cloth came over the haunche.s, 
 while close-fitting trousers, and buskins laced up in the front, completed their 
 attire. The pikemen were armed with a lance six feet long, a cutlass or 
 
 ' ««f'°l'"°g of foot-soldiers and chariots is often described at the beginning of each campaiiru 
 
 1 ^ ".V-^f r/'r^r ' brings before t, 
 
 a great feudal lord, who leads his contingent to the King of Chaldm.i (cf. pp. 014, C15, tupra) anr 
 anything which took place among the Babylonians had its counterpart among the Assyrians. Some- 
 times the king had need of all the contingents, and then it was said he "assembled the country' 
 Wbduh of Shalmane^er II., 1. 91). Auxiliaries arc mentioned, for example, in the AnnaU of Amnna- 
 zirpa/, col. HI II. 08-77, where the king, in his passage, rallies one after the other the troops of 13it 
 Bakhiani, of Azalli, of Bit-Adini, of Garganish, and of the I'atinu. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin. from G. Rawlinsox's Five Great Monarchiei, vol. i. p. 438. 
 For the armament of the armies of the Thutmosis and Ramses, see supra, pp. 211-214, 218-220- 
 edit pp 4J8*'46r^"''°*' '^"'''^"^ examination of the subject in G. Rawunson, op. cif., 2nd 
 
 * Drawn by Fauclicr-Gudin, from G. Rawlinson's Fh-e Great Momirchif,, vol. i. p. 350. 
 
628 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYBIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 short sword passed through the girdle, and an enormous shield, sometimes 
 round and convex, sometimes arched at the top and square at the bottom. 
 The bowmen did not encumber themselves with a buckler, but carried, in 
 addition to the bow and quiver, a poignavd or mace. The light infantry- 
 consisted of pikemen and archers — each of whom wore a crested helmet and a 
 round shield of wicker-work— of slingers and club-bearers, as well as of men 
 armed with the two-bladed battle-axe. The chariots were heavier and larger 
 than those of the Egyptians. . They had high, strongly made wheels with 
 
 CROSSING A RIVER IN BOATS AND ON INFLATED SKINS.' 
 
 eight spokes, and the body of the vehicle rested directly on the axle; the 
 panels were of solid wood, sometimes covered with embossed or carved metal, 
 but frequently painted ; they were further decorated sometimes with gold, 
 silver, or ivory mountings, and with precious stones. The pole, which was 
 long and heavy, ended in a boss of carved wood or incised metal, repre- 
 senting a flower, a rosette, the muzzle of a lion, or a horse's head. It was 
 attached to tJie axle under the floor of the vehicle, and as it had to bear a 
 great strain, it was not only fixed to this point by leather thongs such as were 
 employed in Egypt, but also bound to the front of the chariot by a crossbar- 
 shaped like a spindle, and covered with embroidered stuff — an arrangement 
 which prevented its becoming detached when driving at full speed. A pair of 
 horses were harnessed to it, and a third was attached to them on the right side- 
 for the use of a supplementary warrior, who could take the place of his comrade 
 in case of accident, or if he were wounded. The trappings were very simple: 
 but sometimes there was added to these a thickly padded caparison, of which 
 the various parts were fitted to the horse by tags so as to cover the upper- 
 part of his head, his neck, back, and breast. The usual complement of 
 charioteers was two to each vehicle, as in Egypt, but sometimes, as among the- 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Giidin, from Layaed's Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pis. 15, 16. 
 
THE ASSYRIAN CHARIOT. 
 
 629 
 
 Kbati, there were three — one on the left to direct the horses, a warrior, and an 
 attendant who protected the other two with his shield ; on some occasions a 
 fourth was added as an extra assistant. The equipment of the charioteers was 
 like that of the infantry, and consisted of a jacket with imbricated scales of 
 
 MAKING A BlllDGE FOK Tllli I'ASSAGE OF THE ClIAKIOTS.' 
 
 metal, bow and arrows, and a lance or javelin.^ A standard which served as a 
 rallying- point for the chariots in the battle was set up on the front part of 
 each vehicle, between the driver and the warrior; it bore at the top a disk 
 supported on the heads of two bulls, or by two complete representations of 
 these animals, and a standing figure of Assur letting fly his arrows.^ The 
 chariotry formed, as in most countries of that time, the picked troops of the 
 service, in which the princes and great lords were proud to be enrolled. Upon 
 it depended for the most part the issue of the conflict, and the position assigned 
 to it was in the van, the king or commander-in-chief reserving to himself the 
 privilege of conducting the charge in person. It was already, however, in a 
 state of decadence, both as regards the number of units composing it * and its 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Cj udiu, from a bas-relief on the bronze gates of Balaw&t. 
 
 ' G. Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, 2nd edit., vol. i. pp. 400-422, where the details of 
 construction and the armament of the chariot are fully described. 
 
 ' Layaud, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pla. 11,27; cf. the gem engraved on the title of the 
 present work. 
 
 * Tiglath-pileser is seen, for instance, setting out on a campaign in a uiouutainous country with 
 only thirty chariots {Annals, col. ii. 11. 63-69). 
 
630 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 methods of manoeuvring ; the infantry, on the other hand, had increased in 
 numbers, and under the guidance of abler generals tended to become the most 
 trustworthy force in Assyrian campaigns. 
 
 Notwithstanding the weight of his equipment, the Assyrian foot-soldier 
 was as agile as the Egyptian, but he had to fight usually in a much more 
 
 THE king's chariot CROSSING A BRIDGE.' 
 
 difficult region than that in which the Pharaoh's troops were accustomed to 
 manceuvre. The theatre of war was not like Syria, with its fertile and almost 
 unbroken plains furrowed by streams which offered little obstruction to troops 
 throughout the year, but a land of marshes, arid and rocky deserts, mighty 
 rivers, capable, in one of their sudden floods, of arresting progress for days, 
 and of jeopardising the success of a campaign;^ violent and ice-cold torrents, 
 rugged mountains whose summits rose into ** points like daggers," and whose 
 passes could be held against a host of invaders by a handful of resolute men * 
 Bands of daring skirmishers, consisting of archers, slingers, and pikemen, 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, frcm one of the bas-reliefs on the bronze gates of Balawat. 
 Sennacherib was obliged to arrest his march against Elam, owing to his inability to cross (he 
 torrents swollen by the rain (.Toj/Zor Prism, col. iv. 11. 74-79); a similar con^re^ew^js must have met 
 Assurbanipal on tlic banks of the Ididi {Annals, col. v. II. 95-103). 
 
 ' The Assyrian monarehs dwell with pleasure on the difficulties of the country which they have 
 to overcome; see, for instance, -what Tiglath-pileser I. savs in his Annals, co\. ii. II. 6-10, 69-77, 
 col. iii. 11. 11-29, 41-60, cul. iv. 11. 13-17, 5:!-70. 
 
TEE CROSSING OF BIVERS. 
 
 631 
 
 cleared the way for the mass of infantry marching in columns, and for 
 the chariots, in the midst of which the king and his household took up 
 their station ; the baggage followed, together with the prisoners and their 
 escorts.^ If they came to a river where there was neither ford nor bridge, 
 they were not long in effecting a passage. Each soldier was provided with 
 a skin, which, having inflated it by the strength of his lungs and closed 
 the aperture, he embraced in his arms and cast himself into the stream. 
 Partly by floating and 
 partly by swimming, a 
 whole regiment could 
 soon reach the other 
 side. The chariots 
 could not be carried 
 over so easily. If the 
 bed of the river was 
 not very wide, and the 
 current not too violent, 
 a narrow bridge was 
 constructed, or rather 
 an improvised dyke 
 of large stones and rude gabions filled with clay, over whicli was spread 
 a layer of branches and earth, supplying a sufficiently broad passage for 
 a single chariot, of which the horses were led across at walking pace.'' But 
 when the distance between the banks was too great, and the stream too 
 violent to allow of this mode of procedure, boats were requisitioned from the 
 neighbourhood, on which men and chariots were embarked, while the horses, 
 attended by grooms, or attached by their bridles to the flotilla, swam across 
 the river.^ If the troops had to pass through a mountainous district intersected 
 by ravines and covered by forests, and thns impracticable on ordinary 
 occasions for a large body of men, the advance-guard were employed in cutting 
 a passage through the trees with the axe, and, if necessary, in making 
 with the pick pathways or rough-hewn steps similar to those met with in the 
 
 ' Assurbanipal relates, for instance, that he put under bis escort a tribe which hiul surrender d 
 themselves as prisoners {Rassam Cylinder, co\. y'n. 11. 77-81). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-(iudin, from a bas-relief on the bronze gates of Balawat. 
 
 ' Flying bridges, titurdli, were mentioned as far back as the lime of Tiglath-pileser I. (Annni*, 
 col. iv. ll.°69, 70; cf. Lotz, Die Inichriflen Tiglath-pile$er's I., p. 144). Those represented on 
 pp. 629, 630 belong to the time of Shalmaneser II. 
 
 • It was in this manner that Tiglath-pileser I. crossed the Euphrates on his way to the nttaok 
 of Carchemish (Annah, col. v. 11. 57, 58). 
 
G32 
 
 THE BISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Lebanon on the Phoenician coast.^ The troops advanced in narrow columns, 
 sometimes even in single file, along these improvised roads, always on the 
 alert lest they should be taken at a disadvantage by an enemy concealed 
 in the thickets. In case of attack, the foot-soldiers had each to thiuk of 
 
 himself, and endeavour to 
 give as many blows as he 
 received ; but the chario- 
 teers, encumbered by their 
 vehicles and tlie horses, 
 found it no easy matter 
 to extricate themselves 
 from the danger. Once the 
 chariots had entered into 
 the forest region, the driver 
 descended from his vehicle, 
 and led the horses by the 
 head, while the warrior and 
 his assistant were not slow 
 to follow his example, in 
 order to give some relief 
 to the animals by tugging 
 at the wheels. The king 
 alone did not dismount, 
 
 Till, KIN.. ij;uail.\>. A .1IUUNTAIN' IN HIS (JHARIOT.' 
 
 more out of respect for his 
 dignity than from indifference to the strain upon the animals ; for, in spite 
 of careful leading, he had to submit to a rough shaking from the inequali- 
 ties of this rugged soil ; sometimes he had too much of this, and it is related 
 of him in his annals that he had crossed the mountains on foot like an 
 ordinary mortal.^ A halt was made every evening, either at some village, 
 whose inhabitants were obliged to provide food and lodging, or, in default of 
 this, on some site which they could fortify by a hastily thrown up rampart of 
 earth. If they were obliged to remain in any place for a length of time, a 
 regular encircling wall was constructed, not square or rectangular like those 
 
 ' See the accouut of the Tyrian Ladder at p. 139, supra. Tiglath-jiileser I. speaks on several 
 occasions, and not without pride, of the roads that he had made for himself with bronze hatchets 
 through the forests and over the mountains {Annals, col. ii. 11. 7-10, col. iv. II. 66, 67). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Mansell, taken in the British Museum. 
 Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 11. 69-77, col. iii. 11. 45-47, col. vi. 11. 51, 52. The same fact 
 is found in the accounts of every expedition, but more importance is attached to it as we approach 
 the end of the Ninevite empire, when the kings were not so well able to endure hardship. Senna- 
 cherib mentions it on several occasions, with a certain amount of self-pity for the fatigue he had 
 undergone, but with a real pride in his own endurance {Taylor Prism, col. i. 11. 66-69, col. iii. 
 11. 71-82). 
 
THE FORTIFIED CAMPS. 
 
 633 
 
 of the Egyptians, but round or oviil.^ It was made of dried brick, and pro- 
 vided with towers like an ancient city ; indeed, many of these entrenched 
 camps survived the occasion of their formation, and became small fortified 
 towns or castles, whence a permanent garrison could command the neighbour- 
 ing country. The interior was divided into four equal parts by two roads, 
 intersecting each other at right angles. The royal tents, with their walls of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 ; 
 
 
 
 
 AN ASSVKIAN CAMP.* 
 
 felt or brown linen, resembled an actual palace, which could be moved from 
 place to place ; they were surrounded witli less pretentious buildings reserved 
 for the king's liousehold, and the stables. The tent-poles at the angles erf 
 these habitations were plated with metal, and terminated at their upper 
 extremities in figures of goats and other animals made of the same material. 
 The tents of the soldiers were conical in form, and each was maintained in its 
 position by a forked pole placed inside. They contained the ordinary require- 
 ments of the peasant— bed and head-rest, table with legs like those of a 
 gazelle, stools and folding-chairs; the household utensils and the provisions 
 hung fiom the forks of the support. The monuments, which usually give 
 few details of humble life, are remarkable for their complete reproductions of 
 the daily scenes in the camp. We see on them the soldier making his bed, 
 grinding corn, dressing the carcase of a sheep which he has just killed, or 
 pouring out wine ; the pot boiling on the fire is watched by the vigilant eye 
 of a trooper or of a woman, wiiile those not actively employed are grouped 
 
 ' The oral inclines towards a square form, with rounded corners, ou the bas-reliefs of tlie bronze 
 gates of Shalmaneser II. at Balawat. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from Layard's '^lonumenU of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 30 ; cf. vol. i. pis. 63, 77, and 
 vol. ii. pp. 24, 3(J, 50, where the usual scene of the sacrifice before the two royal standards is depicted. 
 
634 
 
 THE BISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 together in twos and threes, eating, drinking, and chatting. A certain number 
 of priests and soothsayers accompanied the army, but they did not bring the 
 statues of their gods with them, the only emblems of the divinities seen in 
 battle being the two royal ensigns, one representing Assur as lord of the 
 territory, borne on a single bull and bending his bow, while the other depicted 
 him standing on two bulls as King of Assyria.^ An altar smoked before the 
 
 A FORTIFIED TOWN." 
 
 chariot on which these two standards were planted, and every night and 
 morning the prince and his nobles laid offerings upon it, and recited prayers 
 before it for the well-being of the army. 
 
 Military tactics had not made much progress since the time of the great 
 Egyptian invasions.'^ The Assyrian generals set out in haste from Nineveh or 
 Assur in the hope of surprising their enemy, and they often succeeded in 
 penetrating into the very heart of his country before he had time to mobilise 
 or concentrate his forces. The work of subduing him was performed piecemeal ; 
 they devastated his fields, robbed his orchards, and, marching all through the 
 night,* they would arrive with such suddenness before one or other of his towns, 
 that he would have no time to organise a defence. Most of their campaigns 
 were mere forced marches across plains and mountains, without regular sieges 
 or pitched battles. Should the enemy, however, seek an engagement, and the 
 
 ' It is possible that each of tliese standards corresponded to some dignity of the sovereign; the 
 first belonged to bim, inasmuch as he was »har Mehsliati, "king of tlie regions," and the other, by- 
 virtue of his office, of shar Ashshur, "King of Assyria" (Billerbeck-Jeeemias, Der Untergang 
 Nineveh's, in the Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, vol. iii. p. 167). 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Mansell, taken in the British Museum. The 
 inhabitants of the town who have been taken prisoners, are leaving it with their cattle under the 
 conduct of Assyrian soldiers ; cf. what is said on this subject on pp. 639, 640 of the present work. 
 
 ' For Egyptian military tactics of the time of Thutmosis III., see supra, pp. 220-228, and pp. 
 458, 459, for those of the time of Eamses III. 
 
 * Assurnazirpal mentions several night marches, which enabled him to reach the lieart of the 
 enemy's country (^Annah. col. ii. 11. 48, 49, 53-55). 
 
WABS AND BATTLES. 
 
 G.35 
 
 men be drawn up in line to meet him, the action would be opened by archers 
 and light troops armed with slings, who would be followed by the cbariotry and 
 heavy infantry for close 
 attack ; a reserve of veterans 
 would await around the 
 commanding - general the 
 crucial moment of the en- 
 gagement, when they would 
 charge in a body among 
 the combatants, and decide 
 the victory by sheer strength 
 of arm.^ The pursuit of 
 the enemy was never car- 
 ried to any considerable 
 distance, for the men were 
 needed to collect the spoil, 
 despatch the wounded, and 
 carry off the trophies of 
 war. Such of the prisoners 
 as it was deemed useful or 
 politic to spare were sta- 
 tioned in a safe place under 
 a guard of sentries. The 
 remainder were condemned to death as they were brought in, and their 
 execution took place without delay ; they were made to kneel down, with 
 their backs to the soldiery, their heads bowed, and their hands resting 
 on a flat stone or a billet of wood, in which position they were despatched 
 with clubs. The scribes, standing before their tent doors, registered the 
 number of heads cut off ; each soldier, bringing his quota and throwing it 
 upon the heap, gave in his name and the number of his company, and then 
 withdrew in the hope of receiving a reward proportionate to the number of his 
 
 ' Cf. Bupra, pp. 614, 615, for the account of the battle in which Nebuchadrezzar I. vanquisheil tlie 
 Edomites. Tiglath-pilcser I. mentions a pitched battle against the Muskhu, wlio numbered 20,000 
 men (Annals, col. i. II. (i2-82); and another against Kiliteshub, King of Kuinmukh (col. ii. 11. 16-28), 
 in his flrbt campaign. In one of the following campaigns he overcame the people of Saraush (col. iii. 
 11. 80-84) and those of Marultnsh (col. iii. 11. 102, 103), and also 6000 Sugi (col. iv. 11. 9-21) ; later on 
 he defeated 23 allied kings of Naiii, and took from them 120 chariots (col. iv. 11. 71-96) and 20,000 
 people of Kumanu (col. v. II. 8G-9C). The other wars are little more than raids, during which he 
 encountered merely those who were incapable of offering him any resistance. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Layakd, The Monuments of Mneveh, vol. i. pi. 22; cf. vol. ii. 
 pis. 19, 29, 37, 45. On p. 227 of the present work will be found a corresponding scene after an 
 Egyptian battle, with the collection of phalli and hands cut from the dead bodies of the enemy ; this 
 episode is taken from one of the bas-reliefs representing the victories of Kamses III. at Medinet-Habu. 
 
636 
 
 THE EISE OF THE ASSTBIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 victims.^ When the king happened to accompany the army, he always presided 
 at this scene, and distributed largesse to those who had shown most bravery ; 
 in his absence he required that the heads of the enemy's chiefs should be sent 
 
 the Syrian towns ; the walls were broad at the base, and, to prevent 
 scaling, rose to a height of some thirty or forty feet : there were towers at 
 intervals of a bowshot, from which the archers could seriously disconcert 
 parties making attacks against any intervening points in the curtain wall; 
 the massive gates were covered with raw hides, or were plated with metal 
 to resist assaults by fire and axe,* while, as soon as hostilities commenced, 
 the defence was further completed by wooden scaffolding. Places thus 
 fortified, however, at times fell almost without an attempt at resistance; 
 the inhabitants, having descended into the lowlands to rescue their crops from 
 the Assyrians, would be disbanded, and, while endeavouring to take refuge 
 within their ramparts, would be pursued by the enemy, who would gain 
 admittance with them in the general disorder.^ If the town did not fall into 
 
 ' The details of this bringing of heads are known to us by representations of a later period ; one 
 of them is reproduced on p. 635. The allusions contained in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. i. 
 11. 81, 82, col. vi. 11. 4-6, shows that the custom was in full force under the early Assyrian conquerors. 
 
 ^ The town of Tela had three containing walls (Annals of Assurnazirpal, col. i. II. 113, 114), that 
 of Shingisha had four (ihid., col. ii. 11. 98, 99), and that of Pitura two iibid., col. ii. 11. 104, 105). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Layaed, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 17; scenes of 
 attack are also to be found in the same work in vol. i. pis. 29, 63, 68, and vol. ii. pi. 31. 
 
 • For the system of fortification employed in the towns of the Tigris and the Euphrates, cf. 
 DiEULAFOY, L'Acropole de Suse, pp. 140, et seq., 171, et seq., aud Billekbeck-Jeeemias, Der Untergang 
 Nineveh's, in the Beitrdge ziir Assyriologie, vol. iii. pp. 153-166. 
 
 * As, for example, the town of Maruttash in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iii. 11. 102-105. 
 
 THE KINCi LETS FLY AEKOW- 
 
 to him, in order that they 
 might be exposed to his 
 subjects on the gates of his 
 capital. Sieges were lengthy 
 and arduous undertakings. 
 In the case of towns situ- 
 ated on the plain, the , site 
 was usually chosen so as 
 to be protected by canals, 
 or an arm of a river on two 
 or three sides, thus leaving 
 one side only without a 
 natural defence, which the 
 inhabitants endeavoured to 
 make up for by means of 
 double or treble ramparts,^ 
 These fortifications must 
 have resembled those of 
 
TEE SIEGES OF WAR. 
 
 637 
 
 their hands by some stroke of good fortune, they would at once attempt, 
 by an immediate assault, to terrify the garrison into laying down their 
 arms.^ The archers and slingers led the attack by advancing in couples 
 till they were within the prescribed distance from the walls, one of the two 
 taking careful aim, while the other sheltered his comrade behind his round- 
 topped shield. The king 
 himself would sometimes 
 alight from his chariot and 
 let fly his arrows in the 
 front rank of the archers, 
 while a handful of resolute 
 men would rush against 
 the gates of the town and 
 attempt either to brealc 
 them down or set them 
 alight with torches. An- 
 other party, armed with 
 stout helmets and quilted 
 jerkins, which rendered 
 them almost invulnerable 
 to the shower of arrows or stones poured on them by the besieged, would attempt 
 to undermine the walls by means of levers and pick-axes, and while thus en- 
 gaged would be protected by mantelets fixed to the face of the walls, resembling 
 in shape the shields of the archers. Often bodies of men would approach the 
 suburbs of the city and endeavour to obtain access to the ramparts from the roofs 
 of the houses in close proximity to the walls. If, however, they could gain 
 admittance by none of these means, and time was of no consideration, they would 
 resign themselves to a lengthy siege, and the blockade would commence by 
 a systematic desolation of the surrounding country, in which the villages 
 scattered over the plain would.be burnt, the vines torn up, and all trees 
 cut down. The Assyrians waged war with a brutality which the Egyptians 
 would never have tolerated. Unlike the Pharaohs, their kings were not content 
 to imprison or put to death the principal instigators of a revolt, but their wrath 
 would fall upon the entire population. As long as a town resisted the efforts 
 of their besieging force, all its inhabitants bearing arms who fell into their 
 hands were subjected to the most cruel tortures ; they were cut to pieces 
 
 ' Aasurnazirpal, in this fashion, took the town of Piturnin two days, in spite of its strong double 
 rampnrts (^Annah of Asturnazirpal, col. ii. 11. 104-107). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Lay.\hd, The Monuments of yinereh, vol. i. pi. 19; for other 
 scenes representing the flapping of walls, cf. Layard, The Monuments of Sineveh, vol. i. pis. 20, 29, 
 C6, and vol. ii. pi. 4:?. 
 
638 
 
 THE EISE OF THE ASSY HI AN EMPIRE. 
 
 or ifnpaled alive on stakes, whicli were planted in the ground just in front 
 of the lines, so that the besieged should enjoy a full view of the sufferings 
 of their comrades. Even during the course of a short siege this line of 
 stakes would be prolonged till it formed a bloody pale between the two 
 contending armies.^ This horrible spectacle had at least the effect of 
 shaking the courage of the besieged, and of hastening the end of hostilities. 
 When at length the town yielded to the enemy, it was often razed to the 
 ground,^ and salt was strewn upon its ruins,^ while the unfortunate inhabitants 
 
 A TOWN TAKEN BY SCALING." 
 
 were either massacred or transplanted en masse elsewhere.^ If the bulk of the 
 population were spared and condemned to exile, the wealthy and noble were 
 shown no clemency ; they were thrown from the top of the city towers, their 
 ears and noses were cut off, their hands and feet were amputated, or they and 
 their children were roasted over a slow fire, or flayed alive, or decapitated, and 
 their heads piled up in a heap. The victorious sovereigns appear to have 
 taken a pride in the ingenuity with which they varied these means of torture, 
 and dwell with complacency on the recital of their cruelties. " I constructed a 
 pillar at the gate of the city," is the boast of one of them ; " I then flayed the 
 chief men, and covered the post with their skins ; I suspended their dead bodies 
 
 ' For these lines of men empaled, see the representations of sieges in Layaed, The Monuments 
 of Nineveh, vol. ii. pi. 21. 
 
 2 Annals of Tiglath-pileser L, col. ii. 11. 34, 35, col. iii. 11. 87-89, col. iv. 11. 2-4, col. v. 11. 2-4, 
 95-99, col. vi. 11. 27-30. 
 
 ' This is what we seem to gather from a passage in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. vi. 11. 13, 
 14, in which Peiser sees in the ideogram Zipa, though not without hesitation, the word for rock-salt. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs of the bronze gate of Balawat. The two 
 soldiers who represent the Assyrian army carry their shields before them; flames appear above the 
 ramparts, showing that the conquerors have burnt the town. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iii. 11. G2-G8, 84-86, col. iv. 11. 2, 3, col. v. 11. 1, 2, 59-63. 
 
THE DEPORTATION OF POPULATION. 
 
 639 
 
 from this same pillar, I impaled others on the summit of the pillar, and 1 
 ranged others on stakes around the pillar." ^ 
 
 Two or three executions of this kind usually sufficed to demoralise the 
 enemy. The remaining inhabitants assembled : terrified by the majesty of 
 Assur, and as it were blinded by the brightness of his countenance, they 
 sunk down at the knees of the victor and embraced his feet.^ The peace 
 
 secured at the price of their freedom left them merely with their lives and such 
 of their goods as could not be removed from the soil. The scribes thereupon 
 surrounded the spoil seized by the soldiery, and drew up a detailed inventory 
 of the prisoners and their property : everything worth carrying away to Assyria 
 was promptly registered, and despatched to the capital. The contents of the 
 royal palace led the way ; it comprised the silver, gold, and copper of the 
 vanquished prince, his caldrons, dishes and cups of brass, the women of his 
 harem, the maidens of his household, his furniture and stuffs, liorses and 
 chariots, together with his men and women servants.^ The enemy's gods, 
 
 ' Annah of Assurnazirpal, coh i. 11. 89-91 ; cf. Peiseu, Intchriften Aschur-nasir-abaVt, in Schbadeh, 
 Keilinschriflliche Bibliothelc, vol. i. pp. GG, G7. Other similar e.\aiuplo3 of cruelty are found iu the 
 same Annah, col. ii. 11. 107-111, col. iii. 11. 107-109, 111-113, etc. The inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser 
 mention but few of these wholesale executions, and rarely allude to the barbarous scenes which 
 accompanied them ; the conqueror, however, speaks of the heaps of heads which he had collected 
 near the towns of Kummukh (^Annals, col. i. 11. 81, 82). 
 
 ' These are the very expressions used in tiic Assyrian tests : " The terror of my strength over- 
 threw them, they feared the combat and they embraced my feet " {Annah of Tighith-pileser I., col. iii. 
 11. 4-6) ; and again : " The brightness of Assur, my lord, overturned them " (ibid , col. ix. 11. 73, 74). 
 This latter imago is explained by the presence over the king of the winged figure of Assur directing 
 the battle ; cf, the subject reproduced above the table of contents on p. 5(57 of the present work. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs of the bronze gates of Balawat ; on the 
 right the town is seen iu flames, and on tlie walls on either side hangs a row of heads, one above 
 nnotlier. 
 
 * Annah of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 11. 25-33, 44-53, col. iii. 1. 106, col. iv. 1. G; Annals of Assur- 
 Mtzirpal, col. i, 11. 83-88, col. ii. 11. 66-68, 119-125, col. iii. 11. 21-23, 72-76, etc. 
 
G40 THE BISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 like his kings, were despoiled of their possessions, and poor and rich suffered 
 alike. The choicest of their troops were incorporated into the Assyrian 
 regiments, and helped to fill the gaps which war had made in the ranks ;^ 
 the peasantry and townsfolk were sold as slaves, or were despatched with 
 their families to till the domains of the king in some Assyrian village.' 
 The monuments often depict the fxodus of these unfortunate wretches, 
 
 They are represented as 
 proceeding on their way 
 in the charge of a few 
 foot-soldiers — each of the 
 men carrying, without any 
 sign of labour, a bag of pro- 
 visions, while the women 
 bear their young children 
 on their shoulders or 
 in their arms: herds of 
 cows and flocks of goats 
 and sheep follow, chariots 
 drawn by mules bringing 
 up the rear with the bag- 
 gage. Wliile the crowd of 
 non-combatants were con- 
 ducted in irregular columns 
 without manacles or chains,, 
 the veteran troops and the young men capable of bearing arms were usually 
 bound together, and sometimes were further secured by a wooden collar 
 placed on their necks. Many perished on the way from want or fatigue, 
 but such as were fortunate enough to reach the end of the journey were 
 rewarded with a small portion of land and a dwelling, becoming henceforward 
 identified with the indigenous inhabitants of the country. Assyrians were 
 planted as colonists in the subjugated towns, and served to maintain there 
 the authority of the conqueror.* The condition of the latter resembled to a 
 great extent that of the old Egyptian vassals in Phoenicia or Southern Syria. 
 They were allowed to retain their national constitution, rites, and even their 
 
 ' Tiglath-pileser I. in this maimer incorporated 120 chariots of the Kashki and the Urumi into 
 the Assyrian chariotry (Annah, col. iii. 11. 7-9). 
 
 = Annah of Tiglathpileser I., col. i. 11. 84-88 (where the number transported is given as 6000), 
 col. iii. 11. 7-10. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. [ii. pi. 35 ; cf. the 
 representation of other convoys of prisoners in the same work, vol. i. pis. 58, G0,74,^and vol. ii. pis, 20, 
 20-31, 34, 37, 42. 
 
 * Cf. what is said of these Assyrian colonies on pp. 608, 609, 666-668 of the present^work. 
 
THE INSTABILITY OF THE EARLIER ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS. 641 
 
 sovereigns ; ^ when, for instance, after some rebellion, one of these princes 
 had been impaled or decapitated, his successor was always chosen from 
 among the members of his own family, usually one of his sons, who was 
 enthroned almost before his father had ceased to breathe. He was obliged 
 to humiliate his own gods before Assur, to pay a yearly tribute,^ to render 
 succour in case of necessity to the commanders of neighbouring garrisons, to 
 
 ( ONVOY OF I'lilSONEItS BOUND IN VABIOIS WAYS.' 
 
 send his troops when required to swell the royal army,* to give his sons 
 or brothers as hostages,^ and to deliver up his own sisters and daughters, or 
 those of his nobles, for the harem or the domestic service of the conqueror.** 
 The unfortunate prince soon resigned liimself to this state of servitude ; 
 he would collect around him and reorganise his scattered subjects, restore 
 them to their cities, rebuild their walls, replant the wasted orchards, and 
 sow the devastated fields. A few years of relative peace and tranquillity, 
 during which he strove to be forgotten by his conqueror, restored prosperity 
 to his country ; the population increased with extraordinary rapidity, and 
 new generations arose who, unconscious of the disasters suffered by 
 their predecessors, had but one aim, that of recovering their independence. 
 
 ' Cf. what is said upon the condition of the princes and peoples subject to the Pharaohs on p. 271 
 of the present work. For those who placed themselves at the mercy of the Assyrians and submitted 
 to pay tribute, cf. the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 11. 53-55, 89-99, col. iii. 11. 76, 80, 91, col. iv. 
 11. 27-31, col. V. 11. 8-21, 2G-29, 37-41, 78-81. 
 
 » ^nno?*,etc.,col. ii. 11. 83,84,90-90, col. iii. 11. 76,92-95,col.iv.ll. 29-31, col. V. 11.19,20,39-41, 80,81. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from a bas-relief of one of the gates of Balawiit. 
 
 • Annah of Atmrnazirpal, col. iii. 11. G9, 77. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser T., col. ii. 11. 47, 48, col. v. 11. 17, 18 ; Annah of As8uniazrri>al, col. i. 
 11. 100, 101, col. ii. 11. 11, 12. 
 
 " Annals of Assurnazirpal, col. ii. 11. 124, 125, col. iii. 1. 76. 
 
 9 T 
 
642 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 We must, however, beware of thinking that the defeat of these tribes was as 
 crushing or their desolation as terrible as the testimony of the inscriptions 
 would lead us to suppose. The rulers of Nineveh were but too apt to 
 relate that this or that country had been conquered and its people destroyed, 
 when the Assyrian army had remained merely a week or a fortnight within its 
 territory, had burnt some half-dozen fortified towns, and taken two or three 
 thousand prisoners.^ If we were to accept implicitly all that is recorded 
 of the Assyrian exploits in Nairi or the Taurus, we should be led to believe 
 that for at least half a century the valleys of the Upper Tigris and Middle 
 Euphrates were transformed into a desert; each time, however, that they are 
 subsequently mentioned on the occasion of some fresh expedition, they appear 
 once more covered with thriving cities and a vigorous population, whose 
 generals offer an obstinate resistance to the invaders, "We are, therefore, 
 forced to admit that the majority of these expeditions must be regarded as 
 mere raids. The population, disconcerted by a sudden attack, would take 
 refuge in the woods or on the mountains, carrying with them their gods, whom 
 they thus preserved from captivity, together with a portion of their treasures 
 and cattle ; ^ but no sooner had the invader retired, than they descended 
 once more into the plain and returned to their usual occupations. The 
 Assyrian victories thus rarely produced the decisive results which are claimed 
 for them ; they almost always left the conquered people with sufficient energy 
 and resources to enable them to resume the conflict after a brief interval, 
 and the supremacy which the suzerain claimed as a result of his conquests 
 was of the most ephemeral nature. A revolt would suffice to shake it, while 
 a victory would be almost ce-rtain to destroy it, and once more reduce the 
 empire to the limits of Assyria proper. 
 
 Tukultiabalesharra, familiar to us under the name of Tiglath-pileser,^ is the 
 first of the great warrior-kings of Assyria to stand out before us with any definite 
 individuality. We find him, in the interval between two skirmishes, engaged 
 in hunting lions or in the pursuit of other wild beasts, and we see him lavishing 
 offerings on the gods and enriching their temples with the spoils of his 
 victories ; these, however, were not the normal occupations of this sovereign, 
 for peace with him was merely an interlude in a reign of conflict. He led all 
 
 ' For example, Tiglath-pileser I. conquers the Kummukh in the first year of his reign, burning, 
 destroying, and depopulating the towns, and massacring " the remainder of the Kummukh" who had 
 taken refuge in the mountains {Annals, col. i. 1. 89, col. ii. 11. IG, 56-58), after which, in his second 
 campaign, he again pillages, burns, destroys, and depopulates the towns, and again massacres the 
 remainder of the inhabitants hiding in the mountains {Annals, col. iii. 11. 11-35). He makes the same 
 statements with regard to most of the other countries and peoples conquered by him, but we find 
 them reappearing with renewed vigour on the scene, soon after their supposed destruction. 
 
 2 Annals of Ticjlath-pileser I., col. ii. 11. 39-i2, col. iii. 11. 16-25, 72-75. 
 
 ^ Tiglath-pileser is one of the transcriptions given in the LXX. for the Hebrew version of the 
 name : it signifies, " The child of Esharra is my strength." By " the child of Esharra " the Assyrians, 
 like the Chaldseans, understood the child of Ninib (Lotz, Die Inschr if ten Tiglath-pileser' s L, pp. 1-3). 
 
TEE 'CAMPAIGN OF TIQLATH-PILESER I. AGAINST TEE MUSEKU. 643 
 
 his expeditions in person, undeterred by any consideration of fatigue or danger, 
 and scarcely had he returned from one arduous campaign, than he proceeded 
 ■ to sketch the plan of that for the following year ; in short, he reigned only 
 to wage war.^ His father, Assurishishi, had bequeathed him not only a pros- 
 perous kingdom, but a well-organised army, which he placed in the field 
 without delay. During the fifty years since the Mushku, descending through 
 the gorges of the Taurus, had invaded the Alzi and the Purukuzzi,^ Assyria 
 had not only lost possession of all the countries bordering the left bank of 
 the Euphrates, but the whole of Kummukh had withdrawn its allegiance from 
 her, and had ceased to pay tribute. Tiglath-pileser had ascended the throne 
 only a few weeks ere he quitted Assur, marched rapidly across Eastern 
 Mesopotamia by the usual route, through Singar and Nisib, and climbing 
 the chain of the Kashiara, near Mardin, bore down into the very heart of 
 Kummukh, where twenty thousand Mushku, under the command of five kings, 
 resolutely awaited him. He repulsed them in the very first engagement, and 
 pursued them hotly over hill and vale, pillaging the fields, and encircling the 
 towns with trophies of human heads taken from the prisoners who had fallen into 
 his hands ; the survivors, to the number of six thousand, laid down their arms, 
 and were despatched to Assyria.^ The Kummukli contingents, liowever, had 
 been separated in the rout from the Mushku, and had taken refuge beyond 
 the Euphrates, near to the fortress of Shirisha, where they imagined them- 
 selves in safety behind a rampart of mountains and forests. Tiglath-pileser 
 managed, by cutting a road for his foot-soldiers and chariots, to reach 
 their retreat : he stormed the place without apparent difficulty, massacred 
 the defenders, and then turning upon the inhabitants of Kurkhi,^ who were on 
 
 ' We possess two different documonts as materials for a study of the reign of Tiglath-pileser : Ist. 
 The Annals of his first five years, of which there are four copies published in Rawlinson, Cun. Int. 
 W. As., vol. i. pis. 9-10, and also in Winckleu, Sammlung von KeihchrifUexten I., pp. 1-25, translated 
 in 1857 by four Assyriologists under tlio title of Inxcription of Tiglath-Pile»er I., King of Assyria, B.C. 
 1150, as translated by Sir U. Itawlinson, Fox Talbot, Dr. Uincks and Dr. Oppert, and also in 1865 by 
 •Oi'i'EBT alone, Uisloire des Empires de Chald^eet (Z'jl««j/rte, etc., pp. 44-59, transcribed, translated, and 
 commented on by Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' s I., pp. 12-188, and finally transcribed and trans- 
 lated by WiNCKLER, Inschr. Tiglath-Pileser's I, in Schkadek, 7vet7. Bibliotheh; vol. i. pp. 14-47. 2ndly. 
 The Annals of his first ten years, at first attributed to Assurishishi (cf. supra, p. 61C, n. 4), published 
 by H. Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. pi. 5, Nos.l 5, and again by Winckleu, Sammlutig von Keil- 
 schriftlexten I, pp. 2G, 27, annotated by LoTZ, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' » I., pp. 193, 194, and more 
 completely by Meissner, Der Elamit. Feldzug Tiglath-pileser' s /.,iu Zeits.fiir A»tyr.,vol. ix. pp. lOl-lOl. 
 
 2 Cf. supra, pp. 591, 616. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I, col. i. 11. 62-88 ; cf. Lotz, Die Inschri/ten Tiglath-pileser's I, pp. lG-19. 
 The king, starting from Assur, must have followed the route through Sindjar, N'isib, Mardin, and 
 Diarbekir— a road used later by the Romans, and still in existence at tho present day. As ho did 
 not penetrate that year as far as the provinces of Alzi and Purukuzzi, he must have halted at the 
 commencement of the mountain district, and have beaten the allies in the plain of Kuru-tchai, before 
 Diarbekir, in the ne ighbourhood of the Tigris. 
 
 * The country of the Kurkhi appears to have included at this period tho provinces lying between 
 the Scbbeueh-Su and the mountains of Djudi, probably a portion of the Sophene, tho Anzanene and 
 the Gordyene of classical authors (Schbadeh, Keilinschrifttn tind Geschichtsforschung, pp. 145-147, note, 
 188, 189); for the reading Kurti of this name, cf. Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Assy., p. 522, note 3, 524. 
 
644 
 
 THE BISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 their way to reinforce the besieged, drove their soldiers into the Nami," 
 whose waters carried the corpses down to the Tigris. One of their princes, 
 Kiliteshub, son of Kaliteshub-Sarupi,^ had been made prisoner during the 
 action. Tiglath-pileser sent him, together with his wives, children, treasures, 
 and gods,2 to share the captivity of the Mushkii ; then retracing his steps, 
 lie crossed over to the right bank of the Tigris, and attacked the stronghold 
 of Urrakhinas which crowned the summit of Panari. The people, terror- 
 stricken by the fate of their neighbours, seized their idols and hid themselves 
 within the thickets like a flock of birds. Their chief, Shaditeshub, son of 
 Khatusaru,^ ventured from out of his hiding-place to meet the Assyrian 
 conqueror, and prostrated himself at his feet. He delivered over his sons 
 and the males of his family as hostages, and yielded up all his possessions 
 in gold and copper, together with a hundred and twenty slaves and cattle of 
 all kinds; Tiglath-pileser thereupon permitted him to keep his principality 
 under the suzerainty of Assyria, and such of his allies as followed his example 
 obtained a similar concession. The king consecrated the tenth of the spoil 
 thus received to the use of his god Assur and also to Eamman ; * but before 
 returning to his capital, he suddenly resolved to make an expedition into 
 the almost impenetrable regions which separated him from Lake Van. This 
 district was, even more than at the present day, a confused labyrinth of wooded 
 mountain ranges, through which the Eastern Tigris and its affluents poured 
 their rapid waters in tortuous curves. As hitherto no army had succeeded 
 in making its way through this territory with sufficient speed to surprise 
 the fortified villages and scattered clans inhabiting the valleys and mountain 
 slopes, Tiglath-pileser selected from his force a small troop of light infantry 
 and thirty chariots, with which he struck into the forests ; but, on reaching 
 
 ' The names of tliese princes have been read Kilianterus, Kalianterus, and lower down SLadian- 
 terus. Fr. Lenormant connected them with the Asiatic names ending in -andros, — Maiandros, 
 Scamandros ; he identified in the same way the first element of the Lydian name Sadyattes with 
 Shadianterus, and traced back Sadiandros (Les antiquities de la Troade, etc., i. pp. 65, 66, and Les 
 Origines de I'Histoire, vol. iii. p. 76 ; cf. Sayce, The Monuments of the Hittites, in the Transactions of 
 the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vii. p. 291). Briinnow has shown that we ought to recognise in the second- 
 element the name of the god Teshub, Tessupas, Tisubu, Teshupu (cf. supra, p. 355, note 1), and read 
 Kiliteshub, Kaliteshub, Shaditeshub (Jensen, Grundlagen fUr eine Entzifferung der Hatischen oder 
 Cilicischen Inschriften, p. 165). 
 
 = Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. i. 11. 89-91, col. ii. 11. 1-35; cf. Lotz, Die Inschriften Tiglath- 
 pileser' s I., pp. 18-21. According to what is said on p. 664, note 3, the vanquished must have crossed 
 the Tigris below Diarbekir and have taken refuge beyond Mayafarrikiu, so that Shirishamust be sought 
 for between the Silvan-dagh and the Ak-dagh, in the basin of the Batman-tchai, the present Nami. 
 
 ' The name of this chief's father has always been read Khatukhi : it is a form of tiie name 
 Khatusaru borne by the Hittite king in the time of Eamses II. Cf. supra, p. 589, note 3. 
 
 • Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. ii. 11. 36-62 ; cf. Lotz, Bie Inschriften Tiglath-pileser' s I, pp. 20-23. 
 Tiie site of Urrakhinas— read by Winckler Urartinas (Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' s I., in Schrader, Keiliii- 
 schriftliche Bibliotheh, vol. i. pp. 20, 21) — is very uncertain: the town was situated in a territory 
 which could belong equally well to the Kummukh or to the Kurkhi, and the mention of the crossing 
 of the Tigris seems to indicate that it was oo the right bank of the river, probably in the mountain 
 group of Tur-Abdin. 
 
THE CONQUEST OF THE KURKHI AND THE UPPER ZAB. 645 
 
 the Aruma, he was forced to abandon his chariotry and proceed with the 
 loot-soldiers only. The Mildish, terrified by his sudden appearance, fell an 
 easy prey to the invader : the king scattered the troops hastily collected to 
 oppose him, set fire to a few fortresses, seized the peasantry and tlieir flocks, 
 and demanded hostages and the usual tribute as a condition of peace.^ In 
 his first campaign he thus reduced the upper and eastern half of Kummukh, 
 namely, the part extending to the north of the Tigris, while in the following 
 campaign he turned his attention to the regions bounded by the Euphrates 
 and by the western spurs of the Kashiari, The Alzi and the Purukuzzi had 
 been disconcerted by his victories, and had yielded him their allegiance almost 
 without a struggle.'-^ To the southward, the Kashku and the Urumi, who had, 
 to the number of four thousand, migrated from among the Khati and compelled 
 the towns of the Shubarti to break their alliance with the Niiievite kings, 
 now made no attempt at resistance ; they laid down their arms and yielded 
 at discretion, giving up their goods and their hundred and twenty war- 
 chariots, and resigning themselves to the task of colonising a distant corner 
 of Assyria.^ Other provinces, however, were not so easily dealt with; the 
 inliabitants entrenched themselves within their wild valleys, from whence 
 they had to be ousted by sheer force ; in the end they always had to yield, 
 and to undertake to pay an annual tribute. The Assyrian empire thus re- 
 gained on this side the countries which Shalmaneser I. had lost, owing to 
 the absorption of his energies and interests in the events which were taking 
 place in Chaldaea.* 
 
 In his third campaign Tiglatli-pileser succeeded in bringing about the 
 pacification of the border provinces which shut in the basin of the Tigris to 
 the north and east. The Kurkhi did not consider themselves conquered 
 by the check they had received at the Nami ; several of their tribes were 
 stirring in Kharia, on the highlands above the Arzania, and their rest- 
 lessness threatened to infect such of their neighbours as had already 
 submitted themselves to the Assyrian yoke. " ]\Iy master Assur commanded 
 me to attack their proud summits, which no king has ever visited. I 
 assembled my chariots and my foot-soldiers, and 1 passed between the Idni 
 and the Aia, by a difficult country, across cloud-capped mountains whose 
 peaks were as the point of a dagger, and unfavourable to the progress of 
 
 ' Annah of Tiglath-pileeer I., col. ii. 11. 63-84 ; cf. Lotz, Die Jnschrijteu Tiglath-pileurt I., pp. 22-25. 
 The Mildish of our inscription is to be identified with the country of Mount Umildish, mentioned by 
 Sargon of Assyria (Great Jnecription, 1. 37). Hommel appears to me U) place it too far north : if, as 
 he says (Gesc/i. Bab. und Ass., p. 523, note 2), the troops had touched at Arzauia and Lalie Van, I 
 tliinli the king would not have omitted to mention tlie fact. 
 
 » Annals, col. ii. 11. 89-9C ; cf. Lotz, Vie Inschriften Tiglalh-pilesev's I., pp. 24, 25. 
 
 » Annah, etc., col. ii. 11. 1)6-102, col. iii, 11. 1-C; cf. LoTZ, op. cit., pp. 24-27. See what is said, 
 mtpra, p. 591, upon this invasion of the Kashku and the Ururai into the country of Shubarti. 
 
 ♦ Annah, etc., col. iii. 11. 7-31 ; cf. Lorz, op. cil., pf. 26-29. 
 
646 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 my chariots ; I therefore left my chariots in reserve, and I climbed these 
 steep mountains. The community of the Kurkhi assembled its numerous 
 troops, and in order to give me battle they entrenched themselves upon 
 the Azubtagish ; on the slopes of the mountain, an incommodious position, 
 I came into conflict with them, and I vanquished them." This lesson cost 
 them twenty-five towns, situated at the feet of the Aia, the Shuira, the Idni, 
 the Shizu, the Silgu, and the Arzanabiu ^ — all twenty-five being burnt to the 
 ground. The dread of a similar fate impelled the neighbouring inhabitants 
 of Adaush to beg for a truce, which was granted to them ; ^ but the people 
 of Saraush and of Ammaush, who "from all time had never known what it 
 was to obey," were cut to pieces, and their survivors incorporated into the 
 empire — a like fate overtaking the Isua and the Daria, who inhabited 
 Khoatras.^ Beyond this, again, on the banks of the Lesser Zab and the 
 confines of Lulume, the principalities of Muraddash and of Saradaush refused 
 to come to terms. Tiglath-pileser broke their lines within sight of Muraddash, 
 and entered the town with the fugitives in the confusion which ensued ; this 
 took place about the fourth hour of the day. The success was so prompt and 
 complete, that the king was inclined to attribute it to the help of Ramman, 
 and he made an offering to the temple of this god at Assur of all the copper, 
 whether wrought or in ore, which was found among the spoil of the vanquished.* 
 He was recalled almost immediately after this victory by a sedition among 
 the Kurkhi near the sources of the Tigris. One of their tribes, known as 
 the Sugi, who had not as yet suffered from the invaders, had concentrated 
 round their standards contingents from some half-dozen cities, and the united 
 force was, to the number of six thousand, drawn up on Mount Khirikha. 
 Tiglath-pileser was again victorious, and took from them twenty-five statues 
 of their gods, which he despatched to Assyria to be distributed among the 
 sanctuaries of Belit at Assur, of Anu, Eamman, and of Ishtar.'' Winter obliged 
 him to suspend operations. When he again resumed them at the beginning 
 
 ■ Annah of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iii. 11. 39-69 ; cf. Lotz, Bie Inschriften Tiglath-pileser' s /., pp. 
 28-31. For the site of Kharia, cf. Hommel, Geschichte Bah. und Ass., p. 521 ; it must be sought for 
 probably between the sources of the Tigris aud the Batman-tchai. 
 
 ^ Annals, etc., col. iii. 11. 70-76 ; cf. Lotz, op. cit, pp. 30, 31. According to the context, the Adaush 
 ought to be between the Kharia and the Saraush ; possibly between the Batman-tchat and the Bohtan- 
 tchai, in the neighbourhood of Mildish. 
 
 ' Annals, etc., col. iii. 11. 77-106, col. iv. 11. 1-6; cf. Lotz, op. cit., pp. 30-35. As Tiglath-pileser 
 was forced to cross Mount Aruma (see supra, p. 641) in order to reach the Ammaush and tije Saraush, 
 these two countries, together with Isua and Daria, cannot be far from Mildish ; Isua is, indeed, 
 mentioned as near to Anzitene in an inscription of Shalmaueser II., which obliges us to place it 
 somewhere near the sources of the Batman-tchai (Sayce, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, in the 
 J. B. As. Soc, vol. xiv. p. 398). The position of Muraddash and Saradaush is indirectly pointed out 
 by the mention of the Lower Zab and the Lulume ; the name of Saradaush is perhaps preserved in 
 that of Surtash, borne by the valley through which runs one of the tributaries of the Lower Zab. 
 
 * Annals, etc., col. iv. 11. 7-39 ; cf. LoTZ, Die Inschriften Tiglath-pileser' s I, pp. 31-37. For the 
 site of the Sugi, cf Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., p. 525. 
 
TEE PETTY ASIATIC KINGDOMS AND THEIR CIVILIZATION. 647 
 
 of his third year, both the Kummukh and the Kurkhi were so peaceably 
 settled that he was able to carry his expeditions without fear of danger 
 further north, into the regions of the Upper Euphrates between the Halys 
 and Lake Van, a district then known as Nairi. He marched diagonally 
 across the plain of Diarbekir, penetrated through dense forests, climbed 
 sixteen mountain ridges one after the other by paths hitherto considered 
 impracticable, and finally crossed the Euphrates by improvised bridges, this 
 being, as far as we know, the first time that an Assyrian monarch had 
 
 GENEliAL VIEW OK THE BlrtMS OP BUTUK.' 
 
 ventured into tlie very heart of those countries which had formerly constituted 
 the Hittite empire. 
 
 He found them occupied by rude and warlike tribes, who derived con- 
 siderable wealth from working the mines, and possessed each their own special 
 sanctuary, the ruins of which still appear above ground, and invite the 
 attention of the explorer. Their fortresses must have all more or less 
 resembled that city of the Pterians which flourished for so many ages just 
 at the bend of the Halys ; its site is still marked by a mound rising to 
 some thirty feet above the plain, resembling the platforms on which the 
 Chaldaean temples were always built — a few walls of burnt brick, and within 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph ; cf. Pehrot-Chipiez, Iliftoire de I'Arl, vol. iv. p. 6G1. 
 
 ' For the city of the Pteriaus, the present Euyuk, cf. Peruot-Chipiez, op. cit., vol. iv. pp. 650-686. 
 The remains of the palace of Euyuk are probably later than the reign of Tiglath-pileser, and may bo 
 attributed to the X'" or IX"" century before our era ; they, however, probably give a very fair idea of 
 what the towns of the Cappadocian region were like at the time of the first Assyrian invasions. 
 
G48 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 an enclosure, among the debris of rudely built houses, the ruins of some 
 temples and palaces consisting of large irregular blocks of stone. Two colossal 
 sphinxes guard the gateway of the principal edifice, and their presence proves 
 with certainty how predominant was Egyptian influence even at this con- 
 siderable distance from 
 the banks of the Nile. 
 They are not the ordinary 
 sphinxes, with a human 
 head surmounting the 
 body of a lion couchant 
 on its stone pedestal ; but, 
 like the Assyrian bulls, 
 they are standing, and, to 
 judge from the Hathorian 
 locks which fall on each 
 side of their countenances, 
 they must have been in- 
 tended to represent a pro- 
 tecting goddess rather 
 than a male deity A 
 remarkable emblem is 
 carved on the side of the 
 upright to which their 
 bodies are attached ; it 
 is none other than the 
 double-headed eagle, the 
 prototype of which is not infrequently found at Telloh in Lower Chaldsea, 
 among remains dating from the time of the kings and vicegerents of 
 Lagash.^ The court or hall to which this gate gave access was decorated 
 with bas-reliefs, which exhibit a glaring imitation of Babylonian art ; we 
 can still see on these the king, vested in his long flowing robes, praying 
 before an altar, while further on is a procession of dignitaries following a 
 troop of rams led by a priest to be sacrificed ; another scene represents two 
 individuals in the attitude of worship, wearing short loin-cloths, and climbing 
 a ladder whose upper end has an uncertain termination, while a third person 
 applies his hands to his mouth in the performance of some mysterious 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph. This is the sphinx seen on the right of the 
 illustration on p. 647; the sphinx to the left is reproduced in Pebeot-Chipiez, Histoire de I'Art, 
 vol. iv. p. 665. 
 
 ^ Pereot-Chipiez, op. cit., vol. iv. pp. 667, 668. 
 
 ^ For the Chaldsean emblem of the double-headed eagle, of. the illustration on pp. 603, 60i of the 
 Daion of Civilization. 
 
 THE SPHINX ON THE UKJHT ( 
 
TEE ART AND WRITING OF TEE ANCIENT EITTITE STATES. G49 
 
 ceremony ; beyond these are priests and priestesses moviog in solemn file as if 
 in the measured tread of some sacred dance,^ while in one corner we find the 
 figure of a woman, probably a goddess, seated, holding in one hand a flower, 
 perhaps the full-blown lotus, and in the other a cup from which she is about 
 to drink. The costume of all these figures is that which Cbaldaean fashion 
 had imposed upon the whole of Western Asia, and consisted of tlie long 
 
 TWO liLOCKS CUVEKEI) WITH BAS-Ulil.lEFS IS THE EUYIK TALACE.' 
 
 heavy robe, falling from the shoulders to the feet, drawn in at the waist by 
 a girdle ; but it is to be noted that both sexes are shod with the turned-up 
 shoes of the Hittites, and that the women wear high peaked caps. The 
 composition of the scenes is rude, the drawing incorrect, and the general 
 technique reminds us rather of the low reliefs of the Memphite or Theban 
 sculptors than of the high projection characteristic of the artists of the Lower 
 Euphrates. Thesu slabs of sculptured stone formed a facing at the base of 
 the now crumbling brick walls, the upper surface of which was covered with 
 rough plastering.'' Here and there a few inscriptions reveal the name, titles, 
 and parentage of some once celebrated personage, and mention the god in 
 whose honour he had achieved the work. The characters in which these 
 inscriptions are written are not, as a rule, incised in the stone, but are cut 
 in relief upon its surface, and if some few of them may remind us of the 
 
 ' Perrot, Exploration arch^ologique de la Galatie, pis. Ixi., Ixiii., Ixiv., and Bittuire de I' Art dans 
 r Antiquum, vol. iv. pp. G70, 675, 679. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a pliotograpli ; of. Pi;ui!OT-CuiriEZ, llistoirc de I'Arl daiif 
 VAniiquM, vol. iv. pp. 672, 673. 
 
 ' Peruot-Chipiez, op. cit, vol. iv. p. 666. 
 
650 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 •STIC SCENE AT EUYUK. 
 
 Egyptian hieroglyphs, the 
 majority are totally unlike 
 them, both in form and exe- 
 cution. A careful exami- 
 nation of them reveals a 
 medley of human and animal 
 outlines, geometrical figures, 
 and objects of daily use, 
 which all doubtless corre- 
 sponded to some letter or 
 syllable, but to which we 
 have as yet no trustworthy 
 key. This system of writing 
 is one of a whole group of 
 Asiatic scripts, specimens of which are common in this part of the world 
 from Crete to the banks of the 
 Euphrates and Orontes.^ It is 
 thought that the Khati must have 
 already adopted it before their ad- 
 vent to power, and that it was they 
 who propagated it in Northern Syria. 
 It did not take the place of the 
 cuneiform syllabary for ordinary 
 purposes of daily life owing to its 
 clumsiness and complex character, 
 but its use was reserved for monu- 
 mental inscriptions of a royal or 
 religious kind, where it could be 
 suitably employed as a framework to 
 scenes or single figures. It, how- 
 ever, never presented the same grace- 
 ful appearance and arrangement as 
 was exhibited in the Egyptian hiero- 
 glyphs, the signs placed side by side 
 being out of proportion with each 
 other so as to destroy the general 
 harmony of the lines, and it must be regarded as a 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Perkot-Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art, vol. iv. p. 671. 
 ' For the Cretan inscriptions, see above, p. 463. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph ; cf. Peerot-Chipiez, op. eit, vol. iv. p. 678. 
 
 AN ASIATIC GODDESS.'' 
 
 cript still in process of 
 
THE BAS-RELIEFS OF FRAKHTIN AND IBEIZ. 651 
 
 formation and not yet emerged from infancy.^ Every square yard of soil turned 
 up among the ruins of the houses of Euyuk yields vestiges of tools, coarse pottery, 
 terra-cotta and bronze statuettes of men and animals, and other objects of a not 
 very high civilization. The few articles of luxury discovered, whether in furni- 
 ture or utensils, were not indigenous products, but were imported for the most 
 
 THE ASIATIC INSCBIPTIOX 01' KOLITOLl-Y aJla.' 
 
 part from Chaldoea, Syria, Phoenicia, and perhaps from Egypt ; some objects, 
 indeed, came from the coast-towns of the /Egean, thus showing that Western 
 influence was already in contact with the traditions of the East. All the 
 various races settled between the Halys and the Orontes were more or les* 
 imbued with this foreign civilization, and their monuments, though not nearly 
 
 ' Sayce, who was the first to attempt to decipher it, was struck by certain resemblances in its signs 
 with those of the Cypriote syllabary {The MonumenU of the Hiltitet, in the Trautactiont of the Bib). 
 Arch. Soc, vol. viii. p. 253, et seq.); Conder, on the other hand, claimed to have discovered certain 
 analogies with the hieroglyphs (Hamath Imcriptions, in the Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly 
 Statements, 1883, pp. 133, 134, 189-192). Since these first attempts, many tentative efforts iiave been 
 made to understand the texts written in tliis script : Ilalevy was opposed to the usual tlicory tliat 
 they were liittite, and proposed to call them Anatolian {Introduction au dgchiffrement des inscriptiong 
 pseudo-hittites ou anatoliennes, in the Revue s€mitique, vol. i. pp. 55-62, 126 137). Jensen, following 
 Hale'vy's theory, proposed to regard both the writing and the language as those of Ciliciun tribes 
 {Orundlagen fur eine Entzifferung der Uatischen oder Cilicischen Inschri/tcn, in tin; Z. dtr D. Morgcnl. 
 Ges., vol. xlviii.). The Cappadocian tablets studied by Fn. Delitzscu, Beitrdge zur Entzifferung und 
 ErJcldrung der Eappadokischen KeilschriJ'tta/eln (iu the Abhandlungcn of the Saxon Academy of 
 Sciences, Philology and Hist. Section, vol. xiv., \o. 4, pp. 207-276), probably belong to the period 
 before or after Tiglath-pilcser I. ; Jensen, however, Ijelieves that they should be attributed to the 
 earliest times of Assyrian history, before the XX"' century B.C. (Die Eappadokischen Eeihchri/I- 
 tS/elchen, in the Zeitsehrift fur Assyriologie, vol. x. pp. 79-81). 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Hogarth ; cf. Bamsay and Hogaiith, Pn- 
 hellenio Monuments of Cappadocia, iu the Recueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. pi. v. 
 
-(352 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASS FBI AN EMPIRE. 
 
 so numerous as those of the Pharaohs and Ninevite hings, bear, nevertheless, 
 an equally striking evidence of its power. Examples of it have been pointed 
 out in a score of different places in the valleys of the Taurus and on the plains 
 of Cappadocia, in bas-reliefs, stelae, seals, and intaglios, several of which must 
 be nearly contemporaneous with the first Assyrian conquest. One instance of 
 
 it appears on the rocks at Ibriz, where a king stands in a devout attitude before 
 a jovial giant whose hands are full of grapes and wheat-ears, while in another 
 bas-relief near Frakhtin we have a double scene of sacrifice. The rock-carving 
 at Ibriz is, perhaps, of all the relics of a forgotten world, that which impresses 
 the spectator most favourably. The concept of the scene is peculiarly naive ; 
 indeed, the two figures are clumsily brought together, though each of them, 
 when examined separately, is remarkable for its style and execution. The 
 king has a dignified bearing in spite of his large head, round eyes, and 
 the unskilful way in which his arms are set on his body. The figure of the 
 god is not standing firmly on both feet, but the sculptor has managed to 
 invest him with an air of grandeur and an expression of vigour and bonhomie, 
 which reminds us of certain types of the Greek Hercules. 
 
 Tiglath-pileser was probably attracted to Asia Minor as much by considera- 
 tions of mercantile interest as by the love of conquest or desire for spoil. It 
 would, indeed, have been an incomparable gain for him had he been able, if 
 not to seize the mines themselves, at least to come into such close proximity 
 to them that he would be able to monopolise their entire output, and at 
 
 > Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Hogarth ; cf. Kamsay and Hogaeth, Pre-heUenic 
 Monuments of Cappadocia, in the Mecueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. pi. vi. It will be remarked that both 
 .altars are in the form of a female without a head, but draped in the Assyrian robe. 
 
TIGLATH-PILESER I. IN NAIRI. 
 
 65:$ 
 
 the same time to lay hands on the great commercial highway to the trade 
 centres of the west.^ The eastern terminus of this route lay already within 
 his domains, namely, that 
 which led to Assur by way 
 of Amid, Nisibe, Singar, 
 and the valley of the Upper 
 Tigris ; he was now de- 
 sirous of acquiring that 
 portion of it which wound 
 its way from the fords of 
 tlie Euphrates at Malatiyeh 
 to the crossing of the Halys. 
 The changes which had 
 just taken place in Kum- 
 mukh and Nairi had fully 
 aroused the numerous petty 
 sovereigns of the neigh- 
 bourhood. The bonds which 
 kept them together had not 
 been completely severed at 
 the downfall of the Hit- 
 tite empire, and a certain 
 sense of unity still lingered 
 among them in spite of their jm- ba.-, i.ti ith ui uwu/ 
 
 continual feuds ; they constituted, in fact, a sort of loose confederation, whose 
 members never failed to help one another when they were threatened by 
 a common enemy.'' As soon as the news of an Assyrian invasion reached 
 them, they at once put aside their mutual quarrels and combined to oppose 
 the invader with their united forces. Tiglath-pileser had, tlierefore, scarcely 
 crossed the Enphrafes before he was attacked on his right flank by twenty- 
 three petty kings of Nairi,* while sixty other chiefs from the same neigh- 
 bourhood bore down upon him in front. He overcame the first detachment 
 oC the confederates, though not witliout a sharp struggle ; he carried carnage 
 
 ' For this commercial higliway, cf. supni, pj). 364-8G7. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauchtr-Gudin, from a photograph by Hogarth ; cf. Ramsay and Hogartfi, Pre- 
 hellenic Monuments, etc., iu the liecueil de Travaux, vol. xiv. pis. iii., iv., Xo. :t. 
 
 ' This is to be gathered from a careful examination of the pnssages relating to tiiese peoi)Ie iu tiie 
 Annals of Tiglath-pileser I.; I have followed the interpretation given by Dklattke, Encore uii Mot 
 sur la Geographic Assyrienne, pp. 5-15. 
 
 * Tl.e text of the Annals of the X"' year give thirty instead of twenty-three (VViNXKLEit. Infchriflen 
 Tiglath-Pdeser's I., p. 28, 1. 10) ; in the course of Hve or six years the numbers have alria.ly become 
 exaggerated. 
 
•654 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 into their ranks, " as it were the whirlwind of Eammau," and seized a hun- 
 dred and twenty of the enemy's chariots.^ The sixty chiefs, whose domains 
 extended as far as the " Upper Sea," ^ were disconcerted by the news of the 
 disaster, and of their own accord laid down their arms, or offered but a feeble 
 resistance. Tiglath-pileser presented some of them in chains to the god Shamash ; 
 he extorted an oath of vassalage from them, forced them to give up their children 
 as hostages, and laid a tax upon them en masse of 1200 stallions and 2000 bulls, 
 after which he permitted them to return to their respective towns. He had, 
 however, singled out from among them to grace his own triumph, Sini of 
 Dayana, the only chief among them who had offered him an obstinate resistance ; 
 but even he was granted his liberty after he had been carried captive to Assur, 
 ^nd made to kneel before the gods of Assyria.^ Before returning to the capital, 
 Tiglath-pileser attacked Khanigalbat, and appeared before Milidia : as the 
 town attempted no defence, he spared it, and contented himself with levying 
 a small contribution upon its inhabitants.* This expedition was rather of the 
 nature of a reconnaissance than a conquest, but it helped to convince the king 
 of the difficulty of establishing any permanent suzerainty over the country. 
 The Asiatic peoples were quick to bow before a sudden attack ; but no sooner 
 had the conqueror departed, than those who had sworn him eternal fealty 
 sought only how best to break their oaths. The tribes in immediate proximity 
 to those provinces which had been long subject to the Assyrian rule, were 
 intimidated into showing some respect for a power which existed so close to 
 their own borders. But those further removed from the seat of government 
 felt a certain security in their distance from it, and were tempted to revert to the 
 state of independence they had enjoyed before the conquest ; so that unless 
 the sovereign, by a fresh campaign, promptly made them realise that their 
 disaffection would not remain unpunished, they soon forgot their feudatory 
 condition and the duties which it entailed. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iv. 11. 43-96 ; cf. Lotz, Lie Inschr. Tiglalh-pileser's 1., pp. 36-41. 
 
 = The site of the " Upper Sea" has furnished material for much discussion. Some believe it to 
 be the Caspian Sea (Menant, Annales des rois cVAssyrie, p. 34) or the Black Sea (Ed. Meyeb, Gesch. 
 des Alterthums, vol. i. p. 331), others take it to be Lake Van (Schradeb, Die Namen der Metre in den 
 Assyi ischen Insch., p. 181, et seq. ; Tiele, Bab.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 162, 163), while some think it to be 
 the Mediterranean, and more particularly the Gulf of Issus between Syria and Cilicia (G. Eawlinson, 
 The Five Great Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 66 ; Delattbe, Esquisse de G^ographie assyrienne, pp. 10-19 ; 
 HoMMEL, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 528, 529). At the present day several scholars have returned to 
 the theory which makes it the Black Sea (Tiele, Bah. Ass. Gesch., p. 614; Delattbe, Encore un Mot 
 sur la G^og. Assyrienne, pp. 3-15). 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser L, col. iv. 11. 96-101, col. v. 11. 1-32 ; cf. Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath- 
 jnleser's I., pp. 39-43. Dayani, v/hich is mentioned in the Annals of Shalmaaeser II. {Inscription from 
 KurTih, col. ii. 11. 46, 47), has been placed on the banks of the Murad-su by Schrader {Keilinschriflen 
 und Geschichtsforschung, p. 154), and more particularly in the neighbourhood of Melasgerd by Sayce 
 (Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, in /. B. As. Soc, vol. xiv. p. 399) ; Delattre lias shown that it was the 
 last and most westerly of twenty -three kingdoms conquered by Tiglath-pileser I. (Encore un Mot, etc., 
 pp. 11, 12), and that it was consequently enclosed between the Murad-su and the Euphrates proper. 
 
 * Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. iv. 11. 33-41; cf. Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' s I., pp. 42, 43, 
 
TIQLATH-PILESER L AT CARCHEMISE AND IN MUSRI. 655 
 
 Three years of merciless conflict with obstinate and warlike mountaio tribes 
 had severely tried the Assyrian army, if it had not wora out the sovereign ; the 
 survivors of so many battles were in sore need of a well-merited repose, the gaps 
 left by death had to be filled, and both infantry and chariotry needed the re-model- 
 ling of their corps. The fourth year of the king's reign, therefore, was employed 
 almost entirely in this work of reorganisation ; we find only the record of a raid of 
 a few weeks against the Akhlami and other nomadic Aramaeans situated beyond 
 the Mesopotamian steppes: The Assyrians spread over the district between 
 the frontiers of Suklii and the fords of Carchemish for a whole day, killing all 
 who resisted, sacking the villages and laying hands on slaves and cattle. The 
 fugitives escaped over the Euphrates, vainly hoping that they would be secure 
 in the very heart of the Khati. Tiglath-pileser, however, crossed the river 
 on rafts supported on skins, and gave the provinces of 3Iount Bishri over to 
 fire and sword : ^ six wulled towns opened their gates to him without having 
 ventured to strike a blow, and he quitted the country laden with spoil before 
 the kings of the surrounding cities had had time to recover from their alarm.- 
 This expedition was for Tiglath-pileser merely an interlude between two more 
 serious campaigns ; and with the beginning of his fifth year he reappeared in 
 the provinces of the Upper Euphrates to complete his conquest of them. He 
 began by attacking and devastating Musri, which lay close to the territory of 
 3Iilid. While thus occupied he was harassed by bauds of Kumani ; he turned 
 upon them, overcame them, and imprisoned the remainder of them in the 
 fortress of Arini, at the foot of Mount Aisa, where he forced them to kiss his 
 feet. His victory over them, however, did not disconcert their neighbours. 
 The bulk of the Kumani, whose troops had scarcely sulfered in the engage- 
 ment, fortified themselves on Mount Tala, to the number of twenty thousand ; 
 the king carried the heights by assault, and hotly pursued the fugitives as far 
 as the range of Kharusa before Musri, where the fortress of Klnmusa aflbrded 
 them a retreat behind its triple walls of brick. The king, nothing daunted, 
 broke his way through them one after another, demolished the ramparts, razed 
 the houses, and strewed the ruins with salt ; he then constructed a chapel of 
 
 ' The countr)' of Bisliri was situated, as the Annnh poiut out, in the immediate neiglibourhood of 
 Carchemish. The name is preserved in that of Tell Basher still borne by the ruins, ami a modern 
 village on the banks of the Sajur (Fii. Delitzscii, IF.) lag das Paradiesi p. 268; Sciiradeu, Keilin- 
 schrij'ten tind Geschichtsforschung, p. 220, note 1 ; Winokleu, Gesch. Bab. uiid A»s., p. .132). The 
 Gebel Bishri to which Hommcl alludes {Gesch. Bab. uiid Ass., p. 4G3, note 4) is too far to the south to 
 correspond to the dtscription given in tiio inscription of Tiglath-pileser. 
 
 ' Annah of Tiglath-pileser I., col. v. 11. 44-G3 ; cf. Lotz, Die Lischr.'Tiglath-pilt ser's I., pp. 44, 45. 
 Hommel {Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 403, 4G1) has brought to bear on this campaign the information 
 furnished by the Synchronous History, col. iii. 11. 14-24 (cf. Peisek-Wincklkh, Dit smjenannte 
 synchronislische Gesch., in Scubadeu, Keilinschri/tliche Bihliotheh, vol. i. pp. 198, 199), and which 
 refers to a second expedition undertaken in these regions prob.ibly in the year preceding the taking 
 of Babylon (cf. pp. 050-658 of the present work). 
 
65G 
 
 TEE EISE OF THE AS8YEIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 brick as a sort of trophy, and dedicated within it what was known as a copper " 
 thunderbolt, being an image of the missile which Ramman, the god of thunder, 
 brandished in the face of his enemies. An inscription engraved on the 
 object recorded the destruction of Khunusa, and threatened with every divine 
 malediction the individual, whether an Assyrian or a stranger, who should 
 dare to rebuild the city. This victory terrified the Kumani, and their capital, 
 Kibshuna, opened its gates to the royal troops at the first summons. Tiglath- 
 pileser completely destroyed the town, but granted the inhabitants their lives 
 on condition of their paying tribute ; he chose from among them, however, 
 three hundred families who had shown him the most inveterate hostility, and 
 sent tbem as exiles into Assyria.^ With this victory the first half of his reign 
 drew to its close ; in five years Tiglath-pileser had subjugated forty-two 
 peoples and their princes within an area extending from the banks of the 
 Lower Zab to the plains of the Khati, and as far as the shores of the Western 
 Seas.^ He revisited more than once these western and northern regions in 
 which he had gained his early triumphs. The reconnaissance which he had 
 made around Carchemish had revealed to him the great wealth of the Syrian 
 table-land, and that a second raid in that direction could be made more 
 profitable than ten successful campaigns in Nairi or upon the banks of the Zab. 
 He therefore marched his battalions thither, this time to remain for more than 
 a few days. He made his way through the whole breadth of the country, 
 pushed forward up the valley of the Orontes, crossed the Lebanon, and emerged 
 above the co^st of the Mediterranean in the vicinity of Arvad. This is the first 
 time for many centuries that an Oriental sovereign had penetrated so far west ; 
 and his contemporaries must have been obliged to look back to the almost 
 fabulous ages of Sargon of Agade or of Khammurabi,^ to find in the long lists 
 of the dynasties of the Euphrates any record of a sovereign who had planted 
 his standards on the shores of the Sea of the Setting Sun.* Tiglath-pileser 
 
 1 Annals of Tirjlath-inkser I., col. v. 11. 67-100, col. vi. 11. 1-38 ; cf. Lotz, Die Inschriften Tiglath- 
 pileser's I., pp. 44-51. The country of the Kumani or Katnmanu is really the district of Comana iu 
 Calaonia (Uelattee, L'Asie occidentale dans les Inscriptions Assyriennes, pp. 65, 66, and Encore un Mot 
 sur la Geoqraphie Assyrienne, pp. 31-33), and not the Comana Pontica or the Khammanene on tUo 
 banks of the Halys (Schrader, Eeilinschriften, etc., p. 153). Delattre thinks that Tiglath-pileser 
 penetrated into this region by the Jihun, and consequently seeks to identify the names of towns and 
 mountaiDS, e.g. Mount Ilarauni with Jaur-dagh, the Kharusa with Shorsh-dagh, and the Tala with the 
 Kermes-dagh (Encore un Mot, etc., pp. 45, 46) ; but it is difficult to believe that, if the king took this 
 route, he would not mention the town of Marqasi-Marash, which lay at the very foot of the Jaur-dagh, 
 and would have stopped his passage. It is more probable that the Assyrians, starting from Melitene, 
 which they had just subdued, would have followed the route which skirts the northern slope of the 
 Taurus by Albistau ; the scene of the conflict in this case would probably have been the mountainous 
 district of Zeiiun. 
 
 = Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. vi. 11. 39-48; cf. Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pileser s 1., pp. 50, 51. 
 
 = For the campaigns of Sargon on the shores of the Mediterranean and his conquest of Cyprus, 
 see Baton of Civilization, p. 598 ; for the presence of Khammurabi and his successors in Syria and 
 Phoenicia, cf. supra, pp. 47-50. ^ 
 
 ' This is the name given by the Assyrians to the Mediterranean ; cf. Schkadeb, Die hameu der 
 Meere in den Assyrischen Inschriften, p. 171, et seq. 
 
TIGLATH-PILESER I. IN SYRIA. 657 
 
 embarked on its waters, made a cruise into tlie open, and killed a porpoise, but 
 we have no record of any battles fought, nor do we know how he was received 
 by the Phcenician towns.' He pushed on, it is thought, as far as the Nahr el- 
 Kelb, and the sight of the hieroglyphic inscriptions which Ramses had caused 
 to be cut there three centuries previously aroused his emulation.^ Assyrian 
 conquerors rarely quitted 
 the scene of their exploits 
 without leaving behind 
 them some permanent me- 
 morial of their presence. 
 A sculptor having hastily 
 smoothed the surface of a 
 rock cut out on it a figure 
 of the king, to which was 
 usually added a commemo- 
 rative inscription. In front 
 of this stele was erected 
 an altar, upon which sacri- 
 fices were made, and if the 
 monument was placed near a stream or the seashore, the soldiers were accus- 
 tomed to cast portions of the victims into the water in order to propitiate the 
 river-deities. One of the half-efiaced Assyrian stelae adjoining those of the 
 Egyptian conqueror is attributed to Tiglath-pileser.* It was on his return, 
 perhaps, from this campaign that he planted colonies at Pitru on the right, and 
 at Mutkinu on the left bank of the Euphrates, in order to maintain a watch over 
 Carchemish, and the more important fords connecting Mesoi)otamia with the 
 plains of the Apric and the Orontes.'^ The news of Tiglath-pileser's expedition 
 was not long in reaching the Delta, and the Egyptian monarch then reigning 
 at Tanis was thus made acquainted with the fact that there had arisen in Syria 
 a new power before which his own was not unlikely to give way. In former times 
 such news would have led to a war between the two states, but the time had gone 
 
 ' All we know of this campaign is from a mention of it on the Broken Ohelitk, col. i. 11. 1-5 ; cf. 
 Rawlinson, Citn. Insci: of Western Asia, vol. i. pi. 28 ; Lotz, Die Iiifrhri/ten Tiglath-piUscr\ I., 
 pp. 196, 197, and Peiseh, JmcliriJUn Aschur-nusir-abul's, in Schkader, Keilintchrifllichc Bihliolhek, 
 vol. i. pp. 122-125. 
 
 - ( f. pp. 389, 427, supra, for these stelae of Ramses II. at Nahr el-Kelb. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on tlie bronze gates of Balawat. 
 
 * Boscawcn {The Monuments, etc., on the Itock at Nahr d-Kelb, in the Transactions of the Bibl. 
 Arch. Soc., vol. vi. pp. 336, 337) thinks that we may attribute to Tiglath-pileser I. the oldest of the 
 Assyrian stelio at Nahr el-Kelb ; no positive information has as yet confirmed this hypothesis, which 
 is in other respects very probable. 
 
 ' The existence of these colonies is known only from an inscription of Shalmaneser II. {Monolith 
 oj KarJih, col. i. 11. 35-38 ; in Rawuxsoij, Cun. Inter, of W, Asia, vol. iii. pi. 7) ; for the fords of the 
 Euphrates, see tujira, pp. 145, 140. 
 
658 
 
 TEE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 by when Egypt was prompt to take up arms at the slightest encroachment on 
 her Asiatic provinces. Her influence at this time was owing merely to her 
 former renown, and her authority beyond the isthmus was purely traditional.^ 
 The Tanite Pharaoh had come to accept with resignation the change in the 
 fortunes of Egypt, and he therefore contented himself with forwarding to the 
 
 PORTIONS OP THE SAOKIPICIAL VICTIMS THROWN INTO THE WATER.' 
 
 Assyrian conqueror,^ by one of the Syrian coasting vessels,* a present of some 
 rare wild beasts and a few crocodiles. In olden times Assyria had welcomed 
 tlie arrival of Thutmosis III. on the Euphrates by making him presents, which 
 the Theban monarch regarded in the light of tribute : the case was now 
 reversed, the Egyptian Pharaoh taking the position formerly occupied by the 
 Assyrian monarch. Tiglath-pileser graciously accepted this unexpected 
 liomage, but the turbulent condition of the northern tribes prevented his 
 improving the occasion by an advance into Phoenicia and the land of Canaan. 
 Nairi occupied his attention on two separate occasions at least ; on the second 
 of these he encamped in the neighbourhood of the source of the river Subnat. 
 This stream had for a long period issued from a deep grotto, where in ancient 
 times a god was supposed to dwell. The conqueror was lavish in religious 
 offerings here, and caused a bas-relief to be engraved on the entrance in 
 remembrance of his victories. He is here represented as standing upright, the 
 tiara on his brow, and his right arm extended as if in the act of worship, while 
 
 ' Gf. pp. 483, 564, 565, 582, 583, supra, for further details on this subject. 
 
 Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from one of the bas-reliefs on the bronze gates of Balaw&t. 
 » Inscription on the Broken Obelisk, col. i. II. 29, 30 ; of. Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pileser' s I., p. 197. 
 * See pp. 582, 583, supra, for an account of the voyage undertaken by command of Hrihor, which 
 shows how these presents could reach the Assyrians without going through many hands. 
 
BUILDINGS EXECUTED BY TIOLATH-PILESER I. G59 
 
 his left, the elbow brought up to his side, holds a club. The inscription 
 appended to the figure tells, with an eloquence all the more effective from its 
 brevity, how, " with the aid of Assur, Shamash, and Kamman, the great gods, 
 my lords, I, Tiglath-pileser, King of Assyria, son of Assurishishi, King of 
 Assyria, son of Mutakkilnusku, King of Assyria, conqueror from the great sea, 
 the Mediterranean, to the great sea of 
 Nairi, I went for the third time to Nairi," ^ 
 The gods who liad so signally favoured 
 the monarch received the greater part of 
 the spoils which he had secured in his 
 campaigns. The majority of the temples 
 of Assyria, which were founded at a time 
 when its city was nothing more than a 
 provincial capital owing allegiance to 
 Babylon, were either, it would appear, 
 falling to ruins from age, or presentcil 
 a sorry exterior, utterly out of keeping 
 with the magnitude of its recent wealth. 
 The king set to work to enlarge or restore 
 the temples of Ishtar, Martu, and the 
 ancient Bel ; ^ he then proceeded to re- 
 build, from the foundations to the summit, 
 that of Anu and Raraman, which the 
 vicegerent Samsiramman, son of Ismida- 
 gan, had constructed seven hundred and 
 one years previously.'' This temple was the principal sanctuary of the city, 
 because it was the residence of the chief of the gods, Assur, under his 
 appellation of Anu.^ The soil was cleared away down to the bed-rock, upon 
 which an enormous substructure, consisting of fifty courses of bricks, was laid, 
 and above this were erected two lofty ziggura-ts, whose tile-covered surfaces 
 shone like the rising sun in their brightness ; the completion of the whole 
 
 ' Inscription discovered by Taylor in 1892, and published by H. Rawlinson, Cun. Ing. U'. Asia, 
 vol. iii. pi. 4, No. vi., translated in the first place by Scurader, Die Keilinschri/ten am Eimjange der 
 Quellgrotte des Sebenneh-Sa, pp. 1-8, 27 ; cf. Lotz, Die Insrhri/len Tiglath-pOeter's I., pp. 190, 191, and 
 WiNCKLEK, Inschr. Tighith-rileiier's I., in Scurader, Keilinschriflliche Bibliothel:,\o]. i. pp. 48, 49. 
 
 ' Annah of Tiglath-pileurr 7., col. vi. 11. 85-93 ; cf. Lotz, Die Inschr. Tiglath-pilesrr'f I., pp. 54, 55. 
 " Bel the ancient," or possibly " the ancient master," appears to have been one of the names of Anu 
 (HoMMEL, Gesch. Bab. und Assijr., p. 518, n. 2), who is naturally in this connexion the same as Assur. 
 
 ' See, for what little we know of this first Samsiranim&n, p. 112, n. 2, supra. 
 
 * Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch by F. Taylor, in G. Rawlinson, The Five Great 
 Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 79. A squeeze of this stele, reproduced in Scurader, Die Inschrxften am 
 Eingange der Quellgrntle des Sebbeiieh-Su, shows, above the arm, tlie inscription translated above. 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. vii. 11. 71-114; cf. Lotz, Die Inschriften Tiglath-pileser's I., 
 pp. 60-C3. This was the great temple of which the ruins still exist (cf. p. GOl, supra). 
 
6G0 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 was commemorated by a magnificent festival. The special chapel of Eammau 
 and his treasury, dating from the time of the same Samsiramman who 
 had raised the temple of Anu, were also rebuilt on a more important 
 scale.^ These works were actively carried on notwithstanding the fact that 
 war was raging on the frontier ; however preoccupied he might be M'ith 
 
 TRANSPOUT OF BI ILDING MATERIALS BY WATER. ^ 
 
 warlike projects, Tiglath-pileser never neglected the temples, and set to 
 work to collect from every side materials for their completion and adorn- 
 ment. He brought, for example, from Nairi such marble and hard stone 
 as might be needed for sculptural purposes, together with the beams of cedar 
 and cypress required by his carpenters. The mountains of Singar and of 
 the Zab furnished the royal architects with building stone for ordinary 
 uses, and for those facing slabs of bluish gypsum on which the bas-reliefs 
 of the king's exploits were carved; the blocks ready squared were brought 
 down the affluents of the Tigris on rafts or in boats, and thus arrived at their 
 destination without land transport. 
 
 The kings of Assyria, like the Pharaohs, had always had a passion for 
 rare trees and strange animals ; ^ as soon as they entered a country, they 
 inquired what natural curiosities it contained, and they would send back to 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. viii. 11. 1-16 ; cf. LoTZ, Die Inschriften Tiglath-pileser's I., pp. 64, 
 G5. The British Museum posseeses bricks bearing the name of Tiglath-pileser I., brought from this 
 temple, as is shown by the inscription on their sides (Rawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 6, No. v. ; 
 of. Menant, Annates des rois d'Assyrie, p. 33 ; Lotz, op. cit., pp. 190-192). For the meaning " treasure " 
 here attributed to the word Mt-hhamri, cf. Feuchtwang, Lexilcalisches zur Prisma-Inschri/t, etc., in 
 the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. v. p. 94. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief on the bronze doors at Balawat. 
 
 ^ Cf. for information as to this love of rarities in the Pharaohs, pp. 260, 261, 265, of the Lawn of 
 Civilization. 
 
TIGLATH-PILESEK'S HUNTING EXPEDITIONS. 661 
 
 their own land whatever specimens of them could be procured. The triumphal 
 cortege which accompanied the monarch on his return after each campaign 
 comprised not only prisoners and spoil of a useful sort, but curiosities from all 
 the conquered districts, as, for instance, animals of unusual form or habits, 
 rhinoceroses and crocodiles,^ and if some monkey of a rare species had been 
 
 taken in the sack of a town, it also would find a place in the procession, either 
 held in a leash or perched on the shoulders of its keeper. The campaigns 
 of the monarch were thus almost always of a double nature, comprising not 
 merely a conflict with men,but a continual pursuit of wild beasts. Tiglath-pileser, 
 " in the service of Ninib, had killed four great specimens of the male urus in 
 the desert of Mitanni, near to the town of Araziki, opposite to the countries of 
 the Khati ; ^ he killed them with his powerful bow, his dagger of iron, his 
 pointed lance, and he brought back their skins and horns to his city of Assur. 
 He secured ten strong male elephants, in the territory of Harran and upon the 
 
 ' A crocodile sent as a present by the King of Egypt is mentioned in the Intcription of the Broken 
 Obelieh; col. i. 1. 29; cf. Lotz, Die Inschriften Tiglatli-pikser's I., pp. 198, 199, and also p. 658 of the 
 present work. The animal is called luimmkha, which is the Egyptian msuhu with the plural article 
 na, and the origin of the word has been pointed out by Fox Talbot in the J. A$. Soc., vol. xix. 
 p. 138. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the cast in the Louvre. The original is in the British Museum, 
 forming part of the scene reproduced in Layakd, The Monument$ of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 54. It is from 
 tlie famous Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser II., of which mention will be made later on. 
 
 ' The town of Araziki has been identified with the Eragiza (Eraziga) of Ptolemy (v. 15, 14) by 
 SciiiiADER, Keilinschriften und Geschichtfforschung, p. 228, and by Fu. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradiet t 
 1>. 27(1; the Eraziga of Ptolemy wason the right bank of the Euphrates, while the text of Tiglatb- 
 pileser appears to place Araziki on the left bank. 
 
G62 
 
 TEE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 banks of the Khabur, and he took four of them alive : he brought back their 
 skins and their tusks, together with the living elephants, to his city of Assur." 
 
 He killed moreover, doubt- 
 
 a whole series of strongholds, some of whose names have a Cossaean ring 
 about them, such as Madkiu, Sudrun, Ubrukhundu, Sakama, Shuria, Khirishtu, 
 
 ' Annals of Tiglath-pileser I., col. vi. 11. 58-81 ; cf. Lotz, Die InschHften Tiglath-pileser's L, pp. 52, 
 53. The account of the hunts in the Annals is supplemented by the information furnished in the first 
 column of the " Broken Obelisk " (H. Eawlinson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 28 ; cf. Lotz, Inschriften 
 Tiglath-pileser's I., pp. 196-199, and Peisee, Inschriften Aschur-ndsir-abal's, in Schbadek, Eeilin- 
 schri/tliche Bibliothek, vol. i. pp. 122-127). The monument is of the time of Assur-nazir-pal, but the 
 first column contains an abstract from an account of an anonymous hunt, which a comparison of 
 numbers and names leads ua to attribute to Tiglath-pileser I. (Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 531- 
 534; Tiele, Bah.-Ass. Geschichte, p. 160) ; some Assyriologists, however, attribute it to Assur-nazir-pal 
 (Oppert, Hist, des Empires de Chaldee et dAssyrie, p. 135). 
 
 - The inscription of Sebbeneh-Su (cf. supra, p. 659) was erected at the time of the third expedition 
 into Nairi, and the Annals give only one (cf. supra, p. 655); the other two expeditions must, therefore, 
 be subsequent to the V"* year of his reign. 
 
 " H. Rawlixson, Cun. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. pi. 5, No. 4 ; Winckler, Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's L, 
 p. 29. The remains of this text have been translated by Hommel, who attributes it to Assur-rishishf 
 (Gesch. Bah. und Ass., pp. 511, 512) ; for its supposed reference to the campaigns of Tiglath-pileser I., 
 cf. Meissner, Der elamitische Feldzug Tiglatpileser's I., in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, vol. ix. 
 pp. 101-104, and also supra, p. 616, note 4, and 643, note 1. 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from the bas-relief in Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, vol. i. pi. 40. 
 
 less also in the service 
 of Ninib, a hundred and 
 twenty lions, which he 
 attacked on foot, despatch- 
 ing eight hundred more with 
 arrows from his chariot,^ 
 all within the short space 
 of five years, and we may 
 well ask what must have 
 been the sum total, if the 
 complete record for his 
 whole reign were extant. 
 We possess, unfortunately, 
 no annals of the later years 
 of this monarch ; we have 
 reason to believe that he 
 undertook several fresh 
 expeditions into Nairi,^ 
 and a mutilated tablet 
 records some details of 
 troubles with Elam in the 
 X'** year of his reign.^ We 
 gather that he attacked 
 
 MUNKLVs BROUGHT BACK AS TRIBUTE.* 
 
MERODACH-NADIN-AKHI AND END OF THE DYNASTY OF PASHE. 0G3 
 
 and Andaria. His advance in this direction must have considerably provoked 
 the Chaldaeans, and, indeed, it was not long before actual hostilities broke 
 out between the two nations. The first engage- 
 ment took place in the valley of the Lower Zab, 
 in the province of Arzukhina, without any decisive 
 result, but in the following year fortune favoured 
 the Assyrians, for Dur-kurigalzu, both Sipparas, 
 Babylon, and Upi opened their gates to them, while 
 Akarsallu, the Akhlame, and the whole of Sukhi 
 as far as Ivapiki tendered their submission to 
 Tiglath-pileser.^ Merodach-nadin-akhi, who was 
 at this time reigning in Chaldaea, was, like his 
 ancestor Nebuchadrezzar I., a brave and warlike 
 sovereign : he appears at first to have given way 
 under the blow thus dealt him, and to have ac- 
 knowledged the suzerainty of his rival, who there- 
 upon assumed the title of Lord of the four Houses 
 of the World, and united under a single empire 
 the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates. But 
 this state of things lasted for a few years only ; 
 Merodach-nadin-akhi once more took courage, 
 and, supported by the Chaldiean nobility, suc- 
 ceeded in expelling tlie intruders from Sumir and 
 Akkad. The Assyrians, however, did not allow themselves to be driven out 
 without a struggle, but fortune turned against them ; they were beaten, and 
 the conqueror inflicted on the Assyrian gods the humiliation to which they had 
 so often subjected those of other nations. He took the statues of Ramman and 
 Shala from Ekallati, carried them to Babylon, and triumphantly set them up 
 within the temple of Bel. There they remained in captivity for 418 years.'^ 
 
 • Synch. Hist., col. ii. 11. 14-21 ; cf. Peiser-Wincklek, Die togenannte synehronittitche GeBch., iii 
 SCHBADER, Ktilinsch. Bibliothek, vol. i. pp. 198, 199, and Sayce, TIus Synchronous Hut. of Ass. and 
 Bab., in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. iv. pp. 30, 31. 
 
 ' Drawn by Fauoher-Gudin, from the heliogravure in Fb. Le.normant, Lu Langue primitive dc la 
 ChahUe, pi. i. p. 382. The original is in the British Museum. It is one of the boundary stones 
 which were set up in a corner of a field to mark its legal limit: the text of it has been tianslated 
 by Oppert-Menant, Lvs Documents juridiques, p. 81, et seq. 
 
 ' We know this fact from the inscription of Baviau, in which Sennacherib boasts of having 
 brought back these statues to Assyria after they had been 418 years in the possession of the enemy 
 (H. Rawlinson, Cuu. Ins. W. As., vol. iii. pi. xiv., 11. 48-50 ; cf. Pognon, L' Inscription de Baviau, 
 pp. 18, 19, 89, 90). I have followed the commonly received opinion (Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., 
 pp. lGl-163, 531), which places the defeat of Tiglath-pileser after the taking of Babylon ; others think 
 that it preceded the decisive victory of the Assyrians (Delitzscii-Mvrdter, Gesclt. Bab. and A$s., 
 2nd edit., pp. 155, 150 ; Wincklek, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 97). It is improbable that, if the loss of 
 the statues preceded the decisive victory, the Assyrian conquerors should have left their gods 
 prisoners in a Babylonian temple, and should not have brought them back immediately to Ekallati. 
 
6G4 
 
 THE RISE OF TEE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Tiglath-pileser did not long survive this disaster, for he died about the 
 year 1100 B.c.,^ and two of his sons succeeded him on the throne. The elder, 
 Assur-belkala,^ had neither sufficient energy nor resources to resume the 
 ofiensive, and remained a passive spectator of the revolutions which distracted 
 Babylon. Merodach-nadin-akhi had been followed by his son Merodach- 
 shapik-ziiim,^ but this prince was soon dethroned by the people, and Ramman- 
 abaliddin, a man of base extraction, seized the crown. Assur-belkala not only 
 extended to this usurper the friendly relations he had kept up with the legiti- 
 mate sovereign, but he asked for the hand of his daughter in marriage, and 
 the rich dowry which she brought her husband no doubt contributed to the 
 continuation of his pacific policy.^ He appears also to have kept possession of 
 all the parts of Mesopotamia and Kummukh conquered by his father, and it 
 is possible that he may have penetrated beyond the Euphrates.^ His brother, 
 Samsi-ramman III., does not appear to have left any more definite mark upon 
 history than Assur-belkala;^ he decorated the temples built by his pre- 
 decessors,'^ but beyond this we have no certain record of his achievements. 
 We know nothing of the kings who followed him, their names even having 
 been lost, but about a century and a half after Tiglath-pileser,^ a certain 
 
 ' The death of Tiglath-pileser must have followed quickly ou the victory of Babylon ; the contenti 
 of the inscription of Bavian permit us to fix the taking of Elcallati by the Chaldseaus about the year 
 1 108-1 lOG li.c. (HosniEL, Gcsch. Bah. und Ass., pp. 402, 531 ; DELiTZSCH-MiiRDTEB, 2nd edit., Gesch. 
 Bab. und Ass., p. 158). We shall not be far wrong in supposing Tiglath-pileser to have reigned six 
 or eight years after his defeat. 
 
 2 I follow the usually received classification (Tiele, Bab.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 156, 165 ; Hommel, Gesch. 
 Bah. und Ass., p. 535). It is, however, possible that we must reverse the order of the sovereigns 
 (Satce, Synch. Hist, of Ass. and Bah., in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ii. p. 132, note 2 ; 
 DELiTZSCH-MiiRDTEE, Gcsch. Bah. und Ass., 2nd edit. p. 15C; Winokler, Gesch. Bah. und ^«s.,p. 180). 
 
 ^ The name of the Babylonian king has been variously read Merodach-shapik-zirat (G. Smith, 
 Early Hist, of Babylonia, in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. i. p. 74), Merodach-shapik- 
 kullcit (Sayce, Synch. Hist, of Ass. and Bab., in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ii. p. 133; 
 WiNCKLER, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., pp. 98, 100), Merodach-shapik-zirmati (Tiele, Bah.-Ass. Gesch., 
 pp. 155, 156, 165; DEHTzsca-MiiRDTEB, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., 2nd edit., p. 156); Hilprecht's reading 
 of it is Merodaeh-shapik-zirim {The Bah. Expedition, vol. i. p. 44, note 4 ; cf. Rogers, Outlines of the 
 Hist, of Early Babylonia, p. 66). 
 
 * Synchronous Hist., col. ii. 11. 25-37 ; cf. P£ISee-Wincklek, Die sogenannte Synchr. Gesch., in 
 ScHRADEB, Keilinsch. Bibliothek, vol. i. pp. 198, 199, and Sayce, Synchronous Hist, of Ass. and Bab., 
 in the Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. iv. p. 31. 
 
 * This appears to be the case from a passage in the inscription published by H. Rawlinson, Oun. 
 Ins. W. As., vol. i. pi. 6, No. vi., where he invokes the gods of Martu ; this is at least the meaning 
 given to it by Sayce, Synchr. Hist, of Ass. and Bah., in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. ii. 
 p. 132, note 2, and Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., p. 536. Boscaweu supposes that one of the very 
 mutilated inscriptions of the Nahr el-Kelb may belong to this prince, but the facts he alleges are too 
 vague to permit of us adopting his hypothesis with any security {The Monuments and Inscriptions at 
 the Nahr el-Kelb, in the Transactions of the Bibl. Arch. Soc, vol. vii. p. 338). 
 
 The proof that he was the brother of Assur-belkala is furnished by the preamble of his votive 
 inscriptions (Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. pi. 3, Xos. 9, 11), where he calls himself son of 
 Tiglath-pileser, grandson of Assuriishishi, and great-grandson of Mutakkilnusku. 
 
 ' He restored the palace and temple of Ishtar at Nineveh (Rawlinson, Gun. Ins. W. As., vol. iv. 
 pi. 3, Xos. 9, 11 ; cf. G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 252, and Hommel, Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 53,7). 
 
 * For this period, cf. Hommel, Gesch. Bah. und Ass., pp. 538-540, who collected and annotated with 
 the utmost care all the documents that remain. The King Assurirba (Delitzsch-Muedtee, Geschichte 
 
END OF THE PASHE DYNASTY. 
 
 665 
 
 Assurirba seems to have crossed Northern Syria, and following in the footsteps 
 of his great ancestor, to have penetrated as far as the Mediterranean : on the 
 rocks of Mount Amanus, facing the sea, he left a triumphal inscription in which 
 he set forth the mighty deeds he had accomplislied.^ This is merely a gleam 
 out of the murky night which envelops his history, and the testimony of one 
 of his descendants informs us that his good fortune soon forsook him : the 
 Aramaeans wrested from him the fortresses of Pitru and Mtitkinu, which com- 
 manded both banks of the Euphrates near Carchemish.^ Xor did the retrograde 
 movement slacken after his time : Assyria slowly wasted away down to the end 
 of the X"^ century, and but for the simultaneous decadence of the Clialdaeans, 
 its downfall would have been complete. But neither Ramman-abaliddin nor 
 his successor was able to take advantage of its weakness ; discord and want 
 of energy soon brought about their own ruin. The dynasty of Pashe dis- 
 appeared towards the middle of the X*'' century,^ and a family belonging to 
 the " Countries of the Sea " took its place : it had continued for about one 
 hundred and thirty-two years, and had produced eleven kings.* 
 
 Babyloniene, p. 157; Hommel, Geschichle Bahyloniens utuI Aasyrtens, p. 539; Winckleii, GetelucU. 
 Babyloniens und Asayriens, pp. 181-332) lias been variously called Assurmazur (Rawlisson, The 
 Five Great Monarchies, vol. ii. pp. 49, 81, n. 12). Asaurrabamar (G. Smith, Egyptian Campaigns of 
 Esarhaddon and Agsurbanipal, in the Zeitschri/t, 1 868, p. 1 1 8 ; Fit. Lenurmast, Littres Afsyriologique'f, 
 vol. i. p. 233), and Assurrabburi (Tiele, Babylonisch-Assyrieche Geschichte, pp. 167, 177, 178). 
 
 ' We learn this from tiie fact that Shalinanoser II. mentions the stelo of his predecessor {Inicrip- 
 tion at Balatcat, col. ii. 11. 3, 4, and Inscription on the Monolith at Karkh, col. ii. 1. 5, et seq. ; cf- 
 Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 510). 
 
 ' In regard to the occupation of these two towns, see what is said on p. 657, supra. 
 
 ' The list of the early Assyrian dynasties, starting from Samsiramraan I. (cf., for tiie earlier king.s. 
 what is said on p. 112, supra), may be given pretty mui h as follows : — 
 
 Sasisikamman I. 
 Igubkapkapu. 
 SamsirammAn II. 
 
 KAMMANIBiRI I. 
 
 Shalmaneseu I. 
 
 TUKCLTININII' 1. 
 ASSCRNAZIBPAL I. 
 
 Tdkultiassubbel. 
 
 AssUBNiBAUi Land Nauodainani. 
 
 Belchadbezzab. 
 
 Ninipabalesharua. 
 AssnitDAN I. 
 
 MUTAKKILXVISKV. 
 
 AssuRisiiisui. 
 
 TlQLATHPlLESEK I. 
 AsSnBBELKALA. 
 
 Samsiramm.\x III. 
 
 ASSURBELNISUISHU. 
 BUZUBASSUB. 
 AsSCRUBALLtT. 
 
 Belnibabi. 
 
 BCDILU. 
 
 • It is no easy matter to draw up an exact list of this dynasty, i 
 (7%e Babylonian Exp. of the Univ. of Penn., vol. i. p. 44) contains more than one doubtful name (see 
 what is said on this point on p. 613, note 3, supra). The following list is very imperfect and doubtful, 
 but the best that our present knowledge enables us to put forward : 
 
 I. Merodach[ ] 17 years VII. Mebodach-shapikzJrIm. 
 
 Assuribua. 
 nd Ililprocht's attempt ti 
 
 do so 
 
 II. 
 
 6 ye. 
 
 III. Nebdchaduezzar 1 13 year.s 
 
 IV. 
 
 VIII. Uammakabaliddik .... 22 years 
 IX. Mei!odach-bel[ ] 1 year 6 months 
 X. Mebodach-zib[ ] ... 13 years 
 XI. Naiiushcm[ ] 9 years 
 
 V. BelnadInabal 
 
 VI. Mebod.\ch-nadin-akhi 
 
 The total duration of the dynasty was, according to the Royal Canon, 72 years 6 months. Peiser has 
 shown that this is a mistake, and he proposes to correct it to 132 years 6 months (Zur Babylonische 
 Chronologic, in the Zeitschri/l fur Asfyriologis, vol. vi. pp. 268, 269), and this is accepted by most 
 Assyriologists (Winckleb, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 329, and Altorientali/che 
 Forschungen, p. 131 ; Hilpbecht, The Babylonian Exp. of the Univ. of Penn , vol. i. p. 43). 
 
666 
 
 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 What were the causes of this depression, from which Babylon suffered at 
 almost regular intervals, as though stricken with some periodic malady ? The 
 main reason soon becomes apparent if we consider the nature of the country 
 and the material conditions of its existence. Chaldsea was neither extensive 
 enough nor sufficiently populous to afford a solid basis for the ambition of her 
 princes. Since nearly every man capable of bearing arms was enrolled in the 
 army, the Clialdsean kings had no difiiculty in raising, at a moment's notice, 
 a force which could be employed to repel an invasion, or make a sudden attack 
 on some distant territory; it was in schemes which required prolonged and 
 sustained elfort that they felt the drawbacks of their position. In that age 
 of hand-to-hand combats, the mortality in battle was very high, forced marches 
 through forests and across mountains entailed a heavy loss of men, and three 
 or four consecutive campaigns against a stubborn foe soon reduced an army 
 to a condition of dangerous weakness. Kecruits might be obtained to fill the 
 earlier vacancies in the ranks, but they soon grew fewer and fewer if time was not 
 given for recovery after the opening victories in the struggle, and the supply 
 eventually ceased if operations were carried on beyond a certain period. 
 A reign which began brilliantly often came to an impotent conclusion, owing 
 to the king having failed to economise his reserves ; and the generations which 
 followed, compelled to adopt a strictly defensive attitude, vegetated in a sort 
 of anaemic condition, until the birth-rate had brought the proportion of males 
 up to a figure sufficiently high to provide the material for a fresh army. 
 When Nebuchadrezzar made war upon Assurishishi, he was still weak from 
 the losses he had incurred during the campaign against Elam, and could not 
 conduct his attack with the same vigour as had gained him victory on the 
 banks of the Ulai ; in the first year he only secured a few indecisive ad- 
 vantages, and in the second he succumbed. Merodach-nadin-akhi was suffering 
 from the reverses sustained by his predecessors when Tiglath-pileser provoked 
 him to war, and though he succeeded in giving a good account of an adversary 
 who was himself exhausted by dearly bought successes, he left to his descendants 
 a kingdom which had been drained of its last drop of blood. The same 
 reason which explains the decadence of Babylon shows us the cause of the 
 periodic eclipses undergone by Assyria after each outburst of her warlike 
 spirit. She, too, had to pay the penalty of an ambition which was out of all 
 proportion to her resources. The mighty deeds of Shalmaneser and Tukulti-ninip 
 were, as a natural consequence, followed by a state of complete prostration 
 under Tukultiassurbel and Assurnirari : the country was now forced to pay for 
 the glories of Assurishishi and of Tiglath-pileser by falling into an inglorious 
 state of languor and depression. Its kings, conscious that their rule must be 
 
DECADENCE OF ASSYRIA AND GHALD.EA. 
 
 667 
 
 necessarily precarious as long as they did not possess a larger stock of recruits 
 to fall back on, set tbeir vvits to work to provide by various methods a more 
 adequate reserve. While on one hand they installed native Assyrians in 
 the more suitable towns of conquered countries, on tbe other they imported 
 whole hordes of alien prisoners cbosen for tbeir strength and courage, and 
 settled them down in districts by the banks of the Tigris and the Zab. We 
 do not know what Eammanirani and Shalmaneser may have done in this way, 
 but Tiglath-pileser undoubtedly introduced thousands of the Musbku, the 
 Urumaeans, tlie people of Kumraukb and Nairl, and his example was followed 
 by all those of his successors whose history has come down to us. One might 
 have expected that such an invasion of foreigners, still smarting under the 
 sense of defeat, might have brought with it an element of discontent or 
 rebellion ; far from it, they accepted their exile as a judgment of the gods, 
 which the gods alone had a right to reverse, and did their best to mitigate the 
 hardness of their lot by rendering unhesitating obedience to tlieir masters. 
 Their grandchildren, born in the midst of Assyrians, became Assyrians them- 
 selves, and if they did not entirely divest themselves of every trace of their 
 origin, at any rate became so closely identified with the country of their 
 adoption, that it was difficult to distinguish them from the native race. The 
 Assyrians who were sent out to colonise recently acquired provinces were at 
 times exposed to serious risks. Now and then, instead of absorbing the natives 
 among whom they lived, they were absorbed by them, which meant a loss of 
 so much fighting strength to the mother country ; even under the most 
 favourable conditions a considerable time must have passed before they could 
 succeed in assimilating to themselves the races amongst whom they lived. At 
 last, however, a day would dawn when the process of incorporation was accom- 
 plished, and Assyria, having increased her area and resources twofold, found 
 herself ready to endure to the end the strain of conquest. In the interval, she 
 suffered from a scarcity of fighting men, due to the losses incurred in her 
 victories, and must have congratulated herself that her traditional foe was not 
 in a position to take advantage of this fact. 
 
 The first wave of the Assyrian invasion had barely touched Syria ; it had 
 swept hurriedly over the regions in the north, and then flowed southwards to 
 return no more, so that the northern races were able to resume the wonted 
 tenor of their lives. For centuries after this their condition underwent no 
 change; there was the same repetition of dissension and intrigue, the same 
 endless succession of alliances and battles without any signal advantage on 
 either side. The Hittites still held Northern Syria : Carchemish was their 
 capital, and more than one town in its vicinity preserved the tradition of their 
 
668 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 dress, their language, their arts, and their culture in full vigour. The Greek 
 legends tell us vaguely of some sort of Cilician empire which is said to have 
 brought the eastern and central provinces of Asia Minor into subjection about 
 ten centuries before our era.^ Is there any serious foundation for such a belief, 
 and must we assume that there existed at this time and in this part of the 
 world a kingdom similar to that of Sapalulu ? Assyria was recruiting its 
 forces, Chaldsea was kept inactive by its helplessness, Egypt slumbered by the 
 banks of its river, there was no actor of the first rank to fill the stage ; now 
 was the opportunity for a second-rate performer to come on the scene and play 
 such a part as his abilities permitted. The Cilician conquest, if this be indeed 
 the date at which it took place, had the boards to itself for a hundred years 
 after the defeat of Assurirba. The time was too short to admit of its striking 
 deep root in the country. Its leaders and men were, moreover, closely related 
 to the Syrian Hittites ; the language they spoke was, if not precisely the Hittite, 
 at any rate a dialect of it ; their customs were similar, if, perhaps, somewhat 
 less refined, as is often the case with mountain races, when compared with the 
 peoples of the plain. We are tempted to conclude that some of the monuments 
 found south of the Taurus were their handiwork, or, at any rate, date from their 
 time. For instance, the ruined palace at Sinjirli, the lower portions of which 
 are ornamented with pictures similar to those at Pteria,'^ representing pro- 
 cessions of animals, some real, others fantastic, men armed with lances or bend- 
 ing the bow, and processions of priests or officials. Then there is the great 
 lion at Marash, which stands erect, with menacing head, its snarling lips 
 exposing the teeth ; its body is seamed with the long lines of an inscription 
 in the Asiatic character, in imitation of those with which the bulls in the 
 Assyrian palaces are covered. These Cilicians gave an impulse to the civiliza- 
 tion of the Khati which they sorely needed, for the Semitic races, whom 
 they had kept in subjection for centuries, now pressed them hard on all the 
 territory over which they had formerly reigned, and were striving to drive 
 them back into the hills. The Aramaeans in particular gave them a great 
 
 > Solinus, relying on the indirect evidence of Hecatseus of Miletus, tells us that Cilicia extended 
 not only to the countries afterwards known as Cataonia, Commagene, and Syria, but also included 
 Lydia, Media, Armenia, Pamphylia, and Cappadocia ; the conquests of the Assyrian kings must have 
 greatly reduced its area {Polyhistor, ed. Mommsen, p. 179, c. 38, § 1, et seq.)- Mordtmann had already 
 applied this hypothesis in the interpretation of the Asiatic monuments, and consequently regarded 
 them as belonging to this Cilician empire (La Sceau de Tarlcoumdimmi, roi de Tarsous, in Gbote, 
 Munzstudien, iii. pp. 130, 131); his theory was taken up by Lehmann (Wochenschrifl fiir classische 
 Philologie, 1893, No. 22), and has been worked out by Jensen in his Grundlagen fiir e.ine entzijferung 
 der Hatischen oder Cilieischen Inschriften, pp. 17-19. I am of opinion that the tradition preserved 
 by Hecatseus referred both to the kingdom of Sapalulu and to that of the monarchs of this second 
 epoch. 
 
 ■ In regard to this palace, which is probably later than the X*'' century, cf. Perrot-Chipiez, 
 Ilistoire de I'Art dans V Antiquity, vol. iv. pp. 533, 534. I shall have occasion to speak at greater 
 length of Sinjirli later on. 
 
THE KHATI AND ARAMJSANS. 669 
 
 deal of trouble. The states on the banks of the Euphrates had found them 
 awkward neighbours ; was this the moment chosen by the Pukudu, the Rutu, 
 
 I.IOX AT MABASU.' 
 
 tribes from whicli, soon after, the Kaldi nation'-^ was formed, were marauding 
 round Eridii, Uru, and Larsa, and may have already begun to lay the foundations 
 of their supremacy over Babylon : it is, indeed, an open question whetlier those 
 princes of the Countries of the Sea who succeeded the Pashe dynasty did not 
 come from the stock of the Kaldi Aramaeans.'' While they were thus consoli- 
 dating on the south-east, the bulk of the nation continued to ascend north- 
 wards, and rejoined its outposts in the central region of the Euphrates, which 
 extends from the Tigris to the Khabur, from tlie Khabur to the Balikh and 
 the Apiie. They had already come into frequent conflict with most of tlu' 
 victorious Assyrian kings, from Karamanirari down to Tiglath-pileser ; the weak- 
 ness of Assyria and Chaldaea gave them their opportunity, and they took full 
 advantage of it. They soon became masters of the whole of iMesopotamia ; a 
 part of the table-land extending from Carchemish to Mount Amanus fell into 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph of the cast shown at the Paris Exhibition of 1889; cf. 
 Philippe Bergek, Hutoire de I'Ecriturv dane V Antiquity, p. 107. 
 
 ' I shall have occasion to return to tlio question of the origin of the Kaldi ; for the present, I 
 must refer the reader to Delattue, Les Chaldeem ju*qu'a l/t Jormation de I'empire de Nabuchodonotor, 
 2nd edit., pp. 3, 4, who notes the existence of a country of Chuldaja nndor Assurnnzirpal in the 
 first half of the IX'" century u.c. In placing tlie rise of this state at the end of the XP" or 
 beginning of the X"" century, we are merely suggesting a minimum date. 
 
 ' This is the hypothesis suggested by Winckler (Unterschungen :ur altori'entaUschen Oetcliichie, 
 pp. 49, 50 ; cf. Geechichte Babyhniens uml Aggyriens, pp. 177-180). 
 
670 THE RISE OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 their hands, their activity was still greater in the basin of the Orontes, and 
 their advanced guard, coming into collision with the Amorites near the 
 sources of the Litany, began gradually to drive farther and farther southwards 
 all that remained of the races which had shown so bold a front to the 
 Egyptian troops. Here was an almost entirely new element, gradually 
 eliminating from the scene of the struggle other elements which had grown 
 old through centuries of war, and while this transformation was taking place in 
 Northern and Central, a similar revolution was effecting a no less surprising 
 metamorphosis in Southern Syria. There, too, newer races had gradually come 
 to displace the nations over which the dynasties of Thutmosis and Ramses 
 had once held sway. The Hebrews on the east, the Philistines and their allies 
 on the south-west, were about to undertake the conquest of the Kharu and its 
 cities. As yet their strength was inadequate, their temperament undecided, 
 their system of government imperfect ; but they brought with them the quality 
 of youth, and energies which, rightly guided, would assure the nation which 
 first found out how to take advantage of them, supremacy over all its rivals, 
 and the strength necessary for consolidating the whole country into a single 
 kingdom. 
 
THE HEBREWS AND 
 THE PHILISTINES-DAMASCUS. 
 
 THE ISRAELITES IX THE LAND OK CANAAN : THE JUDGES — THE PHILISTINES AND THE 
 HEBREW KINGDOM — SAUL, DAVID, SOLOMON, THE DEFECTION OF THE TEN TKIBES— THE 
 XXP' EGYPTIAN DYNASTY SHESHONQ OR SHISHAK— DAMASCUS. 
 
 The Hebrews in tfte deaert : their families, daiis, ami tribes — 27te Amorites and the Hebrews 
 • Hi the left bank of the Jordan — Hie conquest of Canaan and the native reaction against the 
 Hebrews — Tlie judges, Ehud, Deborah, Jerubbaal or Gideon and the Manaxsite xiipremanj ; 
 Abimelech, Jephthah. 
 
 The Philistines, their political organisation, their army and fleet — Judah, Dan, uiid thr 
 story of Samson — Benjamin on the Philistine frontier — Eli and the ark of the covenant — 
 The Philistine dominion over Israel ; Samuel, Sard, the Benjamite monarchy — David, his retreat 
 to the desert of Judah and his sojourn at Ziklag — Tlie battle of GUboa ami the death of Said — 
 The struggle between Ish-bosheth and David — David sole king, atid the final defeat of the 
 Philistines — Jerusalem becomes the capital ; the removal of the ark — Wars icith the peoples 
 i>f the East — Absalom's rebellion : the coronation of Solomon. 
 
 Solomon's government and his buildings — Plwenician colonisation in Spain : Hiram I. ami 
 the enlargement of Tyre— The voyages to Ophir and Turshish—The palace at Jerusalem, the 
 temple awl its dedication : the priesthood and prophets — The death of Solomon; thr xcliisin of 
 the ten tribes and the division of the Hebrew kingdom. 
 
( <>72 ) 
 
 The XXI" Egyptian ihjnasty : the Thebaii high priests and the Tanite Pharaohs — Tlie 
 Libyan mercenaries and their predominance in the state : the origin of the XXII'"' (Buhastite) 
 dynasty — Sheshonq I. as Jdrig and his son AitpilH as high priest of Amon ; the hiding-place at 
 Dctr el-Bahart— Sheshonq' s expedition against Jerusalem. 
 
 The two Hebrew kingdoms : tlie fidelity of Judah to the descendants of Solomon, and the 
 ri'iicuted changes of dynasty i)i Israel — Asa and Baasha — The kingdom of Damascus and its 
 origin — Rezon, Tabrimmon, Benliadad I. — Omri and the foundation of Samaria: Ahab and 
 the Tyrian alliance — TJie successors of Hiram I. at Tyre : Ithobaal I. — The prophets, their 
 struggle against Phoenician idolatry, the story of Elijah — The wars between Israel and 
 Damascus up to the time of the Assyrian invasion. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PH I LIST I N ES— D A M ASC U S. 
 
 The Israelites in the land of Canaan : the judges — The Philistines and the Hebrew 
 kingdom — Saul, David, Solomon, the defection of the ten tribes — the XXI'' 
 Egyptian dynasty— Sheshonq — Damascus. 
 
 A FTER reaching Kadesli-barnea, the Israelites in tlieir wan- 
 ^ derings had come into contact with various Bedawin tribes — 
 Kenites, Jerahmelites, Edomites, and Midianites, with whom they 
 had in turn fought or allied themselves, according to the exi- 
 gencies of their pastoral life. Continual skirmishes had 
 taught them the art of war, their numbers had rapidly 
 increased, and with this increase came a consciousness 
 of their own strength, so that, after a lapse of two or 
 three generations, they may be said to have constituted 
 a considerable nation. Its component elements were not, 
 however, firmly welded together ; they consisted of an 
 indefinite number of clans, which were again subdivided 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph published by the Duo de Lcynes, Voyage cCexplora- 
 tion a la mer Morte, pi. 22. The initial letter represents an armed Phoenician divinity, probably an 
 equivalent of the Egyptian god Sit ; it is drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bronze statuette now in 
 the Louvre. 
 
 2 X 
 
G74 
 
 TEE EEBBEWS AND TEE PEILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 into several families.^ Each of these families had its chief or "ruler," to 
 whom it rendered absolute obedience, while the united chiefs formed an 
 assembly of elders who administered justice when required, and settled any 
 differences which arose among their respective followers.'-^ The clans in their 
 turn were grouped into tribes,^ according to certain affinities which they 
 mutually recognised, or which may have been fostered by daily intercourse on 
 a common soil, but the ties which bound them together at this period were of 
 the most slender character. It needed some special event, such as a projected 
 migration in search of fresh pasturage, or an expedition against a turbulent 
 neighbour, or a threatened invasion by some stranger, to rouse the whole 
 tribe to corporate action ; at such times they would elect a " nasi," or ruler, 
 the duration of whose functions ceased with the emergency which had called 
 him into office.* Both clans and tribes were designated by the name of some 
 ancestor from whom they claimed to be descended, and who appears in some 
 cases to have been a god for whom they had a special devotion ; some writers 
 have believed that this was also the origin of the names given to several of 
 the tribes, such as Gad, " Good Fortune," or of the totems of the hyena and 
 the dog, in Arabic and Hebrew, " Simeon " and " Caleb." ^ Gad, Simeon, and 
 Caleb were severally the ancestors of the families who ranged themselves under 
 their respective names, and the eponymous heroes of all the tribes were held 
 to ha ye been brethren, sous of one father, and under the protection of one 
 God. He was known as the Jahveh with whom Abraham of old had made 
 a solemn covenant ; ^ His dwelling-place was Mount Sinai or Mount Seir, and 
 He revealed Himself in the storm ; ' His voice was as the thunder " which 
 shaketh the wilderness," His breath was as " a consuming fire," and He was 
 decked with light " as with a garment." When His anger was aroused, He 
 
 ' The clan was called mishpdJchdh {Lev. xxv. 10 ; Numb. iii. 30, 35 ; Josh. xiii. 15) ; for its cou- 
 stitution, cf. Stade, Gescli. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 396, et seq. 
 
 ^ The elders were called zehen, in the plural zekenim (Exod. iii. 18, xxiv. 14 ; Deut. xxxi. 28). 
 
 ' The tribe was designated by two words signifying " staff " or "branch;" the first is matteh 
 {Numb. i. 49, x. 16, xxxiv. 13, et seq., xxxvi. 3), the second shabet (Exod. xxiv. 4, xxviii. 21 ; Numh. 
 xxxvi. 3; Josh. iv. 5; Judges xviii. 1). 
 
 * The word nasi, first applied to the chiefs of the tribes (Exod. xxxiv. 31 ; Lev. iv. 22 ; Numb. ii. 3), 
 became, after the captivity, the title of the chiefs of Israel, who could not be called kings owing to 
 the foreign suzerainty (Esdras i. 8). 
 
 * For this onomastic procedure, cf. Eobeetson Smith, On Animal Worship and Animal Tribes 
 amongst the Arabs and in the Old Test., in the Journal of Philology, vol. ix. p. 75, et seq. For its 
 applicability to the clans and tribes of Israel, isee Stade, Geseh. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 403-409. 
 For Gad, see supra, pp. 157, 158. Simeon is derived by some from a word which at times denotes a 
 hycDB, at others a cross between a dog and a hyena, according to Arab lexicography (Robbetson 
 Smith, On Animal Worship, p. 80). With regard to Caleb, Eenan prefers a different interpretation ; 
 it is supposed to be a shortened form of Kalbel (cf. Ealbelim in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, 
 vol. i. pp. 70, 71, No. 49, and pp. 72, 73, No. 52), and " Dog of El " is a strong expression to denote the 
 devotion of a tribe to its patron god. 
 
 " For the covenant made by God with Abraham, see supra, pp. 66, 67. 
 
 ' Cf. the graphic description of the signs which accompanied the manifestations of Jahveh in the 
 Song of Deborah (Judges v. 4, 5), and also in 1 Kings xix. 11-13. 
 
THE HEBREWS IN THE DESERT, THEIR CLANS AND TRIBES. 675 
 
 withheld the dew and rain from watering the earth ; but when His wrath was 
 appeased, the heavens again poured their fruitful showers upon the fields.' He 
 is described as being a "jealous God," brooking no rival, and "visiting the 
 iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth genera- 
 tion." We hear of His having been adored under the figure of a " calf," ^ and 
 of His Spirit inspiring His prophets, as well as of the anointed stones which 
 were dedicated in His honour.^ The common ancestor of the nation was 
 acknowledged to have been Jacob, who, by his wrestling with God, had 
 obtained the name of Israel ; the people were divided theoretically into as 
 many tribes as he had sons, but the number twelve to which they were 
 limited does not entirely correspond with all that we know up to the present 
 time of these "children of Israel." ^ Some of the tribes appear never to have 
 had any political existence, as for example that of Levi,^ or they were merged 
 at an early date into some fellow-tribe, as in the case of lleuben with Gad ; * 
 others, such as Ephraim, ^lanasseh, Benjamin, aud Judah, apparently did 
 not attain their normal development until a much later date. The Jewish 
 chroniclers attempted by various combinations to prove that the sacred 
 number of tribes was the correct one. At times they included Levi in the 
 list, in which case Joseph was reckoned as one ; ' while on otlier occasions 
 Levi or Simeon was omitted, when for Joseph would be substituted his two 
 sons Ephraim and Manasseh.^ In addition to this, the tribes were very 
 unequal in size : Ephraim, Gad, and Manasseh comprised many powerful aud 
 wealthy families ; Dan, on the contrary, contained so few, that it was some- 
 times reckoned as a mere clan. 
 
 The tribal organisation had not reached its full development at the 
 
 ' See 1 Kings xvii., xviii., where the conflict between Elijah and the prophets of Baal for the 
 obtaining of rain is described. 
 
 = The most common of these animal forms was that of a calf or bull {Exod. xxxii. ; l>eut. ix. 21 ; 
 and in the kingly period, 1 Kings xii. 28-30; 2 Kings x. 29); we are not told the form of the image 
 of Micah the Ephraimite (Judges xviii. 14, 17, 18, 20, 80, 31). [The ephods mentioned as objecte of 
 reverence in Judges viii. 27, and 1 Sam. xxi. 9, cannot come under this category, as the Hebrew wonl 
 used implies tliat there was no figure connected with them. — Ed.] 
 
 ' For the stones which marked the sites of the appearances of Jahveh, cf. supra, pp. GC, 68, G'J, 
 162-1G4. 
 
 * For Jacob-Israel and his twelve sous, and for the division of their descendants into twelve 
 tribes, cf. supra, 68-70. 
 
 " Levi appears to have suffered dispersion after the events of which there are two separate accounts 
 combined in Gen. xxxiv. In conjunction with Simeon, he appears to have revenged the violation of 
 Itis sister Dinah by a massacre of the Shechomites, and the dispersion alluded to in Jacob's blessing 
 (Gen. xlix. 5-7) is mentioned as consequent on this act of barbarism. For remarks on this subject, 
 see St.\de, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 152-154. 
 
 " In the IX"" century Mesha of Moab does not mention the Reubenites, and speaks of the Gadites only 
 as inhabiting the territory formerly occupied by them. Tradition attributed the misfortunes of the tribe 
 to the crime of its chief in his seduction of Bilbah, his father's concubine (Gen. xlix. 3, 4 ; cf. xxxv. 22). 
 
 ' As, for instance, in Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix. 5-7) and in the enumeration of the patriarch's 
 sons at tlie time of his journey to Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 9-26). 
 
 » Num}). i. 20, et seq., where the descendants of Levi are not included among the twelve, and 
 D<;ut. xxxiii. 6-25, where Simeon is omitted from among the tribes blessed by Moses before his death. 
 
676 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 time of the sojourn in the desert. The tribes of Joseph and Judah, who 
 subsequently played such important parts, were at that period not held in 
 any particular estimation; Eeuben, on the other hand, exercised a sort of 
 right of priority over the rest.^ The territory which thfey occupied soon 
 became insufficient to support their numbers, and they sought to exchange 
 it for a wider area, such as was offered by the neighbouring provinces of 
 Southern Syria. Pharaoh at this time exercised no authority over this 
 region, and they were, therefore, no longer in fear of opposition from his 
 troops ; the latter had been recalled to Egypt, and it is doubtful even whether 
 he retained possession of the Shephelah by means of his Zakkala and 
 Philistine colonies ; the Hebrews, at any rate, had nothing to fear from him 
 so long as they respected Gaza and Ascalon. They began by attempting to 
 possess themselves of the provinces around Hebron, in the direction of the 
 Dead Sea, and we read that, before entering them, they sent out spies to 
 reconnoitre and report on the country.^ Its population had undergone 
 considerable modifications since the Israelites had quitted Goschen. The 
 Amorites, who had seriously suffered from the incursions of Asiatic hordes, and 
 had been constantly harassed by the attacks of the Aramaeans, had abandoned 
 the positions they had formerly occupied on the banks of the Orontes and 
 the Litany, and had moved southwards, driving the Canaanites before them ; 
 their advance was accelerated as the resistance opposed to their hordes became 
 lessened under the successors of Ramses III., until at length all opposition was 
 withdrawn. They had possessed themselves of the regions about the Lake 
 of Genesareth, the mountain district to the south of Tabor, the middle valley 
 of the Jordan, and, pressing towards the territory east of that river, had attacked 
 the cities scattered over the undulating table-land. This district had not 
 been often subjected to incursions of Egyptian troops, and yet its inhabitants 
 had been more impressed by Egyptian influence than many others. Whereas, 
 in the north and west, cuneiform writing was almost entirely used, attempts 
 had been made here to adapt the hieroglyphs to the native language. The 
 only one of their monuments which has been preserved is a rudely carved 
 bas-relief in black basalt, representing a two-horned Astarte, before whom 
 stands a king in adoration ; the sovereign is Ramses II., and the inscriptions 
 accompanying the figures contain a religious formula, together with a name 
 borrowed from one of the local dialects.^ The Amorites were everywhere 
 
 ' This conclusion is drawn from the position of eldest son given to him in all the genealogies 
 enumerating the children of Jacob. Stade, on the contrary, is inclined to believe that this place of 
 honour was granted to him on account of the smallness of his family, to prevent any jealousy arising 
 between the more powerful tribes, such as Ephraim and Judah {Ges. des Volkes Jsr., vol. i. pp. 151, 152). 
 
 - Nuirib. xiii. 
 
 ^ This is the " Stone of Job " discovered by Schuhmacher {Zeitschrift des Paldstina-Vereins, 1888, 
 vol. xiv. p. 142, et seq. ; cf. Erman, Der Hiohstein, ibid., vol. xv. pp. 205-211). The inscription appears 
 to give the name of a goddess, Agana-Zaphon, the second part of which recalls the name of Baal-Zephon. 
 
THE AMORITES IN THE LAND OF CANAAN. 
 
 r 
 
 k 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V'" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 victorious, but our information is confined to this bare fact ; soon after their 
 victory, however, we find the territory they had invaded divided into two 
 kingdoms : in the north that of Bashan, which comprised, besides the 
 Hauran, the plain watered by the Yarmuk ; and to the south that of Heshbon, 
 containing the district lying 
 around the Aruon, and the 
 Jabbok to the east of the 
 Dead Sea.^ They seem to have 
 made the same rapid progress in 
 the country between the Jordan 
 and the Mediterranean as else- 
 where. They had subdued 
 some of the small Canaanite 
 states, entered into friendly 
 relations with others, and pene- 
 trated gradually as far south 
 us the borders of Sinai, while 
 we find them establishing petty 
 
 THE AMUKITE ASTAICTE." 
 
 kings among the hill-country oi 
 
 Shechem around Hebron, on the confines of the Negeb, and tlie Shephelah.'* 
 When the Hebrew tribes ventured to push forward in a direct line northwards, 
 they came into collision with the advance posts of the Amorite population, and 
 suffered a severe defeat under the walls of Hormah.* The check thus received, 
 however, did not discourage them. As a direct course was closed to them, 
 they turned to the right, and followed, first the southern and then the eastern 
 shores of the Red Sea, till they reached the frontier of Gilead.^ There again 
 they were confronted by the Amorites, but in lesser numbers, and not so 
 securely entrenched within their fortresses as their fellow-countrymen in the 
 
 ' The extension of the Amorite power in this direction ia proved by the facts relating to the king- 
 doms of Sihou and Og (Deut. i. 4, ii. 24-37, iii. 1-17). For the whole of this Amorite migration, cf. 
 WlNCKLEB, Geich. Israels, vol. i. pp. 51-54. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudiu, from the squeezes and sketches published in the Zeitschrift dei 
 Palaatina-Vereiiis, vol. xv. pp. 20G, 207; cf. also supra, p. 403, note 3. 
 
 ' For the Amorite occupation of the Negeb and the hill country of Judah, cf. Numb. xiii. 29 ; 
 Deut. i. 7, 19-46 ; Josh. x. 5, C, 12, xi. 3 ; for their presence in the Shephelah, cf. Judges i. 34-36. 
 
 * See the long account in Numb, xiii., xiv., which terminates with the mention of the defeat of tiie 
 Israelites at Hormah ; and cf. Deut. i. 19-46. 
 
 ' The itinerary given in Numb. xx. 22-29, xxxi., xsxiii. 37-49, and repented in Deut. ii., brings the 
 Israelites as far as Ezion-gcber, in such a manner a^ to avoid the Midiunites and the Moabites. The 
 friendly welcome accorded to them in the regions situated to the cast of the Dead Sea, has been 
 accounted for either by an alliance made with Moab and Ammou against their common enemy, the 
 Amorites (Wellhausen, Abtiss der Getch. Israels und Judas, in the Skizzen uud Vorarbeiten, vol. i. 
 p. 7, and with more reserve by Renan, Hist, du peuple d' Israel, vol. i. p. 211, et seq.), or by the fact 
 tliat Amnion and Moab did not as yet occupy those regions; the inhabitants in that case would have 
 been Edomites and Midianites, who were iu continual warfare with each other (Wincklek, Gesch. 
 Israels, vol. i. pp. 4C-51, 203-205). 
 
(378 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 THE VALLEY OF THE JABBOK, NEAU TO ITS CONFLUENCE WITH THE JORDAN.' 
 
 Negeb, so that the Israelites were able to overthrow the kingdoms of Heshbon 
 and Bashan.^ Gad received as its inheritance nearly the whole of the territory 
 lying between the Jabbok and the Yarmuk, in the neighbourhood of the 
 ancient native sanctuaries of Penuel, Mahanaim, and Succoth, associated with 
 the memory of Jacob.^ Eeuben settled in the vicinity, and both ti-ibes 
 remained there isolated from the rest. From this time forward they took 
 but a slight interest in the affairs of their brethren : when the latter demanded 
 tlieir succour, "Grilead abode beyond Jordan," and "by the watercourses of 
 Reuben there were great resolves of heart," but without any consequent action.* 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from photograph Xo. 336 of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 
 
 2 War against Sihon, King of Heshbon {Numb. xxi. 21-31 ; Deut. ii. 26-37), and against Og, King 
 of Bashan (,Numb. xxi. 32-35 ; Deut. iii. 1-13). Ed. Meyer thinks that the episode of Sihon was 
 placed by mistake at the time of the conquest (Der Krieg gegen Sichen und die zugehSrigen Ahschnitte, 
 in the Zeitschrift fiir alttestamenlliche Wissenschaft, 1885, pp. 36-52, and Gesch. des Alterthums, vol. i. 
 pp. 391, 392, 402) : according to him, Sihon was King of Moab, father of Meshah, from whom Omri of 
 Israel took Heshbon at the beginning of the IX"' century (cf. Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. 
 pp. 116, 118, 521, 522). Kuenen has refuted this hypothesis (Hist. Kritik Onderzoek, 2nd edit., vol. i. 
 § 13, note 13), and his opinion is now accepted by most historians. 
 
 ^ For these ancient sanctuaries, cf. supra, pp. 68, 69, 163. For Gad and Eeuben, cf. Stade, Gesch. 
 des Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 148-152 ; Gad did not possess the districts between the Jabbok and the 
 Anion till the time of tlie early kings, and retained them only till about the reign of Jehu, as we 
 gather from the inscription of Mesa. 
 
 * These are the very expressions used by the author of the Song of Deborah in Judges v. 16, 17; 
 cf. pp. 687, 688 of this present volume. 
 
THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN BY THE HEBREWS. 
 
 G79 
 
 ONE OF THE MOUNDS 01-' AtN KS-SI'LtSn, TIIK ANCtKNT .1 i:iIU;il(>. ' 
 
 It was not merely due to indifference on their part; their resources were fully 
 taxed in defending themselves against the Aramaeans and Bedawins, and from 
 the attacks of Moab and Ammou. Gad, continually threatened, struggled 
 for centuries without being discouraged, but Reuben lost heart,'- and soon 
 declined in power, till at length he became merely a name in the memory 
 of his brethren. 
 
 Two tribes having been thus provided for, the bulk of the Israelites 
 sought to cross the Jordan without further delay, and establish themselves 
 as best they might in the very heart of the Canaanites. The sacred writings 
 speak of their taking possession of the country by a methodic campaign, 
 undertaken by command of and under the visible protection of Jahveh.'' 
 Moses had led them from Egypt to Kadesli, and from Kadesh to the land 
 of Gilead ; he had seen the promised land from the summit of Mount Nebo, 
 but he had not entered it, and after his death, Joshua, son of Nun, became 
 their leader, brought them across Jordan dryshod, not far from its mouth, 
 and laid siege to Jericho. The walls of the city fell of themselves at the 
 blowing of the brazen trumpets,'* and its capture entailed that of throe 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph brought back byLortet. 
 
 ' The recollection of these raids by Reuben against the Beduiu of the Syrian desert is traceable 
 in 1 Chron. v. 10, 18-22 ; its authenticity is vainly contested by Stade, Getchichie, vol. i. p. 152, n. 1. 
 
 ' The history of the conquest is to be found in the Booh of Joshua. I shall not attempt, either here 
 or in the other passages relating to the people of Israel, to enter into a detailed account of the various 
 critical studies of the Hebrew text, nor to give an exhaustive bibliography of the subject. 
 
 ♦ Josh, i.-vi. 
 
680 
 
 TEE EEBREWS AND TEE PEILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 neighbouriug towns, Ai, Bethel, and Shecliem. Shecliem served as a rallyiug- 
 place for the conquerors ; Joshua took up his residence there, and built on 
 the summit of Mount Ebal an altar of stone, on which he engraved the 
 principal tenets of the divine Law.^ The sudden intrusion of a new element 
 naturally alarmed the worshippers of the surrounding local deities; they 
 
 r 
 
 THE JORDAN IN THE NEIGHBOOEHOOD OP JERICHO.^ 
 
 at once put a truce to their petty discords, and united in arms against the 
 strangers. At the instigation of Adoni-zedeck, King of Jerusalem, the 
 Canaanites collected their forces in the south; but they were routed not 
 far from Gibeon, and their chiefs killed or mutilated.^ The Amorites in the 
 north, who had assembled round Jabin, King of Hazor, met with no better 
 success ; they were defeated at the waters of Merom, Hazor was burnt, and 
 Galilee delivered up to fire and sword.* The country having been thus to 
 a certain extent cleared, Joshua set about dividing the spoil, and assigned 
 to each tribe his allotted portion of territory.^ Such, in its main outlines, 
 
 ' Josh, vii., viii. Mount Ebal is the present Gebel Sulemiyeh. 
 
 ^ Drawn^by Boudier, from a photograph in Lortet, La Syria d'aujourd'hui, p. 451. 
 
 ^ Josh. X. The same war is given rather diiierently in Judges i. 1-9, wliere the king is called 
 Adoni-bezek ; of. what is said on pp. 702, 703 of the present volume. 
 
 * Josh. xi. As another Jabin appears in the history of Deborah (cf. p. 686 of this volume), it 
 has been maintained by some critics that there is a double rdle assigned to one and the same 
 person, only that some maintain that the Jabin of Josh. xi. has been transferred to the time of the 
 Judges, while others make out that the Jabin of Deborah was carried back to the time of the conquest 
 <Renan, Hist, du peuple d'Israel, vol. i. p. 307, note 4). 
 
 ' The lot given to each tribe is described in Josh, xiii.-xxi. 
 
THE PARTITION OF THE TRIBES INTO THREE ISOLATED GROUPS. ()81 
 
 is the account given by the Hebrew chroniclers ; but, if closely examined, it 
 would appear that the Israelites did not act throughout with that unity of 
 purpose and energy which we might at first sight have attributed to them. 
 They did not gain possession of the land all at once, but established them- 
 selves in it gradually by detachments, some settling at the fords of Jericho,^ 
 others more to the north, and in the central valley of the Jordan as far up as 
 Shechem.''^ The latter at once came into contact with a population having 
 a higher civilization than themselves, and well equipped for a vigorous 
 resistance ; the walled towns which had defied the veterans of the Pharaohs 
 had not much to fear from the 
 bands of undisciplined Israelites 
 wandering in their neighbour- 
 hood. Properly speaking, there 
 were no pitched battles between 
 them, but rather a succession 
 of raids or skirmishes, in which 
 several citadels would succes- 
 sively fall into the hands of 
 the invaders. Many of these 
 strongholds, harassed by re- 
 peated attacks, would prefer to 
 come to terms with the enemy, 
 and would cede or sell them some portion of their territory ; others would 
 open their gates freely to the strangers, and their inhabitants would ally 
 themselves by intermarriage with the Hebrews. Judah and the remain- 
 ing descendants of Simeon and Levi established themselves in the south ; 
 Levi comprised but a small number of families, and made no important 
 settlements; whereas Judah took possession of nearly the whole of the 
 mountain district separating the Shephelah from the western shores of 
 the Dead Sea, while Simeon made its abode close by on the borders 
 of the desert around the wells of Beersheba.* The descendants of Rachel 
 and her handmaid received as their inheritance the regions situated more 
 to the centre of the country, the house of Joseph taking the best domains 
 
 ' Renan, Eitt. du peuple d' Israel, vol. i. pp. 237-239, thinks that the priucipal crossing must have 
 taken place opposite Jericho, as is apparent from the account in Josh, ii., iii. 
 
 ' Stade, Ge»ch. des Volkes hrael, vol. i. pp. 137-140; Carl Niebuhr {Oetch. des Ebraisclteti 
 Zeitaltere, vol. i. p. 329, et seq.) believes that he has discovered the exact spot at the ford of 
 Admah, near Succoth. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph in Loktet's La Syrie d'atj^jounVhui, p. 335. 
 
 * Wellhausen has remarked (Art. Israel, in the Encyclopedia Britannica, p. 400'') that the lot of 
 Levi must not be separated from that of Simeon, and, as the remnant of Simeon allied themselves 
 witli Judah, that of Levi also must have shared the patrimony of Judah. 
 
682 TEE HEBREWS AND TEE PEILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 for its branches of Ephraim and Manasseh. Ephraim received some of the 
 old Canaanite sanctuaries, such as Eamah, Bethel, and Shiloh, and it was 
 at the latter spot that they deposited the ark of the covenant, Manasseh 
 settled to the north of Ephraim, in the hills and valleys of the Carmel group, 
 and to Benjamin were assigned the heights which overlook the plain of 
 Jericho.i Four of the less important tribes, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and 
 Zebulon, ventured as far north as the borders of Tyre and Sidon, behind the 
 Phoenician littoral, but were prevented by the Canaanites and Amorites from 
 spreading over the plain, and had to confine themselves to the mountains. 
 All the fortresses commanding the passes of Tabor and Carmel, Megiddo, 
 Taanach, Ibleam, Jezreel,^ Endor, and Bethshan remained inviolate, and 
 formed as it were an impassable barrier-line between the Hebrews of Galilee 
 and their brethren of Ephraim. The Danites were long before they found a 
 resting-place ; they attempted to insert themselves to the north of Judah, 
 between Ajalon and Joppa, but were so harassed by the Amorites, that they 
 had to content themselves with the precarious tenure of a few towns such as 
 Zora, Shaalbin, and Eshdol.^ The foreign peoples of the Shephelah and the 
 Canaanite cities almost all preserved their autonomy ; the Israelites had no 
 chance against them wherever they had sufficient space to put into the field 
 large bodies of infantry or to use their iron-bound chariots. Finding it 
 therefore impossible to overcome them, the tribes were forced to remain 
 cut off from each other in three isolated groups of unequal extent which 
 they were powerless to connect: in the centre were Joseph, Benjamin, and 
 Dan ; in the south, Judah, Levi, and Simeon ; while Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, 
 and Zebulon lay to the north. 
 
 The period following the occupation of Canaan constituted the heroic age 
 of the Hebrews. The sacred writings agree in showing that the ties which 
 bound the twelve tribes together were speedily dissolved, while their fidelity 
 and obedience to God were relaxed with the growth of the young generations 
 to whom Moses or Joshua were merely names. The conquerors " dwelt among 
 the Canaanites; the Hittite, and the Amorite, and the Perizzite, and the 
 
 ' For the territory allotted to the children of Rachel, and the progressive formation of the tribes 
 into which they were divided, cf. Wellhausen, Ahriss der Gesch. Israels und Jvda's, in the Skizzen 
 und Vorarheiten, vol. i. pp. 14, 15 ; Stade, Gesch. des VolJces Israel, vol. i. pp. 160-165 ; Eenan, Eist. 
 du peuple d' Israel, vol. i. pp. 258-261. Noldeke is of opinion that the constitution of the tribe of 
 Manasseh is not older than the times of Jerubbaal and Abimelech (in Schenkel, Bihel- Lexicon, 
 vol. vi. p. 104, et seq.). 
 
 ' In Stade, Geschichte des VolJces Israel, vol. i. pp. 168-173, will be found the documents which 
 we possess dealing with the tribes settled in Galilee. Jezrcel is not explicitly mentioned as 
 being one of the cities which remained independent; it is, however, probable that for a long 
 time it formed one of the group of autonomic fortresses (Bddde, Die Bucher Richter und Samuelis, 
 pp. 45-47). 
 
 ' For Dan and its subsequent history, cf. Stade, Gesch. des VolJces Israel, vol. i. pp. 165-168. 
 
THE REACTION AGAINST THE HEBREWS — THE JUDGES. 683 
 
 Hivite, and the Jebusite: and they took their daughters to be their wives, 
 and gave their own daughters to their sons, and served their gods. And the 
 children of Israel did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord their God, 
 and served the Baalim and the Asheroth." ^ When they had once abandoned 
 their ancient faith, poli- 
 tical unity was not long 
 preserved. War broke 
 out between one tribe 
 and another; the stronger 
 allowed the weaker to 
 be oppressed by the 
 heathen, and were them- 
 selves often powerless to 
 retain their indepen- 
 dence. In spite of the 
 thousands of men among 
 them, all able to bear 
 arms, they fell an easy 
 prey to the first comer; 
 the Amorites, the Am- 
 monites, the Moabites, 
 and the Philistines, all 
 oppressed them in turn, 
 and repaid with usury 
 the ills which Joshua 
 had inflicted on the 
 Canaanites. " Whither- 
 soever they went out, the hand of the Lord was against them for evil, as the 
 Lord had spoken, and as the Lord had sworn unto them : and they were sore 
 distressed. And the Lord raised up judges, which saved them out of the hand 
 of those that spoiled them. And yet they hearkened not unto their judges, for 
 they went a-whoring after other gods, and bowed themselves down unto them : 
 they turned aside quickly out of the way wherein their fathers walked obeying 
 the commandments of the Lord ; but they did not so. And when the Lord 
 raised them up judges, then the Lord was with the judge, and saved them 
 out of the liand of their enemies all the days of the judge: for it repented 
 the Lord because of their groaning by reason of them that oppressed them 
 and vexed them. But it came to pass, when the judge was dead, that they 
 
 ' Judges iii. 5-7 (R.V.). 
 
684 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 turned back, and dealt more corruptly than their fathers, in following other 
 gods to serve them, and to bow down unto them ; they ceased not from their 
 doings, nor from their stubborn way." ^ The history of this period lacks the 
 unity and precision with which we are at first tempted to credit it. The 
 Israelites, when transplanted into the promised land, did not immediately 
 lose the nomadic habits they had acquired in the desert. They retained the 
 customs and prejudices they had inherited from their fathers, and for many 
 years treated the peasantry, whose fields they had devastated, with the same 
 disdain that the Bedawin of our own day, living in the saddle, lance in hand, 
 shows towards the fellahin who till the soil and bend patiently over the 
 plough. The clans, as of old, were impatient of all regular authority ; each 
 tribe tended towards an isolated autonomy, a state of affairs which merited 
 reprisals from the natives and encouraged hatred of the intruders, and it was 
 only when the Canaanite oppression became unendurable that those who 
 suffered most from it united themselves to make a common effort, and rallied 
 for a moment round the chief who was ready to lead them. Many of these 
 liberators must have acquired an ephemeral popularity, and then have sunk 
 into oblivion together with the two or three generations who had known them; 
 those whose memory remained green among their kinsmen were known by 
 posterity as the judges of Israel.^ These judges were not magistrates invested 
 with official powers and approved by the whole nation, or rulers of a highly 
 organised republic, chosen directly by God or by those inspired by Him. 
 They were merely local chiefs, heroes to their own immediate tribe, well 
 known in their particular surroundings, but often despised by those only 
 at a short distance from them. Some of them have left only a name behind 
 them, such as Shamgar, Ibzan, Tola, Elon, and Abdon ; indeed, some scholars 
 have thrown doubts on the personality of a few of them, as, for instance, Jair, 
 whom they affirm to have personified a Gileadite clan, and Othniel, who is 
 said to represent one of the Kenite families associated with the children of 
 Israel.^ Others, again, have come down to us through an atmosphere of 
 popular tradition, the elements of which modern criticism has tried in vain 
 to analyse. Of such unsettled and turbulent times we cannot expect au 
 
 ' Judges ii. 15-19. 
 
 ^ The word "judges," which has been adopted to designate these rulers, is somewhat misleading, 
 as it suggests the idea of an organized civil magistracy. The word " shophet," the same that we meet 
 with in classical times under the form tvffetes, had indeed that sense, but its primary meaning 
 denotes a man invested with an absolute authority, regular or otherwise ; it would be better trans- 
 lated chief, prince, captain. 
 
 ' For a general treatment of these lesser judges, cf. Noldeke, Vntersuchungen zur Kritik des 
 Alien Testaments, p. 181, et seq. The name Tola occurs as that of one of the clans of Issachar 
 (Gen. xlvi. 13; Numb. xxvi. 23); Elon was one of the clans of Zebulon (Gen. xlvi, 14; Numb. 
 ixvi. 26). 
 
THE MOABITES AND BENJAMIN — EHUD. 
 
 685 
 
 uninterrupted history : ^ some salient episodes alone remain, spread over a 
 period of nearly two centuries, and from these we can gather some idea of the 
 progress made by the Israelites, and observe their stages of transition from 
 a cluster of semi-barbarous hordes to a 
 settled nation ripe for monarchy. 
 
 The first of ' these episodes deals 
 merely witli a i)art, and that the least 
 important, of tlie tribes settled in Central 
 Canaan.'-^ The destr notion of the Amorite 
 kingdoms of Heshbon and Bashan had 
 been as profitable to the kinsmen of the 
 Israelites, Ammon and Moab, as it had 
 been to the Israelites themselves. The 
 Moabites had followed in the wake of 
 the Hebrews through all the surround- 
 ing regions of the Dead Sea ; they had 
 pushed on from the banks of the Arnon 
 to those of the Jabbok, and at the time 
 of the Judges were no longer content 
 with harassing merely Keuben and Gad. 
 They were a fine race of warlike, well- 
 armed Bedawins. Jericho had fallen 
 into their hands, and their King Eglou 
 had successfully scoured the entire hill- 
 
 . MOABITK WAUHKIK* 
 
 country of Lphraim,'' so that those who 
 
 wished to escape being pillaged had to safeguard themselves by the payment 
 of an annual tribute. Ehud the Left-handed concealed under his garments 
 a keen dagger, and joined himself to the Benjamite deputies who were 
 to carry their dues to the Moabite sovereign. The money having been paid, 
 the deputies turned homewar&s, but when they reached tlie cromlech of 
 
 ' Kenan, Hist, du peuple d' Israel, vol. i. j). 302, however, believes that the judges " formed an 
 almost continuous line, and tiiat there merely lacks a descent from father to son to mako of them an 
 actual dynasty." The chronology of the Book of Judges appears to cover more than four centuries, 
 from Othniel to Samson, but this computation cannot be relied on, as " forty years " represents an 
 indefinite space of time. We must probably limit this early period of Hebrew history to about a 
 century and a half, from cir. 1200 to 10.50 B.C. 
 
 » The episode of Othniel and Cushan-rishathaim, placed at the beginning of the history of this 
 period {Judges iii. 8-11), is by many critics rejected as spurious, 
 
 » The text scorns to infer {Judges iii. Ki-15) that, after having taken the City of Palm Trees, i.e. 
 Jericho {Be.ul. xx.xiv. 3; 2 Chron. xxviii. 15), Eglon had made it his residence, which makes the story 
 incomprehensible from a geographical point of view. But all difficulties would disappear if we agreed 
 to admit that in ver. 15 the name of the capital of Eglon has dropped out (Bcdde, Die Biicher Richter 
 und Samuelis, p. 99). 
 
 * Drawn by Fauchcr-Gudin, from the original brought back by F. do Saulcy, and placed iu the 
 Louvre ; of. Perrot-Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans VAntiquHe, vol. iv. p. 413. 
 
686 THE HEBREWS AND THE FHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 Gilgal/ and were safe beyond the reach of the enemy, Ehud retraced his steps, 
 and presenting himself before the palace of Eglon in the attitude of a prophet, 
 announced that he had a secret errand to the king, who thereupon commanded 
 silence, and ordered his servants to leave him with the divine messenger in his 
 summer parlour. " And Ehud said, I have a message from God unto thee. 
 And he arose out of his seat. And Ehud put forth his left hand, and took the 
 sword from his right thigh, and thrust it into his belly : and the haft also went 
 in after the blade ; and the fat closed upon the blade, for he drew not the sword 
 out of his belly ; and it came out behind." Then Ehud locked the doors and 
 escaped. " Now when he was gone out, his servants came ; and they saw, and, 
 behold, the doors of the parlour were locked ; and they said, Surely he covereth 
 his feet in his summer chamber." But by the time they had forced an 
 entrance, Ehud had reached Gilgal and was in safety. He at once assembled 
 the clans of Benjamin, occupied the fords of the Jordan, massacred the bands 
 of Moabites scattered over the plain of Jericho, and blocked the routes by 
 which the invaders attempted to reach the hill-country of Ephraim. Almost 
 at the same time the tribes in Galilee had a narrow escape from a still more 
 formidable enemy They had for some time been under the Amorite yoke, 
 and the sacred writings represent them at this juncture as oppressed either by 
 Sisera of Harosheth-ha-Goyim or by a second Jabin, who was able to bring nine 
 hundred chariots of iron into the field.^ At length the prophetess Deborah 
 of Issachar sent to Barak of Kadesh a command to assemble his people, 
 together with those of Zebulon, in the name of the Lord ; * she herself led the 
 contingents of Issachar, Ephraim, and Machir to meet him at the foot of Tabor, 
 where the united host is stated to have comprised forty thousand men. Sisera;' 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 103. The cromlech at Gilgal was composed of twelve stones, which, we are told, 
 were erected by Joshua as a remembrauce of the crossing of the Jordan {Josh. iv. 19-24). 
 
 ^ The text tells us that, after the time of Ehud, the land had rest eiglity years {Judges iii. 30). 
 This, again, is one of those numbers which represent an indefinite space of time. 
 
 ' It has been maintained that two versions are here blended together in the text, one ia which 
 the principal part is played by Sisera, the other in which it^s attributed to Jabin (Cornill, Einleitung 
 in das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., p. 94, et seq.). For the identity of Jabin II. with the Jabin of 
 Joshua, cf. supra, p. 680. The episode of Deborah and Barak (Judges iv., v.) comprises a narrative 
 in prose (chap, iv.), and the song (chap, v.) attributed to Deborah (Budde, Die Biicher Bichter und 
 Samuelis, p. 101, et seq.). Maurice Vernes is the only writer who has contested the authenticity of 
 this song (Le« Debuts de la nation juive, in the Bevue de VHist. des Religions, vol. vii. pp. 332- 
 338); the prose account probably is derived from the song. According to Wellhausen-Bleek, 
 Einleitung ins Alte Testament, 4th edit., p. 487, et seq., the diflferences in the two accounts arise 
 partly from an imperfect understanding of the poetic text, and partly from one having come down 
 from some other source (Budde, Die Biicher Bichter und Samuelis, pp. 68-71, 105-107; cf. Wildeboee- 
 EisCH, Die Litteratur des Allen Testaments nach der Zeitfolge Hirer Entstehung, pp. 30, 31). 
 
 * Some critics suppose that the prose narrative (Judges iv. 5) has confounded the prophetess 
 Deborah, wife of Lapidoth, with Deborah, nurse of Eachel, who was buried near Bethel, under the 
 '• Oak of "Weeping " (Gen. xsxv. 8), and consequently place it between Eama and Bethel, in the 
 hill-country of Ephraim. 
 
 ^ In the prose narrative (Judges iv. 2-7) Sisera is stated to have been the general of Jabin: 
 
TEE AMORITES AND THE TRIBES IN THE NORTH—DEBORAH. 087 
 
 TELL-JILJIL, THE SITE OF THE ANCIENT 6ILOAL.' 
 
 who commanded the Canaanite force, attacked the Israelite army between 
 Taanach and Megiddo in that plain of Kishon which had often served as a 
 battle-field during the Egyptian campaigns.^ It would appear that heavy 
 rains had swelled the streams, and thus prevented the chariots from rendering 
 their expected service in the engagement ; at all events, the Amorites were 
 routed, and Sisera escaped with the survivors towards Hazor. The people of 
 Meroz facilitated his retreat, but a Kenite named Jael, the wife of Heber, 
 traitorously killed him with a blow from a hammer while he was in the act of 
 drinking.'^ This exploit was commemorated in a song, the composition of which 
 is attributed to Deborah and Barak: " For that the leaders took the lead in 
 Israel, for that the people offered themselves willingly, bless ye the Lord. 
 Hear, 0 ye kiugs, give ear, 0 ye princes ; I, even I, will sing unto the Lord ; I 
 will sing praise to the Lord, the God of Israel." * The poet then dwells on the 
 
 there is nothing incompatible in this statement with the royal dignity elsewhere attributed to Sisera. 
 Harosheth-ha-Goyim has been identified with the present village of El-Haretlyeh, on the right bank 
 of the Kishon. . 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph in Loutet's La Sijrie d'avjourd'hui, p. 456. 
 
 ' Cf., for the site of Megiddo and the victory gained there by Thiltmosis III., pp. 134-136, 
 256-259 of tlie present work. 
 
 ^ Meroz is tlie present Marus, between the Lake of Huleli and Safed. I have followed the 
 account given in tlie song (Judges v. 24-27). According to the prose version (iv. 17-22), Jael slew 
 Sisera while he was asleep with a tent-pin, which she drove into his temple. [The text of Judges v. 
 24-27 does not seem to warrant the view that he was slain " in the act of drinking," nor does it seem 
 to conflict with Judges iv. 11. — Tk.] 
 
 * Judges v. 2, 3 (R.V.). 
 
688 ' THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 sufferings of the people, but tells how Deborah and Barak were raised up, and 
 enumerates the tribes who took part in the conflict as well as those who 
 turned a deaf ear to the appeal. "Then came down a remnant of the nobles 
 and the people. . . . Out of Ephraim came down they whose root is in Amalek : 
 — out of Machir came down governors, — and out of Zebulon they that handle 
 the marshall's staff. — And the princes of Issachar were with Deborah — as was 
 Issachar so was Barak, — into the valley they rushed forth at his feet.^ — By the 
 watercourses of Keuben — there were great resolves of heart. — Why satest thou 
 among the sheepfolds, — ^to hear the pipings for the flocks ? — At the water- 
 courses of Keuben— there were great searchings of heart. — Gilead abode 
 beyond Jordan: — and Dan, why did he remain in ships? — Asher sat still at 
 the haven of the sea — and abode by his creeks. — Zebulon was a people that 
 jeoparded their lives unto the death, — and N'aphtali upon the high places of 
 the field. — The kings came and fought; — then fought the kings of Canaan. — 
 In Taanach by the waters of Megiddo : — they took no gain of money. — They 
 fought from heaven, — the stars in their courses fought against Sisera. — The 
 river of Kishon swept them away, — that ancient river, the river Kishon.^ — 0 my 
 soul, march on with strength. — Then did the horsehoofs stamp — by reason of 
 the pransings, the pransings of their strong ones." Sisera flies, and the poet 
 follows him in fancy, as if he feared to see him escape from vengeance. He 
 curses the people of Meroz in passing " because they came not to the help of 
 the Lord." He addresses Jael and blesses her, describing the manner in which 
 the chief fell at her feet, and then proceeds to show how, at the very time of 
 Sisera's death, his people were awaiting the messenger who should bring the 
 news of his victory; "through the window she looked forth and cried— the 
 mother of Sisera cried through the lattice — ' Why is his chariot so long in 
 coming ? — Why tarry the wheels of his chariot ? ' — Her wise ladies answered 
 her, — yea, she returned answer to herself, — 'Have they not found, have 
 they not divided the spoil ?— A damsel, two damsels to every man;— to 
 Sisera a spoil of divers colours,— a spoil of divers colours of embroidery 
 on both sides, on the necks of the spoil?— So let all Thine enemies perish, 
 0 Lord :— but let them that love Him be as the sun when he goeth forth 
 in his might.' " 
 
 It was the first time, as far as we know, that several of the Israelite 
 
 > The text of the song {Judges v. 14) contains an allusion fo Benjamin, wliich is considered 
 by many critics to be an interpolation. It gives a mistaken reading, "Issachar with Barak; ' 
 Issachar having been already mentioned with Deborah, probably Zchulon should be inserted 
 in the text. 
 
 2 Judges V. 13-21, 28-31. 
 
MIDIANITE RAIDS AGAINST THE CENTRAL TRIBES. 
 
 68i> 
 
 tribes combined together for common action after their sojourn in the desert of 
 Kadesh-barnea, and the success which followed from their united efforts ought, 
 one would think, to have encouraged them to maintain such a union, but it 
 fell out otherwise ; the desire for freedom of action and independence was too 
 strong among them to permit of the continuance of the coalition. Manasseh, 
 
 restricted in its development by the neighbouring Canaanite tribes, was forced 
 to seek a more congenial neighbourhood to the east of the Jordan — not close 
 to Gad, in the land of Gilead, but to the north of the Yarrauk and its northern 
 affluents in the vast region extending to the mountains of the Hauran. Tlie 
 families of I\[achir and Jair migrated one after the other to the east of the 
 Lake of Gennesaret, while that of Nobah proceeded as far as the brook of 
 Kanah, and thus formed in this direction the extreme outpost of the children 
 of Israel: these families did. not form themselves into new tribes, for they 
 were mindful of their affiliation to Manasseh, and continued beyond the river 
 to regard themselves still as his children.'-^ The prosperity of Ephraim and 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-GuJin, from a pliotograph by M. C. AUuaud of Limogea. 
 
 ' Manasseh was said to have been established beyond the Jordan at the time that Gad and Reuben 
 were in possession of the land of Gilead (^Sumb. xxxii. 33, 39-42, xxxiv. 14, 15; Deut. iii. 13-15; 
 Josh. xiii. 8, 29-32, xxii.). Earlier traditions, according to Bi pde, Die Biicher Itichter und Saviuelit, 
 
 2 Y 
 
690 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 Manasseh, and the daring nature of their exploits, could not fail to draw 
 upon them the antagonism and jealousy of the people on their borders. The 
 Midianites were accustomed almost every year to pass through the region beyond 
 the Jordan which the house of Joseph had recently colonised. Assembling in 
 the springtime at the junction of the Yarmuk with the Jordan, they crossed the 
 latter river, and, spreading over the plains of Mount Tabor, destroyed the grow- 
 ing crops, raided the villages, and pushed, sometimes, their skirmishing parties 
 over hill and dale as far as Gaza.^ A perpetual terror reigned wherever they 
 were accustomed to pass : no one dared beat out wheat or barley in the open 
 air, or lead his herds to pasture far from his home, except under dire necessity ; 
 and even on such occasions the inhabitants would, on the slightest alarm, 
 abandon their possessions to take refuge in caves or in strongholds on the 
 mountains."^ During one of these incursions two of their sheikhs encountered 
 some men of noble mien in the vicinity of Tabor, and massacred them without 
 compunction.^ The latter were people of Ophrah,* brethren of a certain Jerubbaal 
 (Gideon) who was head of the powerful family of Abiezer.^ Assembling all his 
 people at the call of the trumpet, Jerubbaal chose from among them three 
 hundred of the strongest, with whom he came down unexpectedly upon the 
 raiders, put them to flight in the plain of Jezreel, and followed them beyond 
 the Jordan. Having crossed the river, " faint and yet pursuing," he approached 
 the men of Succoth, and asked them for bread for himself and his tiiree 
 
 pp. 32-39, 87, 88, placed this event in the period which followed the conquest of Canaan by Joshua. 
 It is not certain that all the families which constituted the half-tribe of Manasseh took tlieir origin 
 from Manasseh : one of them, for example, that of Jair, was regarded as having originated partly 
 from Judah (1 Chron. ii. 21-24). 
 
 ' Judges vi. 2-6. The inference that they dare not beat wheat in the open follows from ver. 11, 
 where it is said that "Gideon was Ijeating out wheat in his winepress to hide it from the 
 Midianites." 
 
 " The history of the Midianite oppression {Judges vi.-viii.) seems to be from two different 
 sources; the second (Judges viii. 4-21) is considered by some to represent the more ancient 
 tradition. The double name of the hero, Gideon-Jerubbaal, has led some to assign its elements 
 respectively to Gideon, juilge of the western portion of Manasseh, and Jerubbaal, judge of the 
 ■eastern Manasseh (cf. Niebdhr, Studien und BemerJcungen zur Geschichte des Alien Orients, 
 pp. 1-29), and to the consequent fusion of the two men in one. 
 
 ^ This is an assumption which follows reasonably from Judges viii. 18, 19. 
 
 * The site of the Ophrah of Abiezer is not known for certain, but it would seem from the narrative 
 that it was in the neighbourhood of Shechem. 
 
 ^ The position of Gideon-Jerubbaal as head of the house of Abiezer follows clearly from the 
 narrative ; if he is represented in the first part of the account as a man of humble origin (Judges vl. 
 15, 16), it was to exalt the power of Jahveh, who was accustomed to choose His instruments from 
 amongst the lowly. The name Jerubbaal (I Sam. xii. 11; 2 Sam. xi. 21, where the name is trans- 
 formed into Jerubbesheth, as Ishbaal and Meribbaal are into Ishboshetli and Mephibosheth respec- 
 tively), in which " Baal " seems to some not to represent the Canaanite God, but the title Lord 
 as applied to Jahveh, was supposed to mean " Baal fights against him," and was, therefore, oflFensive 
 to the orthodox. Kuenen, De Godsdienst van Israel, vol. i. p. 408, thought it meant "Lord, 
 fight for him ! " Kenan read it Yarebaal, from the Vulgate form Jerobaal, and translated " He 
 who fears Baal " (Hist, du peuple tl'Israel, vol. i. p. 319). Gideon signifies "He who overthrows" in 
 the battle. 
 
JERUBBAAL AND THE OFFER OF SOVEREIGNTY. G91 
 
 hundred followers. Their fear of the marauders, however, was so great that tlie 
 people refused to give him any help, and he had no better success with the 
 people of Penuel whom he encountered a little further on. He did not stop 
 to compel them to accede to his wishes, but swore to inflict an exemplary 
 punishment upon them on his return. The Midianites continued their retreat, 
 in the mean time, " by the way of them tliat dwelt iu tents on the east of Nobah 
 and Jogbehah," but Jerubbaal came up with them near Karkar, and discomfited 
 the host. He took vengeance upon the two peoples who had refused to give 
 him bread, and having thus fulfilled his vow, he began to question his prisoners, 
 the two chiefs : " AVhat manner of men were they whom ye slew at Tabor ? " 
 " As thou art, so were they ; each one resembled the children of a king." 
 " And he said, They were my bretlireu, the sons of my mother : as the I>ord 
 liveth, if ye had saved them alive, I would not slay you. And he said unto 
 Jether his firstborn. Up, and slay them. But the youth drew not his sword : 
 for he feared, because he was yet a youth." True Bedawins as they were, the 
 chiefs' pride revolted at the idea of their being handed over for execution to 
 a child, and they cried to Jerubbaal : " Kise thou, and fall upon us : for as tlie 
 man is, so is his strength." From this victory rose the first monarchy among 
 the Israelites. The Midianites, owing to their marauding habits and the amount 
 of tribute which they were accustomed to secure for escorting caravans, were 
 possessed of a considerable quantity of gold, which they lavished on the decora- 
 tion of their persons : their chiefs were clad in purple mantles, their warriors 
 were loaded with necklaces, bracelets, rings, and ear-rings, and their camels also 
 were not beliind their masters in the brilliance of their caparison. The booty 
 which Gideon secured was, therefore, considerable, and, as we learn from th(! 
 narrative, excited the envy of the Ephraimites, who said: "Why hast thou 
 served us thus, that thou calledst us not, when thou wentcst to figlit with 
 Midian ? " ^ The spoil from the golden ear-rings alone amounted to one thou- 
 sand seven hundred skekels, as we learn from the narrative, and this treasure 
 in the hands of Jerubbaal was not left unemployed, but was made, doubtless, 
 to contribute something to the prestige lie had already acquired : the men of 
 Israel, whom he had just saved from their foes, expressed their gratitude by 
 offering the crown to him and his successors. The mode of life of the Hebrews 
 had been much changed after they had taken up their abode in the mountains 
 of Canaan. The tent had given place to the house, and, like their Canaanite 
 neighbours, they had given themselves up to agricultural pursuits. This 
 change of habits, in bringing about a greater abundance of the necessaries of 
 life than they had been accustomed to, had begotten aspirations which threw 
 
692 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 into relief tlie inadequacy of the social organisation, and of the form of 
 government with which they had previously been content. In the case of 
 a horde of nomads, defeat or exile would be of little moment. Should they 
 be obliged by a turn in their affairs to leave their usual haunts, a few days 
 or often a few hours would suffice to enable them to collect their effects 
 together, and set out without trouble, and almost without regret, in search 
 of a new and more favoured home. But with a cultivator of the ground the 
 case would be different : the farm, clearings, and homestead upon which he 
 had spent such arduous and continued labour ; the olive trees and vines 
 which had supplied him with oil and wine — ^everything, in fact, upon which 
 he depended for a livelihood, or which was dependent upon him, would bind 
 him to the soil, and expose his property to disasters likely to be as keenly 
 felt as wounds inflicted on his person. He would feel the need, therefore, of 
 laws to secure to him in time of peace the quiet possession of his wealth, 
 of ain army to protect it in time of war, and of a ruler to cause, on the one hand, 
 the laws to be respected, and to become the leader, on the other, of the mihtary 
 forces. Jerubbaal is said to have, in the first instance, refused the crown, 
 but everything goes to prove that he afterwards virtually accepted it. He 
 became, it is true, only a petty king, whose sovereignty was limited to 
 Manasseh, a part of Ephraiin, and a few towns, such as Succoth and Penuel, 
 beyond the Jordan. The Canaanite city of Shechem also paid him homage. 
 Like all great chiefs, he had also numerous wives, and he recognised as the 
 national Deity the God to whom he owed his victories.^ Oat of the spoil 
 taken from the Midianites he formed and set up at Ophrah an ephod, which 
 became, as we learn, "a snare unto him and unto his house," but he had 
 also erected under a terebinth tree a stone altar to Jahveh-Shalom (" Jehovah 
 is peace ").'^ This sanctuary, with its altar and ephod, soon acquired great 
 celebrity, and centuries after its foundation it was the object of many 
 pilgrimages from a distance. 
 
 Jerubbaal was the father by his Israelite wives of seventy children, and, by 
 a Canaanite woman whom he had taken as a concubine at Shechem, of one son, 
 called Abimelech.3 The succession to the throne would naturally have fallen^ 
 to one of the seventy, but before this could be arranged, Abimelech " went to 
 Shechem unto his mother's brethren, and spake with them, and with all the 
 
 ' Judges viii. 27, 31. 
 
 ^ The Book of Judges separates the altar from the ephod, placing the erection of the former 
 at the time of the vocation of Gideon (vi. 11-31) and that of the ephod after the victory (riii. 
 24-27). Tlie sanctuary of Ophrah was possibly in existence before the time of Jerubbaal, and 
 the sanctity of the place may have determined his selection of the spot for placing the altar and 
 ephod there. 
 
 3 Judges viii. 30, 31. 
 
ABIMELECH AND HIS TROUBLES WITH SHECHEM. 6 'J 3 
 
 family of the house of his mother's father, saying, Speak, I pray you, in the 
 ears of all the men of Shechem, Whether is better for you, that all the sons 
 of Jerubbaal, which are threescore and ten persons, rule over you, or that one 
 rule over you ? remember also that I am your bone and your flesh." This 
 advice was well received ; it flattered the vanity of the people to think that 
 the new king was to be one of themselves ; " their hearts inclined to follow 
 Abimelech ; for they said. He is our brother. And they gave him three- 
 score and ten pieces of silver out of the house of Baal-berith (the Lord of the 
 Covenant),^ wherewith Abimelech hired vain and light fellows, which followed 
 him, . . . He slew his brethren the sons- of Jerubbaal, being threescore and 
 ten persons, upon one stone." The massacre having been eff'ected, " all the men 
 of Shechem assembled themselves together, and all the house of Millo,^ and 
 made Abimelech king, by the oak of the pillar which was in Shechem."'^ He 
 dwelt at Ophrah, in the residence, and near the sanctuary, of his father, and 
 from thence governed the territories constituting the little kingdom of 
 Manasseh, levying tribute upon the vassal villages, and exacting probably 
 tolls from caravans passing through his domain. This condition of things 
 lasted for three years, and then the Shechemites, who had shown themselves 
 so pleased at the idea of having " one of their brethren " as sovereign, found it 
 irksome to pay the taxes levied upon them by him, as if they were in no way 
 related to him. The presence among them of a certain Zebul, the officer and 
 representative of Abimelech, restrained them at first from breaking out into 
 rebellion, but they returned soon to their ancient predatory ways, and demanded 
 ransom for the travellers they might capture even when the latter were in 
 possession of the king's safe conduct. This was not only an insult to their lord, 
 but a serious blow to his treasury : the merchants who found themselves no 
 longer protected by his guarantee employed elsewliere the sums which would 
 have come into his hands. The king concealed his anger, however ; he was 
 not inclined to adopt premature measures, for the place was a strong one, 
 and defeat would seriously weaken his prestige. The people of Shechem, 
 on their part, did not risk an open rupture for fear of the consequences. 
 
 ' See \^. 155, supra, lor wbat is there said on liaal-berith. 
 
 ' The word " Millo " is a generic term, meaning eitadel or stronghold of the city : there was a 
 Millo in every important town, Jerusalem included. 
 
 • The " oak of the pillar " was a sacred tree overshadowing probably a cipput : it may have been 
 the tree mentioned in Gen. xxsv. 4, under which Jacob buried the strange gods; or that referred to in 
 Josh. xxiv. 2G, under which Joshua set up a stone commemorutive of the establishment of the law. 
 Jotham, the youngest son of Gideon, escaped the massacre. As soon as ho heard of the election of 
 Abimelech, he ascended Mount GcriEim,iind gave out from there the fable of the trees, applying it to 
 the circumstances of the time, and then fled. Some critics think that this fable-which is coufersedly 
 old— was inserted in the text at a time wheu f.roplietical ideas prevailed and monarchy wa» not yet 
 accepted. 
 
694 
 
 TEE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DA31ASCUS. 
 
 Gaal, son of Ebed/ a soldier of fortune and of Israelitish blood, arrived 
 upon the scene, attended by bis followers : he managed to gain the confi- 
 dence of the people of Shechem, who celebrated under his protection the 
 feast of the Vintage.^ On this occasion their merry-making was disturbed 
 by the presence among them of the officer charged with collecting the 
 tithes, and Gaal did not lose the opportunity of stimulating their ire by 
 his ironical speeches : " Who is Abimelech, and who is Shechem, that we 
 should serve him ? is not he the son of Jerubbaal ? and Zebul his officer ? 
 serve ye the men of Ilamor the father of Shechem : but why should we 
 serve him ? And would to God this people were under my hand ! then 
 would I remove Abimelech. And he said to Abimelecli, Increase thine 
 army, and come out." Zebul promptly gave information of this to his master, 
 and invited him to come by night and lie in ambush in the vicinity of the 
 town, " that in the morning, as soon as the sun is up, thou shalt rise early, 
 and set upon the city : and, behold, when he and the people that is with him 
 come out against thee, thou mayest do to them as thou shalt find occasion." 
 It turned out as he foresaw ; the inhabitants of Shechem went out in order to 
 take part in the gathering in of the vintage, while Gaal posted his men at the 
 entering in of the gate of the city. As he looked towards the hills he thought 
 lie saw an unusual movement among the trees, and, turning round, said to 
 Zebul who was close by, " Behold, there come people down from the tops of the 
 mountains. And Zebul said unto him, Thou seest the shadow of the moun- 
 tains as if they were men." A moment after he looked in another direction, 
 " and spake again and said, See, there come people down by the middle of the 
 land, and one company cometh by the way of the terebinth of the augurs." 
 Zebul, seeing the affair turn out so well, threw off the mask, and replied rail- 
 ingly, " Where is now thy mouth, wherewith thou saidst. Who is Abimelech, 
 that we should serve him ? is not this the people that thou hast despised ? 
 go out, I pray, now, and fight with him." The King of Manasseh had no 
 difficulty in defeating his adversary, but arresting the pursuit at the gates of 
 the city, he withdrew to the neighbouring village of Arumah.'^ He trusted that 
 the inhabitants, who had taken no part in the affair, would believe that his 
 wrath had been appeased by the defeat of Gaal ; and so, in fact, it turned out : 
 
 ' The name Ebeil ("slave," " servant") is assumed to have been substituted in the Massoretic 
 text for the original name Jobaal (which appears in the LXX. as 'IwffiiX), because of the element Baal 
 in the latter word, which was regarded as that of the strange god, and would thus have the sacrilegious 
 meaning, " Jahveh is Baal." The term of contempt, Ebed, was, according to this view, thus used to 
 replace it. 
 
 ' See on the subject of this festival, p. 162, supra. 
 
 ' This is now El-Ormeh, i.e. Kharbet el-Eurmah, to the south-west of Nablus (Guerin, Samarie^ 
 vol. ii. pp. 2, 3). 
 
THE FALL OF TEE KINGDOM OF MANASSEH. G'J5 
 
 they dismissed their unfortunate cham[iion, and on the morrow returned to 
 their labours as if nothing had occurred. Abimelech had arranged his Abiezer- 
 ites in three divisions : one of which made for the gates, while the other two 
 fell upon the scattered labourers in the vineyards. Abimelech then fought 
 against the city and took it, but the chief citizens had taken refuge in "the 
 liold of the house of El-berith." " Abimelech gat him up to Mount Zalmon, 
 lie and all the people that were with him ; and Abimelech took an axe in his 
 hand, and cut down a bough from the trees, and took it up, and laid it on his 
 shoulder : and he said unto the people that were with him, What ye have 
 seen me do, make haste, and do as I have done. And all the people likewise 
 cut down every man his bough, and followed Abimelech, and put them to the 
 hold, and set the hold on tire upon them; so that all the men of the tower of 
 Sheohem died also, about a thousand men and women." This summary ven- 
 geance did not, however, prevent other rebellions. Thebez imitated Shechem, 
 and came nigh suffering the same penalty.^ The king besieged the city and 
 took it, and was about to burn with fire the tower in which all the people of 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a pUotograpli reprodueeil in tlie Due de Lcynes, Voyage d' Exploralion 
 « la mer Morte, vol. iii. pi. 21. 
 
 ■ Thebez, now Tuba?, the north-east of Nablus ((ii KRiN, Samarie, vol. i. pp. 357-350). 
 
696 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 the city had taken refuge, when 
 a woman threw a millstone 
 down upon his head " and brake 
 his skull." The narrative tells 
 us that, feeling himself mortally 
 wounded, he called his armour- 
 bearer to him and said, " Draw 
 thy sword, and kill me, that men 
 say not of me, A woman slew 
 liim." His monarchy ceased 
 with him, and the ancient 
 chronicler recognises in the 
 catastrophe a just punishment 
 for the atrocious crime he had 
 committed in slaying his half- 
 brothers, the seventy children 
 of Jerubbaal.^ His fall may be 
 regarded also as the natural issue 
 of his peculiar position : the 
 resources upon which he relied were inadequate to secure to him a supremacy 
 in Israel. Manasseh, now deprived of a chief, and given up to internal dissen- 
 sions, became still further enfeebled, and an easy prey to its rivals. The divine 
 writings record in several places the success attained by the central tribes 
 in their conflict with their enemies. They describe how a certain Jephthah 
 distinguished himself in freeing Gilead from the Ammonites ; ^ but his 
 triumph led to the loss of his daughter*, whom he sacrificed in order to 
 fulfil a vow he had made to Jahveh before the battle.* These were, however, 
 comparatively unimportant episodes in the general history of the Hebrew 
 
 ' Judges ix. 23, 24. " And God sent an evil spirit between Abimelecli and the men of Shechem; 
 and the men of Shechem dealt treacherously with Abimelech : that the violence done to the three- 
 score and ten sous of Jerubbaal might come, and that their blood might be laid upon Abimelech 
 their brother, which slew them, and upon the men of Shechem, which strengthened hio hands to slay 
 his brethren." 
 
 - Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a bas-relief in the Eamesseum ; cf. Champollton, MonumenU 
 de VEgypte, vol. ii. p. 149, et seq. ; Lepsius, Denkm., in. 145 c. This is a portion of the picture 
 representing the capture of Ascalon by Ramses II. 
 
 ^ The story'of Jephthah is contained in chaps, xi., xii. 1-7, of the Book of Judges. The passage 
 (xi. 12-29) is regarded by some, owing to its faint echo of certain portions of Numb, xx., xxi., to be 
 an interpolation. Jephthah is said to have had Gilead for his father and a harlot for his mother. 
 Various views have been put forward as to the account of his victories over the Midianites, some seeing 
 ill it, as well as in the origin of the four days' feast in honour of Jephthah's daughter, insertions of a 
 later date. 
 
 * Tliere are two views as to the nature of the sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter. Some think she was 
 vowed to perpetual virginity, while others consider that slie was actually sacrificed (see Redss, Eist. 
 des Israelites, pp. 199, 200). 
 
JEPHTHAH—THE PHILISTINES IN CANAAN. 697 
 
 race. Bedawins from tlie East, sheikhs of the Midianites, Moabites, and 
 Ammonites — all these marauding peoples of the frontier whose incursions 
 are put on record — gave them continual trouble, and rendered their existence 
 so miserable that they were unable to develop their institutions and attain 
 the permanent freedom after which they aimed. But their real dangers — 
 the risk of perishing altogether, or of falling back into a condition of servitude 
 — did not arise from any of these quarters, but from the Pliilistines. 
 
 By a decree of Pharaoh, a new country had been assigned to the remnants 
 of each of the maritime peoples: the towns nearest to Egypt, lying between 
 Raphia and Joppa, were given over to the Philistines, and the forest region and 
 the coast to the north of the Philistines, as far as the Phoenician stations of Dor 
 and Cartnel,^ were apjjropriated to the Zakkala. The latter was a military 
 colony, and was chiefly distributed among the five fortresses which commanded 
 the Shephelah.'' Gaza and Ashdod were separated from the 3rediterranean by a 
 line of sand-dunes, and had nothing in the nature of a sheltered port — nothing, 
 in fact, but a " maiuma," or open roadstead, with a few dwellings and storehouses 
 arranged along the beach on which their boats were drawn up. Ascalon was 
 built on the sea, and its harbour, although well enough suited for the small 
 craft of the ancients, could not have been entered by the most insignificant 
 of our modern ships. The Philistines had here their naval arsenal, where their 
 fleets were fitted out for scouring the Egyptian waters as a marine police, 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudicr, from pliotograph No. 437 of the Palestine Exploratioti Fund. 
 
 * We are indebted to the Papyrus Golenischeff for the mention of the position of the Zakkala at 
 the beginninj; of the XXI-' dynasty. 
 
 ^ The history of the Philistines is dealt with nt great length in Hitzig's Vrgesehichte und Mytho- 
 Imjie der Philister, 1843, and in Stakke, Gaza und die Pliilittseische KusU, Jena, 1852 ; but they must 
 be read with caution, especially the former of the two. They ooutaiu. moreover, none of the fresh 
 facts which have been revealed in Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions as to the origin and history of 
 the people. 
 
G98 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 or for piratical expeditions on their own account, when the occasion served, 
 along the coasts of Phoenicia.^ Ekron and 
 
 Gath kept watch over the eastern side of 
 the plain at the points where it was most 
 exposed to the attacks of the people of 
 the hills — the Canaanites in the first in- 
 stance, and afterwards the Hebrews. These 
 foreign warriors soon changed their mode 
 of life in contact with the indigenous in- 
 habitants ; daily intercourse, followed up 
 by marriages with the daughters of the 
 land, led to the substitution of the language, 
 manners, and religion of the environing 
 
 race for those of their mother country. 
 The Zakkala, who were not numerous, it is true, lost everything, even 
 to their name, and it was all that the Philistines could do to preserve 
 their own. At the end of one or two generations, the " colts " of Palestine 
 could only speak the Canaanite tongue, in which a few words of the old 
 Hellenic fatois still continued to survive.^ Their gods were henceforward 
 those of the towns in which they resided, such as Marna and Dagon and 
 Gaza,* Dagon at Ashdod,'' Baalzebub at Ekron," and Derketo in Ascalon ; 
 and their mode of worship, with its mingled bloody and obscene rites, followed 
 
 ' See p. 700, infra, for mention of a Philistine fleet belonging to Ascalon. 
 
 = Drawn by Fauclier-Gudin, from a " squeeze ; " sec, on p. 471, su-pra, the bas-relief from Medinet- 
 Habu, to which this head belongs. 
 
 ^ Stade, who accepts the Cretan origin of the Philistines, thinks that thej' were descended from 
 Semitic colonies planted in Crete in pre-Hellenic times, and gradually driven out by Acliaean in- 
 vaders (Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 142). It seems more probable that they belonged to one 
 of the non-Semitic tribes which had settled in that island, and that they were, as Hitzig points out 
 (UrgescliicMe der Philister, p. .37, et seq.), allied to the insular and continental Greeks. Hitzig 
 attempted to identify the name Anchises with that of Akish, King of Gath, and Kenan thought there 
 still survived in Hebrew a few Greek words which had come from their language, e.g. "i^ia prhr^ 
 Trepi0o\os, ni3D melcera, fidxa-tpa, C'3^''D pellex, 7raAA.o| (Hist, du peupled' Israel, vol. ii. p. 33). Akish 
 is met with from the XIX"* dynasty onwards (W. Max MUller, Die Keflo-Namen, in the Zeitschrift 
 fur Assyriologie, vol. ix. pp. 394, 395), and under Sargon of Assyria (W. Max MiJLLER, Asien und 
 Europa, p. 386, note 1). 
 
 * Marna, " our lord," is mentioned alongside Baalzephon in a list of strange gods worshipped at 
 Memphis in the XIX"' dynasty (Sallier Papyrus, iv. verso, pi. iv. I. 6; cf. p. iSii, supra). Stephen of 
 Byzantium gives the name as Zeus KpriTayevris, s.v. Fafa. The worship of Dagon at Gaza is men- 
 tioned in the story of Samson (Judges xvi. 21-30). 
 
 ^ The temple and statue of Dagon are mentioned in the account of the events following the taking 
 of the ark in 1 Sam. x. 1-7. It is, perhaps, to him that 1 Chron. x. 10 refers, in relating how the 
 Philistines hung up Saul's arms in the house of their gods, although 1 Sam. xxxi. 10 calls the place 
 the " house of the Ashtoreth." 
 
 Baalzebub was the god of Ekron (2 Kings 1. 2-G), and his name was doubtfully translated •' Lord 
 of Flies." The discovery of the name of the town Zebub on the Tell el-Amarna tablets shows that 
 it means the " Baal of Zebub" (Halevy, Recherches Bibliqties, xxvii., in the Revue Se'mitique, vol. i. p. 23 ; 
 WiNCKLEE, Geschichte Israels, vol. i. pp. 223, note 1, 225). Zebub was situated in the Philistine plains, 
 not f»r from Ekron. Hale'vy thinks it may have been a suburb of that town. 
 
 ' The worship of Derketo or Atergatis at Ascalon is witnessed to by the classical writers. 
 
THE POLITICAL ORGANISATION OF THE PHILISTINES. 699 
 
 that of the country. Two things belonging to their past history they still 
 retained — a clear remembrance of their far-off origin, and that warlike 
 
 A IMCOCKSSIO.N Ol' I'HILISTINK ('Al'TIVKS AT MEIJINKT-H AlU 
 
 temperament which had enabled them to fight their way through many 
 obstacles from the shores of the ^gean to the frontiers of Egypt. They 
 could recall their island of Caphtor,- and their neighbours in their new home 
 were accustomed to bestow upon them the designation of Cretans, of which 
 they themselves were not a little proud.'' Gaza enjoyed among them a kind 
 of hegemony, alike on account of its strategic position and its favourable 
 situation for commerce, but this supremacy was of very precarious character, 
 and brought with it no right whatever to meddle in the internal afTaiis 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Guiliu, from u photograph taken by Insinger in 1881. 
 
 2 Jer. xlvii. 4 calls them " the remnant of the isle of Cuphtor ; " Amos (ix. 7) knew tliat the Lord 
 had brought " the PhiliBtines from Caphtor; " and in Deut. ii. 23 it is related how " the Caphtorim which 
 came forth out of Caphtor destroyed the Avvim, which dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, and dwelt 
 in their stead." Classical tradition falls in with the sacred record, and ascribes a Cretan origin to 
 the Philistines ; it is suggested, therefore, that in Gen. x. 14 the names Casluhim and Caphtorim 
 should be tninsposed, to bring the vorse into harmony with history and other parts of Scripture. 
 
 ' In an episode in the life of David (1 Sam. six. 14), there is mention of the " south of the 
 (;herethite8," wliiuh some have made to mean Cretans— that is to say, tl>e region to tiie south of the 
 Philistines, alongside the territory of Judah, and to the " soutli of Caleb." Ezeh. xxv. 16 also 
 mentions in juxtaposition with the Philistines the Cherethites, and "the remnant of the sea-const," 
 as objects of God's vengeance for tlie many evils they had inflicted on Israel. By the Cherethims- 
 liere, and the Cherethites in Zeph. il. f\, the Cretans are by some thought to be meant, which would 
 account for their association with the Philistines. 
 
700 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DA3IASCUS. 
 
 of other members of the confederacy. Each of the latter had a chief of 
 'its own, a Seren,^ and the office of this chief was hereditary in one case at 
 least — Gath, for instance, where there existed a larger Canaanite element 
 ihan elsewhere, and was there identified with that of " melek, ' ^ or king. The 
 five Sarnim assembled in council to deliberate upon common interests, and 
 to offer sacrifices in the name of the Pentapolis. These chiefs were 
 respectively free to make alliances, or to take the field on their owji account, 
 ibut in matters of common importance they acted together, and took their 
 places each at the liead of his own contingent.^ Their armies were made up of 
 regiments of skilled archers and of pikemen, to whom were added a body of 
 charioteers made up of the princes and the nobles of the nation. The armour 
 for all alike was the coat of scale mail and the helmet of brass ; their 
 weapons consisted of the two-edged battle-axe, the bow, the lance, and a large 
 and heavy sword of bronze or iron.* Their war tactics were probably similar 
 to those of the Egyptians, who were unrivalled in military operations at this 
 -period throughout the whole East. Under able leadership, and in positions 
 favourable for the operations of their chariots, the Philistines had nothing to 
 fear from the forces which any of their foes could bring up against them. As to 
 their maritime history, it is certain that in the earliest period, at least, of their 
 sojourn in Syria, as well as in that before their capture by Ramses III., they 
 were successful in sea-fights, but the memory of only one of their expeditions 
 has come down to us : a squadron of theirs having sailed forth from Ascalon 
 somewhere towards the end of the XIP" dynasty,^ succeeded in destroying 
 the Sidonian fleet, and pillaging Sidon itself. But however vigorously they 
 may have plied the occupation of Corsairs at the outset of their career, there 
 was, it would appear, a rapid falling off in their maritime prowess : it was on land, 
 and as soldiers, that they displayed their bravery and gained their fame. Their 
 geographical position, indeed, on the direct and almost only route for caravans 
 passing between Asia and Africa, must have contributed to their success. 
 
 ' The same pUshlim figure in the narrative of the last Philistine campaign against Saul (1 Sam. 
 xx\x. 2-4, 7, 9). Their number, five, is expressly mentioned iu 1 Sam. vi. 4, 16-18, as well as the 
 names of the towns over which they ruled. 
 
 ^ Achish was King of Gath (1 Sam. xxi. 10, 12, xxvii. 2), and probably Maoch before him. 
 
 2 Achish, for example, King of Gath, makes war alone against the pillaging tribes, owing to the 
 intervention of David and his men, without beiug called to account by the other princes (1 Sam. xxvii. 
 2-12, xxviii. 1, 2), but as soon as an affair of moment is in contemplation — such as the war against 
 Saul — they demand the dismissal of David, and Achish is obliged to submit to his colleagues acting 
 together (1 Sam. xxix.). 
 
 * Philistine archers are mentioned in the battle of Gilboa (1 Sam. xxxi. 3) as well as chariots 
 (2 Sam. i. 6). The horsemen mentioned in the same connexion are regarded by some critics as an 
 interpolation, because they cannot bring themselves to think that the Philistines had cavalry corps 
 in the X* century B.C. The Philistine arms are described at length in the duel between David and 
 Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 5-7, 38, 39). They are in some respects like those of the Homeric heroes. 
 
 Justinus, xviii. 3, § 5. The memory of this has been preserved, owing to the disputes about 
 precedence which raged in the Greek period between the Phoenician towns. The destruction of 
 ■ Sidon must have allowed Tyre to develop and take the first place. 
 
THE POLITICAL ORGANISATION OF THE PHILISTINES. 70 1 
 
 The number of such caravans was considerable, for although Egypt had 
 ceased to be a conquering nation on account of her feebleness at home, she wa& 
 still one of the great centres of production, and the most important market 
 
 A PHILISTINE SHIP OF WAll.' 
 
 of the East. A very great part of her trade with foreign countries was carried 
 on through the mouths of the Nile, and of this commerce the Phoenicians had 
 made themselves masters ; the remainder followed the land-routes, and passed 
 continually through the territory of the Philistines. These people were 
 in possession of the tract of land which lay between the ]\[editerranean and 
 the beginning of the southern desert, forming as it were a narrow passage, into 
 which all the roads leading from the Nile to the Euphrates necessarily converged. 
 The chief of these routes was that which crossed Mount Carinel, near Megiddo, 
 and passed up the valleys of the Litany and the Orontes. This was met 
 at intervals by other secondary roads, such as that which came from 
 Damascus by way of Tabor and the plain of Jezreel, or those which, starting 
 out from the highland of Gilead, led through the fords of the Lower Jordan 
 to Ekron and Gath respectively. The Philistines charged themselvet;, after 
 the example and at the instigation of the Egyptians, with the maintenance of 
 the great trunk road which was in their hands, and also with securing safe 
 transit along it, as far as they could post their troops, for those who confided 
 themselves to their care. In exchange for these good offices they exacted the 
 same tolls which had been levied by the Canaanites before them. 
 
 • Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Beato ; cf. oa p. 409, supra, the bas-relief of 
 Medinet-Habu, from which this cut is token. 
 
702 TEE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 In their efforts to put down brigandage, they had been brought into contact 
 with some of the Hebrew clans after the latter had taken possession of Canaan. 
 Judah, in its home among the mountains of the Dead Sea, had become 
 acquainted with the diverse races which were found there, and consequently 
 there had been frequent intermarriages between the Hebrews and these 
 peoples. Some critics have argued from this that the chronicler had this fact 
 in his mind when he assigned a Canaanite wife, Shuah, to the father of the 
 tribe himself.^ He relates how Judah, having separated from his brethren, 
 " turned in to a certain Adullaraite, whose name was Hirah," and that here he 
 became acquainted with Shuah, by whom he had three sons. With Tamar, 
 tlie widow of tlie eldest of the latter, he had accidental intercourse, and two 
 children, Perez and Zerah, the ancestors of numerous families, were born of 
 tliat union.^ Edomites, Arabs, and Midiauites were associated with this semi- 
 Canaanite stock — for example, Kain, Caleb, Othniel, Kenaz, Shobal, Ephah, and 
 Jerahmeel, but the Kenites took the first place among them, and played an 
 important part in the history of the conquest of Canaan.^ It is related how 
 one of their subdivisions, of which Caleb was the eponymous hero, had driven 
 Irora Hebron the three sons of Anak^ — Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai — and had 
 then promised his daughter Achsah in marriage to him who should capture 
 Debir ; this turned out to be his youngest brother Othniel, who captured the 
 city, and at the same time obtained a wife.* Hobab, another Kenite, who is 
 represented to have been the brother-in-law of Moses, occupied a position to 
 the south of Arad, in Idumasan territory.^ These heterogeneous elements 
 existed alongside each other for a long time without intermingling ; they 
 ■combined, however, now and again to act against a common foe, for we know 
 that the people of Judah aided the tribe of Simeon in the reduction of the 
 city of Zephath ; ^ but they followed an independent course for the most part, 
 and their isolation prevented their obtaining, for a lengthened period, any 
 extension of territory. They failed, as at first, in their attempts to subjugate 
 the province of Arad, and in their efforts to capture the fortresses which 
 guarded the caravan routes between Ashdod and the mouth of the Jordan. 
 It is related, however, that they overthrew Adoui-bezek, King of the Jebusites, 
 and that they had dealt with him as he was accustomed to deal with his 
 prisoners. "And Adoni-bezek said. Threescore and ten kings, having their 
 thumbs and their great toes cut off, gathered their meat under my table : 
 
 ' For Stade's view as to the late development of Judah, soe Ges. des Volhes Isr., vol. i. pp. 157-160. 
 ^ Gen. xxxviii., where there is a detailed account of Judali's unions. 
 ' Stade, op. cit.. vol. i. pp. 131, 132, 159. 
 
 * BuDDE, Die Biicher Richter und Samuelis, p. 85, where the account of the Judaan conquest ia 
 ingeniously put together, and the first chapter of Judges is used for the purpose. 
 
 * The father-in-law of Moses is called Jethro in Exod. in. 1, iv. 19, but Raguel in Exod. ii. 
 .18-22. Hobab is (he son of Raguel, Numh. x. 29 : for his place in Judges, see Budde, op. cit., p. 80. 
 
 Judges i. 17, where Zephath is the betler reading, and not Arad, as has been suggested. 
 
JUDAH AND ITS CONSTITUENT ELEMENTS. 
 
 703 
 
 fls 1 have done, so God hath requited me."'^ Although Adoni-bezek had 
 been overthrown Jerusalem still remained independent, as did also Gibeon, 
 Beeroth, Kirjatli-Jearim, Ajalon, Gezer, and the cities of the plain, for the 
 Israelites could not drive out the inhabitants of the valley, because they had 
 •cliariots of iron, with which the Hebrew foot-soldiers found it difficult to deal.-' 
 This independent and isolated group was not at first, however, a subject of 
 anxiety to the masters of the coast, and there is but a bare reference to the 
 exploits of a certain Shamgar, son of Anath, who " smote of the Philistines 
 six hundred men with an ox-goad." * These cities had also to reckon with 
 Ephraim, and the tribes which had thrown in their lot with her. Dan 
 had cast his eyes upon the northern districts of the Shephelah — which were 
 <lependent upon Ekron or Gath — and also upon the senii-Phcjonician port of 
 Joppa ; but these tribes did not succeed in taking possession of those 
 districts, although they had harassed them from time to time by raids in 
 which the children of Israel did not always come off victorious. One of 
 their chiefs — Samson — had a great reputation among them for his bravery 
 iind bodily strength, and we have some details of his history. The episodes 
 which have been preserved deal with some of his exploits against the Philis- 
 tines, and there is a certain humour in the chronicler's account of the weapons 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from pliotograph No. 205 of tlie Palestine Kxphration Fund. 
 
 ' JJCUDE, Vie Biicher Richier und Samuelif, pp. 2-4, G2-C(3, 84, 8."), endeavours to sliow that these 
 4 \ <!nts were attributed at a later date to Joshua. 
 
 ' Ser .fosh. ix. 3-27 for an explanation of how these people were allowed afterwards to remain in a 
 subordinate capacity aniong the children of Israel. For the strategical and commercial importance to 
 Judah and Israel of Gibeon and the neighbouring places, see Stade, Ge«. des Volke» J»raeI«,vol. ii. p. 137. 
 
 * Judges iii. 31 ; cf. also Judges v. C, in which Shamgar is mentioned in the song of Deborah. 
 
704 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 which he employed : " with the jawbone of an ass have I smitten a thousand 
 men ; " he burned up their harvest also by letting go three hundred foxes, 
 with torches attached to their tails, among the standing corn of the Philis- 
 tines. Various events in his career are subsequently narrated; such as 
 his adventure in the house of the harlot at Gaza, when he carried off the 
 gate of the city and the gate-posts "to the top of the mountain that is 
 before Hebron." By Delilah's treachery he was finally delivered over to his 
 enemies, who, having put out his eyes, condemned him to grind in the prison- 
 house. On the occasion of a great festival in honour of Dagon he was brought 
 into the temple to amuse his captors, but while they were making merry at 
 his expense, he took hold of the two pillars against which he was resting, and 
 bowing " himself with all his might," overturned them, " and the house fell 
 upon the lords, and upon all the people that were therein." ^ The tribe of Dan 
 at length became weary of these unprofitable struggles, and determined to 
 seek out another and more easily defensible settlement. They sent out 
 five emissaries, therefore, to look out for a new home. While these were 
 passing through the mountains they called upon a certain Michah in the hill- 
 country of Ephraim and lodged there. Here they took counsel of a Levite 
 whom Michah had made his priest, and, in answer to the question whether 
 their journey would be prosperous, he told them to " Go in peace : before the 
 Lord is the way wherein ye go." Their search turned out successful, for they 
 discovered near the sources of the Jordan the town of Laish, whose people, like 
 the Zidonians, dwelt in security, fearing no trouble. On the report of the 
 emissaries, Dan decided to emigrate : the warriors set out to the number 
 of six hundred, carried off with them the priest of Michah and his ephod, 
 teraphim, and graven image, and succeeded in capturing Laish, to which they 
 gave the name of their tribe. " The children of Dan set up for themselves the 
 graven image : and Jonathan, the son of Gershom, the son of Moses, he and 
 his sons were priests to the tribe of the Danites until the day of the captivity 
 of the land." ^ The tribe of Dan displayed in this advanced post of peril the 
 bravery it had shown on the frontiers of the Shephelah, and showed itself 
 the most bellicose of the tribes of Israel. It bore out well its character — " Dan 
 is a lion's whelp that leapeth forth from Bashan " on the Hermon ; ^ " a serpent 
 
 ' Some learned critics considered Samson to have been a sort of solar deity (H. Hissox, La 
 Leyende de Samson et les Mylhet solaires, 1869; Steinthal, Zeitschrift fiir Vollerpsychologie, vol. ii. 
 jjp! 110-120, 129-178; Goldziher, Der Mythos hei der Hebrxer, p. 128). 
 
 ^ Some critics see in the history of this migration, which is given summarily in Josh. xix. -17, a 
 blending of two accounts. Budde, Die Biicher Eichter, etc., pp. 138-1 4G, has attempted a reconstruc- 
 tion of the narrative. The presence of a descendant of Moses as a priest in this local sanctuary pro- 
 bably offended the religious scruples of a copyist, who substituted Manasseh for Moses {Judqes xviii. 
 30), but the correction was not generally accepted. [The R.V. reads "Moses" wlieru tlie authorised 
 text (and the LXX. also) has "Manasseh." — Tb.]. 
 
 ^ See the Blessing of Moses {Deut. xsxiii. 22). 
 
DAN AND THE STORY OF SAMSON. 
 
 705 
 
 in the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider 
 falleth backward." ^ The new position they had taken up enabled them to 
 protect Galilee for centuries against the incursions of the Aramaeans. 
 
 Their departure, however, left the descendants of Joseph unprotected, with 
 Benjamin as their only bulwark. Benjamin, like Dan, was one of the tribes 
 which contained scarcely more than two or three clans, but compensated for 
 
 Till-: HILL OF SHILOII, SEKN FllOM THE NORTH-EAST. " 
 
 the stnallness of their numbers by their energy and tenacity of character : 
 lying to the south of Ephraim, they had developed into a breed of hardy 
 adventurers, skilled in handling the bow and sling, accustomed from child- 
 hood to use both hands indifferently, and always ready to set out on any 
 expedition, not only against the Canaanites, but, if need be, against their own 
 kinsfolk.** They had consequently aroused the hatred of both friend and foe, 
 and we read that the remaining tribes at length decreed their destruction ; 
 a massacre ensued, from which six hundred Benjamites only escaped to 
 continue the race.^ Their territory adjoined on the south that of Jerusalem, 
 the fortress of the Jebusites, and on the west the powerful confederation of 
 which Gibeon was the head. It comprised some half-dozen towns — Ramah, 
 Anathoth, Michmash, and Nob, and thus commanded both sides of the passes 
 leading from the Shephelah into the valley of the Jordan. The Benjamites 
 
 ■ These are the words used in the Blessing of Jacob (_Gen. xlix. 17). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 100 of the Palettine Exploration Fund. 
 
 » Benjamin signifies, properly speaking, " the Southern : " for the hiotory of the territorial growth 
 of this tribe, cf. Stade, Oesch. da VolheB Israel, vol. i. pp. 160, IGl. 
 
 * Story of the Levite of Ejjhraim {Judges xis.-xxi.), in which the important historical event- is 
 the massacre of the pillaging clan by its neighbours. Tlio story of the Levite is considered by some 
 critics to bo of a later date than the rest of the text (Stade, GetcJi. des Volkee Israel, vol. i. p. 71). 
 
706 TEE EEBBEWS AND TEE PEILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 were in the habit of descending suddenly upon merchants who were making 
 their way to or returning from Gilead, and of robbing them of their wares ; 
 sometimes they would make a raid upon the environs of Ekron and Gath, "like 
 a wolf that ravineth : " realising the prediction of Jacob, " in the morning he 
 shall devour the prey, and at even he shall divide the spoil." ^ The Philistines 
 never failed to make reprisals after each raid, and the Benjamites were no 
 match for their heavily armed battalions ; but the labyrinth of ravines and 
 narrow gorges into which the Philistines had to penetrate to meet their enemy 
 was a favourable region for guerilla warfare, in which they were no match for 
 their opponents. Peace was never of long duration on this ill-defined border- 
 land, and neither intercourse between one village and another, alliances, nor 
 intermarriage between the two peoples had the effect of interrupting hostili- 
 ties ; even when a truce was made at one locality, the feud would be kept 
 up at other points of contact. All details of this conflict have been 
 lost, and we merely know that it terminated in the defeat of the house 
 of Joseph, a number of whom were enslaved. The ancient sanctuary of 
 Shiloh still continued to be the sacred town of the Hebrews, as it had been 
 under the Canaanites, and the people of Ephraim kept there the ark of 
 Jahveh-Sabaoth, " the Lord of hosts." ^ It was a chest of wood, similar in 
 shape to the shrine which surmounted the sacred barks of the Egyptian 
 divinities, but instead of a prophesying statue, contained the two tables of 
 the Mosaic law.^ Yearly festivals were celebrated before it, and it was con- 
 sulted as an oracle by all the Israelites. Eli, the priest to whose care it 
 was at this time consigned, had earned universal respect by the austerity 
 of his life and by his skill in interpreting the divine oracles.* His two sons, 
 on the contrary, took advantage of his extreme age to annoy those who came 
 up to worship, and they were even accused of improper behaviour towards 
 the women who "served at the door of" the tabernacle. They appropriated 
 to themselves a larger portion of the victims than they were entitled to, ex- 
 tracting from the caldron the meat offerings of the faithful after the sacrifice 
 was over by means of flesh-hooks. Their misdeeds were such, that "men 
 abhorred the offering of the Lord," and yet the reverence for the ark was 
 
 ' He is thus characterised in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 27). 
 At the very opening of the First Booh of Samuel (i. 3), Shiloh is mentioned as being the sanctuary 
 of Jahveh-Sabaoth, Jahveh the Lord of hosts. The facts given in Josh, xviii. 1 show that the date of 
 its foundation there goes back to the earliest times of the Israelite conquest ; cf. supra, p. 682. 
 
 ' The statement that the tables of tlie law were enclosed within the ark is frequently repeated 
 in Exodus and in subsequent books of the Hexateuch. 
 
 * The history of Eli extends over chaps, i.-iv. of the First Booh of Samuel ; it is incorporated with 
 that of Samuel, and treats only of the events which accompanied the destruction of the sanctuary of 
 Shiloh by the Philistines. For the views of certain critics as to the sources of the narrative, cf. 
 Bleek-Wellhausen, Einleitung in das alte Testament, 4th edit., pp. 204-206 ; and lastly, Budde, 
 Die Biicher Bichter und Samuelis, p. 196, et seq.). 
 
BENJAMIN AND EIS POSITION ON THE PHILISTINE FRONTIEB. 707 
 
 so great in the minds of the people, that they continued to have recourse 
 to it on every occasion of national danger.^ The people of Ephraim and 
 Benjamin having been defeated once between Eben-ezer and Aphek, bore 
 the ark in state to the battle-field, that its presence might inspire them 
 with confidence. The Philistines were alarmed at its advent, and exclaimed, 
 "God is come into the camp. Woe unto us! Who shall deliver us out of 
 the hand of these mighty gods? ... Be strong, and quit yourselves like 
 men, O ye Philistines, that ye be not servants unto the Hebrews, as they 
 have been to you." In response to this appeal, their troops fought so boldly 
 that they once more gained a victory. "And there ran a man of Benjamin 
 out of the army, and came to Shiloh the same day with his clothes rent, and 
 with earth upon his head. And when he came, lo, Eli sat upon his seat by 
 the wayside watching : for his heart trembled for the ark of God. And when 
 the man came into the city, and told it, all the city cried out. And when Eli 
 heard the noise of the crying, he said, What meaneth the noise of this 
 tumult? And the man hasted, and came and told Eli. Now Eli was ninety 
 and eight years old ; and his eyes were set, that he could not see. And the 
 man said unto Eli, I am he that came out of the army, aud I fled to-day 
 out of the army. And he said. How went the matter, my son? And he 
 that brought the tidings answered and said, Israel is fled before the Philis- 
 tines, and there hath been also a great slaughter among the people, and thy 
 two sons also, Hophni and Phineas, are dead, and the ark of God is taken. And 
 it came to pass, when he made mention of the ark of God, that he fell from 
 off his seat backward by the side of the gate, and his neck brake, and he died : 
 for he was an old man, and heavy." ^ 
 
 The defeat at Eben-ezer completed, at least for the time, the overthrow 
 of the tribes of Central Canaan. The Philistines destroyed the sanctuary of 
 Shiloh,* and placed a garrison at Gibeah to keep the Benjamites in subjection, 
 and to command the route of the Jordan ; ^ it would even appear that they 
 pushed their advance-posts beyond Carmel in order to keep in touch with the 
 independent Canaanite cities such as Megiddo, Taanach, and Bethshan, and to 
 ensure a free use of the various routes leading in the direction of Damascus, 
 Tyre, and Ccele-Syria." The Philistine power continued dominant for at least 
 half a century. The Hebrew chroniclers, grieved at the successes of their 
 heathen oppressors, have left us but a meagre account of this period, and have 
 
 ' 1 Sam. ii. 12-17. " 1 Sam. iv. .VIO. ' 1 Sam. iv. 12-18 
 
 * Tliis is uot mentioned in the sacred books ; but certain reasons for believing this destruction 
 to have taken place are given in Stade, Gesch. des Volheg Israel, vol. i. p. 205. 
 
 ' The Philistine garrison at Geba (Gibeah) is mentioned in 1 Sam. xiii. 3, 4. 
 
 ° After the victory ut Gilboa, the Philistines exposed the dead bodies of Saul and his sons upon 
 the walla of Bethshan (1 Sam. xxxi. 10, 12), which they would not have been able to do had the 
 inhabitants not been allies or vassals. Friendly relations with Bethshan entailed almost as a matter 
 of course some similar understanding with the cities of the plain of Jezreel. 
 
708 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 confined themselves to a record of the few Israelite victories. J ust at this time, 
 however, there lived a man who was able to inspire them with fresh hope. He 
 was a priest of Eamah, Samuel, the son of Elkanah, who had acquired the 
 reputation of being a just and wise judge in the towns of Bethel, Gilgal, and 
 Mizpah; "and he judged Israel in all those places, and his return was to 
 Kamah, for there was his house .... and he built there an altar unto the 
 Lord."^ To this man the whole Israelite nation attributed with pride the 
 deliverances of their race. The sacred writings relate how his mother, the pious 
 Hannah, had obtained his birth from Jahveh after years of childlessness, and 
 had forthwith devoted him to the service of God. She had sent him to Shiloh 
 at the age of three years, and there, clothed in a linen tunic and in a little 
 robe which his mother made for him herself, he ministered before God in the 
 presence of Eli. One night it happened, when the latter was asleep in his 
 place, " and the lamp of God was not yet gone out, and Samuel was laid down 
 to sleep in the temple of the Lord, where the ark of God was, that the Lord 
 called Samuel : and he said. Here am I. And he ran unto Eli, and said, Here 
 am I ; for thou calledst me. And he said, I called thee not ; lie down again." 
 Twice again the voice was heard, and at length Eli perceived that it was God 
 who had called the child, and he bade him reply : " Speak, Lord ; for Thy 
 servant heareth." From thenceforward Jahveh was " with him, and did let 
 none of his words fall to the ground. And all Israel from Dan even to Beer- 
 sheba knew that Samuel was established to be a prophet of the Lord."^ 
 Twenty years after the sad death of his master, Samuel felt that the moment 
 had come to throw off the Philistine yoke ; he exhorted the people to put 
 away their false gods, and he assembled them at Mizpah to absolve them from 
 their sins. The Philistines, suspicious of this concourse, which boded ill for 
 the maintenance of their authority, arose against him. " And when the 
 children of Israel heard it, they were afraid of the Philistines. And Samuel 
 took a sucking lamb, and offered it for a whole burnt offering unto the Lord : 
 and Samuel cried unto the Lord for Israel, and the Lord answered him." The 
 Philistines, demoralised by the thunderstorm which ensued, were overcome 
 on the very spot where they had triumphed over the sons of Eli, and fled 
 in disorder to their own country. "Then Samuel took a stone, and set it 
 between Mizpah and Shen, and called the name of it Eben-ezer (the Stone 
 of Help), saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us." He next attacked 
 the Tyrians and the Amorites, and won back from them all the territory 
 
 ' 1 Sam. vii. IG, 17. These verses represent, as a matter of fact, all that we know of Samuel 
 anterior to his relations witli Saul. This account seems to represent him as exercising merely a 
 restricted influence over the territory of Benjamin and the south of Ephraim ; his position as judge 
 of all Israel seems to have developed at a later period. 
 
SAMUEL AND THE PHILISTINE RULE IN CANAAN. 
 
 701) 
 
 they had conquered.^ One passage, in which Samuel is not mentioned, 
 tells us how heavily the Philistine yoke had weighed upon the people, and 
 explains their long patience by the fact that their enemies had taken away 
 all their weapons. "Now there was no smith found throughout all the land 
 of Israel : for the Philistines said. Lest the Hebrews make them swords or 
 spears ; " and whoever needed to buy or repair the most ordinary agricultural 
 implements was forced to address himself to the Philistine blacksmiths.'^ 
 The very extremity of the evil worked its own cure. The fear of the Midian- 
 ites had already been the occasion of the ephemeral rule of Jerubbaal and 
 Abimelech ; the Philistine tyranny forced first the tribes of Central and then 
 those of Southern Canaan to unite under the leadership of one man. In face 
 of so redoubtable an enemy and so grave a peril a greater effort was required, 
 and the result was proportionate to their increased activity. 
 
 The Manassite rule extended at most over two or three clans, but that 
 of Saul and David embraced the whole Israelite nation.^ Benjamin at 
 that time reckoned among its most powerful chiefs a man of ancient and 
 noble family — Saul, tlie son of Kish — who possessed extensive flocks and 
 considerable property, and was noted for his personal beauty, for "there 
 was not among the children of Israel a goodlier person than he: from 
 his shoulders and upward he was higher than any of the people." * He had 
 already reached mature manhood, and had several children, the eldest of 
 whom, Jonathan, was well known as a skilful and brave soldier, while Saul's 
 reputation was such that his kinsmen beyond Jordan had recourse to his aid 
 as to a hero whose presence would secure victory. The Ammonites had laid 
 siege to Jabesh-Gilead, and the town was on the point of surrendering; Saul 
 came to their help, forced the enemy to raise the siege, and inflicted such a 
 severe lesson upon them, that during the whole of his lifetime they did not 
 again attempt hostilities. He was soon after proclaimed king by the Ben- 
 jamites, as Jerubbaal had been raised to authority by the IManassites on the 
 
 ' This manner of retaliating against the Philistines for the disaster they had formerly inflicted on 
 Israel, is supposed by some critics to be an addition of a later date, either belonging to the time of 
 the prophets, or to the period when the Jews, without any king or settled government, rallied at 
 Mizpah. According to those scliolars, 1 Sam. vii. 2-14 forms part of a biography, written at a time 
 when the foundation of the Boiijamite monarchy had not as yet been attributed to Saul (Kei ss, Hitt. 
 des Israelites, p. 252); a resume oi some of these theories is given in Stade, Geseh. drs Voiles Israel, 
 vol. i. pp. 197-20G. 
 
 » 1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21. 
 
 ' The beginning of Saul's reign, up to his meeting with David, will be found in 1 Sam. viii.-xv. 
 Wo can distinguish the remains of at least two ancient narratives, which the writer of the Book of 
 Samuel has put together in order to form a complete and continuous account. As elsewhere in this 
 work, I have confined myself to accepting the results at which criticism has arrived, without entering 
 into detailed discussions which do not come within the domain of history. 
 
 * 1 Sam. ix. 2. In one account he is represented as quite a young man, whose father is still in 
 the prime of life (1 Sam. is.), hut this cannot refer to the time of the Philistine war, where we find him 
 accompanied, at the very outset of his reign, by his son, who is already skilled in the use of weapoES. 
 
710 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 morrow of his victory.^ We learn from the sacred writings that Samuel's 
 influence had helped to bring about these events. It had been shown him 
 by the divine voice that Saul was to be the chosen ruler, and he had anointed 
 liim and set him before the people as their appointed lord ; the scene of this 
 must have been either Mizpah or Gilgal.^ The accession of a sovereign who 
 possessed the allegiance of all Israel could not fail to arouse the vigilance of 
 their Philistine oppressors ; Jonathan, however, anticipated their attack and 
 captured Gibeah. The five kings at once despatched an army to revenge this 
 loss; the main body occupied Michmash, almost opposite to the stronghold 
 taken from them, while three bands of soldiers were dispersed over the country, 
 ravaging as they went, with orders to attack Saul in the rear. The latter had 
 only six hundred men, with whom he scarcely dared to face so large a force ; 
 besides which, he was separated from the enemy by the Wady Suweinit, here 
 narrowed almost into a gorge between two precipitous rocks, and through which 
 no body of troops could penetrate without running the risk of exposing them- 
 selves in single file to the enemy. Jonathan, however, resolved to attempt a 
 surprise in broad daylight, accompanied only by his armour-bearer. " There 
 was a rocky crag on the one side, and a rocky crag on the other side : and the 
 name of the one was Bozez (the Shining), and the name of the other Seneh 
 (the Acacia). The one crag rose up on the north in front of Michmash, and 
 the other on the south in front of Geba (Gibeah)." ^ The two men descended 
 the side of the gorge, on the top of which they were encamped, and prepared 
 openly to climb the opposite side. The Philistine sentries imagined they 
 were deserters, and said as they approached: "Behold, the Hebrews come 
 forth out of the holes where they had hid themselves. And the men of the 
 garrison answered Jonathan and his armour-bearer, and said, Come up to us, 
 and we will show you a thing. And Jonathan said unto his armour-bearer. 
 Come up after me : for the Lord hath delivered them into the hand of Israel. 
 And Jonathan climbed up upon his hands and upon his feet, and his armour- 
 bearer after him : and they fell before Jonathan ; and his armour-bearer slew 
 them after him. And that first slaughter that Jonathan and his armour- 
 bearer made, was about twenty men, within as it were half a furrow's length in 
 an acre of land." From Gibeah, where Saul's troops were in ignorance of what 
 was passing, the Benjamite sentinels could distinguish a tumult. Saul guessed 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xi. According to the text of the LXX., the war against the Ammonites broke out a 
 month after Saul had been secretly anointed by Samuel ; his popular proclamation did not take place 
 till after the return from the campaign. 
 
 ^ One narrative appears to represent him as being only the priest or local prophet of Kamah, and 
 depicts him as favourable to the establishment of the monarchy (1 Sam. is. 1-27, x. 1-16); the other, 
 however, admits that he was "judge" of all Israel, and implies that he was hostile to the choice of 
 a king (1 Sam. viii. 1-^2, x. 17, 27, xii. 1-25). 
 
 ^ 1 Sam. xiv. 4, 5. 
 
TIIK WADY SLWEINIT. 
 
 Drawn hy Bouclier, from photograph No. 402 of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 
 
712 THE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 that a surprise had taken place, and marched upon the enemy. The Philis- 
 tines were ousted from their position, and pursued hotly beyond Bethel as far 
 as Ajalon.i This constituted the actual birthday of the Israelite monarchy. 
 Gilead, the whole house of Joseph— Ephraim and Manasseh— and Benjamin 
 formed its nucleus, and were Saul's strongest supporters. We do not know 
 how far his influence extended northwards ; it probably stopped short at the 
 neighbourhood of Mount Tabor, and the Galileans either refused to submit to 
 his authority, or acknowledged it merely in theory. In the south the clans of 
 Judali and Simeon were not long in rallying round him, and their neighbours 
 the Kenites, with Caleb and Jerahmeel, soon followed their example. These 
 southerners, however, appear to have been somewhat half-hearted in their 
 allegiance to the Benjamite king: it was not enough to have gained their 
 adhesion — a stronger tie was needed to attach them to the rest of the nation- 
 Saul endeavoured to get rid of the line of Canaanite cities which isolated 
 them from Ephraim, but he failed in the effort, we know not from what 
 cause, and his attempt produced no other result than to arouse against 
 him the hatred of the Gibeonite inhabitants.'^ He did his best to watch over 
 the security of his new subjects, and protected them against the Amalekites,. 
 who were constantly harassing them. Their king, Agag, happening to fall 
 into his hands, he killed him, and destroyed several of their nomad bands, 
 thus inspiring the remainder with a salutary terror.^ Some critics think that 
 all the victories attributed to him — over Moab, Edom, and even the Aramaeans 
 of Zobah — were not won by his own sword, and that some of the projects and 
 conquests of David have been transferred to his name. At any rate, tha 
 constant incursions of the Philistines could not have left him much time for 
 fighting in the north and east of his domains. Their defeat at Gibeah was hj 
 no means a decisive one, and they quickly recovered from the blow ; the 
 conflict with them lasted to the end of Saul's lifetime, and during the whole 
 of this period he never lost an opportunity of increasing his army.* 
 
 ' The account of these events, separated by the parts relating to tlie biography of Samuel 
 (1 Sam. xiii. 76-15a, thought by some to be of a later date) and of the breaking by Jonathan of the 
 fast enjoined by Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 23-45), covers 1 Sam. xiii. 3-7a, 15&-23, xiv. 1-22, 46. The details- 
 appear to be strictly historical ; the number of the Philistines, ho-wever, seems to be exaggerated :. 
 " 30,000 chariots, and 6000 horsemen, and people as the sand which is on the sea shore in multitude" 
 (1 Sam. xiii. 5). 
 
 " The fact is made known to us by an accidental mention of it in 2 Sam. xxi. 1-11. The motive 
 which induced Saul to take arms against the Gibeonites is immediately apparent when we realise 
 the position occupied by Gibeon between Judah and the tribes of Central Canaan. 
 
 ^ The part taken by Samuel in the narrative of Saul's war against the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv.). 
 is thought by some critics to have been introduced with a view of exalting the prophet's oflSce at the 
 expense of the king and the monarchy. They regard 1 Sam. xiv. 48 as being the sole historic ground 
 of the narrative. 
 
 * 1 Sam. xiv. 47. We may admit his successful skirmishes with Moab, but some writers maintain 
 that the defeat of the Edomites and Aramaeans is a mere anticipation, and consider that the passage- 
 is only a reflection of 2 Sam. viii. 8, and reproduces the list of the wars of David, with the exception 
 of the expedition against Damascus. 
 
THE GBOWTH OF THE BENJAMITH MONARCHY. 
 
 The monarchy was as yet in a very rudimentary state, 
 witiiout either the pomp or accessories usually associated 
 with royalty in the ancient kingdoms of the East. Saul, as 
 King of Israel, led much the same sort of life as when he 
 was merely a Benjamite chief He preferred to reside at 
 Gibeah, in the house of his forefathers, with no further re- 
 sources than those yielded by the domain inherited from his 
 ancestors, together with the spoil taken in battle.^ All that 
 he had, in addition to his former surroundings, were a priest- 
 hood attached to the court, and a small array entirely at his 
 own disposal. Ahijah, a descendant of Eli, sacrificed for the 
 king when the latter did not himself officiate; he fulfilled the - 
 office of chaplain to him in time of war, and was the mouth- 
 piece of the divine oracles when these were consulted as to the 
 propitious moment for attacking the enemy. The army con- 
 sisted of a nucleus of Benjamites, recruited from the king's 
 clan, with the addition of any adventurers, whether Israelites or strangers, who 
 were attracted to enlist under a popular military chief. It comprised archers, 
 slingers, and bands of heavily armed infantry, after the fashion of the Fhceni- 
 cians, bearing pikes. We can gain some idea of their appearance and equip- 
 ment from the bronze statuettes of an almost contemporary period, which show 
 us the Pluunician foot-soldiers or the barbarian mercenaries in the pay of the 
 Phoenician cities : they wear the horizontally striped loin-cloth of the Syrians, 
 leaving the arms and legs entirely bare, and the head is protected by a 
 pointed or conical helmet. Saul possessed none of the iron-boimd chariots 
 which always accompanied the Canaanite infantry ; these heavy vehicles would 
 have been entirely out of place in the mountain districts, which were the usual 
 field of operations for the Israelite force.^ We are unable to ascertain whether 
 
 ' Gibeah is nowhere oxpresBly mcntioued as being the ciipttui of Siiul, but the name Gibeuh of 
 Saul which it bore shows that it must hiive been the royal residence; the nunies of tlie towns men- 
 tioned in the uccount of Saul's pursuit of Diivid — Xaioth, Ramah, and Nob — are all near lo Gibeuh. 
 It was also at Gibeah that the Gibeonites slew seven of the sons and grandsons of Saul (2 Sam. xxi. 
 0-9;, no doubt to bring ignominy on tlie family of the first king in the very place in which they hud 
 governed. 
 
 * Ahijah (1 Sam. xiv. 3), son of Ahitub, great-grandson of Eli. appears to be the same as Ahimelech, 
 son of Ahitub, who subsequently helped David (1 Sam. xxi. 1-10), and was massacred by order of 
 Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 9-19). The scribe must have been shocked by the name Melech — that of the god 
 Milik [Moloch]— and must have substituted Jah or Jahveh. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the bronze original in the Louvre; cf. Peubot-Ciiipiez, Ilitt. 
 de I'Art dans I' Antiquity, vol. iii. p. 405. 
 
 ♦ With regard to the use of the bow among Saul's soldiers, cf. 1 Sam. xx. 18-42, where we fmd 
 the curious scene of the meeting of David and Jonathan when the latter came out of Gibeah on the 
 pretext of practising with bow and arrows. The accoutrement of the Hebrews is given in the passage 
 where Saul lends his armour to David before meeting with Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 38, 39); it is the 
 same as that of the Philistines described supra, p. 700. 
 
714 
 
 THE EEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 the king's soldiers received any regular pay, but we know that the spoil was 
 ■divided between the prince and his men, each according to his rank and in 
 proportion to the valour he had displayed.^ In cases of necessity the whole 
 of the tribes were assembled, and a selection was made of all those capable 
 of bearing arms. This militia, composed mainly of a pastoral peasantry in 
 the prime of life, capable of heroic efforts, was nevertheless ill-disciplined, 
 liable to sudden panics, and prone to become disbanded on the slightest 
 reverse.^ Saul had the supreme command of the whole ; the members of his 
 own family served as lieutenants under him, including his son Jonathan, to 
 whom he owed some of his most brilliant victories, together with his cousin 
 Abner, the sar-zaba, who led the royal guard.^ Among the men of distinguished 
 valour who had taken service under Saul, he soon singled out David, son of 
 Jesse, a native of Bethlehem of Judah.* David was the first Judaean hero, 
 the typical king who served as a model to all subsequent monarchs. His 
 elevation, like that of Saul, is traced to Samuel. The old prophet had 
 repaired to Bethlehem ostensibly to offer a sacrifice, and after examining 
 all the children of Jesse, he chose the youngest, and " anointed him in 
 the midst of his brethren : and the spirit of the Lord came mightily upon 
 David." ^ His introduction at the court of Saul is variously accounted for. 
 According to one narrative, Saul, being possessed by an evil spirit, fell at 
 times into a profound melancholy, from which he could be aroused only 
 by the playing of a harp. On learning that David was skilled in this 
 instrument, he begged Jesse to send him his son, and the lad soon won the 
 king's affection. As often as the illness came upon him, David took his 
 harp, and " Saul was refreshed, and the evil spirit departed from him." 
 Another account relates that he entered on his soldierly career by killing 
 with his sling Goliath of Gath,' who had challenged t!ie bravest Israelites 
 
 ' Cf. the quarrel -which took place between the soldiers of David about the spoil taken from the 
 Amalekites, and the manner in which the strife was decided by David (1 Sam. xxx. 21-25). 
 
 ^ Saul, for instance, assembles the people and makes a selection to attack the Philistines 
 (1 Sam. xiii. 2, 4, 7) against the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 7, 8) and against the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv. 4). 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xiv. 50, 51. There is no record of the part played by Abner during Saul's lifetime : he 
 begins to figure iu the narrative after the battle at Gilboa under the double reign of Ish-bosheth and 
 David ; cf. supra, p. 721. 
 
 * The name of David is a shortened form of Davdo, Dodo, " the favourite of Him," i.e. God. 
 
 ' The intervention of the prophet occupies 1 Sam. xvi. 1-13. Some critics have imagined that 
 this passage was interpolated at a later date, and reflects the events which are narrated in chap. x. 
 They say it was to show that Saul was not alone in enjoying consecration by the prophet, and hence 
 all doubt would be set at rest as to whether David was actually that " neighbour of thine, that is 
 better than thou," mentioned in 1 Sam. xv. 28 (Budde, Die Bucher Bidder und Samuelis, pp. 216, 217). 
 
 « 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23. This narrative is directly connected with 1 Sam. xiv. 52, where we are told 
 that when " Saul saw any strong man, or any valiant man, he took him unto him " (Stade, Gesch. des 
 Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 224, 225). 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xvii., xviii. 1-5. According to some writers, this second version, the best known of the 
 two, is a development at a later period of the tradition preserved in 2 Sam. xsi. 19, where the victory 
 of Elhanan over Goliath is recorded (Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. 1. pp. 225-229). 
 
DAVID AND SAUL. 
 
 715 
 
 to combat ; though elsewhere the death of Goliath is attributed to Elhanan 
 
 of Bethlehem,^ one of tlie " mighty men of valour," who specially distinguished 
 
 himself in the wars against the Philistines. David had, however, no need 
 
 to take to himself the brave deeds of others ; at Ephes-dammim, in company 
 
 with Eleazar, the son of Dodai, and Shammah, tlie son of Agu, he had posted 
 
 himself in a field of lentils, and the three warriors had kept the Philistines 
 
 at bay till their discomfited Israelite comrades had had time to rally.^ Saul 
 
 entrusted him with several difficult undertakings, in all of which he acquitted 
 
 himself with honour. On his return from one of them, the women of the 
 
 villages came out to meet him, singing and dancing to the sound of timbrels, 
 
 the refrain of their song being : " Saul hath slain his thousands, and David 
 
 his ten thousands." The king concealed the jealousy which this simple 
 
 expression of joy excited within him, but it found vent at the next outbreak 
 
 of his illness, and be attempted to kill David with a spear, though soon after 
 
 he endeavoured to make amends for his action by giving him his second 
 
 daughter Michal in marriage.^ This did not prevent the king from again 
 
 attempting David's life, either in a real or simulated fit of madness; but 
 
 not being successful, he despatched a body of men to waylay him. According 
 
 to one account it was Michal who helped her husband to escape,* while another 
 
 attributes the saving of his life to Jonathan. This prince had already brought 
 
 about one reconciliation between his father and David, and had spared no 
 
 pains to reinstall him in the royal favour, but his efi'orts merely aroused the 
 
 king's suspicion against himself. Saul imagined that a conspiracy existed 
 
 for the purpose of dethroning him, and of rei)lacing him by his son ; Jonathan, 
 
 knowing that his life also was threatened, at length renounced the attempt, 
 
 and David and his followers withdrew from court. He was hospitably received 
 
 by a descendant of Eli,""' Ahimelech the priest, at Nob, and wandered about 
 
 in the neighbourhood of Adullam, hiding himself in the wooded valleys of 
 
 Khereth, in the heart of Judah. He retained the sympatliies of many of the 
 
 ' 2 Sara. xxi. 19, where the duel of Goliath and Elhanan is placed in the reign of Duvid, during 
 the combat at Gob. Some critics think that the writer of Chronicle*, recognising the diliiculty pre- 
 sented by this passage, changed the epithet Bethlehemite, which qualified the name of Elhanan, into 
 Lahmi, the name of Goliath's brother (1 Chron. xx. 5). Sayce thought to get over the difficulty by 
 supposing that Elhanan was David's first name ; but Elhanan is the son of Jair, and not the son of Jesse. 
 
 * The combat of Paz-Dammim or Ephcs-Dammim is mentioned iu I Sam. xvii. 1 ; the exploit of 
 David and his two comrades, 2 Sam. xxiii. 9-12 (cf. I Chron. xi. 12-11, which slightly varies from 
 2 Sam. xxiii. 9-12). 
 
 ' The account of the first disagreement between Saul and David, and with regard to the marriage 
 of David with Michal, is given in 1 Sam. xviii. U-IG, 20-29, and presents every appearance of 
 autlienticity. Verses 17-19, mentioning a project of union between David and Saul's eldest daugiiter, 
 Merab, has at some timo been interpolated ; it is not given in the LXX., either because it was not in 
 the Hebrew version they had before them, or because they suppressed it owing to the motive appearing 
 to them insufficient. 
 
 • 1 Sam. six. 11-17. Many critics regard this passage as an interpolation. 
 
 ^ 1 Sam. xxi. 8, 9 adds that he took as a weapon the sword of Goliath which was laid up iu tiie 
 sanctuary at Nob. 
 
716 THE HEBBEWS AND TEE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 AID-EL-ItA, THE SITE OP THE ANCIENT ADILLAM.' 
 
 Benjamites, more than one of whom doubted whether it would not be to their 
 advantage to transfer their allegiance from their aged king to this more 
 youthful hero. Saul got news of their defection, and one day when he was 
 sitting, spear in hand, under the tamarisk at Gibeah, he indignantly upbraided 
 his servants, and pointed out to them the folly of their plans. " Hear, now, 
 ye Benjamites ; will the son of Jesse give every one of you fields and vine- 
 yards ? will he make you all captains of thousands and captains of hundreds ? " 
 Ahimelech was selected as the victim of the king's anger : denounced by Doeg,, 
 Saul's steward, he was put to death, and all his family, with the exception of 
 Abiathar, one of his sons, perished with him.^ As soon as it became known 
 that David held the hill-country, a crowd of adventurous spirits flocked to 
 place themselves under his leadership, anticipating, no doubt, that spoil would 
 not be lacking with so brave a chief, and he soon found himself at the head 
 of a small army, with Abiathar as priest, and the ephod, rescued from Nob, 
 in his possession.^ The country was favourable for their operations ; it was 
 a perfect labyrinth of deep ravines, communicating with each other by narrow 
 passes or by paths winding along the edges of precipices. Isolated rocks, acces- 
 
 • Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 430 of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 
 
 « 1 Sam. six.-xxii., where, according to some critics, two contradictory versions have been blended 
 together at a late period. The most probable version is given in 1 Sam. six. 8-10 [11-18 a], xxi. 1-7 
 [8-10], xxii., and is that which I have followed by preference ; the other version, according to these 
 writers, attributes too important a role to Jonathan, and relates at length the efforts he made to 
 reconcile his father and his friend (1 Sam. xviii. 30, xix. 1-7, xx.). It is thought, from the confusion 
 apparent in this part of the narrative, that a record of the real motives which provoked a rupture 
 between the king and his son-in-law has not been preserved (Stade, GescUchte, vol. i. pp. 240, 241). 
 
 ^ 1 Sam. xxii. 20-23, xxiii. 6. For the use of the ephod by Abiathar for oracular purposes, cf. 
 1 Sam. xxiii. 9-12, xxx. 7, 8 ; the inquiry in 1 Sam. xxiii. 2-4 probably belongs to the same series, 
 although neither Abiathar nor the ephod is mentioned. 
 
DAVID AND HIS FOLLOWERS IN THE DESERT OF JUDAH. 717 
 
 windings. One day the little band descended to the rescue ol Kuilah, which 
 they succeeded in wresting from the Philistines, but no sooner did they learn 
 that Saul was on his way to meet them than they took refuge in the south 
 of Judah, in the neighbourhood of Ziph and Maon, between the mountains 
 and the Dead Sea.'* Saul, already irritated by his rival's successes, was still 
 more galled by being always on the point of capturing him, and yet always 
 seeing him slip from his grasp. On one afternoon, when the king had retired 
 into a cave for his siesta, he found himself at the mercy of his adversary ; 
 the latter, however, respected the sleep of his royal master, and contented 
 himself with cutting a piece oil' his mantW On another occasion David, in 
 company with Abishai and Ahiraelech the Hittite, took a lance and a pitcher 
 of water from the king's bedside.^ The inhabitants of the country were not 
 all equally loyal to David's cause; those of Ziph, whose meagre resources 
 were taxed to support his followers, plotted to deliver him up to the king,'^ 
 while Nabal of Maon roughly refused him food. Abigail atoned for her 
 husband's churlishness by a speedy submission; she collected a supply of 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from pliotograpb No. 197 of the PaUttine Exploration Fuiul. The heigbta 
 visible in the distance are the mountains of Moab, beyond the Dead Sea. 
 
 * 1 Sam. xxiii. 1-13 ; an episode acknowledged to be historical by nearly all modern critics. The 
 scenes of David's wanderings huvc been sympatiietically described in an article entitled Survey of 
 David's Outlaw Life, in Survey of Western Palestine, Special Papers, p. 208, et seq. 
 
 '■' 1 Sam. xxiv. Thought by some writers to be of much later date. 
 
 * 1 Sam. sxvi. 4-25. » 1 Sam. xxiii. 14-2G, xxvL 1, 2. 
 
718 THE HEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 provisions, and brought it herself to the wanderers. David was as much 
 disarmed by her tact as by her beauty, and when she was left a widow he 
 married her. This union insured the support of the Calebite clan, the most 
 powerful in that part of the country, and policy as well as gratitude no doubt 
 suggested the alliance.^ 
 
 Skirmishes were not as frequent between the king's troops and the outlaws 
 as we might at first be inclined to believe, but if at times there was a truce 
 to hostilities, they never actually ceased, and the position became intolerable. 
 Encamped between his kinsman and the Philistines, David found himself 
 unable to resist either party except by making friends with the other. An 
 incursion of the Philistines near Maon ^ saved David from the king, but when 
 Saul had repulsed it, David had no choice but to throw himself into the arms 
 of Achish, King of Gath, of whom he craved permission to settle as his vassal 
 at Ziklag, on condition of David's defending the frontier against the Bedawin.s 
 Saul did not deem it advisable to try and dislodge him from this retreat. Peace 
 having been re-established in Judah, the king turned northward and occupied 
 the heights which bound the plain of Jezreel to the east ; it is possible that he 
 contemplated pushing further afield, and rallying round him those northern 
 tribes who had hitherto never acknowledged his authority. He may, on the 
 other hand, have desired merely to lay hands on the Syrian highways, and 
 divert to his own profit the resources brought by the caravans which plied 
 along them.* The Philistines, who had been nearly ruined by the loss of the 
 right to demand toll of these merchants, assembled the contingents of their 
 five principalities, among them being the Hebrews of David, who formed the 
 personal guard of Achish. The four other princes objected to the presence 
 of these strangers in their midst, and forced Achish to dismiss them. David 
 returned to Ziklag, to find ruin and desolation everywhere. The Amalekites 
 had taken advantage of the departure of the Hebrews to revenge themselves 
 once for all for David's former raids on them, and they had burnt the town, 
 carrying off the. women and flocks. David at once set out on their track, over- 
 took them just beyond the torrent of Besor, and rescued from them, not only his 
 own belongings, but all the booty they had collected by the way in the southern 
 provinces of Caleb, in Judah, and in the Cherethite plain. He distributed part 
 of this spoil among those cities of Judah which had shown hospitality to himself 
 
 » 1 Sam. XXV. 2-42. 2 1 Sam. xxiii. 27, 28. 
 
 ^ 1 /Sam. xxvii. The earlier part of this chapter (vers. 1-G) is strictly historical. Some critics take 
 vers, 8-12 to be of later date, and pretend that they were inserted to show the cleverness of David, and 
 to deride the credulity of the Kiog of Gath. 
 
 * This is the very reasonable hypothesis put forward by Reuss, Eist. des Israelites, p. 320, note 3, 
 and worked up by Maurice Veknes, Pr^'cis d'Hist. Juive, pp. 313-315. Saul must have taken this 
 determination almost immediately after the flight of David to the Philistines ; indeed, Achish says 
 to his fellow-kings, on the eve of the battle of Gilboa, that David had "been with me . . . these 
 years " (1 Sam. xxix. 3). 
 
THE DEFEAT AT GILBOA AND THE DEATH OF SAUL. 7ll> 
 
 THi; HILL OF BETH8HAN, SEEN FROM THE EAST.' 
 
 and his men, for instance, to Jattir, Aroer, Eshtemoa, Hormah, and Hebron.^ 
 While he thus kept up friendly relations with those who might otherwise have 
 been tempted to forget him, Saul was making his last supreme effort against the 
 Philistines, but only to meet with failure. He had been successful in repulsing 
 them as long as he kept to the mountain districts, where the courage of his troops 
 made up for their lack of numbers and the inferiority of their arms ; but he 
 was imprudent enough to take up a position on the hillsides of Gilboa, whose 
 gentle slopes offered no hindrances to the operations of the heavv Philistine 
 battalions. They attacked the Israelites from the Shunem side, and swept 
 all before them. Jonathan perished in the conflict, togetlier with his two 
 brothers, Malchi-shua and Abinadab ; Saul, who was wounded by an arrow, 
 begged his armour-bearer to take his life, but, on his persistently refusing, the 
 king killed himself with his own sword. The victorious Philistines cut off 
 his head and those of his sons, and placed their armour in the temple of 
 Ashtoreth,^ while their bodies, thus despoiled, were hung up outside the walls 
 of Bethshan, whose Canaanite inhabitants had made common cause with the 
 Philistines against Israel. The people of Jabesh-Gilead, who had never 
 forgotten how Saul had saved them from the Ammonites, hearing the news, 
 marched all night, rescued the mutilated remains, and brought them back 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 79 of the Palestine Exploration Fund. 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xxviii. 1, 2, xxix., xxx. The torrent of Besor is the present Wady Esh-Sheriah, which 
 runs to the south of Gaza. 
 
 ' The text of 1 Sam. xxxi. 10 says, in a vague manner, " in the house of the Ashtarotti " (in the 
 plural), whicli is corrected, somewhat arbitrarily, in 1 Chron. x. 10 into " in the Louse ofDagon"(R.V.); 
 of. supra, p. 698, note 4 : it is possible thut it was the temple at Gaza, Gaza being the chief of the 
 Philistine towns. 
 
720 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 to their own town, where they burned them, and buried the charred bones 
 under a tamarisk, fasting meanwhile seven days as a sign of mourning.^ 
 David afterwards disinterred these relics, and laid them in the burying-place 
 of the family of Kish at Zela, in Benjamin.^ The tragic end of their king 
 made a profound impression on the people. We read that, before entering on 
 his last battle, Saul was given over to gloomy forebodings : he had sought 
 counsel of Jahveh, but Grod "answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by 
 Urim, nor by prophets." The aged Samuel had passed away at Kamah, and 
 had apparently never seen the king after the flight of David ; ^ Saul now 
 bethought himself of the prophet in his despair, and sought to recall him 
 from the tomb to obtain his counsel. The king had banished from the land 
 all wizards and fortune-tellers, but his servants brought him word that at 
 Endor there still remained a woman who could call up the dead. Saul dis- 
 guised himself, and, accompanied by two of his retainers, went to find her ; he 
 succeeded in overcoming her fear of punishment, and persuaded her to make 
 the evocation. " Whom shall I bring up unto thee ? " — " Bring up Samuel." — 
 And when the woman saw Samuel, she cried with a loud voice, saying, " Why 
 hast thou deceived me, for thou art Saul ? " And the king said unto her, " Be 
 not afraid, for what sawest thou ? " — " I saw gods ascending out of the earth," — 
 "What form is he of?" — "An old man cometh up, and he is covered with a 
 mantle." Saul immediately recognised Samuel, and prostrated himself with his 
 face to the ground before him. The prophet, as inflexible after death as in 
 his lifetime, had no words of comfort for the God-forsaken man who had troubled 
 his repose. " The Lord hath rent the kingdom out of thine hand, and given 
 it to thy neighbour, even to David, because thou obeyedst not the voice of the 
 Lord, . . . and to-morrow shalt thou and thy sons be with me. The Lord also 
 shall deliver the host of Israel into the hands of the Philistines." * We learn, 
 also, how David, at Ziklag, on hearing the news of the disaster, had broken 
 into weeping, and had composed a lament, full of beauty, known as the " Song 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xxxi. It would seem that there were two narratives describing this war : in one, the 
 Philistines encamped at Shuuem, and Saul occupied Mount Gilboa (1 Sam. xxviii. 4) ; iu the other, the 
 Philistines encamped at Aphek, and the Israelites " by the fountain which is in Jezreel " (1 Sam. 
 xxix. 1). The first of these accounts is connected with the episode of the witch of Endor, the second 
 with the sending away of David by Achish. The final catastrophe is in both narratives placed on 
 Mount Gilboa, and Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 255, has endeavoured to reconcile the 
 two accounts by admitting that the battle was fought between Aphek and " the fountain," but that 
 the final scene took place on the slopes of Gilboa. There are even two versions of the battle, one in 
 1 Sam. xxxi. and the other in 2 Sam. i. 6-10, where Saul does not kill himself, but begs an Amalekite 
 to slay him ; many critics reject the second version. 
 
 2 2 Sam. xxi. 12-14. 
 
 ' 1 Sam. xsv. 1, repeated 1 Sam. xxviii. 3, with a mention of the measures taken by Saul against 
 the wizards and fortune-tellers. 
 
 * 1 Sam. xxviii. 5-25. There is no reason why this scene should not be historical ; it was natural 
 that Saul, like many an ancient general in similar circumstances, should seek to know the future by 
 means of the occult sciences then in vogue. Some critics think that certain details of the evocation — 
 as, for instance, the words attributed to Samuel — are of a later date. 
 
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN ISHBAAL AND DAVID. 721 
 
 of the Bow," which the people of Judah committed to memory in their child- 
 hood. " Thy glory, 0 Israel, is slain upon thy high places ! How are the 
 mighty fallen! Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Ash- 
 kelon ; lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice, lest the daughters of the 
 uncircumcised triumph ! Ye mountains of Gilboa, let there be no dew nor 
 rain upon you, neither fields of offerings : for there the shield of the mighty 
 was vilely cast away, the shield of Saul, not anointed with oil ! From the 
 blood of the slain, from the fat of the mighty, the bow of Jonathan turned 
 not back, the sword of Saul returned not empty. Saul and Jonathan were 
 lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in death they were not divided." ^ 
 
 The Philistines occupied in force the plain of Jezreel and the pass which 
 leads from it into the lowlands of Betbshan: the Israelites abandoned the 
 villages which they had occupied in these districts, and the gap between 
 the Hebrews of the north and those of the centre grew wider.^ The remnants 
 of Saul's army sought shelter on the eastern bank of the Jordan, but found no 
 leader to reorganise them. The reverse sustained by the Israelitish champion 
 seemed, moreover, to prove the futility of trying to make a stand against the 
 invader, and even the uselessness of the monarchy itself: why, they might 
 have asked, burthen ourselves with a master, and patiently bear witli his 
 exactions, if, when put to the test, he fails to discharge the duties for the 
 performance of which he was chosen ? And yet the advantages of a stable form 
 of government had been so manifest during tlie reign of Saul, that it never 
 for a moment occurred to his former subjects to revert to patriarchal institu- 
 tions : the question which troubled them was not whether they were to have 
 a king, but rather who was to fill the post. Saul had left a considerable 
 number of descendants behind him:^ from these, Abner, the ablest of his 
 captains, chose Ishbaal, and set him on the throne to reign under his guidance.* 
 Gibeah was too close to the frontier to be a safe residence for a sovereign whose 
 
 ' 2 Sam. i. 17-27 (ll.V.). This elegy is described as a quoUtion from Jasher, llie " Book of Uje 
 Upright" Many modern writers attribute its authorship to David himself (Ueuss, Hist. de» hraelUet, 
 p. 322; Stade, Qeich. des Vollcex Israel, vol. i. p. 258 ; Cobnill, Eiiileitung in das Alte Test., 2nd edit., 
 p. 1 10) ; others reject this view (DCn-cker, Gesch. des Alte., .")th edit., vol. ii. p. 1 13 ; Ku. Meyeii, Getch. 
 des Alterlhums, vol. i. p. 3(!1 ; Resan, ILst. du petiple d'Israel, vol. i. p. 434) ; all agree in regarding it 
 as extremely ancient. The title, " Soug of the Bow," is based on the possibly corrupt text of ver. 18. 
 
 = 1 Sam. xxxi. 7. 
 
 " We know that he iiad tlirce sons by his wife Ahinoam — Jonathan, Islibaal, and Malchi-shua; 
 and two daughters, Merab and Michal (1 Sam. xiv. 49, .50, wliere " lahvi " should be read "Ishbaal "). 
 Jonathan left at least one son, Moiibbaal (1 Chron. viii. 31, ix. 40, called Mephibosheth in 2 Sam. 
 xxi. 7), and Merab had live sons by Adriel (2 Sam. xxi. 8). One of Saul's concubines, Rizpah, 
 daughter of Aiah, had borne him two sons, Armoni and Meribbaal (2 Sam. xxi. 8, where the name 
 Meribbaal is changed into Mephibosheth); Abiuadab, who fell with him in the fight at Mount 
 (lilboa (1 Sam. xxxi. 2), whose mother's name is not mentioned, was another son. 
 
 * Ishbaal was still a child when his father died : had he been old enough to bear arms, he would 
 have taken a part in the battle of Gilboa with his brothers. The expressions used in the account of 
 his elevation to the throne prove that he was a minor (2 Sam. ii. 8, 9) : the statement that he was 
 forty years old wlien he began to reign would seem, therefore, to be an error (ii. 10). 
 
 3 A 
 
722 
 
 TEE EEBBEW8 AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 position was still insecure ; Abner therefore installed Ishbaal at Mahanaim, in 
 the heart of the country of Gilead. The house of Jacob, including the tribe 
 of Benjamin, acknowledged him as king, but Judah held aloof. It had adopted 
 the same policy at the beginning of the previous reign, yet its earlier isola- 
 tion had not prevented it from afterwards throwing in its lot witli the rest 
 of the nation. But at that time no leader had come forward from its own 
 ranks who was worthy to be reckoned among the mighty men of Israel ; now, 
 on the contrary, it had on its frontier a bold and resolute leader of its own 
 race. David lost no time in stepping into the place of those whose loss he 
 had bewailed. Their sudden removal, while it left him without a peer among 
 his own people, exposed him to the suspicion and underground machinations 
 of his foreign protectors ; he therefore quitted them and withdrew to Hebron, 
 where his fellow-countrymen hastened to proclaim him king.^ From that time 
 onwards the tendency of the Hebrew race was to drift apart into two distinct 
 bodies ; one of them, the house of Joseph, which called itself by the name of 
 Israel, took up its position in the north, on the banks of the Jordan; the 
 other, which is described as the house of Judah, in the south, between the 
 Dead Sea and the Shephelah. Abner endeavoured to suppress the rival 
 kingdom in its infancy : he brought Ishbaal to Gibeah and proposed to Joab, 
 who was in command of David's army, that the conflict should be decided by 
 the somewhat novel expedient of pitting twelve of the house of Judah against 
 an equal number of the house of Benjamin. The champions of Judah are said 
 to have won the day, but the opposing forces did not abide by the result, and 
 the struggle still continued.^ An intrigue in the harem furnished a solution 
 of the difficulty. Saul had raised one of his wives of the second rank, named 
 Eizpah, to the post of favourite. Abner became enamoured of her and took 
 her. This was an insult to the royal house, and amounted to an act of open 
 usurpation : the wives of a sovereign could not legally belong to any but his 
 successor, and for any one to treat them as Abner had treated Eizpah, was 
 equivalent to his declaring himself the equal, and in a sense the rival, of his 
 master. Ishbaal keenly resented his minister's conduct, and openly insulted 
 him. Abner made terms with David, won the northern tribes, including that 
 of Benjamin, over to his side, and when what seemed a propitious moment 
 had arrived made his way to Hebron with an escort of twenty men. He was 
 favourably received, and all kinds of promises were made him ; but when he 
 was about to depart again in order to complete the negotiations with the 
 disaffected elders, Joab, returning from an expedition, led him aside into a 
 gateway and slew him. David gave him solemn burial, and composed a lament 
 
 ' 2 Sam. ii. 1-H. Very probably Abner recognised tlie Philistine suzerainty as David laad done, 
 for the sake of peace ; at any rate, we find no mention in Holy Writ of a war between Ishbaal and 
 the Philistines. 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. ii. 12-32, iii. 1. 
 
DAVID DELIVERS ISRAEL FROM THE PHILISTINE DOMINATION. 723 
 
 on the occasion, of which four verses have come down to us : having thus paid 
 tribute to the virtues of the deceased general, he lost no time in taking further 
 precautions to secure his power. The unfortunate king Ishbaal, deserted by 
 every one, was assassinated by two of his officers as he slept in the heat of the 
 day, and his head was carried to Hebron : David again poured forth lamenta- 
 tions, and ordered the traitors to be killed.^ There was now no obstacle between 
 him and the throne : the elders of the people met him at Hebron, poured oil 
 upon his head, and anointed him king over all the provinces which had obeyed 
 the rule of Saul in Gilead — Ephraim and Benjamin as well as Judah.'-* 
 
 As long as Ishbaal lived, and his dissensions with Judah assured their supre- 
 macy, the Philistines were content to suspend hostilities : the news of his death, 
 and of the union effected between Israel and Judah, soon roused them from 
 this state of quiescence. As prince of the house of Caleb and vassal of the lord 
 of Gath, David had not been an object of any serious apprehension to them ; but 
 in his new character, as master of the dominions of Saul, David became at once 
 a dangerous rival, whom they must overthrow without delay, unless they were 
 willing to risk being ere long overthrown by him. They therefore made an attack 
 on Bethlehem with the choicest of their forces, and entrenched themselves there, 
 with the Canaanite city of Jebus as their base, so as to separate Judah entirely 
 from Benjamin, and cut off the little army quartered round Hebron from the 
 reinforcements which the central tribes would otherwise have sent to its aid." 
 This move was carried out so quickly that David found himself practically 
 isolated from the rest of his kingdom, and had no course left open but to shut 
 himself up in Adullam, with his ordinary guard and the Judajan levies.^ The 
 whole district round about is intersected by a network of winding streams, and 
 abounds in rocky gorges, where a few determined men could successfully hold 
 their ground against the onset of a much more numerous body of troops. The 
 caves afford, as we know, almost impregnable refuges : David had often hidden 
 
 • 2 Sam. iii. 1, G-29, iv. 
 
 2 2 Sam. V. l-;5 ; in 1 Chron. xi. i-3, xii. 23-40, we find further details beyond tbose given in the 
 Book of Samuel; it seems probable, liowever, that the northern tribes may not have recognised 
 David's sovereignty at this time. 
 
 » The history of this war is given in 2 Sam. v. 17-25, where the text shows signs of liaving 
 been much coiideuaed. It is preceded by the account of the capture of Jerusalem, which some 
 critics would like to transfer to ciiap. vi., following ver. I which leads up to it. Tlie events 
 which followed are self-explanatory, if we assume, as I have done in the text, that the Philistines 
 wished to detach Judali from Israel : at first (2 Sam. v. 17-21 ) David endeavours to release himself and 
 eifect a juncture with Israel, as is proved by the relative positions assigned to tlie two opposing armies, 
 tiie Philibtines at Bethlehem, David in the cave of Adullum ; afterwards (2 Sam. v. 22-25) David has 
 shaken himself free, has rejoined Israel, and is carrying on the struggle between Giboah and Gezer. 
 The incidents recounted in 2 Sam. xxi. 15-22, xxiii. 13-19. seem to refer almost exclusively to the 
 earlier part of the war, at the time when the Hebrews were hemmed in in the neighbourhood of Adullam. 
 
 * The passage in 2 Sam. v. 17 simply states that David " went down to the hold," and gives no 
 further details. This expression, following as it does the account of the taking of Jerusalem, would 
 seem to refer to this town itself, and Henan, Ilistoire du peuple d'Israel, vol. ii. pp. 17-23, 20-28, 
 has thus interpreted it. It really refers to Adullam, as is shown by the passage in 2 Sam. xxiii. 13-17 
 (Stade, Geschichte des Volhes Israel, vol. i. p. 20ti, and note). 
 
724 
 
 TBE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 himself in them in the days when he fled before Saul, and now his soldiers 
 profited by the knowledge he possessed of them to elude the attacks of 
 the Philistines, He began a sort of guerilla warfare, in the conduct of 
 which he seems to have been without a rival, and harassed in endless skirmishes 
 his more heavily equipped adversaries. He did not spare himself, and freely 
 risked his own life ; but he was of small stature and not very powerful, so that 
 his spirit often outran his strength. On one occasion, when he had advanced 
 too far into the fray and was weary with striking, he ran great peril of being 
 killed by a gigantic Philistine : with difficulty Abishai succeeded in rescuing 
 him unharmed from the dangerous position into which he had ventured, and for 
 the future he was not allowed to run such risks on the field of battle.^ On 
 another occasion, when lying in the cave of Adullara, he began to feel a longing 
 for the cool waters of Bethlehem, and asked who would go down and fetch 
 him a draught from the well by the gates of the town. Three of his mighty 
 men, Joshebbasshebeth, Eleazar, and Shammah, broke through the host of the 
 Philistines and succeeded in bringing it; but he refused to drink tlie few 
 drops they had brought, and poured them out as a libation to Jehovah, saying, 
 " Shall I drink the blood of men that went in jeopardy of their lives ? " ^ Duels 
 between the bravest and stoutest champions of the two hosts were of frequent 
 occurrence. It was in an encounter of this kind that Elhanan the Bethlehemite 
 [or David] slew the giant Goliath at Gob.^ At length David succeeded in 
 breaking his way through the enemies' lines in the valley of Eephaim, thus 
 forcing open the road to the north. Here he probably fell in with the 
 Israelitish contingent, and, thus reinforced, was at last in a position to give 
 battle in the open : he was again successful, and routing his foes pursued them 
 from Gibeon to Gezer.* None of his victories, however, was of a sufficiently 
 decisive character to bring the struggle to an end : it dragged on year after year, 
 and when at last it did terminate, there was no question on either side of sub- 
 mission or of tribute : ^ the Hebrews completely regained their independence, 
 but the Philistines do not seem to have lost any portion of their domain, and 
 apparently retained possession of all that they had previously held. But though 
 they suffered no loss of territory, their position was in reality much inferior to 
 
 ' 2 Sam. xxi. 15-17. 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. xxiii. 13-17; cf. 1 Chron. xi. 15-19. Popular tradition furnishes many incidents of a 
 similar type ; cf. Alexander in the desert of Gedrosia, Godfrey de Bouillon in Asia Minor, etc. 
 
 For the conflicting accounts of the slaying of Goliath, and the efforts to reconcile them, see 
 p. 715, supra, and note 1. — Tr.] 
 
 ■* The Hebrew text gives " from Geba [or Gibeah] to Gezer " (2 Sam. v. 25) ; the Septuagint, " from 
 Gibeou to Gezer." This latter reading [whicli is that of 1 Chron. xiv. 16.— Tb.] is more in accordance 
 with the geographical facts, and I have therefore adopted it. Jah veh had shown by a continual rustling 
 in the leaves of the mulberry trees that He was on David's side. As to Elhanan, see p. 715, supra. 
 
 ^ In 2 Sam. viii. 1 we are told that David humiliated the Philistines, and took " the bridle of the 
 mother city " out of their hands, or, in other words, destroyed tlie supremacy which they had exercised 
 over Israel; he probably did no more than this, and failed to secure any part of their territory. The 
 passage in 1 Chron. xviii. 1, which attributes to him the conquest of Gath and its dependencies, is 
 probably an amplification of the somewhat obscure wording employed in 2 Sam. viii. 1. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE EEBREW KINGDOM UNDER DAVID. 725 
 
 what it was before. Their control of the plain of Jezreel was lost to them for 
 ever, and with it the revenue which they had levied from passing caravans : 
 the Hebrews transferred to themselves this right of their former masters, 
 and were so much the richer at their expense. To the five cities this was a 
 more damaging blow than twenty reverses would have been to Benjamin or 
 Judah. The military spirit had not died out among the Philistines, and they 
 were still capable of any action which did not require sustained effort ; but lack 
 of resources prevented them from entering on a campaign of any length, and 
 any chance they may at one time have had of exercising a dominant influence 
 in the affairs of Southern Syria had passed away. Under the restraining hand 
 of Egypt they returned to the rank of a second-rate power, just strong enough 
 to inspire its neighbours with respect, but too weak to extend its territory by 
 annexing that of others. Though they might still, at time?, give David trouble 
 by contesting at intervals the possession of some outlying citadel, or by making 
 an occasional raid on one of the districts which lay close to the frontier, they 
 were no longer a permanent menace to the continued existence of his kingdom. 
 
 But was Judah strong enough to take their place, and set up in Southern 
 Syria a sovereign state, around which the whole fighting material of the 
 country might range itself with confidence? The incidents of the last war 
 had clearly shown the disadvantages of its isolated position in regard to the 
 bulk of the nation. The gap between Ekron and the .Jordan, which separated 
 it from Ephraim and Manasseh, had, at all costs, to be filled up, if a repetition 
 of the manceuvre which so nearly cost David his throne at AduUam were to 
 be avoided. Jt is true that the Gibeonites and their allies acknowledged the 
 sovereignty of Ephraim, and formed a sort of connecting link between the 
 tribes, but it was impossible to rely on their fidelity so long as they were 
 exposed to the attacks of the Jebusites in their rear : as soon therefore as David 
 found he had nothing more to fear from the Philistines, he turned his attention 
 to Jerusalem.^ This city stood on a dry and sterile limestone spur, separated on 
 three sides from the surrounding hills by two valleys of unequal lengtl>. That 
 of the Kedron, on the east, begins as a simple depression, but gradually 
 becomes deeper and narrower as it extends towards the south. About a mile 
 and a half from its commencement it is nothing more than a deep gorge, shut 
 in by precipitous rocks, which for some days after the winter rains is turned 
 into the bed of a torrent,^ During the remainder of the year a number of 
 
 ' The narao Jerusalem occurs under the form Ur.»aliuimu, or Urusaliui, ia the Tel el-Amnrna 
 tablets (of. p. 131, note 3, saprd). Sion was tlie name of the citadel preserved by the Israelites 
 after the capture of the phice, and applied by them to the part of the city which contained the roynl 
 palace, and subsequently to the town itself. 
 
 » Tlie Kedron is called a nalial (2 Sam. xv. 23 ; 1 Kingt ii. 37 ; Jer. xxxi. 40), i.e. a torrent which 
 runs dry during the summer ; in winter it wus termed a brook, x^'Mop^o"!. during the Greek epoch 
 (1 Mace. xii. 37). Excavations show tliat the fall diminishes at the foot of the ancient walls, and 
 that the bottom of the valley has risen nearly twelve yards. 
 
726 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DA3IASCUS. 
 
 springs, which well up at the bottom of the valley, furnish an unfailing supply 
 of water to the inhabitants of Gihon,^ Siloana,^ and Kogel.^ The valley widens 
 out again near En-R6gel, and affords a channel to the Wady of the Children 
 of Hinnom, which bounds the plateau on the west. The intermediate space 
 has for a long time been nothing more than an undulating plain, at present 
 covered by the houses of modern Jerusalem, In ancient times it was traversed 
 by a depression in the ground, since filled up, which ran almost parallel with 
 the Kedron, and joined it near the Pool of Siloam.* The ancient city of the 
 Jebusites stood on the summit of the headland which rises between these two 
 valleys, the town of Jebus itself being at the extremity, while the Millo lay 
 farther to the north on the hill of Sion, behind a ravine which ran down at 
 right angles into the valley of the Kedron.^ An unfortified suburb had 
 gradually grown up on the lower ground to the west, and was connected by 
 a stairway cut in the rock ^ with the upper city. This latter was surrounded 
 by ramparts with turrets, like those of the Canaanitish citadels which we 
 constantly find depicted on the Egyptian monuments. Its natural advantages 
 and efficient garrison had so far enabled it to repel all the attacks of its 
 enemies. When David appeared with his troops, the inhabitants ridiculed his 
 presumption, and were good enough to warn him of the hopelessness of his 
 enterprise : a garrison composed of the halt and the blind, without an able- 
 bodied man amongst them, would, they declared, be able successfully to resist 
 him. The king, stung by their mockery, made a promise to his " mighty men " 
 that the first of them to scale the walls should be made chief and captain 
 of his host. We often find that impregnable cities owe their downfall to 
 negligence on the part of their defenders: these concentrate their whole 
 attention on the few vulnerable points, and give but scanty care to those 
 which are regarded as inaccessible.'' Jerusalem proved to be no exception to 
 this rule ; Joab carried it by a sudden assault, and received as his reward the 
 best part of the territory which he had won by his valour.^ In attacking 
 
 ' Now, possibly, the " Fountain of the Virgin," but its identity is not certain. 
 2 These are the springs which feed the group of reservoirs now known as the Pool of Siloam. The 
 name " Siloam " occurs only in Neh. iii. 15, but is undoubtedly more ancient. 
 =■ En-E6gel, the "Traveller's Well," is now called the "Well of Job." 
 
 * This valley, which is not mentioned by name in the Old Testament, was called, in the time ot 
 Josephus, the Tyropseon, or Cheesemakers' Quarter (Bell. Jud., V. iv. 1). Its true position, which had 
 been only suspected up to the middle of the present century, was determined with certainty by means 
 of the excavations carried out by the English and Germans. The bottom of the valley was found 
 at a depth of from forty to sixty feet below the present surface. 
 
 * As to the application of the name Millo to fortresses in general, see p. G93, note 2, supra. The 
 name Moriah, borne by the hill on wliich the temple stands, belongs to a different category ; it is a 
 symbolical term employed in Gen. xxii. 2, and is applied by the writer of 2 Cliron. iii. 1 to the site 
 of Solomon's temple. 
 
 « Tliis is the Ophel of the Hebrew text. 
 
 ' Cf. the capture of Sardis by Cyrus (Herodotus, I. Ixxxiv.) and by Autiochus III. (Polybius, 
 vii. 47), as also the taking of the Capitol by the Gauls. 
 
 * The account of the capture of Jerusalem is given in 2 Sam. v. 6-9, where the text is possibly 
 
JERUSALEM BECOMES THE CAPITAL OF TEE HEBREW KINGDOM. 727 
 
 Jerusalem, David's first idea was probably to rid himself of one of the more 
 troublesome obstacles which served to separate one-half of his people from the 
 other ; but once he had set foot in the place, he was not slow to perceive its 
 advantages, and determined to make it his residence. Hebron had sufficed so 
 long as his power extended over Caleb and Judah only. Situated as it was 
 in the heart of the mountains, and in the wealthiest part of the province in 
 which it stood, it seemed the natural centre to which the Kenites and men of 
 Judah must gravitate, and the point at which they might most readily be 
 moulded into a nation; it was, however, too far to the south to offer a 
 convenient rallying-point for a ruler who wished to bring the Hebrew com- 
 munities scattered about on both banks of the Jordan under the sway of 
 a common sceptre. Jerusalem, on the other hand, was close to the crossing 
 point of the roads which lead from the Sinaitic desert into Syria, and from the 
 Shephelah to the land of Gilead ; it commanded nearly the whole domain of 
 Israel and the ring of hostile races by which it was encircled. From this lofty 
 eyrie, David, with Judah behind him, could either swoop down upon Moab, 
 whose mountains shut him out from a view of the Dead Sea, or make a sudden 
 descent on the seaboard, by way of Bethhoron, at the least sign of disturb- 
 ance among the Philistines, or could push straight on across Mount Ephraim 
 into Galilee. Issachar, Naphtali, Asher, Dan, and Zebulun were, perhaps, 
 a little too far from the seat of government; but they were secondary tribes, 
 incapable of any independent action, who obeyed without repugnance, but also 
 without enthusiasm, the soldier-king able to protect them from external foes. 
 The future master of Israel would be he who maintained his hold on the 
 posterity of Judah and of Joseph, and David could not hope to find a more 
 suitable place than Jerusalem from which to watch over the two ruling houses 
 at one and the same time. 
 
 The lower part of the town he gave up to the original inhabitants,^ the 
 upper he filled with Benjamites and men of Judah ; he built or restored a 
 royal palace on Mount Sion, in which he lived surrounded by his warriors and 
 his family.'' One thing only was lacking — a temple for his God. Jerubbaal had 
 had a sanctuary at Ophrah, and Saul had secured the services of Ahijah the 
 prophet of Shiloh : * David was no longer satisfied with the ephod which had 
 
 corrupt, with interpolated gloeses, especially in ver. 8 ; David's reply to the mockery of the Jebusitea 
 is diflBcult to undcrBtand. 1 Chrm. x\. 4-8 gives a more correct text, but one less complete in so far 
 as the portions parallel with 2 Sam. v. G-9 are concerned; the details iu regard to Joab are un- 
 doubtedly historical, but we do not find them in the Book of Samuel. 
 
 ' Judgesi. 21 ; cf. Zech. si. 7, where Ekron in its decadence islikeued to the Jebusite vassal of Judah. 
 
 ' Jerusalem is sometimes assigned to Benjamin (Judges i. 21), sometimes to Judah {Josh. xv. 63). 
 Judah alone is right. 
 
 » 2 Sam. V. 9, and the parallel passage in 1 Chron. xi. 7, 8. 
 
 * Cf. what is said in regard to the sanctuary of Jerubbaal on p. 092, supra, and in regard to the 
 priesthood attached to the person of Saul, on p. 713 of the present work. 
 
728 THE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 been the channel of many wise counsels during his years of adversity and his 
 struggles against the Philistines. He longed for some still more sacred object 
 with which to identify the fortunes of his people, and by which he might raise 
 the newly gained prestige of his capital. It so happened that the ark of the 
 Lord, the ancient safeguard of Ephraim, had been lying since the battle of 
 Eben-ezer not far away, without a fixed abode or regular worshippers.^ The 
 reason why it had not brought victory on that occasion, was that God's anger 
 had been stirred at the misdeeds committed in His name by the sons of Eli, 
 and desired to punish His people ; true, it had been preserved from profanation, 
 and the miracles which took place in its neighbourhood proved that it was still 
 the seat of a supernatural power. At first the Philistines had, according to 
 their custom, shut it up in the temple of Dagon at Ashdod. On the morrow, 
 when the priests entered the sanctuary, they found the statue of their god 
 prostrate in front of it, his fish-like body overthrown, and his head and hands 
 scattered on the floor ;^ at the same time a plague of malignant tumours broke 
 out among the people, and thousands of mice overran their houses. The 
 inhabitants of Ashdod made haste to transfer the ark to Gath ; from Gath it 
 was passed on to Ekron : it thus went the round of the five cities, its arrival 
 being in each case accompanied by the same disasters. The soothsayers, being 
 consulted at the end of seven months, ordered that solemn sacrifices should be 
 offered up, and the ark restored to its rightful worshippers, accompanied by 
 expiatory offerings of five golden mice and five golden tumours, one for each of 
 the five repentant cities.^ The ark was placed on a new cart, and two milch, 
 cows with their calves drew it, lowing all the way, without guidance from any 
 man, to the field of a certain Joshua at Bethshemesh. The inhabitants welcomed' 
 it with great joy, but their curiosity overcame their reverence, and they looked 
 within the shrine. Jehovah, being angered thereat, smote seventy men of 
 them, and the warriors made haste to bring the ark to Kirjath-jearim, where it 
 remained for a long time, in the house of Abinadab on the hill, under charge 
 of his son Eleazar.* Kirjath-jearim is only about two leagues from Jerusalem. 
 
 ' The account of the events which followed the battle of Eben-ezer up to its arrival in the house 
 of Abinadab, is taken from the history of the ark, referred to on pp. 706, 707, supra. It is given in 
 1 Sam. v., vi., vii. 1, where it forms an exceedingly characteristic whole, composed, it may be, of two 
 separate versions thrown into one; the passage in 1 Sam. vi. 15, where the Levites receive the ark,, 
 is supposed by some to be interpolated. 
 
 The statue here referred to is evidently similar to those of the Chaldsean gods and genii (cf. . 
 Maspero, Daim of Civilization, pp. 537, 547), in which Dagon is represented as a man with his back 
 and head enveloped in a fish as in a cloak. 
 
 ' In the Oustinoff collection at Jaffa, there is a roughly shaped image of a mouse, cut out of a 
 piece of white metal, and perhaps obtained from the ruins of Gaza; it would seem to be an ex-voto 
 of the same kind as that referred to in the Hebrew text, but it is of doubtful authenticity. See the 
 reproduction on p. 729 of the present work. 
 
 * The text of 1 Sam. vi. 21, vii. 1, gives the reading Kirjath-jearim, whereas the text of 2 Sam. 
 
TEE ARE OF GOD AT JERUSALEM. 729 
 
 David himself went thither, and setting " the ark of God upon a new cart," 
 brought it away,^ Two attendants, called Uzzah and Ahio, drove the new cart, 
 " and David and all Israel played before God with all their might : even with 
 songs, and with harps, and with psalteries, and with timbrels, and with cymbals, 
 and with trumpets." An accident leading to serious consequences brought 
 the procession to a standstill ; the oxen stumbled, and their sacred burden 
 threatened to fall : Uzzah, putting forth his hand to hold 
 the ark, was smitten by the Lord, "and there he died before 
 the Lord." David was disturbed at this, feeling some 
 insecurity in dealing with a Deity who had thus seemed 
 to punish one of His worshippers for a well-meant and 
 respectful act. He " was afraid of the Lord that day," 
 and "would not remove the ark " to Jerusalem, but left 
 it for three months in the house of a Philistine, Obed- 
 Edom of Gath ; but finding that its host, instead of ex- 
 periencing any evil, was blessed by the Lord, he carried 
 out his original intention, and brought the ark to .Teru- 
 salera. " David, girded with a linen ephod, danced with all his might before 
 the Lord," and " all the house of Israel brought up the ark of the Lord with 
 shouting, and with the sound of the trumpet." When the ark had been placed 
 in the tent that David had prepared for it, he olfered up burnt oflerings and 
 peace offerings, and at the end of the festival there were dealt out to the people 
 gifts of bread, cakes, and wine (or flesh). There is inserted in the narrative^ 
 an account of the conduct of Michal his wife, who, looking out of the window 
 and seeing the king dancing and playing, despised him in her heart, and when 
 David returned to his house congratulated him ironically — " How glorious was 
 the King of Israel to-day, who uncovered himself in the eyes of the handmaids 
 of his servants ! " David said in reply that he would rather be held in honour 
 by the handmaids of whom she had spoken than avoid the acts which covered 
 him with ridicule in her eyes ; and the chronicler adds that " IMichal the 
 daughter of Saul had no child unto the day of her death." * 
 
 vi. 2 has Baulo-Judab, which should be corrected to Baal-Judab. Itaal-Jtidab, or, in its abbreviated 
 form, Baala, is another name for Kirjath-jearim {.Toth. xv. D-ll ; cf. 1 Chron. xiii. 6). Similarly, we 
 And the name Kirjath-Baal {Josh. xv. (jO). Kirjath-jearim is now Kharbet-el-Enab. 
 
 ' The transport of the ark from Kirjath-jearim to .Icrusalem is related in 2 5oin. vi. and in 
 1 Chron. xiii., xv., xvi. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a sketch published by Schick and Oldfleld Thomas, in the 
 Palettine Exploration Fund, QuarU rly Statement, 1893, p. 2%; 18at, p. 189. 
 
 ' Renan, Histoirc du peuple d'Israel, vol. ii. pp. 57, 58, would consider this to have been inserted 
 in the time of Hezekiah. It appeared to him to answer " to the antipathy of Uamutal and the ladies 
 of the court to the worship of Jahveh, and to that form of human respect which restrained the people 
 of the world from giving themselves up to it." 
 
 * [David's reply shows (2 Sam. vi. 21,22) that it was in gratitude to Jeliovah who had exalted him 
 that he thus humbled himself. — Tit.] 
 
730 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 The tent and the ark were assigned at this time to the care of two priests — 
 Zadok, son of Ahitub, and Abiathar, son of Ahimelech, who was a descendant 
 of Eli, and had never quitted David throughout his adventurous career.^ It is 
 probable, too, that the ephod had not disappeared, and that it had its place in 
 the sanctuary ; but it may have gradually fallen into neglect, and may have 
 ceased to be the vehicle of oracular responses as in earlier years. The king 
 was accustomed on important occasions to take part in the sacred ceremonies, 
 after the example of contemporary monarchs, and he had beside him at this 
 time a priest of standing to guide him in the religious rites, and to fulfil for 
 him duties similar to those which the chief reader rendered to Pharaoh. The 
 only one of these priests of David whose name has come down to us was Ira 
 the Jethrite, who accompanied his master in his campaigns, and would seem to 
 have been a soldier also, and one of" the thirty." These priestly officials seem, 
 however, to have played but a subordinate part, as history is almost silent about 
 their acts.^ While David owed everything to the sword and trusted in it, he 
 recognised at the same time that he had obtained his crown from Jahveh ; 
 just as the sovereigns of Thebes and Nineveh saw in Amon and Assur the 
 source of their own royal authority. He consulted the Lord directly when he 
 wished for counsel, and accepted the issue as a test whether his interpretation of 
 the Divine will was correct or erroneous. When once he had realised, at the 
 time of the capture of Jerusalem, that God had chosen him to be the champion 
 of Israel, he spared no labour to accomplish the task which the Divine favour 
 had assigned to him. He attacked one after the other the peoples who had 
 encroached upon his domain, Moab being the first to feel the force of his arm. 
 He extended his possessions at the expense of Gilead, and the fertile provinces 
 opposite Jericho fell to his sword. These territories were in dangerous proximity 
 to Jerusalem, and David doubtless realised the peril of their independence. 
 The struggle for their possession must have continued for some time, but the 
 details are not given, and we have only the record of a few incidental exploits : 
 we know, for instance, that the captain of David's guard, Benaiah, slew two 
 Moabite notables in a battle.^ Moabite captives were treated with all the severity 
 sanctioned by the laws of war. They were laid on the ground in a line, and 
 two-thirds of the length of the row being measured off, all within it were 
 pitilessly massacred, the rest having their lives spared. Moab acknowledged 
 
 ' 2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25 ; cf. 1 Sam. xxi. 1, xxii. 20 ; 1 Chron. xv. 11. 
 
 2 2 Sam. XX. 26, where he is called the Jairite, and not the Ithrite, owing to an easily under- 
 stood confusion of the Hebrew letters. He figures in the list of the Gihhorim, " mighty men," 2 Sam. 
 xxiii. 38. 
 
 = 2 Sam. xxiii. 20-23; cf. 1 Cliron. xi. 22-25. "Ariel," who is made the ;fatber of the two slain 
 by Benaiah, may possibly be the term in 11. 12, 17, 18 of the Inscription of Mesha (Moabite Stone) ; 
 but its meaning is obscure, and has hitherto baffled all attempts to explain it. 
 
WAliS AGAINST THE AMMONITES AND AB AM JEANS. 731 
 
 its defeat, and agreed to pay tribute : it had suffered so much that it required 
 several generations to recover.^ Gilead had become detached from David's 
 domain on the south, while the Ammonites were pressing it on the east, and the 
 Aramaeans making encroachments upon its pasture-lands on the north. Nahash, 
 King of the Ammonites, being dead, David, who had received help from him in 
 his struggle with Saul, sent messengers to offer congratulations to his son Hanun 
 on his accession. Hanun, supposing the messengers to be spies sent to examine 
 the defences of the city, " shaved off one-half of their beards, and cut off their 
 garments in the middle, even to their buttocks, and sent them away." This 
 was the signal for war. The Ammonites, foreseeing that David would 
 endeavour to take a terrible vengeance for this insult to his people, came to 
 an understanding with their neighbours. The overthrow of the Amorite chiefs 
 had favoured the expansion of the Aramaeans towards the south. They had 
 invaded all that region hitherto unconquered by Israel in the valley of the 
 Litany to the east of Jordan, and some half-dozen of their petty states had 
 appropriated among them the greater part of the territories which were 
 described in the sacred record as having belonged previously to Jabin of Razor 
 and the kings of Bashan.^ The strongest of these principalities — that which 
 occupied the position of Qodshu in tlie Bekaa, and had Zoba as its capital — 
 was at this time under the rule of Hadadezer, son of Rehob. This warrior had 
 conquered Damascus, Maacah, and Geshur, was threatening the Canaanitc^ 
 town of Hamath, and was preparing to set out to the Euphrates when the 
 Ammonites sought his help and protection. He came immediately to their 
 succour. Joab, who was in command of David's army, left a portion of his 
 troops at Rabbath under his brother Abishai, and with the rest set out against 
 the Syrians. He overthrew them, and returned immediately afterwards. The 
 Ammonites, hearing of his victory, disbanded their army ; but Joab had suffered 
 such serious losses, that he judged it wise to defer his attack upon them until 
 Zoba should be captured. David then took the field himself, crossed the Jordan 
 with all his reserves, attacked the Syrians at Ilelam, put them to flight, killing 
 Shobach, their general, and captured Damascus. Hadadezer [Hadarezer] " made 
 peace with Israel," and Tou or Toi, the King of Hamath, whom this victory had 
 delivered, sent presents to David. This was the work of a single campaign. 
 The next year Joab invested Kabbath, and when it was about to surrender he 
 
 ■ 2 -Sam. viii. 2. 
 
 » On the progress of the Aramaeans in this region, see Wincklek, Gtichichte Itraelt, vol. i. pp. 137- 
 144, where the author tries to show that Zoba and Aram-Zoba were not in the north of Israel and to the 
 west of Damascus, but somewhere in the Hauran, near the Ammonites. The kingdom of Zoba, under 
 Hadadezer, must, in fact, have extended southward to the frontiers of Ammon, but I think that the 
 email state which formed its nucleus was in the valley of the Upper Orontes and that of the Litany. 
 Zoba must have taken the place of QodshCk. whose name is only incidentally mentioned in 2 Sam, 
 sxiv. 6, where the Hebrew gives Tahtem-h'odshi, and the LXX. (Luoian's recension) Kedesh. 
 
732 
 
 THE EEBBEWS AND TEE PHILISTINES—DAMASCUS. 
 
 called the king to his camp, and conceded to him the honour of receiving the 
 
 submission of the city in 
 person. The Ammonites 
 were treated with as much 
 severity as their kinsmen 
 of Moab. David "put 
 them under saws and har- 
 rows of iron, and under 
 axes of iron, and made 
 them pass through the 
 brick-kiln." ^ This suc- 
 cess brought others in its 
 train. The Idumaeans had 
 taken advantage of the em- 
 ployment of the Israelite 
 army against the Ara- 
 maeans to make raids into 
 •Judah. Joab and Abishai, 
 despatched in haste to 
 check them, met them in 
 the Valley of Salt to the 
 south of the Dead Sea, 
 and gave them battle : 
 their king perished in 
 the fight, and his son 
 Hadad with some of his 
 followers took flight into 
 Egypt. Joab put to the 
 sword all the able-bodied 
 combatants, and estab- 
 lished garrisons at Petra, 
 Elath, and Eziongeber ^ 
 on the Ked Sea. David 
 
 dedicated the spoils to the Lord, " who gave victory to David wherever he went." 
 
 Southern Syria had found its master : were the Hebrews going to pursue 
 their success, and undertake in the central and northern regions a work of 
 
 1 similar to the account of the 
 Both documents are reproduced 
 
 ' The war with the Aramseans, described in 2 Sam. viii. 3-12, 
 conflict with tlie Ammonites in 2 Sam. x.-xii., but with more details, 
 in 1 Chron. xviii. 3-11, and xix., xx. 1-3. 
 
 " 2 Sam. viii. 13, 14; cf. 1 CAron. xviii. 12,13. Neither Elath nor Eziongeber are here mentioned, 
 but 1 Kings ix. 26-28 and 2 Chron. viii. 17, 18 prove that these places had been occupied by David. 
 For all that concerns Hadad, see 1 Kings xi. 15-20. 
 
THE HEBREW KINGDOM IN ITS GREATEST EXTENT. 7S-i 
 
 conquest which had baffled the efiforts of all their predecessors — Canaauites, 
 Amorites, and Hittites? The Assyrians, thrown back on the Tigris, were 
 at this time leading a sort of vegetative existence in obscurity ; and as 
 for Egypt, it would seem to have forgotten that it ever had possessions in 
 Asia. There was, therefore, nothing to be feared from foreign intervention should 
 
 f ~" — ni 
 
 into a single state tin n itnni- 'yiug between the Euphrates and the Ked Sea. 
 Unfortunately, the Israelites had not the necessary characteristics of a con- 
 quering people. Their history from the time of their entry into Canaan 
 showed, it is true, that they were by no means incapable of enthusiasm and 
 solidarity : a leader with the needful energy and good fortune to inspire 
 them with confidence could rouse them from their self-satisfied indolence, and 
 band them together for a great effort. But such concentration of purpose was 
 ephemeral in its nature, and disappeared with the chief who had brought it 
 about. In his absence, or when the danger he had pointed out was no longer 
 imminent, they fell back instinctively into their usual state of apathy and 
 disorganisation. Their nomadic temperament, which two centuries of a 
 sedentary existence had not seriously modified, disposed them to give way to 
 tribal quarrels, to keep up hereditary vendettas, to break out into sudden 
 tumults, or to make pillaging expeditions into their neighbours' territories. 
 Long wars, requiring the maintenance of a permanent army, the continual 
 levying of troops and taxes, and a prolonged effort to keep what they had 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 377 of the Pahstiue Exploration Fund. 
 
734 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 acquired, were repugnant to them. The kingdom which David had founded 
 owed its permanence to the strong will of its originator, and its increase or 
 even its maintenance depended upon the absence of any internal disturbance 
 or court intrigue, to counteract which might make too serious a drain upon 
 his energy. David had survived his last victory sufficiently long to witness 
 around him the evolution of plots, and the multiplication of the usual miseries 
 which sadden, in the East, the last years of a long reign. It was a matter 
 of custom as well as policy that an exaltation in the position of a ruler 
 should be accompanied by a proportional increase in the number of his retinue 
 and his wives. David was no exception to this custom : to the two wives, 
 Abigail and Ahinoam, which he had while he was in exile at Ziklag, he now 
 added Maacah the Aramaean, daughter of the King of Gesliur, Haggith, 
 Abital, Eglah, and several others.^ During the siege of Eabbath-Ammon 
 he also committed adultery with Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite, 
 and, placing her husband in the forefront of the battle, brought about his 
 death. Eebuked by the prophet Nathan for this crime, he expressed his peni- 
 tence, but he continued at the same time to keep Bathsheba, by whom he 
 had several children.^ There was considerable rivalry among the progeny 
 of these different unions, as the right of succession would appear not to have 
 been definitely settled. Of the family of Saul, moreover, there were still several 
 members in existence — the son which he had by Kizpah, the children of his 
 daughter Merab, Merib-baal, the lame offspring of Jonathan,^ and Shimei,* 
 — all of whom had partisans among the tribes, and whose pretensions might 
 be pressed unexpectedly at a critical moment. The eldest son of Ahinoam, 
 Amnon, whose priority in age seemed likely to secure for him the crown, 
 had fallen in love with one of his half-sisters named Tamar, the daugliter of 
 Maacah, and, instead of demanding her in marriage, procured her attendance 
 on him by a feigned illness, and foiced her to accede to his desires. His 
 love was thereupon converted immediately into hate, and, instead of marrying 
 her, he had her expelled from his house by his servants. With rent garments 
 and ashes on her head, she fled to her full-brother Absalom. David was very 
 wroth, but he loved his firstborn, and could not permit himself to punish 
 him. Absalom kept his anger to himself, but when two years had elapsed 
 
 ' As to Abigail, see pp. 717, 718, supra. Ahiuoam is mentioned in the following passages : 1 Sam. 
 XXV. 43, xxvii. 3, xxx. 5 ; 2 Sam. ii. 2, iii. 2 ; cf. also 1 Chron. iii. 1 ; Maacah in 2 Sam. iii. 3 ; 1 Chron. 
 iii. 2; Haggith in 2 Sam. iii. 4 ; I Kings i. 5, 11, ii. 13; 1 Chron. iii. 2; Abital in 2 Sam. iii. 4; 
 1 Chron. iii. 3; Eglah in 2 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chron. iii. 3. For the concubines, see 2 Sam. v. 13, xv. 16, 
 xvi. 21, 22 ; 1 Giron. iii. 9, xiv. 3. 
 
 ^ 2 Sam. xi., xii. 7-25. 
 
 ' 2 Sam. ix., xvi. 1-4, xix. 24-30, where the name is changed into Mephibosheth ; the original 
 name is given in 1 Chron. viii. 34. 
 
 * 2 Sam. xvi. 5-14, xix. 16-23 ; 1 Kings ii. 8, 9, 36-46. 
 
ABSALOM'S REBELLION. 
 
 735 
 
 he invited Amnon to a banquet, killed him, and fled to his grandfather Talmai, 
 King of Geshur.^ His anger was now turned against the king for not having 
 taken up the cause of his sister, and he began to meditate his dethronement. 
 Having been recalled to Jerusalem at the instigation of Joab, "Absalom 
 prepared him chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him," thus 
 afifecting the outward forms of royalty. Judah, dissatisfied at the favour 
 shown by David to the other tribes, soon came to recognise Absalom as their 
 chief, and some of the most intimate counsellors of the aged king began 
 secretly to take his part. When Absalom deemed things safe for action, he 
 betook himself to Hebron, under the pretence of a vow which he had made 
 during his sojourn at Geshur. All Judah rallied around him, and the excite- 
 ment at Jerusalem was so great that David judged it prudent to retire, with 
 his Philistine and Cherethite guards, to the other side of the Jordan. Absalom, 
 in the mean while, took up his abode in Jerusalem, where, having received the 
 tacit adherence of the family of Saul and of a number of the notables, he 
 made himself king. To show that the rupture between him and David was 
 complete, he had tents erected on the top of the house, and there, in view 
 of the people, took possession of his father's harem. Success would have 
 been assured to him if he had promptly sent troops after the fugitives, but 
 while he was spending his time in inactivity and feasting, David collected 
 together those who were faithful to him, and put them under the command 
 of Joab and Abishai. The king's veterans were more than a match for the 
 undisciplined rabble whicli opposed them, and in the action which followed 
 at Mahanaim Absalom was defeated : in his flight through the forest of 
 Ephraira he was caught in a tree, and before he could disentangle himself 
 was pierced through the heart by Joab.- 
 
 David, we read, wished his people to have mercy on his son, and he wept 
 bitterly. He spared on this occasion the family of Saul, pardoned the tribe of 
 J udah, and went back triumphantly into Jerusalem, which a few days before had 
 taken part in his humiliation. The tribes of the house of Joseph had taken no 
 side in the quarrel. They were ignorant alike of the motives which set the tribe 
 of Judah against their own hero, and of their reasons for the zeal with which they 
 again established him on the throne. They sent delegates to inquire about this, 
 who reproached Jiidah for acting without their cognisance: -'We have ten 
 parts in the king, and we have also more right in David than ye : why then did 
 
 • It is to be noted that Tamar asked Ainnou to marry her, and that the sole reproach directed 
 against the king's eldest son was that, after forcing her, ho was unwilling to make her his wife. Unions 
 of brother and sister were probably as legitimate among the Hebrews at this time as among the 
 Egyptians (cf. Dawn of Civilization, pp. 50-62, 270, and supra, pp. 77, 78). 
 
 ' 2 Sam. xiii.-xviii. 
 
736 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 ye despise us, that our advice should not be first had in bringing back our 
 king?" Judah answered with yet fiercer words; then Sheba, a chief of the 
 Benjamites, losing patience, blew a trumpet, and went off crying : " We have 
 no portion in David, neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse : every 
 man to his tents, 0 Israel." If these words had produced an echo among 
 the central and northern tribes, a schism would have been inevitable : some 
 approved of them, while others took no action, and since Judah showed no 
 disposition to put its military forces into movement, the king had once again 
 to trust to Joab and the Philistine guards to repress the sedition. Their 
 appearance on the scene disconcerted the rebels, and Sheba retreated to the 
 northern frontier without offering battle. Perhaps he reckoned on the support 
 of the Aramaeans. He took shelter in the small stronghold of Abel of Beth- 
 maacah, where he defended himself for some time ; but just when the place 
 was on the point of yielding, the inhabitants cut off Sheba's head, and threw 
 it to J oab from the wall.^ His death brought the crisis to an end, and peace 
 reigned in Israel. Intrigues, however, began again more persistently than 
 ever over the inheritance which the two slain princes had failed to obtain. 
 The eldest son of the king was now Adonijah, son of Haggith, but Bathsheba 
 exercised an undisputed sway over her husband, and had prepared him to 
 recognise in Solomon her son the heir to the throne. She had secured, too, 
 as his adherents several persons of influence, including Zadok, the prophet 
 Nathan, and Benaiah, the captain of the foreign guard. Adonijah had on his 
 side Abiathar the priest, Joab, and the people of Jerusalem, who had been 
 captivated by his beauty and his regal display. In the midst of these rivalries 
 the king was daily becoming weaker : he was now very old, and although 
 he was covered with wrappings he could not maintain his animal heat. 
 A young girl was sought out for him to give him the needful warmth. 
 Abishag, a Shunammite, was secured for the purpose, but her beauty inspired 
 Adonijah with such a violent passion that he decided to bring matters to 
 a crisis. He invited his brethren, with the exception of Solomon, to a banquet 
 in the gardens which belonged to him in the south of Jerusalem, near the well 
 of Kogel. All his partisans were present, and, inspired by the good cheer, began 
 to cry, '• God save King Adonijah ! " When Nathan informed Bathsheba of what 
 was going on, she went in unto the king, who was being attended on by Abishag, 
 complained to him of the weakness he was showing in regard to his eldest 
 son, and besought him to designate his heir officially. He collected together 
 the soldiers, and charged them to take the young man Solomon with royal 
 pomp from the hill of Sion to the source of the Gihon : Nathan anointed his 
 
 2 Sam. XX. 1-22. 
 
DEATH OF DAVID AND ACCESSION OF SOLOMON. 
 
 737 
 
 forehead with the sacred oil, and in the sight of all the people brought him 
 to the palace, mounted on his father's mule. The blare of the coronation 
 trumpets resounded in the ears of the conspirators, quickly followed by the 
 tidings that Solomon had been hailed king over the whole of Israel : they fled 
 on all sides, Adonijah taking refuge at the horns of the altar. David did not 
 long survive this event : shortly before his death he advised Solomon to rid 
 himself of all those who had opposed his accession to the throne. Solomon 
 ■did not hesitate to follow this counsel, and the beginning of his reign was 
 marked by a series of bloodthirsty executions. Adonijah was the first to 
 suffer. He had been unwise enough to ask the hand of Abishag in marriage : 
 this request was regarded as indicative of a hidden intention to rebel, and 
 furnished an excuse for his assassination. Abiathar, at whose instigation 
 Adonijah had acted, owed his escape from a similar fate to his priestly 
 character and past services : he was banished to his estate at Anathoth, and 
 Zadok became high priest in his stead. Joab, on learning the fate of his 
 accomplice, felt that he was a lost man, and vainly sought sanctuary near the 
 Ark of the Lord ; but Benaiah slew him there, and soon after, Shiraei, the last 
 survivor of the race of Saul, was put to death on some transparent pretext. 
 Tiiis was the last act of the tragedy : henceforward Solomon, freed from all 
 those who bore hitn malice, was able to devote his whole attention to the cares 
 of government.^ 
 
 The change of rulers had led, as usual, to insurrections among the 
 tributary races : Damascus had revolted before the death of David, and had 
 jiot been recovered. Hadad returned from Egypt, and having gained adherents 
 in certain parts of Edom, resisted all attempts made to dislodge him.'-' 
 As a soldier, Solomon was neither skilful nor fortunate : he even failed to 
 retain what his father had won for him. Though he continued to increase 
 his army, it was more with a view to consolidating his power over the 
 Bne-Israel than for any aggressive action outside his borders. On the other 
 hand, he showed himself an excellent administrator, and did his best, by 
 various measures of general utility, to draw closer the ties which bound the 
 tribes to him and to each other. He repaired the citadels with such 
 means as he had at his disposal. He rebuilt the fortifications of Megiddo, 
 
 ' 1 Kingt i., ii. This is the close of the history of David, and follows on from 2 Sam. xxiv. It 
 would seem that Adonijah was heir-apparent (I Kingt i. 5, 6), and that Solomon's accession was 
 4)rought about by an intrigue, which owed its success to the old king's weakness (1 Kings i. 12, 
 13, 17, 18, 30, 31). 
 
 It seems clear from the context that the revolt of Damascus took place during David's lifetime. 
 It cannot, in any case, have occurred at a later date thau the beginning of the reign of Solomon, for 
 we [are told that RezOn, after capturing the town, " was an adversary of Israel all the days of 
 Solomon " (1 Kings xi. 23-25). Hadad returned from Egypt when " he 1 ad heard that David slept 
 with his fathers, and that Joab the cai)tain of the host was dead " (1 Kings xi. 21, 22, 25). 
 
 3 B 
 
738 THE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 thus securing the control of the network of roads which traversed Southern 
 Syria. He remodelled the fortifications of Tamar, the two Bethhorons, 
 Baalatb, Hazor, and of many other towns which defended his frontiers. 
 Some of them he garrisoned with foot-soldiers, others with horsemen and 
 chariots. By thus distributing his military forces over the whole country 
 be achieved a twofold object ; ^ he provided, on the one hand, additional 
 security from foreign invasion, and on the other diminished the risk of internal 
 revolt. The remnants of the old aboriginal clans, which had hitherto 
 managed to preserve their independence, mainly owing to the dissensions 
 among the Israelites, were at last absorbed into the tribes in whose territory 
 they had settled. A few still held out, and only gave way after long and 
 stubborn resistance : before he could triumph over Gezer, Solomon was forced 
 to humble himself before the Egyptian Pharaoh. He paid homage to him, 
 asked the hand of his daughter in marriage, and having obtained it, persuaded 
 him to come to his assistance : the Egyptian engineers placed their skill at 
 the service of the besiegers and soon brought the recalcitrant city to reason,, 
 handing it over to Solomon in payment for his submission.^ The Canaanites 
 were obliged to submit to the poll-tax and the corvee : the men of the league 
 of Gibeon were made hewers of wood and drawers of water for the house of 
 the Lord.^ The Hebrews themselves bore their share in the expenses of the 
 State, and though less heavily taxed than the Canaanites, were, nevertheless,. 
 compelled to contribute considerable sums ; Judah alone was exempt, probably 
 because, being the private domain of the sovereign, its revenues were already 
 included in the royal exchequer.* In order to facilitate the collection of the 
 taxes, Solomon divided the kingdom into twelve districts, each of which was 
 placed in charge of a collector ; these regions did not coincide with the 
 existing tribal boundaries, but the extent of each was determined by the 
 wealth of the lands contained within it. While one district included the whole- 
 of Mount Ephraim, another was limited to the stronghold of Mahanaim and 
 its suburbs. Mahanaim was at one time the capital of Israel, and had played 
 an important part in the life of David :^ it held the key to the regions 
 
 ' 1 Kings ix. 15, 17-19 ; cf. 2 Chron. viii. 4-6. The parallel passage in 2 Cliron. viii. 4, and the 
 marginal variant in the Booh of Kings, give the reading Tadmor Palmyra for Tamar, thus giving rise 
 to the legends which state that Solomon's frontier extended to the Euphrates. The Tamar here 
 referred to is that mentioned in Ezeh. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28, as the southern boundary of Judah ; it is 
 perhaps identical with the modern Kharbet-Kurnub. 
 
 - 1 Kings ix. 16. The Pharaoh in question was, as we shall see further on, probably one of the 
 Psiftkhannit, the Psiisennes II. of Manetho ; cf p. 772, infra. 
 
 ^ 1 Kings ix. 20, 21. The annexation of the Gibeonites and their allies is placed at the time of 
 the conquest in Josh. ix. 3-27 ; it should be rather fixed at the date of the loss of independence of 
 the league, probably in the time of Solomon. 
 
 * Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 305, thinks that Judah was not exempt, and that the 
 original document must have given thirteen districts. 
 
 » Cf. what is said in regard to the part played by Mahanaim under David on pp. 722-735, supra. 
 
TEE GOVERNMENT OF SOLOMON. 
 
 739 
 
 beyond Jordan, and its ruler was a person of such influence that it was not 
 considered prudent to leave him too well provided with funds. By thus 
 obliterating the old tribal boundaries, Solomon doubtless hoped to destroy, 
 or at any rate greatly weaken, that clannish spirit which showed itself with 
 such alarming violence at the time of the revolt of Sheba, and to weld into 
 a single homogeneous mass the various Hebrew and Canaanitish elements 
 of which the people of Israel were composed.^ Each of these provinces was 
 obliged, during one mouth in each year, to provide for the wants of " the king 
 and his household," or, in other words, the requirements of the central govern- 
 ment. A large part of these contributions went to supply the king's table ; 
 the daily consumption at the court was — thirty measures of fine flour, sixty 
 measures of meal, ten fat oxen, twenty oxen out of the pastures, a hundred 
 sheep, besides all kinds of game and fatted fowl : nor need we be surprised at 
 these figures, for in a country where, and at a time when money was unknown, 
 the king was obliged to supply food to all his dependents, the greater part 
 of their emoluments consisting of these payments in kind.'-^ The tax-collectors, 
 had also to provide fodder for the horses reserved for military purposes : 
 there were forty thousand of these, and twelve thousand charioteers, and 
 barley and straw had to be forthcoming either in Jerusalem itself or in 
 one or other of the garrison towns amongst which they were distributed.* 
 The levying of tolls on caravans passing through the country completed the 
 king's fiscal operations which were based on the systems prevailing in neighbour- 
 ing States, especially that of Egypt.^ Solomon, like other Oriental sovereigns, 
 reserved to himself the monopoly of certain imported articles, such as yarn, 
 chariots, and horses. Egyptian yarn, perhaps the finest produced in ancient 
 times, was in great request among the dyers and embroiderers of Asia. 
 Chariots, at once strong and light, were important articles of commerce at a time 
 when their use in warfare was universal. As for horses, the cities of the Delta 
 and Middle Egypt possessed a celebrated strain of stallions, from which the 
 Syrian princes were accustomed to obtain their war-steeds.^ Solomon decreed 
 
 ' 1 Kings iv. 7-19, where a lUt of the districts is given ; the fact that two of Solomon's sons-in- 
 law appear in it, show that the document from which it is taken gave the staff of collectors in oflice 
 at the close of his reign. 
 
 1 Kingt iv. 22, 23, 27. 
 
 ' 1 Kingt iv. 26-28 ; the complementary passages in 1 Kings x. 2G and 2 Chron. i. 14 give the 
 number of chariots as 1400 and of charioteers at 12,000. The numbers do not seem excessive for a 
 kingdom which embraced the whole south of Palestine, when we reflect that, at the battle of Qodshft 
 Northern Syria was able to put between 2500 and 3000 chariots into the field against Ramsos U. (cf 
 what has been said on this point on p. 392, supra). The Hebrew chariots probably carried at least 
 three men, like those of the Hittites and Assyrians (cf. pp. 217, 357. cupra). 
 
 ♦ 1 Kings x. 15, wliere mention is made of the amount which the diaiimen brought, and the traflSc 
 of the mercliants contains an allusion to tlieso tolls (Reuss, Ilistoiredes Israelites, p. 458, n. 2). 
 
 ' As to the chariots and stallions from Egypt, cf. what is said on p. 216, note \! supra. The 
 terms in which the text, 1 Kings x. 27-29 (cf. 2 Chron. i. 16, 17), speaks of the trade in horses, show 
 that the traffic was already in existence when Solomon decided to embark in it 
 
740 TEE EEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 that for the future he was to be the sole intermediary between the Asiatics and 
 the foreign countries supplying their requirements. His agents went down at 
 regular intervals to the banks of the Nile to lay in slock ; the horses and 
 chariots, by the time they reached Jerusalem, cost him at the rate of six hundred 
 silver shekels for each chariot, and one hundred and fifty shekels for each horse, 
 but he sold them again at a profit to the Aramaean and Hittite princes. In return 
 he purchased from themCilician stallions, probably to sell again to the Egyptians, 
 whose relaxing climate necessitated a frequent introduction of new blood 
 into their stables.^ By these and other methods of which we know nothing 
 the yearly revenue of the kingdom was largely increased : and though it only 
 reached, a total which may seem insignificant in comparison with the enormous 
 quantities of the precious metals which passed through the hands of the 
 Pharaohs of that time, yet it must have seemed boundless wealth in the eyes 
 of the shepherds and husbandmen who formed the bulk of the Hebrew nation. 
 
 In thus developing his resources and turning them to good account, 
 Solomon derived great assistance from the Phoenicians of Tyre and Sidon, 
 a race whose services were always at the disposal of the masters of Southern 
 Syria. The continued success of the Hellenic colonists on the eastern shores 
 of the Mediterranean had compelled the Phoenicians to seek with redoubled 
 boldness and activity in the Western Mediterranean some sort of compensation 
 for the injury which their trade had thus suffered.^ They increased and con- 
 solidated their dealings with Sicily, Africa, and Spain, and established them- 
 selves throughout the whole of that misty region which extended beyond 
 the straits of Gibraltar on the European side, from the mouth of the Guadalete 
 to that of the Guadiana. This was the famous Tarshish — the Oriental 
 El Dorado. Here they had founded a number of new towns, the most 
 flourishing of which, Gadir,^ rose not far from the mouths of the Betis, on a 
 small islet separated from the mainland by a narrow arm of the sea. In this 
 city they constructed a temple to Melkarth, arsenals, warehouses, and ship- 
 building yards : it was the Tyre of the west, and its merchant-vessels sailed 
 to the south and to the north to trade with the savage races of the African 
 
 ' 1 Kings x. 27-29 ; 2 Chron. i. 16, 17. Kue, the uame of Lower Cilicia, was discovered in the 
 Hebrew text by Fr. Lenormant, Originesdel'Eistoire, vol. iii. p. 9, note 2. Winckler, with mistaken 
 reliance on the authority of Ermau, has denied that Egypt produced stud-horses at this time, an<l 
 ■wishes to identify the Mizraim of theHebiewtextwithMusri, a place near Mount Taurus, mentioned 
 in the Assyrian texts (^Alltestameiilliche Forschungen, pp. 173,174). 
 
 = As to these various points, cf. pp. 586-588, supra. 
 
 ' I do not propose to discuss here the question of the identity of the country of Tartessos with 
 the Tarshisli or Tarsis mentioned in the Bible (1 Kings x. 22) ; in regard to the colonisation of 
 Spain by the Phoenicians, cf., in addition to the brief summaries by Gutachinii (Kleine Werhe, vol. ii. 
 pp. 54-57) and of Eawlinson (History of Phmnicia, pp. 120-128), the works of Meltzer (Gesc/tjc7j<e der 
 Karthager, vol. i. pp. 37-40) and of Pietsclimanu (Geschichte der Phonizier, p. 286, et seq.), and, with 
 necessary caution. Movers (Das Phonizische Alterthum, vol. ii. p. 588, et seq.). 
 
THE TYBIAN KINGDOM — HIRAM I. 
 
 741 
 
 and European seaboard. On the coast of Morocco they built Lixos, a town 
 almost as large as Gadir, and beyond Lixos, thirty days' sail southwards, a 
 whole host of depots, reckoned later on at three hundred. By exploiting 
 the materials to be obtained from these lands, such as gold, silver, tin, lead, 
 and copper, Tyre and Sidon were soon able to make good the losses they had 
 suffered from Greek privateersmen and marauding Philistines. Towards the 
 close of the reign of Saul over Israel, a certain king Abibaal had arisen in 
 Tyre, and was succeeded by his son Hiram, at the very moment when David was 
 engaged in bringing the whole of Israel into subjection. Hiram, guided by 
 instinct or by tradition, at once adopted a policy towards the rising dynasty 
 which his ancestors had always found successful in similar cases.^ He made 
 friendly overtures to the Hebrews, and constituted himself their broker and 
 general provider : when David was in want of wood for the house he was 
 building at Jerusalem, Hiram let him have the necessary quantity, and hired 
 out to him workmen and artists at a reasonable wage, to help him in turning 
 his materials to good account.^ The accession of Solomon was a piece of 
 good luck for him. The new king, born in the purple, did not share the 
 simple and somewhat rustic tastes of his father. He wanted palaces and 
 gardens and a temple, which might rival, even if only in a small way, the 
 palaces and temples of Egypt and Chaldaea, of which he had heard such 
 glowing accounts: Hiram undertook to procure these things for him at a 
 moderate cost, and it was doubtless his influence which led to those voyages 
 to the countries which produced precious metals, perfumes, rare animals, costly 
 woods, and all those foreign knicknacks with which Eastern monarchs of 
 all ages loved to surround themselves.'' The Phcenician sailors were well 
 acquainted with the bearings of Puanit, most of them having heard of this 
 country when in Egypt, a few perhaps having gone thither under the direc- 
 tion and by the orders of Pharaoh : and Hiram took advantage of the access 
 which the Hebrews had gained to the shores of the Red Sea by the annexa- 
 tion of Edom, to establish relations with these outlying districts without 
 having to pass the Egyptian customs. He lent to Solomon shipwrights and 
 sailors, who helped him to fit out a fleet at Ezion-geber, and undertook 
 a voyage of discovery in company with a number of Hebrews, wlio were 
 no doubt despatched in the same capacity as the royal messengers sent with 
 the galleys of Hatshopsitu. It was a venture similar to those so frequently 
 undertaken by the Egyptian admirals in the palmy days of the Theban 
 navy, and of which we find so many curious pictures among the bas-reliefs 
 
 I Cf. what is said concerning the i)olicy adopted by the Theban cities on pp. 19D, 191, tupra. 
 ' 2 Sam. V. 11 ; cf. the reference to the same incident in 1 Kings v. 1-3. 
 
 ' Ab to this predilection of the Tharaohs and Assyrian kings, cf pp. 200, 201, 2G.">. (JGO.OOl, tupra. 
 
742 TEE EEBBEWS AND TEE PEILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 at Deir el-Bahari.^ On their return, after a three years' absence, they reported 
 that they had sailed to a country named Ophir, and produced in support of 
 their statement a freight well calculated to convince the most sceptical, 
 consisting as it did of four hundred and twenty talents of gold. The success 
 of this first venture encouraged Solomon to 
 persevere in such expeditions : he sent his 
 fleet on several voyages to Ophir, and pro- 
 cured from thence a rich harvest of gold 
 and silver, wood and ivory, apes and pea- 
 cocks.^ Was the profit from these distant 
 cruises so very considerable after all ? After 
 they had ceased, memory may have thrown 
 a fanciful glamour over them, and magnified 
 the treasures they had yielded to fabulous 
 proportions : we are told that Solomon would 
 have no drinking vessels or other utensils 
 save those of pure gold, and that in his days " silver was as stone," so common 
 had it become.^ Doubtless Hiram took good care to obtain his full share of the 
 gains. The Phoenician king began to find Tyre too restricted for him, the 
 various islets over which it was scattered affording too small a space to support 
 the multitudes which flocked thither. He therefore filled up the channels 
 which separated them ; by means of embankments and fortified quays he 
 managed to reclaim from the sea a certain amount of land on the south ; 
 after which he constructed two harbours — one on the north, called the Sidonian; 
 the other on the south, named the Egyptian. He was perhaps also the 
 originator of the long causeway, the lower courses of which still serve as a 
 breakwater, by which he transformed the projecting headland between the 
 island and the mainland into a well-sheltered harbour. Finally, he set to work 
 on a task like that which he had already helped Solomon to accomplish : * he 
 
 ' Cf. the account of the voyage undertaken under Hatshopsitii on pp. 245-252, supra. 
 
 2 1 Kings ix. 26-28, x. 11, 12 ; cf. 2 Chron. viii. 17, 18, ix. 10, 11, 21. A whole library might be 
 stocked with the various treatises which have appeared on the situation of the country of Ophir : Arabia, 
 Persia, India, Java, and America have all been suggested. The mention of almug wood and of pea- 
 cooks, which may be of Indian origin, for a long time inclined the scale in favour of India, but the 
 discoveries of Mauch and Bent on the Zimbabaye have drawn attention to the basin of the Zambesi 
 and the ruins found there. Dr. Peters, one of the best-known German explorers, is inclined to agree 
 with Mauch and Bent, in their theory as to the position of the Ophir of tlie Bible (Der Goldene Ophir 
 Salomons, pp. 50-62). I am rather inclined to identify it with the Egyptian Puanifc, on the Somali or 
 Yemen seaboard. 
 
 ^ 1 Kings x. 21, 27. In Chronicles the statement in the Booh of Kings is repeated in a still more 
 emphatic manner, since it is there stated that gold itself was " in Jerusalem as stones " (2 Chron. i. 15). 
 
 * DiDS, Fragm. 2, and Menandee, Fragm. 2, in MtiLLER-DiDOT, Fragmenta Eistoricorum Grxcorum, 
 vol. iv. pp. 398, 399, 445, 446. In so far as the interpretation of the facts connected with the enlarge- 
 ment of the harbour and building of the temples is concerned, I follow Eenan, Mission de Ph^nicie, 
 pp. 546-575. 
 
SOLOMON'S BUILDING OPERATIONS. 
 
 743 
 
 built for himself a palace of cedar-wood, aad restored and beautified the temples 
 of the gods, including the ancient sanctuary of Melkarth and that of Astarte. 
 In his reign the greatness of Phoenicia reached its zenith, just as that of the 
 Hebrews culminated under David. 
 
 The most celebrated of Solomon's works were to be seen at Jerusalem. As 
 David left it, the city was somewhat insignificant. The water from its fountains 
 
 'had been amply sufficient for the wants of the little Jebusite town ; it was 
 wholly inadequate to meet the requirements of the growing population of the 
 capital of Judah. Solomon made better provision for its distribution than there 
 had been in the past, and then tapped a new source of supply some distance away, 
 in the direction of Bethlehem ; it is even said that he made the reservoirs for its 
 storage which still bear his name.'-^ Meanwhile, Hiram had drawn up for liim plans 
 for a fortified residence, on a scale commensurate with the thriving fortunes of 
 his dynasty. The main body was constructed of stone from the Judtcan quarries, 
 <3Ut by masons from Byblos, but it was inlaid with cedar to such an extent that 
 one wing was called " the house of the forest of Lebanon." It contained every- 
 thing that was required for the comfort of au Eastern potentate — a harem, with 
 separate apartments for the favourites (one of which was probably decorated in 
 the Egyptian manner for the benefit of Pharaoh's daughter) ; ^ then there were 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph published by the Due de Lcynes, Voyage (V Exploration 
 it la met MorU, vol. iii. pi. 18. 
 
 2 A somewhat ancient tradition attributes these works to Solomon ; no single fact confirms it, but 
 the balance of probability seems to indicate that he must have taken steps to provide a water-supply 
 for the new city. The channels and reservoirs, of which traces are found at the present day, 
 probably occupy the same positions as those which preceded them. 
 
 ' 1 Kings vii. 8, ix. 24; 2 Cliron. viii. 11. 
 
744 
 
 TEE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 reception-halls, to which the great men of the kingdom were admitted, store- 
 houses, and an arsenal. The king's body-guard possessed five hundred shields 
 " of beaten gold," which were handed over by each detachment, when the guard 
 was relieved, to the one which took its place.^ But this gorgeous edifice would 
 not have been complete if the temple of Jahveh had not arisen side by side 
 
 ONE OF SOLOJKiN'^ KI.>i:i;\(i]|:> NEAK JERUSALEJI.'' 
 
 with the abode of the temporal ruler of the nation. No monarch in those 
 days could regard his position as unassailable until he had a sanctuary and a 
 priesthood attached to his religion, either in his own palace or not far away 
 from it.^ David had scarcely entered Jerusalem before he fixed upon the- 
 threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite as a site for the temple, and built an 
 altar there to the Lord during a plague which threatened to decimate his- 
 people ; but as he did not carry the project any farther,* Solomon set him- 
 self to complete the task which his father had merely sketched out. The site 
 was irregular in shape, and the surface did not naturally lend itself to the 
 purpose for which it was destined. His engineers, however, put this right by 
 constructing enormous piers for the foundations, which they built up from the 
 slopes of the mountain or from the bottom of the valley as circumstances 
 required : the space between this artificial casing and the solid rock was filled 
 
 ' 1 Eings vii. 1-12, x. 16. Of the uumerous attempts which have been made to reconstruct 
 Solomon's palace, I shall content myself by mentioning those of Stade, GescMcMe des Volkes Israel, 
 vol. i. pp. 311-325, and Pereot-Chipiez, Histoire de I' Art dans I'AntiquiU, vol. iv. pp. 398-410. 
 
 ^ Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by M. C. AUuaud of Limoges. 
 
 ^ Cf. pp. 713, 727, supra. 
 
 ■* 2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25. The threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite is mentioned elsewhere as- 
 the site on which Solomon built his temple (2 Chron. iii. 1). 
 
THE TEMPLE OF SOLOMON. 
 
 74a 
 
 up, and the whole mass formed a nearly square platform, from which the 
 temple buildings were to rise.^ Hiram undertook to supply materials for the 
 work. Solomon had written to 
 him that he should command 
 "that they hew me cedar trees 
 out of Lebanon ; and my servants 
 shall be with thy servants ; and I 
 will give thee hire for thy servants 
 according to all that thou sbalt 
 say: for thou knowest that there 
 is not among us any that can skill 
 to hew timber like unto the Zido- 
 nians." Hiram was delighted to 
 carry out the wishes of his royal 
 friend with regard to the cedar 
 and cypress woods. " My servants," 
 he answered, " shall bring thorn 
 down from Lebanon unto the sea : 
 and I will make them into raft> 
 to go by sea unto the place that 
 thou shalt appoint me, and will 
 cause them to be broken up there, 
 and thou shalt receive them ; and 
 thou shalt accomplish my desire, 
 in giving food for my household, 
 kind, consisted of twenty thousand hor of wheat, and twenty kur of pure 
 oil per annum, for which Hiram was to send to Jerusalem not only the 
 timber, but architects, masons, and Gebalite carpenters {i.e. from Byblos), 
 smelters, sculptors, and overseers.'' Solomon undertook to supply the neces- 
 sary labour, and for this purpose made a levy of men from all the tribes. 
 The number of these labourers was reckoned at thirty thousand, and they 
 were relieved regularly every three months ; seventy thousand were occu- 
 pied in the transport of the materials, while eighty thousand cut the stones 
 from the quarry.* It is possible that the numbers may have been somewhat 
 
 ' For this part of the subject I must refer tlie reader to the exhaustive account given in Pebbot- 
 CiiiPiEZ, Uut. de VArt dam VAntiquiU, vol. iv. pp. 171-218, of the works undertaken for the Palettine 
 Exploration Fund, especially by Wilson and Warren. 
 
 * Drawn by Boudier, from a. photograph. 
 
 » 1 Kings v. 7-1 1 ; cf. 2 Chrott. ii. 3-1 G, where the writer adds 20,000 hdr of barley, 20,000 « baths " 
 of wine, and the same quantity of oil. For the transport of wood, cf. a similar case in Egypt under 
 Ilrihor, supra, pp. 582, 583. 
 
 * 1 Kinyt v. 13-18; cf. 2 Chron. ii. 1, 2, 17, 18. 
 
 so-Mi; OF THE .sTONi: counsE OF bilomon's temple 
 
 AT .lEllUSALEM.' 
 
 " The payment agreed on, which was in 
 
746 TEE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 exaggerated in popular estimation, since the greatest Egyptian monuments 
 never required such formidable levies of workmen for their construction ; we 
 must remember, however, that such an undertaking demanded a considerable 
 •effort, as the Hebrews were quite unaccustomed to that kind of labour. The 
 front of the temple faced eastward ; it was twenty cubits wide, sixty long, and 
 thirty high. The walls were of enormous squared stones, and the ceilings and 
 frames of the doors of carved cedar, plated with gold ; it was entered by a 
 porch, between two columns of wrought bronze, which were called Jachin and 
 Boaz.^ The interior contained only two chambers ; the hekal, or holy place, 
 where were kept the altar of incense, the seven-branched candlestick, and the 
 table of shewbread ; and the Holy of Holies — debir — where the ark of God 
 rested beneath the wings of two cherubim of gilded wood. Against the outer 
 wall of the temple, and rising to half its height, were rows of small apartments, 
 three stories high, in which were kept the treasures and vessels of the sanctuary. 
 While the high priest was allowed to enter the Holy of Holies only once a 
 year, the holy place was accessible at all times to the priests engaged in the 
 services, and it was there that the daily ceremonies of the temple-worship took 
 place ; there stood also the altar of incense and the table of shewbread. The 
 altar of sacrifice stood on the platform in front of the entrance ; it was a cube 
 of masonry with a parapet, and was approached by stone steps ; it resembled, 
 probably, in general outline the monumental altars which stood in the forecourts 
 of the Egyptian temples and palaces. There stood by it, as was also customary 
 in Chaldsea, a " molten sea," and some ten smaller lavers, in which the Levites 
 washed the portions of the victims to be offered, together with the basins, 
 knives, flesh-hooks, spoons, shovels, and other utensils required for the bloody 
 sacrifice. A low wall surmounted by a balustrade of cedar-wood separated 
 this sacred enclosure from a court to which the people were permitted to have 
 free access.^ Both palace and temple were probably designed in that pseudo- 
 Egyptian style which the Phoenicians were known to affect.^ The few 
 Hebrew edifices of which remains have come down to us, reveal a method of 
 construction and decoration common in Egypt ; we have an example of this in 
 
 ' 1 Kings vii. 15-22; cf. 2 Chron. iv. 11-13. The names were probably engraved each upon its 
 respective column, and taken together formed an inscription which could be interpreted in various 
 ways. The most simple interpretation is to recognise in them a kind of talismanic formula to ensure 
 the strength of the building, afiirming " that it exists by the strength " of God (cf. Eenan, Hist, du 
 peuple d' Israel, vol. ii. pp. 143, 144). For a tentative restoration of these columns, cf. Peerot-Chipiez, 
 Hist, de V Art dans VAntiquiie, vol. iv. pp. 314-327 ; we may, on the other hand, see in them merely an 
 equivalent of the Egyptian Stele-Pillars — as, for instance, those of the temple of Karnak, reproduced 
 supra, p. 557. 
 
 ^ 1 Kings vi.-vii. ; cf. 2 Chron. iii., iv. Here, again, I must refer my readers to two restorations 
 proposed by Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 325, 342, and by Pereot-Chipiez, Hist, ds I' Art 
 dans V Antiquity, vol. iv. pp. 243-338. 
 
 ^ Cf supra, p. 577. 
 
THE DEDICATION OF SOLOMON'S TEMPLE. 
 
 747 
 
 the uprights of the doors at Lachish, which terminate in an Egyptian gorge 
 like that employed in the naos of the Phoenician temples. The completion of 
 the whole plan occupied thirteen years ; at length both palace and temple 
 were finished in the XVII"' year of the king's reign. Solomon, however, did 
 not wait for the completion of the work to dedicate tlie sanctuary to God. As 
 soon as the inner court was 
 ready, which was in his 
 XI"* year, he proceeded to 
 transfer the ark to its new 
 resting-place ; it was raised 
 upon a cubical base, and 
 the long staves by whicli 
 it had been carried were 
 left in their rings, as was 
 usual in the case of the 
 sacred barks of the Egyptian 
 deities.-^ The God of Israel 
 thus took up His abode 
 in the place in which He 
 was henceforth to be honoured. The sacrifices on the occasion of the 
 dedication were innumerable, and continued for fourteen days, in the presence 
 of the representatives of all Israel. The ornate ceremonial and worship 
 which had long been lavished on the deities of rival nations were now, for 
 the first time, offered to the God of Israel. The devout Hebrews who had 
 come together from far and near returned to their respective tribes filled with 
 admiration,^ and their limited knowledge of art doubtless led them to consider 
 their temple as unique in the world ; as a fact, it presented nothing remark- 
 able either in proportion, arrangement, or in the variety and richness of its 
 ornamentation and furniture. Compared with the magnificent monuments of 
 Egypt and Chaldaja, the work of Solomon was what the Hebrew kingdom 
 appears to us among the empires of the ancient world— a little temple suited 
 to a little people. 
 
 1 Kings viii. 6-8, and 2 Chron. v. 7-9. For tbe representation of Die bark of the Egyptian god 
 Amou, with its staves, placed on its altar pace, cf. Lepsics, Deukm , iii. 235. 
 
 » Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from the drawiug by Pethil-, Tell el Hesy, p. 20. 
 
 ' 1 Kings vi. 37, 38 states that the foundations were laid in tlie IV"' year of Solomon's reign, in 
 the month of Ziv, and that the temple was completed in the month of Bnl in the XI"' year : the work 
 occupied seven years. 1 Kingt vii. 1 adds that the construction of the palace lasted thirteen 
 years; it went ou for six years after tlie comi)lction of the temple. The account of the dedication 
 (1 Kings viii.) contains a long prayer by Solomon, part of which (vers. H-CO) is thought by certain 
 critics to be of later date. They contend that the original words of Solomon are confined to 
 vers. 12 and 13. 
 
748 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 The priests to whose care it was entrusted did not differ much from those 
 whom David had gathered about him at the outset of the monarchy.^ They 
 in no way formed an hereditary caste confined to the limits of a rigid hierarchy ; 
 they admitted into their number — at least up to a certain point — men of varied 
 extraction, who were either drawn by their own inclinations to the service of the 
 altar, or had been dedicated to it by their parents from childhood. He indeed 
 was truly a priest "who said of his father and mother, 'I have not seen him ; ' 
 neither did he acknowledge his brethren, nor knew he his own children." He 
 was content, after renouncing these, to observe the law of God and keep His 
 covenant, and to teach Jacob His judgments and Israel . His law ; he put 
 incense before the Lord, and whole burnt offerings upon His altar.^ As in 
 Egypt, the correct offering of the Jewish sacrifices was beset with considerable 
 difficulties, and the risk of marring their efficacy by the slightest inadvertence 
 necessitated the employment of men who were thoroughly instructed in the 
 divinely appointed practices and formulae. The victims had to be certified as 
 perfect, while the offerers themselves had to be ceremonially pure ; and, indeed, 
 those only who had been specially trained were able to master the difficulties 
 connected with the minutiae of legal purity. The means by which the future 
 was made know^n necessitated the intervention of skilful interpreters of the 
 Divine will. We know that in Egypt the statues of the gods were supposed 
 to answer the questions put to them by movements of the head or arms, 
 sometimes even by the living voice ; but the Hebrews do not appear to have 
 been influenced by any such recollections in the use of their sacred oracles. We 
 are ignorant, however, of the manner in which the ephod was consulted, and we 
 know merely that the art of interrogating the Divine will by it demanded a 
 long noviciate.^ The benefits derived by those initiated into these mysteries 
 were such as to cause them to desire the privileges to be perpetuated to their 
 children. Gathered round the ancient sanctuaries were certain families who, 
 from father to son, were devoted to the performance of the sacred rites, as, for 
 instance, that of Eli at Shiloh, and that of Jonathan-ben-Gershom at Dan, 
 near the sources of the Jordan ; * but, in addition to these, the text mentions 
 functionaries analogous to those found among the Canaanites, diviners, seers— 
 roe — who had means of discovering that which was hidden from the vulgar, 
 
 1 Cf. (upra, pp. 727, 730. 
 
 ' These are the expressions used in the Blessing of Moses {Deut. xxxiii. 8-12); though this 
 text is by some writers placed as late as the VIIl"" century b.c, yet the state of things there 
 represented would apply also to an earlier date. The Hebrew priest, in short, had the same duties 
 as a large proportion of the priesthood in Chaldsea and Egypt. 
 
 ' An example of tbe consulting of the ephod will be found in 1 Sam. xxx. 7, 8, where David 
 desires to know if he shall pursue the Amalekites. 
 
 * Cf., for these two families, supra, 704, 70G, 707, 713, 715, 730. 
 
THE PRIESTHOOD OF THE TEMPLE AT JERUSALEM. 749 
 
 even to the finding of lost objects, but whose powers sometimes rose to a higher 
 level when they were suddenly possessed by the prophetic spirit and enabled 
 to reveal coming events. Besides these, again, were the prophets — naW^ — 
 who lived either alone or in communities, and attained, by means of a strict 
 training, to a vision of the future. Their prophetic utterances were accom- 
 panied by music and singing, and the exaltation of spirit which followed their 
 exercises would at times spread to the bystanders, as is the case in the "zikr " 
 of the Mahomedans of to-day.^ The early kings, Saul and David, used to have 
 recourse to individuals belonging to all these three classes, but the prophets, 
 owing to the intermittent character of their inspiration and their ministry, 
 could not fill a regular office attached to the court. One of this class was raised 
 up by God from time to time to warn or guide His servants, and then sank 
 again into obscurity ; the priests, on the contrary, were always at hand, and 
 their duties brought them into contact with the sovereign all the year round. 
 The god who was worshipped in the capital of the country and his priesthood 
 promptly acquired a predominant position in all Oriental monarchies, and most 
 of the other temples, together with the sacerdotal bodies attached to them, 
 usually fell into disrepute, leaving them supreme. If Amon of Thebes 
 became almost the sole god, and his priests the possessors of all Egypt, it 
 was because the accession of the XVIII"' dynasty had made his pontiffs the 
 almoners of the Pharaoh.^ Something of the same sort took place in Israel ; 
 the priesthood at Jerusalem attached to the temple built by the sovereign, 
 being constantly about his person, soon surpassed their brethren in other parts 
 of the country both in influence and possessions. Under David's reign their 
 head had been Abiathar, son of Ahimelech, a descendant of Eli,* but on 
 Solomon's accession the primacy had been transferred to the line of Ziidok. 
 In this alliance of the throne and the altar, it was natural at first that the 
 throne should reap the advantage. The king appears to have continued to 
 be a sort of high priest, and to have officiated at certain times and occasions.'' 
 The priests kept the temple in order, and watched over the cleanliness of its 
 ■chambers and its vessels; they interrogated the Divine will for the king 
 iiccording to the prescribed ceremonies, and offered sacrifices on behalf of 
 
 ' 1 Sam. ix. 9 i8 a gloss which ideutifics the neer of former times with the propliet of the times of 
 -the monarchy. 
 
 ' 1 Sam. X. 5-i;!, where wo see Saul seized with the prophetic spirit on meeting with a band of 
 prophets descending from the high place ; of. 2 S^m. vi. 13-16, 20-23, and supra, p. 729, for David 
 dancing before the ark. 
 
 ' For the history of the priests of Amon, cf. p. 559 of the present v.ork. 
 
 * For Ahijah or Ahimelech, cf. supra, p. 713, note 2. 
 
 * Solomon officiated and preached at the consecration of the temple (I Kings viii.). The actual 
 words appear to be of a later date ; but even if that be the case, it proves that, at the time tliey were 
 written, the king still possessed his full sacerdotal powers. 
 
750 TEE EEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 the monarch and his subjects ; in short, they were at first little more than 
 chaplains to the king and his family. 
 
 Solomon's allegiance to the God of Israel did not lead him to proscribe 
 the worship of other gods ; he allowed his foreign wives the exercise of their 
 various religions, and he raised an altar to Chemosh on the Mount of Olives 
 for one of them who was a Moabite.^ The political supremacy and material 
 advantages which all these establishments acquired for Judah could not fail 
 to rouse the jealousy of the other tribes. Ephraim particularly looked on 
 with ill-concealed anger at the prospect of the hegemony becoming estab- 
 lished in the hands of a tribe which could be barely said to have existed 
 before the time of David, and was to a considerable extent of barbarous 
 origin. Taxes, homage, the keeping up and recruiting of garrisons, were all 
 equally odious to this, as well as to the other clans descended from Joseph ; 
 meanwhile their burdens did not decrease. A new fortress had to be built at 
 Jerusalem by order of the aged king. One of the overseers appointed for this 
 work — Jeroboam, the son of Nebat — appears to have stirred up the popular 
 discontent, and to have hatched a revolutionary plot. Solomon, hearing of 
 the conspiracy, attempted to suppress it ; Jeroboam was forewarned, and fled 
 to Egypt, where Pharaoh Sheshonq received him with honour, and gave him 
 his wife's sister in marriage.'-^ The peace of the nation had not been ostensibly 
 troubled, but the very fact that a pretender should have risen up in opposition 
 to the legitimate king augured ill for the future of the dynasty. In reality, 
 the edifice which David had raised with such difficulty tottered on its founda- 
 tions before the death of his successor ; the foreign vassals were either in a 
 restless state or ready to throw off their allegiance ; money was scarce, and 
 twenty Galilsean towns had been perforce ceded to Hiram to pay the debts due 
 to him for the building of the temple ; ^ murmurings were heard among the 
 people, who desired an easier life. In a future age, when priestly and prophetic 
 influences had gained the ascendant, amid the perils which assailed Jerusalem,^ 
 and the miseries of the exile, the Israelites, contrasting their humiliation with 
 the glory of the past, forgot the reproaches which their forefathers had addressed 
 to the house of David, and surrounded its memory with a halo of romance. 
 David again became the hero, and Solomon the saint and sage of his race ; the 
 latter " spake three thousand proverbs ; and his songs were a thousand and 
 five. And he spake of trees, from the cedar that is in Lebanon even unto the 
 hyssop that springeth out of the wall : he spake also of beasts, and of fowl, 
 
 ' 1 Kings xi. 7 ; cf. 2 Kings xxiii. 13. 
 
 » 1 Kings xi. 23-40, where the LXX. is fuller than the A.V. 
 
 ' 1 Kings ix. 10-13 ; cf. 2 Chron. viii. 1, 2, where the fact seems to have been reversed, and Hiram 
 is made the donor of the twenty towns. 
 
THE DEFECTION OF THE TEN TRIBES. 
 
 751 
 
 and of creeping things, and of fishes." ^ AVe are told that God favoured him 
 with a special predilection, and appeared to him on three separate occasions : 
 once immediately after the death of David, to encourage him by the promise 
 of a prosperous reign, and the gift of wisdom in governing ; again after the 
 dedication of the temple, to confirm him in his pious intentions ; and lastly 
 to upbraid him for his idolatry, and to predict the downfall of his house.'' 
 Solomon is supposed to have had continuous dealings with all the sovereigns of 
 the Oriental world,^ and a Queen of Sheba is recorded as having come to bring 
 him gifts from the furthest corner of Arabia.* His contemporaries, however, 
 seem to have regarded him as a tyrant who oppressed them with taxes, and 
 whose death was unregretted.^ His son Rehoboam experienced no opposition 
 in Jerusalem and Judah on succeeding to the throne of his father; when, 
 however, he repaired to Shechem to receive the oath of allegiance from the 
 northern and central tribes, he found them unwilling to tender it except 
 under certain conditions ; they would consent to obey him only on the promise 
 of his delivering them from the forced labour which had been imposed upon 
 them by his predecessors. Jeroboam, who had returned from his Egyptian 
 exile on the news of Solomon's death, undertook to represent their grievances 
 to the new king. " Thy father made our yoke grievous : now therefore make 
 thou the grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he put 
 upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee." Kohoboam demanded three days 
 for the consideration of his reply ; he took counsel with the old advisers of the 
 late king, who exhorted him to comply with the petition, but the young men 
 who were his habitual companions urged him, on the contrary, to meet the 
 remonstrances of his subjects with threats of still harsher exactions. Their 
 advice was taken, and when Jeroboam again presented himself, liehoboam 
 greeted him with raillery and threats. "My little finger is thicker than my 
 father's loins. And now whereas my father did lade you with a heavy yoke, I 
 will add to your yoke : my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise 
 you with scorpions." This unwise answer did not produce the intimidating 
 effect which was desired ; the cry of revolt, which had already been raised in 
 the earlier days of the monarchy, was once more heard. " What portion have 
 we in David? neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, 
 O Israel : now see to thine own house, David." Reboboam attempted to carry 
 
 ' 1 King» iv. 29-33. 
 
 » 1 King» iii. 4-15, ix. 1-9. xi. 9-13; cf. 2 Chrmi. i. 7-12, vii. 12-22. 
 
 ' 1 Kings iv. 34 ; ou this passage are founded all the legends denling with the contests of wit and. 
 wisdom in which Solomon was supposed to have entered with the kings of neighbouring countries ; 
 traces of those are found in Dius {Fragm. 1, in Muller-Didot, Fragmenta Hut. Grxc, vol. iv. p. 398)1 
 in Menander (Fragm. 2, ibid., p. 446), and in Eupolemus (Id., vol. iii. pp. 225-228). 
 
 * 1 Kings X. 1-13; cf. 2 Chron. ix. 1-12. 
 
 * I am inclined to place the date of Solomon's death between 035 and 930 B.C. 
 
752 THE EEBEEWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 his threats into execution, and sent the collectors of taxes among the rebels to 
 •enforce payment ; but one of them was stoned almost before his eyes, and the 
 king himself had barely time to regain his chariot and flee to Jerusalem to 
 •escape an outburst of popular fury. The northern and central tribes imme- 
 diately offered the crown to Jeroboam, and the partisans of the son of Solomon 
 were reduced to those of his own tribe; Judah, Caleb, the few remaining 
 'Simeonites, and some of the towns of Dan and Benjamin, which were too near 
 io Jerusalem to escape the influence of a great city, were all who threw in 
 their lot with him.^ 
 
 Thus was accomplished the downfall of the House of David, and with it the 
 Hebrew kingdom which it had been at such pains to build up. When we 
 consider the character of the two kings who formed its sole dynasty, we 
 cannot refrain from thinking that it deserved a better fate. David and 
 Solomon exhibited that curious mixture of virtues and vices which distinguished 
 ,most of the great Semite princes. The former, a soldier of fortune and 
 an adventurous hero, represents the regular type of the founder of a dynasty ; 
 crafty, cruel, ungrateful, and dissolute, but at the same time brave, prudent, 
 cautious, generous, and capable of enthusiasm, clemency, and repentance ; 
 at once so lovable and so gentle that he was able to inspire those about 
 him with the firmest friendship and the most absolute devotion. The latter 
 ■was a religious though sensual monarch, fond of display — the type of 
 sovereign who usually succeeds to the head of the family and enjoys the 
 •wealth which his predecessor had acquired, displaying before all men the 
 xesults of an accomplished work, and often thereby endangering its stability. 
 The real reason of their failure to establish a durable monarchy was the fact that 
 neither of them understood the temperament of the people they were called 
 •upon to govern. The few representations we possess of the Hebrews of this 
 period depict them as closely resembling the nations which inhabited Southern 
 .Syria at the time of the Egyptian occupation. They belong to the type with 
 which the monuments have made us familiar ; they are distinguished by an 
 aquiline nose, projecting cheek-bones, and curly hair and beard. They were 
 vigorous, hardy, and inured to fatigue, but though they lacked those qualities 
 of discipline and obedience which are the characteristics of true warrior races, 
 David had not hesitated to employ them in war; they were neither sailors, 
 builders, nor given to commerce and industries, and yet Solomon built 
 fleets, raised palaces and a temple, and undertook maritime expeditions, and 
 
 ' 1 Kings xii. 1-24 ; cf. 2 Chron. x., xi. 1-4. The text of 1 Kings xii. 20 expressly says, " there 
 was none that followed the house of David but the tribe of Judah only ; " whereas the following 
 verse, which some think to have been added by another hand, adds that Kehoboani assembled 180,000 
 men " which -were warriors" from " tlie house of Judah and the tribe of Benjamin." 
 
THE HEBREW KINGDOM DIVIDED. 
 
 753 
 
 financial circumstances seemed for the moment to be favourable. The onward 
 progress of Assyria towards the Mediterranean lind been arrested by the 
 Hittites, Egypt was in a condition of lethargy, the Aramaean populations 
 were fretting away their energies in internal dissensions; David, having 
 encountered no serious opposition after his 
 victory over the Philistines, liad extended 
 his conquests and increased the area of his 
 kingdom, and the interested assistance whicli 
 Tyre afterwards gave to Solomon enabled the 
 latter to realise his dreams of luxury and royal 
 magnificence. But the kingdom which had been 
 created by David and Solomon rested solely on 
 their individual efforts, and its continuance 
 could be ensured only by bequeathing it to 
 descendants who had sufficient energy and pru- 
 dence to consolidate its weaker elements, and 
 build up the tottering materials which were constantly tlireatening to fall 
 asunder. As soon as the government had passed into the hands of the 
 weakling Rehoboam, who had at the outset departed from his predecessors' 
 policy, the component parts of the kingdom, which had for a few years been lield 
 together, now became disintegrated without a shoc-k, and as if by mutual 
 consent. The old order of things which existed in the time of the Judges had 
 passed away with the death of Saul. The advantages which ensued from a 
 monarchical regime were too apparent to permit of its being set aside, and the 
 tribes who had been bound together by nearly half a century of obedience to 
 a common master now resolved themselves, according to their geographical 
 positions, into two masses of unequal numbers and extent — Judah in the 
 south, together with the few clans who remained loyal to the kingly house, 
 and Israel in the north and the regions beyond Jordan, occupying three- 
 fourths of the territory which had belonged to David and Solomon. 
 
 Israel, in spite of its extent and population, did not enjoy the predominant 
 position which we might have expected at the beginning of its independent 
 existence. It had no political unity, no capital in which to concentrate its 
 resources, no temple, and no army ; it represented the material out of which 
 a state could be formed rather than one already constituted. It was sub- 
 divided into three groups, formerly independent of, and almost strangers tu 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucbei-Gudin, from a photograph by Petrie ; it is the captive who represents the town 
 of Ganoti in the lists of Sheshouq at Karnak. Cf. another type taken from the same list, viz. that 
 which corresponds to the town of Jud-hammelek, and which is considered tu be the portrait of Rehoboam 
 (p. 773, note 3, of the present work), given as the head-piece to the summary of this chapter, p. 671. 
 
754 TEE HEBREWS AND TEE PEILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 each other, and between whom neither David nor Solomon had been able 
 to establish any bond which would enable them to forget their former isolation. 
 The centre group was composed of the House of Joseph — Ephraira, Ben- 
 jamin, and Manasseh — and comprised the old fortresses of Perea, Mahauaim, 
 Penuel, Succoth, and Eamoth, ranged in a line running parallel with the 
 Jordan. In the eastern group were the semi-nomad tribes of Keuben and 
 Gad, who still persisted in the pastoral habits of their ancestors, and remained 
 indifferent to the various revolutions which had agitated their race for several 
 generations. Finally, in the northern group lay the smaller tribes of Asher, 
 Naphtali, Issachar, Zebulon, and Dan, hemmed in between the Phoenicians and 
 the Aramaeans of Zoba and Damascus. Each group had its own traditions, 
 its own interests often opposed to those of its neighbours, and its own peculiar 
 mode of life, which it had no intention of renouncing for any one else's benefit. 
 The difficulty of keeping these groups together became at once apparent. 
 Shechem had been the first to revolt against Eehoboam ; it was a large and 
 populous town, situated almost in the centre of the newly formed state, and 
 the seat of an ancient oracle, both of which advantages seemed to single it out 
 as the future capital. But its very importance, and the memories of its former 
 greatness under Jerubbaal and Abimelech, were against it. Built in the western 
 territory belonging to Manasseh, the eastern and northern clans would at once 
 object to its being chosen, on the ground that it would humiliate them before 
 the House of Joseph, in the same manner as the selection of Jerusalem had 
 tended to make them subservient to Judah. Jeroboam would have endangered 
 his cause by fixing on it as his capital, and he therefore soon quitted it to 
 establish himself at Tirzah. It is true that the latter town was also situated 
 in the mountains of Ephraim, but it was so obscure and insignificant a place that 
 it disarmed all jealousy ; the new king therefore took up his residence in 
 it, since he was forced to fix on some royal abode, but it never became 
 for him what Jerusalem was to his rival, a capital at once religious and 
 military. He had his own sanctuary and priests at Tirzah, as was but 
 natural, but had he attempted to found a temple which would have attracted 
 the whole population to a common worship, he would have excited jealousies 
 which would have been fatal to his authority. On the other hand, Solomon's 
 temple had in its short period of existence not yet acquired such a prestige as 
 to prevent Jeroboam's drawing his people away from it : which he determined 
 to do from a fear that contact with Jerusalem would endanger the allegiance of 
 his subjects to his person and family. Such concourses of worshippers, assem- 
 bling at periodic intervals from all parts of the country, soon degenerated into 
 a kind of fair, in which commercial as well as religious motives had their part. 
 These gatherings formed a source of revenue to the prince in whose capital they 
 
OBGANISATION OF THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL. 
 
 755 
 
 TUE MOL.NU AM) ll.AIN OK llKTIltL. ' 
 
 were held, and financial as well as political considerations required that periodical 
 assemblies should be established in Israel similar to those which attracted 
 Judah to Jerusalem. Jeroboam adopted a plan which while safeguarding 
 the interests of his treasury, prevented his becoming unpopular with his 
 own subjects ; as he was unable to have a temple for himself alone, he chose 
 two out of the most venerated ancient sanctuaries, that of Dan for the northern 
 tribes, and that of Bethel, oil the Judaian frontier, for the tribes of the east 
 and centre. He made two calves of gold, one for each place, and said to the 
 people, " It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem ; behold thy gods, O 
 Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt." He granted the 
 sanctuaries certain appanages, and established a priesthood answering to that 
 which officiated in the rival kingdom : " whosoever would he consecrated him, 
 that there might be priests of the high places." - "While Jeroboam thus 
 endeavoured to strengthen himself on the throne by adapting the monarchy 
 to the temperament of the tribes over which he ruled, Rehoboam took measures 
 to regain his lost ground and restore the unity which he himself had destroyed. 
 He recruited the army which had been somewhat neglected in the latter years 
 of his father, restored the walls of the cities which had remained faithful to 
 him, and fortified the places which constituted his frontier defences against 
 the Israelites* His ambition was not as foolish as we might be tempted to 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the photograph published by the Dec de Lcynes, Voyage cCExploration 
 ii la mer Morte, vol. iii. pi. 23. 
 
 » 1 Kings xii. 25-32 ; chaps, xii. 33, xiii., xiv. 1-18 contain, side by side with the narrative of 
 facts, such as the death of Jeroboam's son, comments on the religious conduct of the sovereign, which 
 some regard as being of later date. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xii. 21-24 ; cf. 2 Citron, xi. 1-17, where the list of strongholds, wanting in the Book of 
 
756 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES—DAMASCUS. 
 
 imagine. He had soldiers, charioteers, generals, skilled in the art of war, 
 well-filled storehouses, the remnant of the wealth of Solomon, and, as a last 
 resource, the gold of the temple at Jerusalem. He ruled over the same 
 extent of territory as that possessed by David after the death of Saul, but 
 the means at his disposal were incontestably greater than those of his grand- 
 father, and it is possible that he might in the end have overcome Jeroboam, 
 as David overcame Ishbosheth, had not the intervention of Egypt discon- 
 certed his plans, and, by exhausting his material forces, struck a death-blow 
 to all his hopes. 
 
 The century and a half which had elapsed since the death of the last of 
 the Ramessides had, as far as we can ascertain, been troubled by civil wars and 
 revolutions.^ The imperious Egypt of the Theban dynasties had passed away, 
 but a new Egypt had arisen, not without storm and struggle, in its place. As 
 long as the campaigns of the Pharaohs had been confined to the Nile valley 
 and the Oases, Thebes had been the natural centre of the kingdom ; placed 
 almost exactly between the Mediterranean and the southern frontier, it had 
 been both the national arsenal and the treasure-house to which all foreign 
 wealth had found its way from the Persian Gulf to the Sahara, and from the 
 coasts of Asia Minor to the equatorial swamps. The cities of the Delta, lying 
 on the frontier of those peoples with whom Egypt now held but little inter- 
 course, possessed neither the authority nor the resources of Thebes ; even 
 Memphis, to which the prestige of her ancient dynasties still clung, occupied 
 but a secondary place beside her rival. The invasion of the shepherds, by 
 
 Kings, is given from an ancient source. The writer affirms, in harmony with the ideas of his time, 
 "that the Levites left their suburbs and their possession, and came to Judah and Jerusalem ; for 
 Jeroboam and his sons cast them off, that they should not execute the Priest's office unto the Lord." 
 
 ' I have mentioned above, on p. 482, the uncertainty which still shrouds the XX"' dynasty. 
 The following is the order in which I proposed, eight years ago, that its kings should be 
 placed {Leu Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the Me'moires de la Mission Franraise, vol. i. 
 p. 662) :— 
 
 I. NAKHTUSiT-MlAMON, UsiUMAlii-MlAMON. 
 
 II. Eamses III. Haq-nCtib-onO, Usirmari- 
 
 MIAMON. 
 
 III. Eamses IV. MAiTi-sjiAMON, UsirmarI - 
 
 IV. Kamses V. Amonhikhopshuf-miamon, Usir- 
 
 MAUi-SAKHPIKXIEI. 
 
 V. Eamses IV. AaioNHiKHorsHUF-HAQ-NUTiE- 
 
 ONc, Nibmari-miamon. 
 VI. Eamses VII. Atamon-haq-nhtir-onu, Usir- 
 
 MAEI-MIAMON-SOTPUNIRi. 
 
 VII. Eamses VIII. Sithikhopshuf-miamon, 
 
 UslRMARi-IiHUNIAMON. 
 VIII. MAIiiTUMTJ-MIAMON 
 
 IX. Eamses IX. Siphtah, SAKHANiRi-MiAMON. 
 X. Eamses X. MJamon, Nofirkeuri-sotpu- 
 
 NIRi. 
 
 XI. Easises XI. Amenhikhopshuf, Khopir- 
 mari-sotpuniri. 
 XII. Eamses XII. KHXMoisiT-HAQ-Nf:TiR-ONu- 
 mJamon, Makmari-sotpCniphtah. 
 
 For another possible classification of the earlier Pharaohs of this dynasty, see the observations of 
 K. Sethe, Untersuehungen zur Gesch. und Alterthumslcunde ^gyptens, pp. 59-64. The XX"' dynasty 
 lasted for about a hundred and forty years, from 1220 to 1080 B.C. 
 
THE XXr' DYNASTY AND TEE DECADENCE OF THEBES. 757 
 
 making the Thebaid the refuge and last bulwark of the Egyptian nation, increased 
 its importance : in the critical times of the struggle, Thebes was not merely 
 the foremost city in the country, it represented the country itself, and the 
 heart of Egypt may be said to have throbbed within its walls. The victories 
 of Ahmosis, the expeditions of Thutmosis I. and Thutmosis III., enlarged her 
 horizon ; her Pharaohs crossed the isthmus of Suez, they conquered Syria, sub- 
 dued the valleys of the Euphrates and the Balikh, and by so doing increased 
 her wealth and her splendour. Her streets witnessed during two centuries 
 processions of barbarian prisoners laden with the spoils of conquest. But with 
 the advent of the XIX*'' and XX'" dynasties came anxious times ; the peoples of 
 Syria and Libya, long kept in servitude, at length rebelled, and the long distance 
 between Karnak and Gaza soon began to be irksome to princes who had to be 
 constantly on the alert on the Canaanite frontier, and who found it impossible 
 to have their head-quarters six hundred miles from the scene of hostilities. 
 Hence it came about that liamses II., Minephtah, and Ramses III. all took 
 up their abode in the Delta during the greater part of their active life ; they 
 restored its ancient towns und founded new ones, which soon acquired con- 
 siderable wealth by foreign commerce.^ The centre of government of the 
 empire, which, after the dissolution of the old Memphite state, had been re- 
 moved southwards to Thebes on account of the conquest of Ethiopia and the 
 encroachment of Theban civilization upon Nubia and the Sudan, now gradually 
 returned northwards, and passing over Heliopolis, which had exercised a 
 transitory supremacy, at length established itself in the Delta. Tauis, Bubastis, 
 Sais, Mendes, and Sebennytos all disputed the honour of forming the royal 
 residence, and all in turn during the course of ages enjoyed the privilege 
 without ever rising to the rank of Thebes, or producing any sovereigns to be 
 compared with those of her triumphant dynasties. Tanis was, as we have seen, 
 the first of these to rule the whole of the Nile valley.-^ Its prosperity had 
 continued to increase from the time that Ramses II. began to rebuild it ; 
 the remaining inhabitants of Avaris, mingled with the natives of pure race 
 and the prisoners of war settled there, had furnislied it with an active and 
 industrious population, which had considerably increased during the peaceful 
 reigns of the XX"' dynasty. The surrounding country, drained and cultivated 
 by unremitting efforts, became one of the most fruitful parts of the Delta ; 
 there was a large exportation of fish and corn, to which were soon added the 
 various products of its manufactories, such as linen and woollen stuffs, 
 
 ' For the impulse given to the towns of the Dulta under the XIX"' ami XX"' dynasties see 
 tupm, pp. 423, 424, 475, 476. 
 
 ' The little that is knowu of the circumstances connected with the rise of the Tanite dynasty 
 will be found tupra, pp. 502-50.5. 
 
758 THE HEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 ornaments, and objects in glass and in precious metals.^ These were embarked 
 on Egyptian or Phoenician galleys, and were exchanged in the ports of the 
 Mediterranean for Syrian, Asiatic, or ^gean commodities, which were then 
 transmitted by the Egyptian merchants to the countries of the East and to 
 Northern Africa.^ The port of Tanis was one of the most secure and con- 
 venient which existed at that period. It was at sufficient distance from the 
 coast to be safe from the sudden attacks of pirates,^ and yet near enough to 
 permit of its being reached from the open by merchantmen in a few hours of 
 easy navigation ; the arms of the Nile, and the canals which here flowed into 
 the sea, were broad and deep, and, so long as they were kept well dredged, 
 would allow the heaviest-laden vessel of large draught to make its way 
 up them with ease. The site of the town was not less advantageous for 
 overland traffic. Tanis was the first important station encountered by caravans 
 after crossing the frontier at Zalu,* and it offered them a safe and convenient 
 emporium for the disposal of their goods in exchange for the riches of Egypt 
 and the Delta. The combination of so many advantageous features on one 
 site tended to the rapid development of both civic and individual wealth ; 
 in less than three centuries after its rebuilding by Ramses II., Tanis had 
 risen to a position which enabled its sovereigns to claim even the obedience of 
 Thebes itself. 
 
 We know very little of the history of this Tanite dynasty ; the monuments 
 have not revealed the names of all its kings, and much difficulty is experienced 
 in establishing the sequence of those already brought to light.^ Their actual 
 domain barely extended as far as Siut, but their suzerainty was acknowledged 
 
 ' The immense number of designs taken from aquatic plants, as, for instance, the papyrus and 
 the lotus, single or in groups, as well as from fish and aquatic birds, which we observe on objects of 
 Phoenician goldsmiths' work, leads me to believe that the Tyrian and Sidonian artists borrowed most 
 of their inodels from the Delta, and doubtless from Tanis, the most flourishing town of the Delta 
 during the centuries following the downfall of Thebes. 
 
 * It was from Tanis that the Egyptian vessel set out carrying the messengers of Hrihor to 
 Byblos ; cf. supra, pp. 582, 583. 
 
 ' We may judge of the security afforded by such a position by the account in Homer (^Odyssey, 
 xiv. 185-359) which Ulysses gives to Eumaios of his pretended voyage to Egypt ; the Greeks having 
 disembarked, and being scattered over the country, were attacked by the Egyptians before they 
 could capture a town or carry their booty to the ships. Cf., for these legends. Mallet, Les Premiers 
 gtahlissementi des Grecs en Egypte, p. 12, et seq. 
 
 * For the eastern frontier of the Delta and the station at Zalu, cf. supra, pp. 122, 123. 
 
 ' The classification of the Tanite line has been complicated in the minds of most Egyptologists 
 by the tendency to ignore the existence of the sacerdotal dynasty of high priests, to confuse with the 
 Tanite Pliaraohs those of the high priests who bore the crown, and to identify in the lists of Manetho 
 (more or less corrected) the names they are in search of I have discussed the various systems 
 proposed, even to those of Lepsius and Wiedemann, in the Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari {Memoires 
 de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. p. 640, et seq.), and I have also endeavoured to show the contem- 
 poraneousness of the two families in a clearer way than has been hitherto done. Daressy has added 
 new facts to those I had already pointed out, but he has made the mistake of supposing Painotmii to 
 have been of the Tanite line (Contribution a V Etude de la XXI dynastie, in the Bevue Archa'ologique, 
 
THE RELATIONS OF THE THEBANS WITH THE TANITES. 75^> 
 
 by the Said as well as by all or part of Ethiopia,^ and the Tanite Pharaohs 
 maintained their authority with such vigour, that they had it in their power on 
 several occasions to expel the high priests of Anion, and to restore, at least for 
 a time, the unity of the empire. To accomplish this, it would have been 
 sufficient for them to have assumed the priestly dignity at Thebes, and this 
 was what no doubt took place at times when a vacancy in the high priesthood 
 occurred ; but it was merely in an interim, and the Tanite sovereigns always 
 relinquished the office, after a brief lapse of time, in favour of some member of 
 the family of Hrihor whose right of primogeniture entitled him to succeed to it.^ 
 It indeed seemed as if custom and religious etiquette had made the two offices 
 of the pontificate and the royal dignity incompatible for one individual to hold 
 simultaneously. The priestly duties had become marvellously complicated 
 during the Theban hegemony, and the minute observances which they entailed 
 absorbed the whole life of those who dedicated themselves to their perform- 
 ance." They had daily to fulfil a multitude of rites, distributed over the various 
 hours in such a manner that it seemed impossible to find leisure for any fresh 
 occupation without encroaching on the time allotted to absolute bodily needs. 
 The high priest rose each morning at an appointed hour ; he had certain times 
 for taking food, for recreation, for giving audience, for dispensing justice, for 
 attending to worldly affairs, and for relaxation with his wives and children ; 
 
 189C, vol. xxviii. pp. 72-90). A fresh examinatiou of the subject has led mo to adopt provisioually 
 the following order for the series of Tanite kings : — 
 
 From the Monuments. 
 
 1. NsbindIdi-mJamon, UazkhopirkJ-sotpCnibi. 
 
 2. PsiOKBiNNiT I. M!amon, Akuopikui-sotpOniamon. 
 
 3. AMENEMOPlT-MiAMON, UsiKMARf-SOTPCNIAMON. 
 
 4. SiAMON-MiAMON, NCtirkhopikb!-sotpCniamon. 
 
 5. Hon-PsiCKiiANNiT ir. MJamon, Uaziiiqri. 
 
 The dynasty mnst have reigned about a hundred and forty years, from cir. 1080 to 940 b.c. ; but these, 
 of course, are merely approximate dates. 
 ' Cf. guyra, p. 5t>4. 
 
 ' This is only true if the personage who entitles himself once within a cartouche, " tlie Sliister of 
 the two lands, First Prophet of Amon, Psiftkhunuit " (Wiedemann, Zur XXI. Dynastie Manelho'*, iu 
 the Zet<gcAr»/t, 1888, p. 88; Maspero, Let Momiet roijalet de Deir el-Bahari, in tho M^moires de la 
 Mission F'Tangaise, vol. i. pp. 679, 728), is really the Tanite king, and not the lii^h priest Psiukhannit 
 (cf. pp. 761, 762 of the present volume), as Daressy is inclined to think (Contribulions it I higtoirc 
 de la XXI' dynastie, p. 17). 
 
 ' The first book of Diodorus contains a picture of the life of the kings of Egypt (i. 70, 71), which, 
 in common with much information contained in the work, is taken from a lost book of Hecatseus. 
 The historical romance written by the latter appears to have been composed from information taken 
 from Theban sources. The comparison of it with the inscribed monuments and the ritual of the 
 cultus of Amon proves that the ideal description given in this work of the life of the kings, merely 
 reproduces the chief characteristics of the lives of the Tiicban and Etliiopian high priests ; iience 
 the greater part of the minute observances which we remark therein apply to the latter only, and 
 not to the Pharaohs properly so called. 
 
 From Manetuo. 
 
 1. Smendes 26 years 
 
 2. Psocsennes 1 46 „ 
 
 3. Xephelkiiebes .... 4 „ 
 
 4. Amenophthis .... 9 „ 
 
 5. OsOKHou (■> „ 
 
 6. PSINAKHES 9 .. 
 
 7. Psousennes II. ... 30 „ 
 
760 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 at night he kept watch, or rose at intervals to prepare for the various cere- 
 monies which could only be celebrated at sunrise. He was responsible for the 
 superintendence of the priests of Amon in the numberless festivals held in honour 
 of the gods, from which he could not absent himself except for some legitimate 
 reason. From all this it will be seen how impossible it was for a lay king, like 
 the sovereign ruling at Tanis, to submit to such restraints beyond a certain 
 point ; his patience would soon have become exhausted, want of practice would 
 have led him to make slips or omissions, rendering the rites null and void ; ^ 
 and the temporal affairs of his kingdom — internal administration, justice, 
 finance, commerce, and war — made such demands upon his time, that he was 
 obliged as soon as possible to find a substitute to fulfil his religious duties. 
 The force of circumstances therefore maintained the line of Theban high 
 priests side by side with their sovereigns, the Tanite kings. They were, it is 
 true, dangerous rivals, both on account of the wealth of their fief and of the 
 immense prestige which they enjoyed in Egypt, Ethiopia, and in all the nomes 
 devoted to the worship of Amon.- They were allied to the elder branch of 
 the Eamessides, and had thus inherited such near rights to the crown that 
 Smendes had not hesitated to concede to Hrihor the cartouches, the preamble, 
 and insignia of the Pharaoh, including the pschent and the iron helmet inlaid 
 with gold.3 This concession, however, had been made as a personal favour, and 
 extended only to the lifetime of Hrihor, without holding good, as a matter 
 of course, for his successors; his son Pionkhi had to confine himself to 1 the 
 priestly titles,* and his grandson Painotmu enjoyed the kingly privileges only 
 during part of his life,'' doubtless in consequence of his marriage Avith a certain 
 Makeri, probably daughter of Psiukhannit I., the Tanite king." Makeri 
 apparently died soon after, and the discovery of her coffin in the hiding-place 
 at Deir el-Bahari reveals the fact of her death in giving birth to a little 
 daughter who did not survive her, and who rests in the same coffin beside 
 
 ' Cf. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 124-127. 
 
 ^ The limits of the Theban state have beeu defined, supra, pp. 563, 564 ; for the remarkable exten- 
 sion of the cultus of Amon, cf. ibid., p. 300. 
 
 ' For this restricted royalty of Hrihor, cf. supra, pp. 503-565. 
 
 ■* The only monument of this prince as yet known (Maspero, Notes sur quelques points de Gram- 
 maire et d'Histoire, in the Zeitschrift, 1883, p. 62) gives liim merely the usual titles of the high priest, 
 and the inscriptions of his son Painotmu I. style him "First Prophet of Amon." His name should 
 probably be read Paioniikhi or Pioniikhi, rather tlian Pionkhi or Piankhi. It is not unlikely that 
 some of the papyri published by Spiegelberg date from his pontificate (Spiegelberg, Gorrespondances 
 du temps des rois-pretres, etc., pp. 10, 11). 
 
 * Cf. the history of his protocol in Maspero, Les Mamies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the M^moires 
 de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. p. 679, et seq. 
 
 " For Makeri and the monuments remaining of her reign, see Wiedemann, JEgyptische Gesch., 
 p. 534, and Maspero, Les Mornies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the Mcfmoires de la Mission Franyaise, 
 vol. i. pp. 577, 692-698. 
 
THE LINE OF THE BAN HIGH PRIESTS. 7GI 
 
 the mummy of her mother.^ Noue of the successors of Painotmu — Masahirti, 
 Manakhpirri, Painotmu II., Psiukhannit, Nsbindidi — enjoyed a similar dis- 
 tinction, and if one of them happened to surround his name with a cartouche, it 
 was done surreptitiously, without the authority of the sovereign.^ Painotmu II. 
 contented himself witli drawing attention to his connection witli the reigning 
 
 THE MU.IIMIES OF Ijl l'-EN SlAKKKl AND 111:11 ( Hll.l).' 
 
 house, and styled liimself " Royal Son of Psiukhannit-Miamon," on account of 
 his ancestress ^lakeri having been the daughter of the Pharaoh Psiukhannit.* 
 The relationship of which he boasted was u distant one, but many of his 
 contemporaries who claimed to be of the line of Sesostris, and called them- 
 selves " royal sons of Ramses," traced their descent from a far more remote 
 ancestor. The death of one high priest, or the appointment of his successor, 
 was often the occasion of disturbances ; the jealousies between his children by 
 the same or by different wives were as bitter as those which existed in the 
 palace of tlie Pharaohs, and the suzerain himself was obliged at times to inter- 
 fere in order to restore peace. It was owing to an intervention of this kind tliat 
 
 ' Maspero, I^i Momits rnyalet dn Deir el-Bahari, in the M^moiret de la MMon Fran^aite, vol. i. 
 p. 577. 
 
 ' Manakhpirri often places his name in a square cartouche which tends at tinaes to become au 
 oval (Maspebo, Le» Momies royales, etc., pp. 702-704), hut this is the case only on somo pieces of stuflf 
 rolled round a mummy and on some bricks concealed in the walls of el-Hibeh, Thebes, and Gebelein. 
 If the " Pbiftkhannit, High Priest of Amon," who once (to our knowledge) enclosed his name in a 
 cartouche, is really a high priest, and not a king (of. gu/jra, p. 759, note 2), his case would be analogous 
 to that of Manakhpirri. 
 
 ' Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from a photograph by Erail Brugsch-Bey ; cf. M aspeijo, Les Momie» 
 royales, etc., pi. xix. is. 
 
 • The example of the " royal sons of Ramses " (cf. mpra, pp. 564, 565) explains tiie variant which 
 makes " Painotmfl, son of Manakhpirri," into '• Painotmu, royal .son of Psiukhannit-Miamon " 
 (Maspero, Les Momies royales, etc., pj). .")70, 708-710; Daressy, Contribution !i I'hisloire d> la XXI' 
 Dynattie, pp. 4-6). 
 
762 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 Manakhpirri was called on to replace his brother Masahirti. A section of the 
 Theban population had revolted, but the rising had been put down by the 
 Tanite Siamon, and its leaders banished to the Oasis ; Manakhpirri had there- 
 upon been summoned to court and officially invested with the pontificate in 
 the XXV"^ year of the king's reign. But on his return to Karnak, the new 
 high priest desired to heal old feuds, and at once recalled the exiles.^ Troubles 
 and disorders appeared to beset the Thebans, and, like the last of the Eamessides, 
 they were engaged in a perpetual struggle against robbers.^ The town, de- 
 prived of its former influx of foreign spoil, became more and more impoverished, 
 and its population gradually dwindled. The necropolis suffered increasingly 
 from pillagers, and the burying-places of the kings were felt to be in such 
 danger, that the authorities, despairing of being able to protect them, with- 
 drew the mummies from their resting-places. The bodies of Seti I., Kamses II., 
 and Ramses III. were once more carried down the valley, and, after various 
 removals, were at length huddled together for safety in the tomb of Amenothes 
 I. at Drah-abu'l-Neggah.^ 
 
 The Tanite Pharaohs seemed to have lacked neither courage nor good will. 
 The few monuments which they have left show that to some extent they carried 
 on the works begun by their predecessors. An unusually high inundation had 
 injured the temple at Karnak, the foundations had been denuded by the water, 
 and serious damage would have been done, had not the work of reparation 
 been immediately undertaken. Nsbindidi reopened the sandstone quarries 
 between Erment and Gebelein, from which Seti I. had obtained the building 
 materials for the temple, and drew from thence what was required for the repair 
 of the edifice.* Two of the descendants of Nsbindidi, Psiukhannit I. and 
 
 ' This appears in the Marnier Stele preserved for some time in the " Maisou rran9aise " at 
 Luxor, and now removed to the Louvre. It was published and translated by Betjgsch, Becueil de 
 Monuments, vol. i. pi. xsii. pp. 39, 40 ; Beise nach der Grossen Oase el Eliargeh, pi. xxii. pp. 86-88 ; and 
 Gesch. Mgyptens, pp. 645-649. 
 
 2 The series of high priests side by side with the sovereigns of the XXI~' dynasty may be 
 
 provisionally arranged as follows : — 
 
 Thebans. Tanites. 
 I. Heihoe Honndtib-ni-amon, Siamon-miamon Smendes. 
 
 ir. PlONKHI j 
 
 III. PaiNOTSIU I. MlAMON, KhOPIEKHEEI-SOTPCnIAMON . . . > PsiUKHlNNiT I. 
 
 IV. Masahieti ' 
 
 V. Maxakhpirei j Amenemopit. 
 
 VI. Painotmu II I Siamon. 
 
 VII. Nsbindidi ? ) Psiukhannit II. 
 
 VIII. PsiOKH.\\NiT 
 
 This is the table drawn up by Maspeeo, Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bahart, p. 729, partly corrected 
 by fresh information given by Daeessy, Contrihulim a I'histoire de la XXF Dynasty, p. 18. 
 
 ' This follows from the legal documents found on several royal mummies (Maspeeo, Les Momies 
 royales, etc., in the Me'moires de la Mission Frangaise, vol. i. pp. 554, 559). 
 
 * Daresst, Les Carrieres de GeheUin et le roi Smendes, in tlie Becueil de Travaux, vol. x. pp 133- 
 138 ; Maspero, A Stele of King Smendes, in the Becords of the Past, 2nd series, vol. v. pp. 17-24. 
 
THE TANITE PHARAOHS. 
 
 Amenemopit, remodelled the little temple built by Kheops in honour of hi& 
 daughter Honitsouu, at the south-east angle of his pyramid.^ Both Siamon- 
 miamon and Psiukhaunit I. have left traces of their work at Memphis, and 
 the latter inserted his cartouches on two of the obelisks raised by Eamses at 
 Heliopolis.'^ But these were only minor undertakings, and it is at Tanis that 
 we must seek the most characteristic examples of their activity. Here it 
 was that Psiukhannit rebuilt the brick ramparts which defended the city,, 
 and decorated several of the halls of the great temple.** The pylons of this 
 sanctuary had been merely begun by Sesostris : Siamon completed them, and 
 added the sphinxes ; and the metal plaques and small objects which he con- 
 cealed under the base of one of the latter have been brought to light in the 
 course of excavations.* The appropriation of the monuments of other kings, 
 which we have remarked under former dynasties, was also practised by the 
 Tanites. Siamon placed his inscriptions over those of the Ramessides,^ and 
 Psiiikhannit engraved his name on the sphinxes and statues of Amenemhait III. 
 as unscrupulously as Apophis and the Hyksos had done before him." The 
 Tanite sovereigns, however, were not at a loss for artists, and they had revived^ 
 after the lapse of centuries, the traditions of the local school which ha«l 
 flourished during the XIl"- dynasty. One of the groups, executed by order of 
 Psiukhannit, has escaped destruction, and is now in the Gizeh Museum. It 
 represents two figures of the Nile, marching gravely shoulder to shoulder, and 
 
 ' From this templo came the fragmuuis reprfnluced by Mariette, Monuments divert, pL Wl b, c ; 
 cf. Maspeuo, Guide du Visileur au Mus^e de Boulaq, p. 423, und the part of an inscription now at 
 Berlin (Lepsius, tfber die XXI. Manethonische KOnigsdynaslie, in the ZeiUchri/l, 1882, p. 106). 
 Manetho transcribes the name Amenemopit as Amenophtis, which supposes a variant Amenupili, a 
 form actually found on some private stelte ; the usual transcription of the Egyptian name Amenem- 
 Opit is Amenophis (Wiedemann, Zur XXI. Dynastie Manetho' », in the Zeit*chrift, 1S82, i>p. 86-88). 
 but this form is most often erroneously used to transcribe Amenhotpu instead of Amenothes (cf. »uj>ra, 
 p. 94, note 2). 
 
 ' Block from Memphis bearing tho name of Siamon, in Brugsoh's Reeueil de Monuments, vol. i. 
 pi. iv., No. 3 ; obelisks from Alexandria now at London and New York, see Lepsius, op. cit., p. 104. 
 The two cartouches of Siamon have been generally assigned to Hrihor, and were thought to represent 
 the royal protocol of this king used outside Thebes, in Lower Egypt (Naville, Inscription hiitorique 
 de Pinodjem III, p. 16, et seq. ; Wiedejianv, op. cit., p. 87, and Jigyptische Geschichle, p. j32 ; 
 Maspeko, Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bulmri, in the Me'inoires de la Mission Franguise, vol. i. p. 673). 
 Daressy has shown that Siamon must certainly be distinguished from Hrihor, and has given him hi.s 
 proper place after Amenemopit in the Tanite dynasty {Contribution ti Ve^ude de la XXI dyniintie 
 (fgyptienne, pp. 8-1(1, l(i). 
 
 ' Lepsius, Denhm., iii. 255 d; Flindeus Petrie, 7Vjni», i. p. 28, and ii. p. 13. Several plaques at 
 Gizeh bear his cartouche (Makiette, Notice des principaux monumenlt du Mus<fe de Boulaq, 1876, 
 pp. 204, 205, Nos. 545-550). 
 
 * One sphinx of Siamon is mentioned by Naville, Inscr. hist, de Pinodjem III., p. 16; cf. 
 Fl. Petrie, Tanis, ii. pp. 11, 12, 28, and pi. viii. These plaques are preserved at the Gizeh Museum 
 (Mariette, Notice des princ. mon., 1876, p. 205, Nos. 551, 552 ; Maspero, Guide du Viiitcur, etc., p. 93, 
 No. 3778) ; Vassalli tells me several more have been discovered at the angle of one of the pylons. 
 
 ' Flinders Petrie, Tanis, ii. p. 28. 
 
 • Sphinx in the Gizeh Museum, in Mariette, Notice des princ. mon., 1876, p. 264, Nos. 11. 13; 
 Maspebo, Guide du Visileur, etc., pp. 04, 65 : cf. what is said of these spliinxes in the Baton of 
 Cifilizntion, pp. 501, 502, and supra, ]>. 5!'. 
 
7G4 
 
 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 carrying in front of them tables of offerings, ornamented with fish and garnished 
 with flowers. The stone in which they are executed is of an extraordinary 
 hardness, but the sculptor lias, notwithstanding, succeeded in 
 carving and polishing it with a skill which does credit 
 to his proficiency in his craft. The general effect of 
 the figures is a little heavy, but the detail is excel- 
 lent, and the correctness of pose, precision in model- 
 ling, and harmony of proportion are beyond criticism. 
 The heads present a certain element of strangeness. 
 
 The artist evidently took as his model, as 
 far as type and style of head-dress are con- 
 cerned, the monuments of Amenemhait III. 
 which he saw around him; indeed, he pro- 
 bably copied one of them feature for feature. 
 He has reproduced the severity of expression, 
 the firm mouth, the projecting cheek-bones, 
 the long hair and fan- shaped beard of his 
 model, bat he has not been able to imitate 
 the broad and powerful treatment of the older 
 artists ; his method of execution has a 
 certain hardness and conventionality which 
 we never see to the same extent in the 
 statues of the XII"' dynasty. The work 
 TiiL TWO MLLs, OF TANis.' j^^^ howevor, au extremely interesting one, 
 
 and we are tempted to wish that many more such monuments had been 
 saved from the ruins of the city.'-^ The Pharaoh who dedicated it was a 
 great builder, and, like most of his predecessors with similar tastes, some- 
 what of a conqueror. The sovereigns of the XXI^' dynasty, though they 
 never undertook any distant campaigns, did not neglect to keep up a kind 
 of suzerainty over the Philistine Shephelah to which they still laid claim. 
 The expedition which one of them, probably Psiukhannit II., led against 
 Gezer, the alliance with the Hebrews and the marriage of a royal princess 
 with Solomon, must all have been regarded at the court of Tanis as a partial 
 revival of the former Egyptian rule in Syria.'' The kings were, however, obliged 
 
 ' Drawn by FaucLei-Griidin, tiom a photograph by Emil Brugsch-Bey. 
 
 2 Mariette attributes this group to the Hyksos (Deuxieme lettre a M. le vicomte de Rouge sur les 
 jouilles de Tanis, pp. 5-7, and pi. v., vi., and Notice des principaux monuments, 186-1, No. 1-1, pp. 2G4, 
 265); I have already expressed {Arclie'ologie Egyptienne, p. 217) the opinion that it dates from tlie 
 XXI"' dynasty. Cf. supra, p. 55, note 8. 
 
 ^ For the taking of Gezer, the marriage of a daughter of Pharaoh to Solomon, and the deductious 
 which can be drawn from it as to tlie relative positions of Egypt and tiie Hebrew kingdom towards 
 the end of the XXI'* dynasty, cf. supra, p. 738, and infra, p. 772. 
 
THE LIBYAN MERCENARIES. 7(jr> 
 
 to rest content with small results, for though their battalions were sufficiently- 
 numerous and well disciplined to overcome the Canaanite chiefs, or even 
 the Israelite kingdom, it is to be doubted whether they were strong enough to 
 attack the troops of the Aramaean or Hittite princes, who had a highly organised 
 military system, modelled on that of Assyria. Egyptian arms and tactics had not 
 made much progress since the great campaigns of the Tlieban conquerors ; the 
 military authorities still complacently trusted to their chariots and their light 
 troops of archers at a period when the whole success of a campaign was decided 
 by heavily armed infantry, and when cavalry had already begun to change 
 the issue of battles. The decadence of the military spirit in Egypt had been 
 particularly marked in all classes under the later Ramessides, and the native 
 militia, without exception, were reduced to a mere rabble — courageous, it is 
 true, and able to sell their lives dearly when occasion demanded, rather than 
 give way before the enemy, but entirely lacking that enthusiasm and resolution 
 which sweep all obstacles before them. The chariotry had not degenerated in 
 the same way, thanks to the care with which the Pharaoh and his vassals kept 
 up the* breeding of suitable horses in the training stables of the principal 
 towns. Egypt provided Solomon with draught-horses, and with strong yet 
 light chariots, which he sold with advantage to the sovereigns of the Orontes 
 and the Euphrates.^ But it was the mercenaries who constituted the most 
 active and effective section of the Pharaonic armies. These troops formed the 
 backbone on which all the other elements — chariots, spearmen, and native archers 
 — were dependent. Their spirited attack carried the other troops with them, 
 and by a tremendous onslaught on the enemy at a decisive moment gave the 
 commanding general some chance of success against the better-equipped and 
 better-organised battalions that he would be sure to meet with on the plains 
 of Asia. The Tanite kings enrolled these mercenaries in large numbers; thev 
 entrusted them with the garrisoning of the principal towns, and confirmed the 
 privileges which their chiefs had received from the Ramessides, but the results 
 of such a policy were not long in manifesting themselves, and this state of 
 affairs had been barely a century in existence before Egypt became a prey 
 to the barbarians. 
 
 It would perhaps be more correct to say that it had fallen a prey to the 
 Libyans only. The Asiatics and Europeans whom the Theban Pharaohs had 
 called in to fight for them had become merged in the bulk of the nation, or 
 had died out for lack of renewal. Semites abounded, it is true, in the eastern 
 nomes of the Delta, but their presence had no effect on the military strength 
 of the country. Some had settled in the towns and villages, and were engaged 
 
 ' For the breeding stables of the Egyptians, and the chnriots whicli they were in the habit of 
 supplying to the Hebrews, see «upro, p. 216, note 1, and pp. 739, 740. 
 
7GG THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 in commerce or industry ; these included Phoeniciau,. Canaanite, Edomite, and 
 even Hebrew merchants and artisans, who had been forced to flee from their 
 own countries owing to political disturbances.'^ A certain proportion were descen- 
 dants of the Hyksos, who had been reinforced from time to time by settlements 
 of prisoners captured in battle ; they had taken refuge in the marshes as in the 
 times of Ahmosis, and there lived in a kind of semi-civilized independence, 
 refusing to pay taxes, boasting of having kept themselves from any alliances 
 with the inhabitants of the Nile valley, while their kinsmen of the older stock 
 betrayed the knowledge of their origin by such disparaging nicknames as Pa- 
 ^hmuri, " the stranger," or Pi-amu, " the Asiatic." ^ The Shardana, who had 
 constituted the body-guard of Ramses II., and whose commanders had, under 
 Eamses III., ranked with the great officers of the crown, had all but disappeared.^ 
 It had been found difficult to recruit them since the dislodgment of the People 
 of the Sea from the Delta and the Syrian littoral, and their settlement in Italy 
 and the fabulous islands of the Mediterranean ; * the adventurers from Crete 
 -and the -^gean coasts now preferred to serve under the Philistines, where 
 they found those who were akin to their own race, and from thence they passed 
 on to the Hebrews, where, under David and Solomon, they were gladly hired 
 as mercenaries.^ The Libyans had replaced the Shardana in all the offices 
 they had filled and in all the garrison towns they had occupied. The kingdom 
 of Maraiu and Kapur had not survived the defeats which it had suffered from 
 Minephtah and Ramses III.,^ but the Mashauasha who had founded it still 
 kept an active hegemony over their former subjects; hence it was that the 
 Egyptians became accustomed to look on all the Libyan tribes as branches of 
 the dominant race, and confounded all the immigrants from Libya under the 
 common name of Mashauasha.' Egypt was thus slowly flooded by Libyans ; 
 
 ' Jeroboam (1 Kings xi. 40, xii. 2, 3) and Hadad (1 Kings xi. 17-22) took refuge in this way at 
 the court of Pharaoh ; cf. supra, pp. 737, 750. 
 
 ^ On these descendants of tlie Hyksos, cf. supra, pp. 88, 89, 441, 442. On the names Pi-shmuri 
 and Pi-amu, Biahmites and Bashmurites, cf. Mariette, Melanges d' Archeologie Egyptienne et 
 Assyrienne, vol. i. pp. 91-93. 
 
 ' Cf. what is said about the Shardanian auxiliaries of Egypt, supra, pp. 372, 373, 390, 391, 479, 
 480, 489 ; tliey are not mentioned after the reign of Kamses III. 
 
 * For their migrations, cf. supra, p. 587. 
 
 * Carians or Cretans (Cherethites) formed part of David's body-guard (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, 
 XX. 23) ; one again meets with these Carian or Cretan troops in Judah in the reign of AthaliaU 
 (2 Kings xi. 4, 19). 
 
 « Cf. supra, pp. 430-436, 456-461, 470-474. 
 
 ' Eamses III. still distinguished between the Qahaka, the Tihonu, and the Mashauasha (cf. supra, 
 p. 456) ; the monuments of the XXII""* dynasty only recognise the Mashauasha, whose name they 
 curtail to Ma. The meaning of this abbreviation had been discovered by E. de Rouge, from the 
 variants on the steles of the Serapeum {Etude eur quelques monuments du regne de Tahraka, in the 
 Melanges d'Arch. Egyp. et Assyr., vol. i. p. 87); Lauth (Die Pianchi Stele, 1870, pp. 69, 70), Brugsch 
 (GescMcMe Mgyptens, p. 044, et seq.), and Krall {Die Composition und ScMclcsale des Manethonischen 
 GescMcMswerke, p. 76) believe them to be Asiatics, more particularly Assyrians. One section of the 
 ■troops, which Herodotus (II. clsiv., et seq.) called fj.dxtiJ.oi, consisted of Libyan bauds, as I shall have 
 •occasion to show later on. 
 
THE PREDOMINANCE OF LIBYAN MERCENARIES IN EGYPT. 7G7 
 
 it was a gradual invasion, which succeeded by pacific means where brute force 
 had failed. A Berber population gradually took possession of the country, 
 occupying the eastern provinces of the Delta, filling its towns — Sais, Damanhur, 
 and Marea — making its way into the Fayum, the suburbs of Heracleopolis, and 
 penetrating as far south as Abydos ; at the latter place they were not found 
 in such great numbers, but still considerable enough to leave distinct traces.^ 
 The high priests of Amon seem to have been the only personages who neglected 
 to employ this ubiquitous race ; but they preferred to use the Nubian tribe of 
 the Mazam,^ who probably from the XIP' dynasty onwards had constituted 
 
 A TKOOl' OF LIBYANS HUNTING.' 
 
 the police force of Thebes. These Libyan immigrants had adopted the 
 arts of Egypt and the externals of her civilization ; they sculptured rude 
 figures on the rocks and engraved scenes on their stone vessels, in which they 
 are represented fully armed,^ and taking part in some skirmish or attack, or 
 even a chase in the desert. The hunters are divided into two groups, each of 
 which is preceded by a different ensign— that of the West for the right wing 
 of the troop, and that of the East for the left wing. They carry the spear, the 
 
 " The settlement of Libyan colonists by Ramses III. at Hermopolis and at the entrance to the 
 Fayfim has been indicated, supra, p. 474 ; the presence in those regions of persons bearing Asiatic 
 names has been also remarked (Petkie, Kahun, Guroh and Hateara, p. 40), without drawing thence 
 any proof for the existence of Asiatic colonies in those regions. The presence of Libyans at Abydos 
 seems to be proved by the discovery in that town of the little monument here reproduced, and of 
 many objects in the same style, many of wliicli are in the Louvre or the British JIuseum. 
 
 » For the part played by the Mazaia, cf. Datcn of Civilization, p. 306, note 3, and «uj>ra. pp. 401, 
 538. I have not discovered among the personal attendants of;the descendants of Hrihor any functionary 
 bearing the title of C7uV/o/<A« itfa«Aaua«/ja; even those wlio bore it later on, under the XXII""' 
 dynasty, were always officers from the north of Egypt. It seems almost certain that Thebes always 
 avoided having Libyan troops, and never received a Mashailasha settlement. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from the original in the Louvre ; cf. Hkvzey, Une Tribu asiatique en voyage, 
 in the Revue Archeohgiqne, 1890, vol. i. pis. iv., v. 
 
 * I attribute to the Libyans, whether mercenaries or tribes hovering on the Egyptian frontier, the 
 figures cut everywhere on the rocks, which no one up till now has reproduced or studied. To tliem 
 I attribute also tiie tombs which Mr. Petrie has so successfully explored, and in wliicli he finds the 
 remains of a New Race which seems to have conquered Egypt after the VI"" dynasty : they appear 
 to be of different periods, but all belong to the Berber horsemen of the desert and the outskirts of 
 the Xile valley. 
 
768 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 boomerang, the club, the double-curved bow, and the dart ; a fox's skin depends 
 from their belts over their thighs, and an ostrich's feather waves above their 
 curly hair.^ They never abandoned this special head-dress and manner of 
 arming themselves, and tbey can always be recognised on the monuments by 
 the plumes surmounting their forehead.^ Their settlement on the banks of 
 the Nile and intermarriage witb the Egyptians had no deteriorating effect on 
 them, as had been the case with the Shardana, and they preserved nearly all 
 their national characteristics. If here and there some of them became 
 assimilated with the natives, there was always a constant influx of new comers, 
 full of energy and vigour, who kept the race from becoming enfeebled. The 
 attractions of high pay and the prospect of a free-and-easy life drew them to 
 the service of the feudal lords. The Pharaoh entrusted their chiefs with con- 
 fidential offices about his person, and placed the royal princes at their head. 
 The position at length attained by these Masliauasha was analogous to that 
 of the Cossseans at Babylon, and, indeed, was merely the usual sequel of 
 permitting a foreign militia to surroiind an Oriental monarch ; they became 
 the masters of their sovereigns.^ Some of their generals went so far as to 
 attempt to use the soldiery to overturn the native dynasty, and place them- 
 selves upon the throne; others sought to make and unmake kings to suit their 
 own taste. The earlier Tanite sovereigns had hoped to strengthen their 
 authority by trusting entirely to the fidelity and gratitude of their guard ; the 
 later kings became mere puppets in the hands of mercenaries. At length 
 a Libyan family arose who, while leaving the externals of power in the hands 
 of the native sovereigns, reserved to themselves the actual administration, 
 and reduced the kings to the condition of luxurious dependence enjoyed 
 by the elder branch of the Kamessides under the rule of the high priests 
 of Amon. 
 
 There was at Bubastis, towards the middle or end of the XX* dynasty, 
 a Tihonu named Buiuwa-buiuwa. He was undoubtedly a soldier of fortune, 
 without either office or rank, but his descendants prospered and rose to 
 
 ^ This drawing is reproduced above, p. 767. M. Heuzey thought it represented an expedition 
 of an Asiatic tribe, but the arms and costumes prove that the tribe in question was Libyan, as I have 
 briefly shown {Trihu asiatique en expedition, p. 11). Other fragments in the same style are pre- 
 served in the Louvre and the British Museum ; they all came from Abydos, according to the verbal 
 information given me in 1884 by M. Allemand, the iirst owner of most of them. 
 
 2 This design is generally thought to represent a piece of cloth folded in two, and laid flat on the 
 head (E. de Eocge, Inscription hidorique du roi PianoM-Meriamoun, p. 21) ; examination of the 
 moniiments proves that it is the ostrich plume fixed at the back of the head, and laid flat on the hair 
 or wig. 
 
 For these Cosssean mercenaries at Babylon, refer to what I have said above, p. 117. Without 
 speaking of the Turks who surrounded the Caliphs of Bagdad, I shall restrict myself to citing, in 
 Mussulman Egypt, the negroes, who formed an important part of the Fatimite Caliph's body-guard, 
 and whose rebellions filled the long reign of Mostanser-billah (E. Quatremere, M^moires historiques 
 et g^ographiques sur I'^gypte, vol. ii. p. 354, et seq.). 
 
TEE ORIGIN OF THE XXIP" DYNASTY: THE BUBASTITE. 769 
 
 important positions among the Ma- 
 shauasha chiefs : the fourth among 
 these, Sheshonq by name, married 
 Mihtinuoskhit, a princess of the royal 
 line. His son, Namaroti, managed to 
 combine with his function of chief 
 of the Mashauasha several religious 
 offices, and his grandson, also called 
 
 Sheshonq, had a still more brilliant ^.'^ 
 
 career.^ We learn from the monu- 
 ments of the latter that, even before 
 he had ascended the throne, he was 
 recognised as king and prince of 
 princes, and had conferred on him 
 
 the command of all the Libyan troops. 
 
 Officially he was the chief person in the state after '^^^j^P'??^" 
 the sovereign, and had tlie privilege of holding 
 personal intercourse with the gods, Amonra included nsitanibashirC. 
 — a right which belonged exclusively to the Pharaoh and the Theban high 
 priest. The honours which he bestowed upon his dead ancestors were of a 
 remarkable character, and included the institution of a liturgical office in con- 
 nection with his father Namaroti, a work wliich resembles in its sentiments the 
 devotions of Eamses 11. to the memory of Seti." He succeeded in arranging a 
 marriage between his son Osorkon and a princess of the royal line, the daughter 
 
 ' The genealogy of the first members of the Bubastite dynasty is inscribed on stele 1904 of 
 the Serapeum, published by Mariette (RenseignemeiUs sur h:s soixanle-quatre Apia, in the Bulletin de 
 VMMnaum Frangais, 1855, pp. 94-97; Le Serapium de Memphis, Ist edit., pi. 31), of which the 
 subject-matter was thoroughly examined by Lei-sius, Vber die XXII. ^gypiiseJie KOnigsdynattie' 
 p. 2U5, et aeq. Birch was the first to assign a Babylonian origin to the dynasty, comparing the names 
 " Osorkhon " and "Takeloti" with "Sargon" and "Tiglath" {Obtervationt on Two Egyptian Car- 
 touches found at Nimroud, in the Transactions Soc. of Literature, 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 165, et seq. ; cf. 
 Mariette, Renseignemenis, etc., in <ho Bulletin de V Ath^nseum Franfais, 1855, p. 97 ; Lepsics, op. cit., 
 pp. 284-290; Bkugsch, Eistoirc d'Egypte, pp. 220, 221). Oppert recognises Elamito affinities in the 
 dynasty (Leg inscriptionn en languc susienne, in the M^m. du Congr. International des Orientalislet a 
 Paris, vol. ii. p. 183), and all that Brugsch (Geschichtc JEgyptens, pp. Gt4, G51-659) says about Sheshonq 
 invading the country from Assyria is based upon a too free handling of certain texts (Maspkbo, 
 in the Revue Critique, 1880, vol. ii. pp. 112-115); Krall'a system {Die Composilion und Schiehsale des 
 Manethonischen Geschichtwerhes, pp. 71-76) has not been confirmed by recent investigation. A 
 Libyan origin, hesitatingly put forward by Krall {Die Composition, p. 73, note 1), was confirmed by 
 Stern (Die XXII. Mancthonische KSnigsdynastie, in the Zeitscliri/t, 1883, pp. 15-26) ; it is now 
 generally accepted (Wiedemann, Jigypt. Gesch., pp. 544-548 ; Eu. Meyer, Gesch. des Allerthums, 
 vol. i. pp. 385, 386, and Geschichte Aigyptens, pp. 329, 330 ; Maspero, Hist. Andenne, 4th edit., p. 359). 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by E. Brugsch-Bey; cf. TAksyzko, Les Momics royalet 
 de Deir-el-Bahari, in the Mfmoires de la Mission Franfaise, vol. i. pi. xx. b. 
 
 ' The Abydos inscriptions published in Mariette, Abydos, vol. ii. pis. 36, 37 ; translated by 
 Brugsch, in the Zeitschri/t, 1871, p. 85, und Geschichte .^gyptens, pp. 651-656 ; also by Birch, in the 
 Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. sii. pp. 96-99 ; cf. Navii.le, Inscription historique de Pinodjem 
 III., pp. 13, 14. 
 
770 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 of Psiukhannit II., by which alliance he secured the Tanite succession ; ^ he 
 obtained as a wife for his second son Auputi, the priestess of Amon, and thus 
 obtained an indirect influence over the Said and Nubia.^ This priestess was 
 probably a daugbter or niece of Painotmu II., but we are unacquainted 
 with her name. The princesses continued to play a preponderating part in 
 the transmission of power, and we may assume that the lady in question was 
 one of those whose names have come down to us— Nsikhonsu, Nsitanibashiru, 
 or Isimkhobiu II., who brought with her as a dowry the Bubastite fief. 
 We are at a loss whether to place Auputi immediately after Painotmu, 
 or between the ephemeral pontificates of a certain Psiiikhannit and a 
 certain Nsbindidi. His succession imposed a very onerous duty upon 
 liim. Thebes was going through the agonies of famine and misery, and 
 no police supervision in the world could secure the treasures stored up 
 in the tombs of a more prosperous age from the attacks of a famished 
 people. Arrests, trials, and punishments were ineffectual against the 
 violation of the sepulchres, and even the royal mummies — including 
 those placed in the chapel of Amenothes I. by previous high priests — were 
 not exempt from outrage. The remains of the most glorious of the Pharaohs 
 were reclining in this chapel, forming a sort of solemn parliament : here 
 was Saqnunri Tiuaqni, the last member of the XVII"" dynasty; here also 
 were tbe first of tbe XVIII"' — Ahmosis, Amenothes I., and the three of 
 the name Thutmosis, together with the favourites of their respective harems 
 — Nofritari, Ahhotpu II., Anhapu, Honittimihu, and Sitkamosis ; and, in 
 addition, Kamses I., Seti I., Ramses II. of the XIX*" dynasty, Ramses III. 
 and Ramses X. of the XX"' dynasty. The " Servants of the True Place " ^ 
 were accustomed to celebrate at the appointed periods the necessary rites 
 established in their honour. Inspectors, appointed for the purpos^by 
 the government, determined from time to time the identity of the roykl 
 mummies, and examined into the condition of their wrappings and coffins : 
 after each inspection a report, giving the date and the name of the functionary 
 responsible for the examination, was inscribed on the linen or the lid 
 covering the bodies. The most of the mummies had suffered considerably 
 before they reached the refuge in which they w ere found. The bodies of 
 
 ' Statue of the Nile in British Museum, reproduced in Arundale-Bonomi-Biech, Egyptian 
 Antiquities in the British Museum, pi. 13 (cf. Dawn of Civilization, p. 38). See the inscription in 
 Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Uriiunden, pi. xv. 
 
 = The date of the death of Painotmu II. is fixed at tbe XVI"' year of his reign, according to the 
 inscriptions in the pit at Deir el-Bahari (Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire, etc., in the Zeit- 
 schrijt, 1883; cf. Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari, in the M^moires de la Mission Fran gaise, 
 vol. i. p. 522). This would be the date of the accession of Auputi, if Auputi succeeded him directly, 
 as I am inclined to believe ; but if Psiukhannit was his immediate successor, as Daressy thinks (Con- 
 tribution a la Etude de la XX- dynastie), and if Nsbindidi succeeded Manakhpirri, we must place 
 the accession of Aupliti some years later. 
 
 ' As to the "Servants of the True Place" and their functions in the necropolis, see supra, 
 pp. 526, 527. 
 
TEE HIDING-PLACE OF DEIr EL-BAIIARL 771 
 
 Sitamon and of the Princess Honittimihii had been completely destroyed, 
 and bundles of rags had been substituted for them, so arranged with 
 pieces of wood as to resemble human figures.* Ramses I., Ramses II., and 
 Thutmosis had been deprived of their original shells, and were found 
 in extemporised cases.-^ Hrihor's successors, who regarded these sovereigns 
 as their legitimate ancestors, had guarded them with watchful care, but 
 Auputi, who did not feel himself so closely related to these old-world 
 Pharaohs, considered, doubtless, this vigilance irksome, and determined to 
 locate the mummies in a spot where they would henceforward be secure from 
 all attack. A princess of the family of Manakhpirri — Isirakhobiu, it would 
 appear — had prepared a tomb for herself in the rocky cliff which bounds 
 the amphitheatre of Deir el-Bahari on the south. The position lent itself 
 readily to concealment. It consisted of a well some 130 feet deep, with a 
 passage running out of it at right angles for a distance of some 200 feet 
 and ending in a low, oblong, roughly cut chamber, lacking both ornament 
 and paintings. Painotmii II. had been placed within this chamber in the 
 XVI"' year of the reign of Psivikhannit 11.;^ and several members of his 
 family had been placed beside him not long afterwards. Aiiputi soon trans- 
 ferred thither the batch of mummies which, in the chapel of Amenothes I., 
 had been awaiting a more definite sepulture ; the coffins, with what remained 
 ■of their funerary furniture, were huddled together in disorder. The chamber 
 having been filled up to the roof, the remaining materials, consisting of 
 coffers, boxes of Ushahti, Canopic jars, garlands, together with the belongings 
 of priestly mummies, were arranged along the passage : when the place was 
 full, the entrance was walled up, the well filled, and its opening so dexterously 
 covered that it remained concealed until our own time. The accidental 
 sounding " of some pillaging Arabs revealed the place as far back as 1872, 
 but it was not until ten years later (1881) that the Pharaohs once more saw 
 the light. They are now enthroned — who can say for how many years longer ? 
 — in the chambers of the Gizeh Museum. Egypt is truly a land of marvels ! 
 It has not only, like Assyria and Chaldiea, Greece and Italy, preserved for us 
 monuments by which its historic past may be reconstructed, but it has handed 
 on to us the men themselves who set up the monuments and made the history. 
 Her great monarchs are not any longer mere names deprived of appropriate 
 forms, and floating colourless and shapeless in the imagination of posterity : 
 they may be weighed, touched, and measured ; the capacity of their brains 
 may be gauged ; the curve of their noses and the cut of their mouths may 
 be determined ; we know if they were bald, or if they suffered from some 
 
 ' Maspero, Les Momies royales de Deir el-Bahari, pp. 538, 53'.', 514." 
 » See tupra, pp. 242, note 2, and 428. 
 ' Maspeko, op. cU., pp. 520-o23. 
 
772 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 secret infirmity ; and, as we are able to do in the case of our contemporaries,, 
 we may publish their portraits taken first hand in the photographic camera.^ 
 Sheshonq, by assuming the control of the Theban priesthood, did not on 
 this account extend his sovereignty over Egypt beyond its southern portion, 
 and that part of Nubia which still depended on it. Ethiopia remained 
 probably outside his jurisdiction, and constituted from this time forward an 
 independent kingdom, under the rule of dynasties which were, or claimed to 
 be, descendants of Hrihor. The oasis, on the other hand, and the Libyan 
 provinces in the neighbourhood of the Delta and the sea, rendered obedience 
 to his officers, and furnished him with troops which were recognised as among 
 his best. Sheshonq found himself at the death of Psiukhannit II., which 
 took place about 940 B.C., sole master of Egypt, with an effective army and 
 well-replenished treasury at his disposal. What better use could he make of 
 his resources than devote them to reasserting the traditional authority of his 
 country over Syria ? The intestine quarrels of the only state of any impor- 
 tance in that region furnished him with an opportunity of which he found 
 it easy to take advantage. Solomon in his eyes was merely a crowned vassal 
 of Egypt, and his appeal for aid to subdue Grezer, his marriage with a daughter 
 of the Egyptian royal house, the position he had assigned her over all his 
 other wives, and all that we know of the relations between Jerusalem and 
 Tanis at the time, seem to indicate that the Hebrews themselves acknow- 
 ledged some sort of dependency upon Egypt.^ They were not, however,, 
 on this account free from suspicion in their suzerain's eyes, who seized 
 upon every pretext that offered itself to cause them embarrassment. Hadad, 
 and Jeroboam afterwards, had been well received at th«~^ourt of the Pharaoh, . 
 and it was with Egyptian subsidies that these two rebels returned to their 
 country, the former in the lifetime of Solomon, and the latter after his death.^ 
 When Jeroboam saw that he was threatened by Kehoboam, he naturally 
 turned to his old protectors. Sheshonq had two problems before him. Should 
 he confirm by his intervention the division of the kingdom, which had flourished 
 in Kharii for now half a century, into two rival states, or should he himself 
 give way to the vulgar appetite for booty, and step in for his own exclusive 
 interest ? He invaded Judsea four years after the schism, and Jerusalem 
 offered no resistance to him ; Kehoboam ransomed his capital by emptying . 
 the royal treasuries and temple, rendering up even the golden shields which 
 Solomon was accustomed to assign to his guards when on duty about his person.* 
 
 ' The history of tho discovery and tlie details are given iu Maspero, Les Momies royales, etc., in ■ 
 the M^moires de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. p. 511, et seq. 
 
 = See what is said about these events on pp. 73s, 743, 76-i, 7G5, supra. The suzerainty of Egypt, 
 which is not accepted by most historians, is acknowledged by Winckler, Gesoh. Israels, vol. i. p. 175. 
 
 ' See on this subject pp. 737, 750, 766, supra. 
 
 * 1 Kings xiv. 25-28 ; cf 2 Chron. xii. 1-10, where an episode, not in the Booh of Kings, is intro- ■ 
 duced. The prophet Shemaiah played an important part in the transaction. 
 
SBESHONQ'S EXPEDITION AGAINST JERUSALEM. , 73 
 
 This expedition of the Pharaoh was neither dangerous nor protracted, but it 
 ■was more than two hundred years since so much riches from countries beyond 
 the isthmus had been 
 brought into Egypt, and 
 the king was conse- 
 quently regarded by the 
 whole people of the Nile 
 valley as a great hero. 
 Auputi took upon him- 
 self the task of recording 
 the exploit on the south 
 wall of the temple of 
 Amon at Karnak, not 
 far from the spot where 
 Kamses II. had had en- 
 graved the incidents of 
 his Syrian campaigns. 
 His architect was sent to 
 Silsilis to procure the 
 necessary sandstone to 
 repair the monument.^ 
 He depicted upon it bis 
 father receiving at the 
 hands of Amon proces- 
 sions of Jewish prisoners, 
 •each one representing a captured city. The list makes a brave show, 
 And is remarkable for the number of the names composing it : in com- 
 parison with those of Thutmosis III., it is disappointing, and one sees 
 At a glance, how inferior, even in its triumph, the Egypt of the XXII'"' 
 dynasty was to that of the XVIII'". It is no longer a question of Car- 
 •chemish, or Qodshu, or Mitanni, or Naharaim : Megiddo is the most 
 northern point mentioned, and the localities enumerated bring us more 
 And more to the south — Rabbat, Taanach, Hapharaim, Mahanaim,^ Gibeon, 
 
 ' See the Silsilis stele publislicil in Champollion, Monuments de VF.gypte, etc., pi. cxxii. W« ; 
 Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 254 c; E. and J. de Rouge, Inscriptiom hi^roglyphiquet recueillies en-£gypte, 
 pi. colxvii. ; translated into German by Brugsch, Getch. ^gypten*, p. 664, and into French by 
 Maspero, Le» Mamies royales, in tlie Memoires de la Mission du Caire, vol. i. pp. 731-733. It is dated 
 in tho XXI" year of the kinf; (Cliaiupollion erroneously gives the XXII'"' year), which pcraiits our 
 assigning the expedition to Judsea two or thrco years earlier at most. 
 
 ' Drawn by Boudier, from a photograph by Beato; cf. Makiette, Voyage de la Haute- igypte, 
 vol. ii. pi. 42. 
 
 ' The existence of tho names of certain Israelite towns on tho list of Sheshonq has somewhat 
 astonished the majority of the historians of Israel. Benan declared that the list must " put aside the 
 conjecture that Jeroboam had been the instigator of the expedition, which would certainly have beeu 
 
774 THE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES—DAMASCUS. 
 
 Beth-horoD, Ajalon, Jud-bammelek, Migdol, Jerza, Shoko, and the villages 
 of the Negeb. Each locality, in consequence of the cataloguing of obscure 
 towns, furnished enough material to cover two or even three of the crenellated 
 cartouches in which the names of the conquered peoples are enclosed, and 
 Sheshonq had thus the puerile satisfaction of parading before the eyes of 
 his subjects a longer cortege of defeated chiefs than that of his predecessor.^ 
 His victorious career did not last long: he died shortly after, and his son 
 Osorkon was content to assume at a distance authority over the Kharu.^ It 
 does not appear, however, that either the Philistines, or Judah, or Israel, or 
 any of the petty tribes which had momentarily gravitated around David and 
 Solomon, were disposed to dispute Osorkon's claim, theoretic rather than 
 real as it was. The sword of the stranger had finished the work which the 
 intestine quarrel of the tribes had begun. If Eehoboam had ever formed the 
 project of welding together the disintegrated elements of Israel, the taking 
 of Jerusalem must have been a death-blow to his hopes. His arsenals were 
 empty, his treasury at low ebb, and the prestige purchased by David's victories 
 was effaced by tlie humiliation of his own defeat. The ease with which the 
 edifice so laboriously constructed by the heroes of Benjamin and Judah 
 had been overturned at the first shock, was a proof that the new possessors- 
 
 readily admissible, especially if any force were attached to the Greek text of 1 Kinqs xii. 24, which 
 makes Jeroboam to have been a son-in-law of the King of Egypt" {Hist, du peuple d'Israel,yoL ii. p. 
 200, note 2); the same view had been already expressed by Stade {Geschichte des Volhes Israels, vol. i. 
 p. 354) ; others, as, for instance, Niebuhr(D2e Chronologie der Geseh. Israels, pp. viii., ix.) and Winckler 
 (GeseMclite Israels, vol. i. p. 160), have thought that Sheshonq had conquered the country for his ally 
 Jeroboam. Sheshonq, in fact, was following the Egyptian custom by which all countries and towns 
 which paid tribute to the Pharaoh, or who recognised his suzerainty, were made to, or might, figure ou 
 his triumphal lists whether they had been conquered or, not: the presence of Megiddo or Maliauaim 
 on the lists does not prove that they were conquered by Sheshonq, but that tlie prince to whcni they 
 owned allegiance was a tributary of the King of Egypt. The name of Jud-ham-melek, which occupies 
 the twenty-ninth place ou the list, was for a long time translated as Idiig or kingdom of Judah, 
 and passed for heing a portrait of Rehoboam (Champollion, Lettres ^crites d'Egypfe, 2nd edit., 
 pp. 99, 100 ; EosELLiNi, More. Storici, vol. ii. pp. 79, 80, vol. iv. pp. 1^8, 159; E. de Eouge, Mem. sur 
 I'origine ^gyptienne de V alphabet ph^nicien, p. 53), wliich is impossible. The Hebrew name wa& 
 read by W. Max Muller {The supposed Name of Judah in the List of Sheshonq, in the Proceedings of 
 the Bib. Arch. Soc., vol. x. pp. 81-83; cf. Lepage-Eenouf, Bemarks, ibid., pp. 83-86, and Asien undi 
 Europa nach allagyptischen Denhmdlern, p. 167) Jad-ham-melek, the hand, the fort of the king. It 
 appears to me to be more easy to see ia it Jud-ham-melek (Maspebo, La Lisle de Sheshonq a Karnak, 
 pp. 8, 9), and to associate it with Jehudab, a town of the tribe of Dau, as Brugsch did long ago {Geog. 
 Inschr., vol. ii. pp. 62, 63). 
 
 ' The text of the list was published by Champollion, Monuments, pis. cclxxviii.', cclxxxiv.^ 
 cclxxxv., and vol. ii. p. 113, et seq. ; by Rosellini, Mon. Storici, pi. cxlviii. ; by Lepsius, Denkm., iii. 
 252, 253 a; cf. Maspero, Eevisioii des listes geographiques de Thutmos III., in the Becueilde Travaux, 
 vol. vii. pp. 100, 101. It has been studied and commented upoa by Blau, Sisaq's Zuj gegen Juda aus 
 dem Denkmale bei Karnak erlaiitert, in the Zeitsehrift der D. Morg. Gesellschafft, vol. xv. pp. 233-250 ; 
 by Beugsch, Geog. Inschr., vol. ii. pp. otj-71, and Gesch. Mgyptens, pis. 660-663 ; by Maspeeo, Notes 
 sur diffe'rents points de Grammaire, in the Zeitsehrift, 1880, pp. 44-49, and Elude sur la lisle de Sheshonq, 
 iu the Victoria Institute, vol. xxvii. ; and finally by W. Max Mullek, Asien und Europja, pp. 106-172. 
 
 - Champollion identified Osorkon I. with the Zerah, who, according to 2 Chron. xiv. 9-15, 
 xvi. 8, iuvaded Judah and was defeated by Asa {Precis du, Systime hi^roglyphique, 2nd edit., pp. 257 
 262 ; cf. EwALD, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, 2ad edit., vol. iii. p. 470), but this has no historic value, for 
 it is clear that Osorkon never crossed the isthmus. 
 
THE RISE OF THE TWO HEBREW KINGDOMS. 
 
 775 
 
 of Canaan were as little capable of barring the way to Egypt in her old age, 
 as their predecessors had been when she was in her youth and vigour. The 
 Philistines had had their day ; it seemed by no means improbable at one time 
 that they were about to sweep everything before them, from the Negeb to the 
 Orontes, but their peculiar position in the furthest angle of the country, and 
 their numerical weakness, prevented them from continuing their efforts for a 
 prolonged period, and they were at length obliged to renounce in favour of 
 the Hebrews their ambitious pretensions. The latter, who had been making 
 steady progress for some half a century, had been successful where the 
 Philistines had signally failed, and Southern Syria recognised their supremacy 
 for the space of two generations. We can only conjecture what they might 
 have done if a second David hud led them into the valleys of the Orontes 
 and Euphrates. They were stronger in numbers than their possible opponents, 
 and their troops, strengthened by mercenary guards, would have perhaps 
 triumphed over the more skilled but fewer warriors which the Amorite and 
 Aramaean cities could throw into the field against them. The pacific reign of 
 Solomon, the schism among the tribes, and the Egyptian invasion furnished 
 evidence enough that they also were not destined to realise that solidarity 
 which alone could secure thom against the great Oriental empires when 
 the day of attack came. 
 
 The two kingdoms were then enjoying an independent existence. Judah, 
 in spite of its smaller numbers and its recent disaster, was not far behind the 
 more extensive Israel in its resources. David, and afterwards Solomon, had so 
 kneaded together the various elements of which it was composed — Caleb, 
 Cain, Jerahmeel and the Judsean clans— that they had become a homogeneous 
 mass, grouped around the capital and its splendid sanctuary, and actuated 
 with feelings of profound admiration and strong fidelity for the family which 
 had made them what they were. Misfortune had not chilled their zeal : 
 they rallied round Rehoboam and his race with such a persistency that they 
 were enabled to maintain their ground when their richer rivals had squandered 
 their energies and fallen away before their eyes. Jeroboam, indeed, and his 
 successors had never obtained from their people more than a precarious 
 support and a lukewarm devotion : their authority was continually coming 
 into conflict with a tendency to disintegration among the tribes, and they 
 could only maintain their rule by the constant employment of force. 
 Jeroboam had collected together from the garrisons scattered throughout 
 the country the nucleus of an army, and had stationed the strongest of these 
 troops in his residence at Tirzah when he did not require them for some 
 expedition against Judah or the Philistines. His successors followed his 
 example in this respect, but this military resource was only an ineflectual 
 
776 TEE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 protection against the dangers which beset them. The kings were literally 
 at the mercy of their guard, and their reign was entirely dependent 
 on its loyalty or caprice : any unscrupulous upstart might succeed in suborn- 
 ing his comrades, and the stroke of a dagger might at any moment send 
 the sovereign to join his ancestors, while the successful rebel reigned in his 
 stead.^ The Egyptian troops had no sooner set out on their homeward march, 
 than the two kingdoms began to display their respective characteristics. 
 An implacable and truceless war broke out between them. The frontier 
 garrisons of the two nations fought with each other from one year's end to 
 another — carrying off each other's cattle, massacring one another, burning 
 each other's villages and leading their inhabitants into slavery.^ From time 
 to time, when the situation became intolerable, one of the kings took the field 
 in person, and began operations by attacking such of his enemy's strongholds 
 as gave him the most trouble at the time. Ramah acquired an unenviable 
 reputation in the course of these early conflicts : its position gave it command 
 of the roads terminating in Jerusalem, and when it fell into the hands of 
 Israel, the Juda3an capital was blockaded on this side. The strife for its 
 possession was always of a terrible character, and the party which succeeded 
 in establishing itself firmly within it was deemed to have obtained a great 
 success.^ The encouiker of the armies did not, however, seem to produce 
 much more serious results than those which followed the continual guerilla 
 warfare along the frontier : the conqueror had no sooner defeated his enemy 
 than he set to work to pillage the country in the vicinity, and, having accom- 
 plished this, returned promptly to his head-quarters with the booty. Eehoboam, 
 who had seen something of the magnificence of Solomon, tried to perpetuate 
 the tradition of it in his court, as far as his slender revenues would permit 
 him. He had eighteen women in his harem, among whom figured some of 
 his aunts and cousins. The titular queen was Maacah, who was represented 
 as a daughter of Absalom. She was devoted to the asheras, and the king 
 was not behind his father in his tolerance of strange gods ; the high places 
 continued to be tolerated by him as sites of worship, and even Jerusalem 
 was not free from manifestations of such idolatry as was associated with the 
 old Canaanite religion. He reigned seventeen years, and was interred in the 
 
 ' Among nineteen kings of Israel, eight were assassinated and were replaced by the captains of 
 their guards— Nadab, Elah, Zimri, Joram, Zachariah, Shalluni, Pekahiab, and Pekah. 
 
 ' This is what is meant by the Hebrew historians when they say '-there was war between 
 Eehoboam and Jeroboam all the days of his life " (1 Kings xv. 6 ; cf 2 Cliron. xii. 15), and "between 
 Abijam and Jeroboam" (1 Kings xv. 7; 2 Cliron. xiii. 2), and " between Asa and Baasha " (1 Kingi 
 XV. 16, 32) " all their days." 
 
 ' The campaign of Abijah at Mount Zemaraim (2 Chron. xiii. 3-19), in which the foundation 
 of the narrative and the geographical details seem fully historical (Cleemont-Ganneau, La Campagne 
 d'Abyah contre Jeroboam et V emplacement de Yechdnah, in the Journal Asialique, 1877, vol. ix. p. 490, 
 «t seq.). See also the campaigQ of Baasha against Ramah (1 Kings xv. 17-22 ; cf. 2 Chron. xvi. 1-6). 
 
THE KINGDOM OF DAMASCUS AND ITS ORIGIN. 17 1 
 
 city of David ; ^ Abijam, the eldest son of Maacah, succeeded him, and followed 
 in his evil ways. Three years later xisa came to the throne,^ no opposition 
 being raised to his accession. In Israel matters did not go so smoothly. 
 When Jeroboam, after a reign of twenty-two years, was succeeded by his 
 eon Nadab, about the year 905 B.C., it was soon evident that the instinct 
 of loyalty to a particular dynasty had not yet laid any firm hold on the ten 
 tribes. The peace between the Philistines and Israel was quite as unstable as 
 that between Israel and Judah : an endless guerilla warfare was waged on the 
 frontier, Gibbethon being made to play much the same part in this region as 
 Ramah had done in regard to Jerusalem. For the moment it was in the 
 bands of the Philistines, and in the second year of his reign Nadab had gone 
 to lay siege to it in force, when he was assassinated in his tent by one of his 
 captains, a certain Baasha, son of Ahijah, of the tribe of Issachar : the soldiers 
 proclaimed the assassin king, and the people found themselves powerless to 
 reject the nominee of the army.^ 
 
 Baasha pressed forward resolutely his campaign against Judah. He seized 
 Kamah and fortified it;** and Asa, feeling his incapacity to dislodge him 
 unaided, sought to secure an ally. I^gypt was too much occupied with its own 
 internal dissensions to be able to render any effectual help, but a new power, 
 which would profit quite as much as Judah by the overthrow of Israel was 
 beginning to assert itself in the north. Damascus had, so Air, led an obscure 
 and peaceful existence ; it had given way before Egypt and Chaldiua whenever 
 the Egyptians or Chaldseans had appeared within striking distance, but had 
 refrained from taking any part in the disturbances by which Syria was torn 
 asunder. Having been occupied by the Amorites, it threw its lot in with theirs, 
 keeping, however, sedulously in the background : while the princes of Qodshii 
 waged war against the Pharaohs, undismayed by frequent reverses, Damascus 
 did not scruple to pay tribute to Thutmosis III. and his descendants or to 
 enter into friendly relations with them.'^ Meanwhile the Amorites had been 
 overthrown, and Qodshu, ruined by the Asiatic invasion, soon became little 
 more than an obscure third-rate town ; " the Aramajans made themselves masters 
 
 ' 1 Kings xiv. 22-24; of. 2 Chron. xi. 18-23, where tlio details given in addition to those in the 
 Book of Kings seem to be of undoubted authenticity. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xv. 1-8 ; cf. 2 Chron. xiii. The Bool: of Kiyigs describes his mother as Maacah, the 
 daughter of Absalom (xv. 10), which would seem to indicate that he was the brother and not the son 
 of Abijam. The uncertainty on this point is of long standing, for the author of Chronicles makes 
 Abijura's mother out in one place to bo Micaiuli, daugliferof Uriel of Gibeali (siii. 2), and in another 
 (xi. 20) Maacah, daughter of Absalom. 
 
 = 1 Kings XV. 27-31. 
 
 * 1 Kings xv. 17; cf. 2 Chron. 1. 
 
 * As to the early history of Damascus, cf. p. HO, note 3, supra. 
 
 " Cf. pp. 4GG, -108-470, 475, 588-590, supra, Ibr information in regard to the effects of the Asiatic 
 invasion on Syria. Qodshfl is only once mentioned in the Bible (2 Sam. ssiv. 0), in which passage 
 its name, misunderstood by the Massoretic scribe, has been restored from the Septuagint text. [Prof. 
 Swate's recension of the LXX. (published in 18[»5) gives the reading as "NoSaaot:" the Vulgate 
 gives Hodsi." — Tr.] 
 
■778 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 of Damascus about the XIP'' century, and in their hands it continued to be, 
 just as in the preceding epochs, a town without ambitions and of no great 
 renown. We have seen how the Aramaeans, alarmed at the sudden rise of the 
 Hebrew dynasty, entered into a coalition against David with the Ammonite 
 leaders : Zoba aspired to the chief place among the nations of Central Syria, 
 but met with reverses, and its defeat delivered over to the Israelites its revolted 
 dependencies in tlie Hauran and its vicinity, such as Maacah, Geshur, and even 
 Damascus itself.^ Their supremacy was, however, short-lived ; immediately 
 after the death of David, a chief named Rezon undertook to free them from 
 the yoke of the stranger. He had begun his military career under Hadadezer, 
 King of Zoba : when disaster overtook this leader and released him from his 
 allegiance, he collected an armed force and fought for his own hand. A lucky 
 stroke made him master of Damascus : he proclaimed himself king there, 
 harassed the Israelites with impunity during the reign of Solomon, and took 
 over the possessions of the kings of Zoba in the valleys of the Litany and the 
 Orontes.^ The rupture between the houses of Israel and Judah removed the 
 only dangerous rival from his path, and Damascus became the paramount 
 power in Sc«jthern and Central Palestine. While Judah and Israel wasted 
 their strength in fratricidal struggles, Tabrimmon, and after him Benhadad 
 I, gradually extended their territory in Ccele-Syria ; ^ they conquered Hamath, 
 and the desert valleys which extend north-eastward in the direction of the 
 Euphrates, and forced a number of the Hittite kings to render them homage. 
 They had concluded an alliance with Jeroboam as soon as he established his 
 separate kingdom, and maintained the treaty with his successors, Nadab and 
 Baasha. Asa collected all the gold and silver which was left in the temple of 
 Jerusalem and in his own palace, and sent it to Benhadad, saying, " There is 
 a leagxxe between me and thee, between thy father and my father : behold, I 
 have sent unto thee a present of silver and gold ; go, break thy league witli 
 Baasha, King of Israel, that he may depart from me." It would seem that 
 Baasha, in his eagerness to complete the fortifications of Ramah, had left his 
 northern frontier undefended. Benhadad accepted the proposal and presents 
 of the King of Judah, invaded Galilee, seized the cities of Ijon, Dan, and Abel- 
 beth-Maacah, which defended the upper reaches of the Jordan and the Litany, 
 
 ' Cf. wbat is said in regard to these events on pp. 7iil, 732, supra. 
 
 * 1 Kiwjs xi. 23-25 ; for the early hi.story of Damascus, cf. Wincklek, AlttestamentUche Unter- 
 suchungen, p. 00, et seq., and GeschicUe des Volkes Israel, vol. i. pp. 145, 14-i. Tlie reading " Esron " 
 in the Septuagint (1 Kings xi. 23) indicates a form "Khezron," by which it was sought to replace 
 the traditional reading " Eezon." 
 
 3 Hezion, wliom the Jewish writer intercalates before Tabrimmon (1 Kings xv. 18), is probably 
 a corruption of Rezon ; Winckler, relying on the Septuagint variants Azin or Azael (1 Kings xv. 18), 
 proposes to alter Hezion into Hazael, and inserts a certain Hazael I. in this place. Tabrimmon is 
 only mentioned in 1 Kingsxv. 18, where he is said to have been the father of Benhadad. As to these 
 per.-;onages, cf. Winckler, AlttestamentUche Untersucliungen, pp. 60-05, who, to my mind, pushes liis 
 ingenious criticism a little too far. 
 
ASA AND BAASHA — BENEADAD I. 
 
 the lowlands of Genesareth, and all the land of Naphtali. Baasba hastily 
 withdrew from Judah, made terms with Benhadad, and settled down in 
 Tirzah for the remainder of his reign ; ^ Asa demolished Kamah, and built 
 the strongholds of Gebah and Mizpah from its ruins.^ Benhadad retained 
 the territory he had acquired, and exercised a nominal sovereignty over the 
 two Hebrew kingdoms. Baasha, like Jeroboam, failed to found a lasting 
 dynasty ; his son Elah met with the same fate at the hands of Zimri 
 which he himself had meted out to Nadab. As on the former occasion, the 
 army was encamped before Gibbethon, in the countiy of the Philistines, 
 when the tragedy took place. Elah was at Tirzah, " drinking liimself 
 drunk in the house of Arza, which was over the household ; " Ziinri, wha 
 was " captain of half his chariots," left his post at the front, and assassinated 
 him as he lay intoxicated. The whole family of Baasha perished in the sub- 
 sequent confusion, but the assassin only survived by seven days the date of 
 his crime. When the troops whom he had left behind him in camp heard of 
 what had occurred, they refused to accept him as king, and, ohoosing Otnri in 
 his place, marched against Tirzah. Zimri, finding it was impossible either to 
 win them over to his side or defeat them, set fire to the palace, and perislied 
 in the flames. His death did not, however, restore peace to Israel ; while one- 
 half of the tribes approved the choice of the army, the other flocked to the 
 standard of Tibni, son of Ginath. War raged between the two factions for four 
 years, and was only ended by the death — whether natural or violent we do not 
 know — of Tibni and his brother Joram.' Two dynasties had thus arisen in 
 Israel, and had been swept away by revolutionary outbursts, whik- at Jerusalem 
 the descendants of David followed one another in unbroken succession. Asa 
 outlived Nadab by eleven years, and we hear nothing of his relations with the 
 neighbouring states during the latter part of his reign. We are merely told 
 that his zeal in the service of the Lord was greater than had been shown by 
 any of his predecessors. He threw down the idols, expelled their priests, and 
 persecuted all those who practised the ancient religions. His grandmother 
 Maacah "had made an abominable image for an asherah ; " he cut it down, 
 and burnt it in the valley of the Kedron, and deposed her from the. supremacy 
 in the royal household which she had held for three generations. He is, there- 
 fore, the first of the kings to receive favourable mention from the orthodox 
 chroniclers of later times, and it is stated that lie " did that which was right in 
 the eyes of the Lord, as did David his father." ' 
 
 ' 1 Kings xv. 21, xvi. 0. 
 
 - 1 King» xv. 18-22; cf. 2 Chron. xvi. 2-0. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xvi. 8-22 ; Joram ia not meiitioucd in the Mussoretic text, but his name appears iu the 
 Septuagint. 
 
 * 1 Kings xv. 11 ; cf. 2 Chron. xiv. 2. It is admitted, however, tliough without any bhime being 
 attached to him, that "tlie high places were not taken away " (1 Kimjs xv. H ; cl. 2 Chron. xv. 17). 
 
780 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 Omri proved a warlike monarch, and his reign, though not a long one, was 
 signalised by a decisive crisis in tlie fortunes of Israel.^ The northern tribes 
 had, so far, possessed no settled capital, Shechem, Penuel, and Tirzah having 
 served in turn as residences for the successors of Jeroboam and Baasha, 
 Latterly Tirzah had been accorded a preference over its rivals ; but Zimri had 
 burnt the castle there, and the ease with which it had been taken and retaken 
 was not calculated to reassure the head of the new dynasty. Omri turned his 
 attention to a site lying a little to the north-west of Shechem and Mount Ebal, 
 and at that time partly covered by the hamlet of Shomeron or Shimron — our 
 modern Samaria.^ His choice was a wise and judicious one, as the rapid 
 development of the city soon proved. It lay on the brow of a rounded hill, 
 which rose in tbe centre of a wide and deep depression, and was connected by 
 a narrow ridge with the surrounding mountains. The valley round it is fertile 
 and well watered, and the mountains are cultivated up to their summits ; 
 throughout the whole of Ephraim it would have been difficult to find a site 
 which could compare with it in strength or attractiveness.^ Omri surrounded 
 his city with substantial ramparts ; he built a palace for himself, and a temple 
 in which was enthroned a golden calf similar to those at Dan and Bethel.* A 
 population\ drawn from otber nations besides the Israelites flocked into this 
 well-defended stronghold, and Samaria soon came to be for Israel what Jeru- 
 salem already was for Judah, an almost impregnable fortress, in whicK the 
 sovereign entrenched himself, and round which the nation could rally in times 
 of danger. His contemporaries fully realised the importance of this move on 
 Omri's part ; his name became inseparably connected in their minds with that 
 of Israel. Samaria and the house of Joseph were for them, henceforth, the 
 house of Omri, Bit-Omri, and the name still clung to them long after Omri 
 had died and his family had become extinct.^ He gained the supremacy over 
 Judah, and forced several of the south-western provinces, which had been in a 
 
 ' The Hebrew writer gives the length of his reign as twelve years (1 Kings xvi. 23). Several 
 historians consider this period too brief, and wish to extend it to twenty-four years (Max Dunckeb, 
 Geschichte des Alterthums, 5th edit., voL ii. p. 182, et seq. ; Eenan, Histoire du peuple d' Israel, vol. ii. 
 p. 252) ; I cannot, however, see that there is, so far, any good reason for doubting the approximate 
 accuracy of the Bible figures. 
 
 " According to the tradition preserved in 1 Kings xvi. 24r, the name of the city comes from Shomer, 
 the man from whom Ahab bought the site. One method of explaining this tradition will be found 
 in Stade, Der Name der Stadt Samarien und seine Herkun/t, in the Zeitschrift fiir die Altteslamentliche 
 Wissenschaft, 1885, pp. 165-175. 
 
 ^ EOBINSON, Biblical Researches in Palestine, 1841, vol. iii. pp. 138, 139, 146. 
 
 * Amos viii. 14, where the sin of Samaria, coupled as it is with the life of the god of Dan and the 
 way of Beersheha, can, as Wellhausen points out, only refer to the image of the calf worshipped at 
 Samaria. 
 
 ^ Oppert, Histoire des Empires dAssyrie et de Chaldee, pp. 105, 106 ; Scheadee, Die Keilinschriflen 
 und das Alte Testament, 2nd edit., pp. 190, 191. Shalmaneser II. even goes so far as to describa Jehu, 
 who exterminated the family of Omri, as Jaua ahal Khumri, " Jehu, son of Omri." 
 
THE SUCCESSOES OF HIRAM I. AT TYRE — ETHBAAL I. 781 
 
 state of independence since the days of Solomon, to acknowledge his rule ; he 
 conquered the country of Medeba, vanquished Kamoshgad, King of Moab, and 
 imposed on him a heavy tribute in sheep and wool.^ Against Benhadad in the 
 north-west he was less fortunate. He was forced to surrender to him several 
 of the cities of Gilead — among others Ramoth-gilead, which commanded the 
 fords over the Jabbok and Jordan.^ He even set apart a special quarter in 
 Samaria for the natives of Damascus, where they could ply their trades and 
 worship their gods without interference. It was a kind of semi- vassalage, from 
 
 which he was powerless to free himself unaided : he realised this, and looked 
 for help from without ; he asked and obtained the hand of Jezebel, daughter 
 of Ethbaal, King of the Sidonians, for Ahab, his heir. Hiram I., the friend of 
 David, had carried the greatness of Tyre to its highest point;* after his 
 death, the same spirit of discord which divided the Hebrews made its appear- 
 ance in Phoenicia. The royal power was not easily maintained over this race 
 of artisans and sailors : Baalbazer, son of Hiram, reigned for six years, and his 
 successor, Abdastart, was killed in a riot after a still briefer enjoyment of power. 
 We know how strong was the influence exercised by foster-mothers in the great 
 families of the East ; the four sons of Abdastart's nurse assassinated their foster- 
 brother, and the eldest of them usurped his crown. Supported by the motley 
 crowd of slaves and adventurers which filled the harbours of Phtonicia, they 
 managed to cling to power for twelve years. Their stupid and brutal method* 
 of government produced most disastrous results. A section of the aristocracy 
 emigrated to the colonies across the sea and incited them to rebellion ; had this 
 
 ' Inscription of Mesha, 11. 5-7 ; cf. 2 Kings iii. 4. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xx. 34. No names are given in the text, but external evidence proves that they were 
 cities of Persea, and that Ramoth-gilead was one of them. 
 
 • Drawn by Boudier, from photograph No. 26 of the Falestine Exploration Fund. 
 
 * Cf. what is said about Hiram I. and his career on pp. 741-745, supra. 
 
782 
 
 THE HEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 -state of things lasted for any time, the Tyrian empire would have been doomed. 
 A revolution led to tlie removal of the usurper and the restoration of the 
 former dynasty, but did not bring back to the unfortunate city the tranquillity 
 which it sorely needed. The three surviving sons of Baalbezer, Methuastart, 
 Astarym, and Phelles followed one another on the throne in rapid succession, 
 the last-named perishing by the hand of his -cou-sin Ethbaal, after a reign of 
 eight months.^ So far, the Israelites had not attempted to take advantage of 
 these dissensions, but there was always the danger lest one of their kings, less 
 absorbed than his predecessors in the struggle with J udah, might be tempted 
 by the wealth of Phoenicia to lay hands on it. Ethbaal, therefore, eagerly 
 accepted the means of averting this danger by an alliance with the new dynasty 
 offered to him by Omri.^ The presence of a Phoenician princess at Samaria 
 «eems to have had a favourable effect on the city and its inhabitants. The 
 tribes of Northern and Central Palestine had, so far, resisted the march of 
 material civilization which, since the days of Solomon, had carried Judah 
 along with it ; they adhered, as a matter of principle, to the rude and simple 
 customs of their ancestors. Jezebel, who from her cradle had been accustomed 
 to all the luxuries and refinements of the Phoenician court, was by no means 
 prepared to dispense with them in her adopted country. By their contact with 
 her, the Israelites — at any rate, the upper and middle classes of them — acquired 
 a certain degree of polish ; the royal office assumed a more dignified exterior, 
 and approached more nearly the splendours of the other Syrian monarchies, 
 such as those of Damascus, Hamath, Sidon, Tyre, and even Judah. 
 
 Unfortunately, the effect of this material progress was marred by a religious 
 ■difficulty. Jezebel had been brought up by her father, the high priest of the 
 Sidonian Astarte, as a rigid believer in his faith,^ and she begged Ahab to 
 permit her to celebrate openly the worship of her national deities. Ere long 
 the Tyrian Baal was installed at Samaria with his asherah, and his votaries had 
 their temples and sacred groves to worship in : their priests and prophets sat 
 at the king's table. Ahab did not reject the God of his ancestors in order to 
 
 > Menander, Fragm. 1, in Mullek-Didot, Fragmenta Historicorum Grxcorum, vol. iv. p. 446 ; 
 •cf. MovEKS, Das Phonizuche Alterthum, vol. i. pp. 340-346 ; G. Kawlinson, History of Phobnicia, 
 pp. 433-435 ; Pietschmann, GescMchte Phoniziens, pp. 297, 298. As to the spelling of the royal 
 jiames, cf. Gutschmid, Kleine Werke, vol. iv. pp. 480-483, and Niese's edition of Contra Apionem, i. 
 121-125 ; as to the authority of the list, cf. Feasz KtjHL, Die Tyrische Konigtliste des Menanders von 
 Ephesos, in the Bheinigches Museum, 1893, vol. xlviii. p. 565, et &eq. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xvi. 31, where the historian has Hebraicised the Phoenician name Ittobaal into " Eth- 
 baal," " Baal is with him." Izebel or Jezebel seems to be an abbreviated form of some name like 
 Baalezbel (^Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, vol. i., No. 158, p. 209). 
 
 ' Mesandek, Fragm. l,mM\:LLER-DiTiOT, Fragmetita Historicorum Grxcorum, iio\. iv. p. 446; and, 
 as a matter of fact, the title " priest of Astarte " is found at a still later date joined to that of the 
 King of Sidun in the inscription on the sarcophagus at Tabuith. Gutschmid is inclined to base an 
 •emendation on the variant "son of King At>taitos" (Kleine Schriften, vol. iv. pp. 483); cf., however, 
 what is said in vol. ii. on p. 64 of the same work. 
 
AUAB AND THE PROPHETS. 
 
 783 
 
 embrace the religion of his wife — a reproach which was afterwards laid to his 
 door ; he remained faithful to Him, and gave the children whom he had by 
 Jezebel names compounded with that of Jahveh, such as Ahaziah, Joram, and 
 Athaliah.i This was not the first instance of such tolerance in the history of 
 the Israelites : Solomon had granted a similar liberty of conscience to all his 
 foreign wives, and neither Rehoboam nor Abijam had opposed Maacah in her 
 devotion to the Canaanitish idols.-^ But the times were changing, and the altar 
 of Baal could no longer be placed side by side with that of Jahveh without 
 arousing fierce anger and inexorable hatred. Scarce a hundred years had 
 elapsed since the rupture between the tribes, and already one-half of the 
 people were unable to understand how place could be found in the breast of a 
 true Israelite for any other god but Jahveh : Jahveh alone was Lord, for none 
 of the deities worshipped by foreign races under human or animal shapes 
 could compare with Him in might and holiness. From this to the repudiation 
 of all those practices associated with exotic deities, such as the use of idols 
 of wood or metal, the anointing of isolated boulders or circles of rocks, 
 the offering up of prisoners or of the firstborn, was but a step : Asa had 
 already furnished an example of rigid devotion in Judah, and there were many 
 in Israel who shared his views and desired to imitate him. The opposition to 
 what was regarded as apostasy on the part of the king did not come from the 
 ofiicial priesthood; the sanctuaries at Dan, at Bethel, at Shiloh, and at Gilgal 
 were prosperous in spite of Jezebel, and this was enough for them. But the 
 influence of the prophets had increased marvellously since the rupture between 
 the kingdoms, and at the very beginning of his reign Ahab was unwise enough 
 to outrage their sense of justice by one of his violent acts : in a transport of 
 rage he had slain a certain Naboth, who had refused to let him have his vine- 
 yard in order that he might enlarge the grounds of the palace he was building 
 for himself at Jezreel.'^ The prophets, as in former times,* were divided into 
 schools, the liead of each being called its father, the members bearing tlie title 
 of " the sons of the prophets ; " they dwelt in a sort of monastery, each liaving 
 his own cell, where they ate together, performed their devotional exercises or 
 assembled to listen to the exhortations of their chief prophets : ^ nor did their 
 
 * 1 King» xvi. 31-33. Aliaziuli and Joram mean respectively "whom Jahveh sustaineth," aud 
 " Jahveh is exalted." Athaliah may possibly be derived from a Plioiiiiciuu form, Athalith or Athlith, 
 into which the name of Jahveh does not enter (Renan, lUstoiredu peuple d' Israel, vol. ii. p. 261, note 3). 
 
 ' Gf. what is said in regard to the Camuxuitish cusloiua of Maacah on pp. 748, 749, tupra. 
 ' 1 Kings xxi., where tlie later tradition throws nearly all the blame on Jezebel; whereas in 
 the siiorter account, in 2 Kings ix. 25, 26, it is laid entirely on Ahab. 
 
 * Cf. what is said in regard to the prophets on pp. 748, 749, supra. 
 
 * In 1 Saw. xix. 20, a passage which seems to some to be a later interpolation mentions a " company 
 of the prophets, prophesying, and Samuel standing as liead over them." Cf. 2 Kings vi. 1-7, wiiere 
 thelnarrative introduces a congregation of jjrophets grouped round lilisha. 
 
784 TEE EEBBEWS AND THE PHILISTINES— DAMASCUS. 
 
 sacred oflSce prevent them from marrying.^ As a rule, they settled near one 
 of the temples, and lived there on excellent terms v.'ith the members of the 
 regular priesthood. Accompanied by musical instruments, they chanted the 
 songs in which the poets of other days extolled the mighty deeds of Jahveh, 
 and obtained from this source the incidents of the semi-religious accounts which 
 they narrated concerning the early history of the people; or, when the spirit 
 moved them, they went about through the land prophesying, either singly, or 
 accompanied by a disciple, or in bands.^ The people thronged round them to 
 listen to their hymns or their stories of the heroic age : the great ones of the 
 land, even kings themselves, received visits from them, and endured their 
 reproaches or exhortations M'ith mingled feelings of awe and terror. A few of 
 the prophets took the part of Ahab and Jezebel,^ but the majority declared 
 against them, and of these, the most conspicuous, by his forcibleness of speech 
 and action, was Elijah. We do not know of what race or family he came, nor 
 even what he was : * the incidents of his life which have come down to us seem 
 to be wrapped in a vague legendary grandeur. He appears before Ahab, and 
 tells him that for years to come no rain or dew shall fall on the earth save by 
 his command, and then takes flight into the desert in order to escape the 
 king's anger. He is there ministered unto by ravens, which bring him bread and 
 meat every night and morning. When the spring from which he drinks dries 
 up, he goes to the house of a widow at Zarephath in the country of Sidon, and 
 there he lives with his hostess for twelve months on a barrel of meal and a 
 cruse of oil which never fail. The widow's son dies suddenly : he prays to 
 Jahveh and restores him to life ; then, still guided by an inspiration from above, 
 he again presents himself before the king. Ahab receives him without resent- 
 ment, assembles the prophets of Baal, brings them face to face with Elijah on 
 the top of Mount Carmel, and orders them to put an end to the drought by 
 which his kingdom is wasted. The Phoenicians erect an altar and call upon 
 their Baalim with loud cries, and gash their arms and bodies with knives, yet 
 cannot bring about the miracle expected of them. Elijah, after mocking at 
 their cries and contortions, at last addresses a prayer to Jahveh, and fire comes 
 
 ' 2 Kings i\. 1-7, where an account is given of the miracle worked by Elisha on behalf of "a 
 woman of the wives of the sons of the prophets." 
 
 ^ 1 Sam. X. 5, where a band of prophets is mentioned " coming down from the high place with a 
 psaltery, and a timbrel, and a pipe, and a harp, before them, prophesying ; " cf. ver. 10. In 2 Kings ii. 
 3-5, bands of the " children of the prophets " come out from Bethel and Jericho to ask Elisha if he 
 knows the fate which awaits Elijah on that very day. 
 
 ' Cf. the anonymous prophet who encourages Ahab, in the name of Jahveh, to surprise the camp 
 of Benhadad before Samaria (1 Kings xx. 13-15, 22-25, 28); and the prophet Zedekiah, who gives 
 advice contrary to that of his fellow-prophet Micaiah in the council of war held by Ahab with 
 Jehoshaphat, King of Judah, before the attack on Kamoth-gilead (1 Kings xxii. 11, 12, 24). 
 
 * The ethnical inscription, " Tishbite," which we find after his name (1 Kings xvii. 1, xxi. 17), 
 is due to an error on the part of the copyist. 
 
TEE CONFLICT BETWEEN ISRAEL AND DAMASCUS. 
 
 785 
 
 down from heaven and consumes the sacrifice in a moment ; the people, 
 convinced by the miracle, fall upon the idolaters and massacre them, and the 
 rain shortly afterwards falls in torrents. After this triumph he is said to have 
 fled once more for safety to the desert, and there on Horeb to have had a 
 divine vision. " And, behold, the Lord passed by, and a great and strong wind 
 rent the mountains, and brake in pieces the rocks before the Lord ; but the 
 Lord was not in the wind : and after the wind au earthquake ; but the Lord 
 was not in the earthquake : and after the earthquake a fire ; but the Lord was 
 not in the fire : and after the fire a still small voice. And it was so, when 
 Elijah heard it, that he wrapped his face in his mantle, and went out, and stood 
 in the entering in of the cave. And, behold, there came a voice unto him, 
 and said. What doest thou here, Elijah ? " God then commanded him to 
 anoint Hazael as King of Syria, and Jehu, son of Nimshi, as King over Israel, 
 and Elisha, son of Shaphat, as prophet in his stead, " and him that escapeth 
 from the sword of Hazael shall Jehu slay : and him that escapeth from the 
 sword of Jehu shall Elisha slay." The sacred writings go on to tell us that 
 the prophet who had held such close converse with the Deity was exempt 
 from the ordinary laws of humanity, and was carried to heaven in a chariot of 
 fire. The account that has come down to us shows the impression of awe left 
 by Elijah on the spirit of his age.^ 
 
 Ahab was one of the most warlike among the warrior-kings of Israel. He 
 ruled Moab with a strong hand,-^ kept Judah in subjection,'' and in his conflict 
 with Damascus experienced alternately victory and honourable defeat. Ha- 
 dadidri [Hadadezer], of whom the Hebrew historians make a second Benhadad,* 
 had succeeded the conqueror of Baasha.'"' The account of his campaigns in the 
 Hebrew records has only reached us in a seemingly condensed and distorted 
 condition, Israel, strengthened by the exploits of Omri, must have ofiered him 
 a strenuous resistance, but we know nothing of the causes, nor of the opening 
 scenes of the drama. When the curtain is lifted, the preliminary conflict is 
 
 • The story of Elijah is found in 1 Kingt xvii.-xix., xxi. 17-29, and 2 Kingt i., ii. 1-14. 
 » InBcription of Mesha, 11. 7, 8. 
 
 ' The subordination of Judah is nowhere explicitly mentioned : it is inferred from the attitude 
 adopted by Jehoshaphat in presence of Ahab (1 Kings xxii. l,et seq.). 
 
 * The Assyrian texts call this Dadidri, Adadidri, which exactly corresponds to the Hebrew form 
 Hadadezer ; cf. on tliis subject the contradictory articles by Schradeu, KeiUnschri/ten und GesohiohU- 
 fortchung, p. 538, et seq., Keilinschri/ten und das Alle Testament, 2nd edit., p. 200, et seq.. Die Namen 
 Hadad, Hadadezer, Benhadad und Hire Keilinschri/tliche Equivalente, in the Zeitschrift fur Keilfor- 
 schung, vol. ii. pp. 366-384, and by Fb. Delitzsch, Astyriologisclien Notizen zum Alten Testament, II., 
 der Name Benhadad, in the Zeitschrift fiir Keilforschung, vol. ii. pp. 161-178, the former upholding 
 the reading Adurozer, Adadidri, the latter that of Bouridri, Biridri. 
 
 » The information in the Book of Kings does not tell us at what time during the reign of Ahab 
 his first wars with Hadadezer (Benhadad II.) and the siege of Samaria occurred. Tiie rapid success 
 of Shalmaneser's campaigns against Damascus, between 854 and 839 B.C., does not allow us to place 
 these events after the invasion of Assyria. Ahab appears, in 854, at the battle of Karkar, as the ally 
 of Benhadad, as I shall show later. 
 
 3 E 
 
786 TEE HEBREWS AND TEE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 over, and tlie Israelites, closely besieged in Samaria, have no alternative before 
 them but unconditional surrender. This was the first serious attack the city 
 had sustained, and its resistance spoke well for the military foresight of its 
 founder. In Benhadad's train were thirty-two kings, and horses and chariots 
 innumerable, while his adversary could only oppose to them seven thousand 
 men. Ahab was willing to treat, but the conditions proposed were so outrageous 
 that he broke off the negotiations. We do not know how long the blockade 
 had lasted, when one day the garrison made a sortie in full daylight, and fell 
 upon the Syrian camp; the enemy were panic-stricken, and Benhadad with 
 difficulty escaped on horseback with a handful of men. He resumed hostilities 
 in the following year, but instead of engaging the enemy in the hill-country of 
 Ephraim, where his superior numbers brought him no advantage, he deployed 
 his lines on the plain of Jezreel, near the town of Aphek. His servants had 
 counselled him to change his tactics : " The God of the Hebrews is a God of 
 the hills, therefore they were stronger than we ; but let us fight against them 
 in the plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they." The advice, however, 
 proved futile, for he sustained on the open plain a still more severe defeat 
 than he had met with in the mountains, and the Hebrew historians affirm that 
 he was taken prisoner during the pursuit. The power of Damascus was still 
 formidable, and the captivity of its king had done little to bring the war to an 
 end ; Ahab, therefore, did not press his advantage, but received the Syrian 
 monarch " as a brother," and set him at liberty after concluding with him an 
 offensive and defensive alliance. Israel at this time recovered possession of some 
 of the cities which had been lost under Baasha and Omri, and the Israelites once 
 more enjoyed the right to occupy a particular quarter of Damascus. Accord- 
 ing to the Hebrew account, this was the retaliation they took for their previous 
 humiliations.^ It is further stated, in relation to this event, that a certain man 
 of the sons of the prophets, speaking by the word of the Lord, bade one of his 
 companions smite him. Having received a wound, he disguised himself with 
 a bandage over his eyes, and placed himself in the king's path, " and as the 
 king passed by, he cried unto the king : and he said, Thy servant went out 
 into the midst of the battle ; and, behold, a man turned aside, and brought 
 a man unto me, and said. Keep this man: if by any means he be missing, 
 then shall thy life be for his life, or else thou shalt pay a talent of silver. 
 And as thy servant was busy here and there, he was gone. And the King of 
 Israel said unto him, So shall thy judgment be ; thyself hast decided it. 
 Then he hasted, and took the headband away from his eyes, and the King of 
 Israel discerned him that he was one of the prophets. And he said unto 
 
 » 1 Kingt is. 1-34. 
 
DAMASCUS BEFORE THE ASSYRIAN INVASION. 
 
 787 
 
 him, Thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go out of thy hand the 
 man whom I had devoted to destruction, therefore thy life shall go for his life, 
 and thy people for his people. And the King of Israel went to his house heavy 
 and displeased, and came to Samaria." ^ This story was in accordance with the 
 popular feeling, and Ahab certainly ought not to have paused till he had 
 exterminated his enemy, could he have done so ; but was this actually in his 
 power ? 
 
 We have no reason to contest the leading facts in this account, or to doubt 
 that Benhadad suffered some reverses before Samaria ; but we may perhaps 
 ask whether the check was as serious as we are led to believe, and whether 
 imagination and national vanity did not exaggerate its extent and results. 
 The fortresses of Peraea which, according to the treaty, ought to have been 
 restored to Israel remained in the hands of the people of Damascus, and 
 the loss of Ramoth-gilead continued to be a source of vexation to such of the 
 tribes of Gad and Reuben as followed the fortunes of the house of Omri : - 
 yet these places formed the most important part of Benhadad's ransom. The 
 sole effect of Ahab's success was to procure for him more lenient treatment; 
 he lost no territory, and perhaps regained a few towns, but he had to sign 
 conditions of peace which made him an acknowledged vassal to the King of 
 Syria.^ Damascus still remained the foremost state of Syria, and, if we rightly 
 interpret the scanty information we possesss, seemed in a fair way to bring 
 about that unification of the country which neither Hittites, Philistines, nor 
 Hebrews had been able to effect. Situated nearly equidistant from Raphia 
 and Carchemish, on the outskirts of the cultivated region, the city was protected 
 in the rear by the desert, which secured it from invasion on the east and north- 
 east ; the dusty plains of the Hauran protected it on the south, and the wooded 
 cliffs of Anti-Lebanon on the west and north-west. It was entrenched within 
 these natural barriers as in a fortress, whence the garrison was able to sally 
 forth at will to attack in force one or other of the surrounding nations : if the 
 city were victorious, its central position made it easy for its rulers to keep watch 
 over and preserve what they had won ; if it suffered defeat, the surrounding 
 mountains and deserts formed natural lines of fortification easy to defend 
 against the pursuing foe, but very difficult for the latter to force, and the 
 
 ' 1 Kings XX. 35-43. 
 
 ^ 1 Kingt xxii. 3 : " And the King of Israel said unto his servants, Kuow ye that Ramoth-gilead 
 is ours, and we bo still, and take it not out of tlie hand of the King of Syria?" 
 
 ' No document as yet proves directly that Ahab was vassal to Benhadad II. The fact seems to 
 follow clearly enough from the account of the buttle of Karkar against Shalmaneser II., where the 
 contingent of Ahab of Israel figures among those of the kings who fought for Benhadad II. against 
 the Assyrians {IntcripUon on the Monolith of Kurhhi, col. ii. 11. Ul, 92). I shall have occasion later 
 on to refer to this subject. 
 
788 THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES — DAMASCUS. 
 
 delay presented by this obstacle gave the inhabitants time to organise their 
 reserves and bring fresh troops into the field. The kings of Damascus at the 
 outset brought under their suzerainty the Aramaean principalities — Argob, 
 Maacah, and Geshur, by which they controlled the Hauran, and Zobah, which 
 secured to them Coele-Syria from Lake Huleh to the Bahr el-Kades. They had 
 taken Upper Galilee from the Hebrews, and subsequently Persea, as far as the 
 Jabbok, and held in check Israel and the smaller states, Ammon and Moab, 
 which followed in its wake. They exacted tribute from Hamath, the Phoenician 
 Arvad, the lower valley of the Orontes, and from a portion of the Hittites, and 
 demanded contingents from their princes in time of war. Their power was 
 still in its infancy, and its elements were not firmly welded together, but the 
 surrounding peoples were in such a state of weakness and disunion that they 
 might be left out of account as formidable enemies. The only danger that 
 menaced the rising kingdom was the possibility that the two ancient warlike 
 nations, Egypt and Assyria, might shake off their torpor, and reappearing on 
 the scene of their former prowess might attack her before she had consolidated 
 her power by the annexation of Naharaim. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A 
 
 Aahmes. isee AhmosL 
 Abana or Amana. See Barada 
 Abil-el-Guriiab, cemetery of, 309 
 Abeshukh (King of Babjlon), 27, 
 45 
 
 Abilsin (King of Babylon), 27, 28, 
 29,40 
 
 Abimelecb (of Gerar), 6G, 68 
 — — (son of Jcrubbaal), 692 
 Abisha, 15 
 
 Abrabam, 49, 65, 67, 68 
 
 Abu Simbel (Ipsambul ), 387, 411- 
 
 416 
 Abydos, 382 
 
 , temple at, 380, 381 
 
 Accad, 38, 40, 43, 44, 62 
 
 , people of, 117 
 
 Acre (Aku), 136, 259, 286 
 Adamah, 48 
 Adiirakalama, 113 
 Adda Martu, 37, 47 
 A,lnniH(iiv, i ), ;>, 175, 176 
 
 (-. .1), 17.-.. ITS, 179 
 
 , auatli (,r, 17'.» 
 
 Adora, 131 
 Adumitaeh, 119 
 Afrin, tbe, 6 
 Agumkakrime, 119, !20 
 Agumrabi, 1 19 
 [A]guya8hi, 119 
 Ahab, 781, 784 
 
 Ahhotpa (Aabotep)I., Queen, 78, 
 
 80, 97, 99, 491 
 
 , , necklace of, 3 
 
 , , mask of, 3 
 
 Ahhotpa II., Queen, 99, 104 
 Ahmasi (piinccss-queen), 104, 235, 
 
 236 
 
 Alimasi-Nofiitari, Queen, 78, 79, 
 94-102 
 
 Ahmosi-Pannekhalit,88, 101, 210 
 
 Aluuosi-si-Abina, 82, 85, 86, 87, 
 88,90,100,210 
 j Alimosis I. (Aahmes), 76, 78, 80, 
 81, 86, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98 
 
 AhmosQ, 78 
 
 Af, 335 
 
 Ajalon, 131 
 
 Akharru, 18 
 ! Akkad. See Aecad 
 I Aksapu (Ecdippa), 138, 258 
 
 Alasia, kingdom of, 142, 279, 284, 
 j 285, 286, 296, 350, 358 
 ' Aiiialekites, 48 
 
 Amanos, 8, 18 
 
 Amenhotep. See Amenothes 
 
 Amenhotpil (Amcnopliis), 94, 95, 
 j 98, 100, 101, 102, 104 
 
 Amenmesis, 439, 441, 454 
 I Amcnopliis. See Ameiihotpii 
 ! Amenothes I. See Ainenhotp& 
 } , the cultus of, 103 
 
 Amenothea II., 211, 289, 290, 291 
 
 , statue of, 209 
 
 Amenothes III., 280, 296, 298, 
 301, 315. 448, 527 
 
 , tomb of, 309 
 
 AmeudlhcB IV. (KhuniatonQ or 
 Amenhotep), 281, 316,321, 325- 
 330, 334,347,352 
 
 Ammianshi, 15 
 
 Ammisutana (King of Babylon), 
 
 27, 45, 49, 111 
 Ammizadugga(King of Babylon), 
 
 27, 45 
 Ammou, 148 
 
 Ammonites, the, 126, 709, 731 
 Amon (god of Thebes) and his 
 
 piicsts, 312, 324, 543-552, 559, 
 
 561 
 
 Amorite8(Amurru), the, vi., 18, 19, 
 49, 140, 147, 148, 150, 255, 279, 
 285, 329, 358, 371, 471, 677 
 
 Amiaplicl. See Khammurabi 
 
 Amu, the, 16 
 
 Amurru. See Amorites 
 
 Amau. See Hyksos 
 
 Anakim (or Emim), 48 
 
 Anman (Ilumailu), 112, 113 
 
 Anshan, 30, 33 
 
 Antarados (Tortosa), 171 
 
 Apachnas, 53 
 
 Aphaka, 175, 176, 177 
 
 Aphobis (ApOphis), 71 
 
 AphuWn, 131 
 
 Apopi, romance of, 75 
 
 Apophis Aqnflnri, 59, 73 
 
 Apophis I., 53 
 
 Apophis II., 58 
 
 Api ig. See AfrIn 
 
 Aramaeans and their settlement, 
 
 126, 147, 669, 731 
 Arapkha, 601 
 Arballu (ArI.ela), 600 
 Arbeles (»ee Arbailu), €01, 606 
 Arioch of Ellasar (Eri-Aku, 
 
 Rimaku), vi., 48 
 Arisft (the Syrian), 440, 453, 560 
 Ark of tbe Lord, tbe, 706, 707, 
 
 728-730 
 Arnon, 13 
 
 Arphaxad (Arpachshad), ix., 64 
 Arvad (Arados), 63, 169, 170, 171, 
 
 180, 188, 190, 192. 197. 264, 
 
 266, 273, 350, 389, 470 
 
 , tombs at, 579 
 
 Ascalon, 130, 131, 135 
 Asher, tribe of, 69 
 Aslinunak, 41, 1 19 
 Ashtaroih, 259 
 Ashtaroth-Karnaira, 48 
 Asiatic, an. 111 
 
 , lion overcoming an (amu- 
 let), 208 
 Asses, 53 
 Assur (god), 603 
 I , winged disk of, 567 
 
 3 E 2 
 
790 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Assur (town), 112, 119, 146, 609 
 
 , vicegerents of, 118 
 
 Assurballit, 595 
 Assurnazirpal I., 610 
 Assyria, 146, 597, 599 
 
 , decadence of, 667 
 
 , hunting in, 623, 661 
 
 , map of, 31, 599 
 
 , rise of, 592 
 
 Assyrian bird of prey, 568 
 
 infantry, tlie, 569, 627, 631 
 
 race, the, 619 
 
 war-chariot, 626, 629, 632 
 
 war-tactics, 635-642 
 
 weight, 670 
 
 Astarte or Ashtoreth (Ishtar), 157, 
 
 159, 161, 167, 170, 174, 181, 182, 
 
 184, 187, 203, 603 
 Aten. See Atonu 
 Atonu (solar disk), worship of, 
 
 314, 318, 320, 322 
 Autu, 183, 186 
 
 Avaris (Hawarit) (Tanis?), 52, 
 
 62, 72, 74, 80, 86, 87, 88 
 Aziru. 329 
 
 B 
 
 Baal (HyksGs god) Sutkhu, the 
 
 Great Sit, vii., 58, 59 
 (the Syrian), 154, 155, 169, 
 
 170, 184 
 
 , priests of, 161, 162, 784 
 
 Baalim, see also Baal (Syrian), 
 
 154, 159, 160, 161, 167, 784 
 Babylon, 19, 592 
 
 , lords of, 23, 24 
 
 , plan of, 21 
 
 , rise of, 46 
 
 Babylonian dynasties, table of, 27, 
 
 113, 612 
 Bahrein Islands, the, 62 
 Bahr-el-Kades, 140, 141, 142 
 Barada (Abana), 8 
 Beersheba, 163 
 Beit-Wally, 387 
 Bela, 48 
 
 Beni-Israel. See Israelites 
 
 Benhadad I., 778 
 
 Benhadad II,, 785, 786 
 
 Benjamin, tribe of, 69 
 
 Berytus (Birutu, Beirutu) (Bey- 
 rout), 179, 180, 181, 191, 192, 
 197 
 
 Beth-Anoth, 131 
 
 Bethel, 66, 69, 163, 164, 680, 755 
 Bethels, the (Betyli), 160 
 Bethshan (see Bitshailu), 133, 138 
 Berber tribes, the, 430, 767 
 Bitshailu (Bethshan), 133, 138 
 Bnon, 53 
 
 Borsippa (Birs-Mmrud), 23 
 Bubastite dynasty, the, 769 
 Barnabariash (King of Babylon), 
 
 272, 281, 286, 329, 594 
 Byblos (Gublu), 172, 173, 178, 
 
 191, 197, 266, 572 
 
 C 
 
 Cana, 258 
 
 Canaauites, the, 126, 127, 150, 
 676, 680 
 
 , agriculture of the, 131, et 
 
 seq. 
 
 Carcbemish (Jerabis ?), 144, 145, 
 
 265, 389, 401,470 
 Carmel, Mount, 134, 135 
 Casios, Mount, 123 
 Chaldsea, map of, 31 
 Chaldeans, the, 62, 116 
 
 , wars against, 605 
 
 Chariot, the Asiatic, 225 
 
 , the Assyrian, 626 
 
 , the Egyptian, 216, 217, 218, 
 
 225, 285, 494, 739 
 
 , the Hebrew, 739 
 
 Chedorlaomer. See Kudur-laga- 
 
 mar 
 
 Coele-Syria, 7, 137, 140, 262, 263 
 
 , place-names in, 15 
 
 Cosssean kings, the, 591 
 Cosseeans, the (Kashshu), 113, 
 591, 611 
 
 , gods of, 115 
 
 Cretans (Cherethites), 766 
 Cyclades, the, 205 
 Cyprus, 199, 268 
 , map of, 201 
 
 D 
 
 Dagon, 156 
 
 Damanhur, Hyksos remains at, 55 
 Damascus, 140, 259, 279, 731, 
 
 737, 777 
 
 , kingdom of, 777 
 
 Damdamua (Damdamusa), 608 
 Damkilishu, 113 
 Dan, tribe of, 69, 704 
 
 , worship at, 755 
 
 Dapur (Tabor), 128, 220, 399, 400 
 
 David, 714, 721, 775 
 
 David's wars with Philistines, 
 
 724, 725 
 Deir-el-Bahari, 289, 508, 771 
 , temple of, 213, 240, 241, 
 
 289, 508, 771 
 Dilmun, 62 
 
 Drah-abu'l-Neggah, cemetery of, 
 94 
 
 Duiilu, 47 
 Dur-Undash, 34 
 
 Dushratta (King of Mitanni),280 
 281,282, 284, 298, 328,356, 358 
 
 Dynasty XVIII. (table of kings). 
 337 
 
 XIX., 341 
 
 XX. (table of kings), 756 
 
 XXII., 769 
 
 E 
 
 Eagamil (Eaga), 112, 113 
 Ebarra, 42 
 
 Ecdippa. See Aksapu 
 Edomites, the, 68, 126 
 Egyptian art, 529-536 
 chariot, the, 216, 217, 218, 
 
 225, 285, 494, 739 
 
 costume, 493 
 
 education, 493 
 
 enamel dish, 20r) 
 
 fables, 499 
 
 fairy stories, 497 
 
 furniture, 493 
 
 goldsmiths' work, 491 
 
 infantry, 223 
 
 love-songs, 503-505 
 
 ships, the, 458, 758 
 
 . Ekurulanna, 113 
 El, 164, 172, 173, 179, 180, 192 
 Elam (Ilamma), vi., 30, 33, 34, 
 
 46, 119, 592, 612 
 
 , map of, 31 
 
 Elamite armies, 36, 60 
 
 princes, title of, 37 
 
 religion, the, 35 
 
 Elephantine, 83, 303, 305 
 
 Eli, 706, et seq. 
 
 Elijah, 784 
 
 Elisha, 783, 785 
 
 El-Kab (principality of), 83, 85 
 
 Ellasar. See Larsa 
 
 El-Paran, 48 
 
 Emim, the (Anakim), 48 
 
 E-sagilla, 21, 41 
 
 Esau, 66, 68, 69 
 
 Etbai, gold-mines of, 374, 376 
 
 Ethbaal I. (Ittobaal), 781, 782 
 
 Ethiopia, 328, 351, 566 
 
 , reorganisation of, by Tlifit- 
 
 mosis I., 229 
 
 , tributes of, 267 
 
 Ethiopian auxiliaries, 220 
 
 Euphrates, the, 24 
 
 Exodus, the, 443, 447 
 
 , Egyptian romance of tlie, 
 
 449 
 
 " Fankhui " (or Asiatic prisoners), 
 93 
 
 Funerals and mummies, 509-526 
 
INDEX. 
 
 791 
 
 Gad (goddess of Fortune), 158 
 
 Gad, tribe of, 69 
 
 Gal-Ed (Galeed). See Gilead 
 
 Gallas, the, 232 
 
 Gandish, 115, 119 
 
 Gaza, 124, 135, 228, 255 
 
 Gebel-Barkal, 302, 303 
 
 Genesareth. See Kinueretli 
 
 Gerf-hossein, temple at, iO'J, 410 
 
 Gezer, 131 
 
 Gibeah, 131 
 
 Gideou. See Jerubbaal 
 
 Gilead (Galeed), 69, 163 
 
 Gilukhipa, 297, 298 
 
 Gizeh museum, head of a gold 
 
 lion from, 108 
 Goim, the, or Goyyim (Guti), vi., 
 
 48 
 
 Gomorrah, 48, 49, 63 
 (ioshen, land of, 70, 71, 72 
 (iubin, 19 
 
 (Jublu. See By bios 
 Gulkishar, 113 
 
 Gurneh, temple of. See Qumeh 
 
 H 
 
 Habardip, the, 35 
 Hadad, 772 
 
 (Semite deity), 16. 156 
 
 Hadadezer (or Hadarezer) [King 
 
 ofZoba], 731, 771,785 
 Iladadidri (Adadidri, Dadidri). 
 
 See Benhadad II. 
 llamath (Hamatu), 140, 142, 259. 
 
 279 
 
 Hanaweh, rocks of, 187 
 
 Ilaran (brother of Abraham), 65 
 
 Harmhabi (Horemheb), 341, 342, 
 
 348, 367, 368, 384 
 
 , statue of, 311 
 
 (wars iu Ethiopia of), 349, 
 
 351 
 
 Harrftn. See Kharan 
 Hatshopsitft (Hatasu), Queen, 72, 
 230, 237, 238, 241,243,247, 308 
 
 II., 243, 247, 252, 254, 290 
 
 Hafli-nibft, 359 
 
 Haurftn (province of Auranitis of 
 the LXX.), 138, 787 
 
 , cities of, 259 
 
 Hazazon-Tamar, 49 
 Hazor, 258 
 
 Hebrew kingdom, map of the, 732 
 Hebrews, the (Ibrim), 65, 70, 442, 
 674, 675 
 
 Hebron («ee aho Kirjath-Arba), 
 
 69, 70, 148 
 Hieraconpolis. See Neknit 
 
 See Yarnnik 
 Hiram I., 781 
 
 and Solomon, 741 
 
 Ilira-Shrdtu, 72 
 Hittite religion, 355 
 
 seal, 672 
 
 type and costume, 353 
 
 Hittites, the. See Khati 
 
 , art and writing of, 649, 
 
 et teq. 
 
 , oampiiigii of Itamses II. 
 
 against, 391 
 Honittoui, mummified head of 
 
 Queen, 566 
 Horim, the, 48 
 
 Horse in Egypt, the, 51,215,216, 
 218 
 
 Hotpflri, 76, 77 
 
 Hrihor (Her-Hor}, 562, 563, 582, 
 760 
 
 Huleh. Lake of, 10, 12, 259 
 Hykeof, the (Amuu or MonatiO), 
 
 50. 54, 5.'), 57. 72, 81 
 
 invasion, the. 51, «/ teq. 
 
 , probable identification with 
 
 the Khati, 'u 
 
 I 
 
 lannas, 53, 59 
 
 lanzi (lanzu), 114 
 
 Ibleam, 1.S5 
 
 Ibrim. See Hebrews 
 
 Ididi, the, 31 
 
 Igurkapkapu, 112 
 
 Humallu (Amnan), 112, 113 
 
 Immeru (King of Babylon), 27, 
 
 28, 29, 46 
 lobaccho.s. See Jabbolc 
 Irishum, 112 
 Isaac, (!8 
 Ishin, 40 
 Ishkibal, 113 
 Isiimael, 66 
 
 , children of, 126 
 
 Ishtar. See Astarte 
 Ismidagan, 1 12 
 Israel, kingdom of, 753. 775 
 Israelites, the, or Beni-Israel, 64, 
 
 72, 88. 443, 444, 447 (and see 
 
 Hebrews) 
 Issachar, tribe of, 69 
 Itti-ilu-nibi. See Kiaunibi 
 lurzii, 131 
 
 .1 
 
 Jabbok, 13, 09 
 Jacob, 68, 69 
 Jacob-el, vii. 
 Jehoiakim, King, 178 
 Jehu, 780 
 
 JerabiP. See Carchemish 
 Jeroboam, 750, 772 
 Jerubbaal (Gideon), 690 
 Jerusalem (Ursalimmu or Uru- 
 
 saliui), 131, 680, 703, 72.5, 726, 
 
 727, 772, 773 
 , Sheshonq's expedition 
 
 against, 773 
 
 , priesthood at, 7'1!) 
 
 Jezebel, 781, 782, 784 
 
 Job, stone of, 403 
 
 Joppa, 130 
 
 Jordan, the, 9, et teq. 
 
 Joseph, tribe of, 69 
 
 Judah, kingdom of, 753, 775 
 
 , tribe of, 69 
 
 Judges, the Israelite, 683, et seq. 
 Jud-ham-melek, 774 
 , head of, 671 
 
 K 
 
 Kadashmanklinrbe, 117 
 Kadesh. See Qodshu 
 Kafiti, 268 
 
 Kalakh (Calah), 600, 001 
 I Kallimasin (King of Babylon), 
 I 280, 282, 297, 594 
 
 Kamosfl, 77, 78, 79, 98 
 
 Karasu, the, 7 
 I Karduniash, 116, 117 
 • Karnak, 341, 379, et teq., 419, 556, 
 557 
 
 , temple of Amon at, 307 
 
 j Kashdim (Clialdaeans), 62, 116 
 j Kashshu, the. See Cossseaus 
 
 I (lord of heaven), 114 
 
 I Kefatift, 120, 121, et teq., 192, 260 
 
 Keilah, 131 
 1 Khabur (river), 2r^ 
 
 Khabzilukhs (Khalzilukha), 60s 
 
 Kliaidalu, 34 
 
 Khalabu (.Vleppo), 142 
 
 Khallu, 112 
 
 Khammurabi (Amniphel) (Kins? 
 of Babylon), vii., 27. 29, 39, 40, 
 41, 43,44,48.49,111 
 
 ; , title of, 49 
 
 ' Kh&moisit, 424. 425, 448 
 
 Khani, the, 120 
 I Kharuu, Kharranu (Ilarran), 26, 
 65,66, 146 
 Kiiarft, 120, 121, et teq., 255. 260, 
 I 262, 278, 279, 285, 371, 372, 475 
 
 , map of, 125 
 
 Khati or Khiti (Hittites), 18, 19, 
 57, 126, 148, 272, 284, 285, 292, 
 296, 350, 35 1 , 362, 364, 366, 37 1 , 
 389, 392, 468, 470, 471, 474, 588, 
 589, 669 
 
 Khatusaru (Khatusbaru), Hittite 
 prince, 389, 394, 398. 401, 455 
 
792 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Khiani (Susimiri), 53, 58, 61 
 
 identified with lannas, 59 
 
 ■ , scarab of, 2 
 
 Khonsfl and his temple, 553-555 
 Khuitatonu. See Tel el-Amarna 
 Khfiniaton or Khftniatonfl (Kliue- 
 
 naten). See Amenothes IV. 
 Khushshi, the, 35 
 Kiannibi (Itti-ilu-nibi), 113 
 Kings, tombs of, 383, et seq., 483 
 Kinnereth, 258 
 
 , Lake of, 12 
 
 Kirjath-Arba (Hebron), 66 
 Kish, 42 
 
 Kishou, 134, 688 
 Kishu, 28 
 
 Kom-el-Ahmar. See Netenit 
 Konthananofir, land of, 90 
 Kudur-lagamar (Chedorlaomer), 
 
 vi., 39, 47, 48, 49, 63 
 Kudur-mabug, 38, 47 
 Kudur-nakhunta (King of Elam), 
 
 37, 38 
 Kurgalalamma, 113 
 Kurigalzu I., 272, 594, 595, 596 
 Kurigalzii II., 59(;, 597 
 Kiish, princes of, 231, 232, 269 
 Kuta, 28 
 
 L 
 
 Laban, 68 
 
 Laehish (Tell el-Hesy), 129, 131 
 Laish (or Dan), 10, 193, 259 
 Lamnana (Libauites), 189 
 Laisa (Ellasar) 38, 42, 46, 48 
 Lebanon, etymology of, 4 
 
 , physical features of, 4, 6 
 
 Leon, 9 
 
 Levi, tribe of, 69 
 Libya, 100, 431, 456 
 Libyan auxiliaries, 220, 765 
 
 defeat at Piriu, 435 
 
 inviision, the first, 434, 435 
 
 . second, 461 
 
 • last, 471 
 
 sailors, 458 
 
 Libyans or Labu (Timihu), 126, 
 220, 430, 431, 432, 458, 473, 765, 
 767 
 
 Litany, 6, 7 
 
 Lot, 65, 66, 67 
 
 Lotanu or Kotanu, 120, 121, et seq., 
 155, 256, 264, 266, 268, 283 
 
 , head of a, 207 
 
 Luxor, temple at, 379, 417, 419 
 Lykos. See Nahr el-Kelb 
 
 M 
 
 Madaktu (Badaca), 34 
 Magadil, 467, 469, 470 
 
 Magan, 62 
 
 Magato (Maged), 140 
 
 Mahanaim, 69 
 
 Mamre, 66 
 
 Manhotpuri, 76, 77 
 
 Maraiu (Libyan prince), 431, 432, 
 
 434, 456 
 Martu, 18, 49 
 
 Mashauasha (Maxyes), 430, 432, 
 
 456, 471, 489, 766, 768 
 Maurusaru (Hittite King), 372, 
 
 389 
 
 Maxyes. See Mashauaslia 
 
 Mazaiu, 461, 767 
 
 Medinet-Habu, 130, 471, 476, 
 477, 478, 483 
 
 Megiddo, 135, 136, 256, 257 
 
 Megiddo, battle of, 257, et seq. 
 
 Melamkurkurra (Melammatati), 
 112, 113 
 
 Melammatati. See Melamkur- 
 kurra 
 
 Melchizedek, 66 
 
 Melkarth, 184, 185, 186, 187, 
 
 191, 192 
 Memnou, Colossi of, 311 
 Memnonium (at Abydos), 422 
 Memnonium at Medinet-Habu, 
 
 478 
 Merodach, 42 
 
 , temple of, 22, 24, 41 
 
 Merodach-nadin-akhi, 663 
 
 Merom. See Huleh 
 
 Mesha (King of Moab) or Kamosh- 
 
 gad), 160, 781 
 Messengers, the royal, 277 
 Migdol, a, 127, 130 
 Migdol (town), 131, 256 
 Milukhkha, 62 
 Minephtah, 72, 425, 434, 436 
 Mitauui, 146, 210, 265, 268, 279, 
 
 292, 296, 401, 470 
 Moab, 148 
 IMoabites, the. 126 
 Moloch, 155 
 
 Mona,tia (" the Shepherds "). See 
 
 Hyksos 
 Moses, 442, et seq. 
 Mummies and funerals, 509-526 
 Mutemfxau, 295 
 Mutnofrit, Queen, 237 
 Mutnozmit, 338, 341, 342 
 
 ■ , head of, 338 
 
 Mycsene, 205 
 
 , dagger from, 205 
 
 N 
 
 Naditu, 34 
 
 Naliaraim, 14, 142, 143, 145, 210, 
 211, 262, 263, 265,266,278, 279, 
 
 285, 291, 351, 358, 366, 389, 400, 
 
 593, 788 
 Nahr-Damur. See Tamyras. 
 Nahr el-Hasbany, 10 
 Nahr el-Kebir, 9 
 Nahr el-Kelb, 9, 657 
 Nairi, 653, 659 
 Nakhor, 64, 65 
 Nakhtasit, 453, 455, 456 
 Nakhtu-ramses, 560 
 Nana (goddess), a form of Ishtar, 
 
 37,41 
 Naphtali, tribe of, 69 
 Naramsin, iv. 17 
 Nar-Khammurabi, 43, 44 
 Nazana, 182 
 Nazibugash, 117 
 Nebuchadrezzar, 613, 615 
 Nekhabit, lords of, 82, 83, 87 
 
 , map of, 82 
 
 (Vulture Goddess), 84 
 
 Nekhnit or Kom-el-Ahmar(Hiera- 
 
 conpolis), 83 
 New race, the, 767 
 I Nipur, iv., 29, 38, 46 
 Nii, 142, 284 
 
 Niua, the goddess, 603, 604 
 Nineveh (Nina, 603), 592, 601- 
 
 604, 617, 634 
 Nisibis (Nazibiua), 193, 601, 605 
 Nofritari. See Ahmasi-Nofritari. 
 Nabhotpfiri, 77 
 Nubia, 299, 376 
 
 Nubia, temples and religions of, 
 299 
 
 Numma (or Ilamma). See Elam 
 O 
 
 Omri, 780 
 Ono, 131 
 
 Ono-Repha (Raphon, Raphana), 
 
 140, 259 
 Ophir, 742 
 
 Orontes, the (Arantu) (Nahr el- 
 
 Asi), 6 
 Osorkon, 769, 774 
 
 P 
 
 Padan-Aram, 64, 08 
 Painotmu, 760 
 
 Palestine in time of the Judges, 
 
 map of, 683 
 Pashe, dynasty of, 612, 665 
 Pectoral in the Louvre, 452 
 Peleg, 64 
 Peniel, 69 
 
 Pentaiir (PentauMt), 396 
 
 , poem of, 397, 421 
 
 PentaMrit, conspiracy of, 479 
 
INDEX. 
 
 793 
 
 " People of the Sea," 205, 218, 431, 
 
 465, 409, 586 
 Per»a, 403, 781, 787, 788 
 Philistine oppression of Hebrews, 
 
 708, 709 
 Philistines. See Pulasati 
 
 in Canaan, the, G97 
 
 Phcenicia, 137, 169, 278, 279, 571 
 Phoenician alphabet, the, 575 
 
 architecture, 577 
 
 colonies, 202 
 
 commerce, 193, 195, 583 
 
 cosmogony, the, 167 
 
 god, figure of, 073 
 
 navigation, 191 
 
 purple, the, 203 
 
 roads, 189 
 
 soldiers, 713 
 
 tombs, 165 
 
 vessels, tlie, 197, 407, 758 
 
 Phoenicians, the, 192 
 Piankh. See Pionkhi 
 Pihiri or Paheri (Prince of Nc- 
 
 khabit), 83 
 Pionkhi (or Piankh), 760 
 Pithom (or Succoth), 442 
 " Plagues " or " Pesta." See 
 
 Hyksos 
 Potiphar, 70 
 
 "Predestined Prince, Story of 
 
 the," 144 
 Psiflkhannit I., 760 
 Psiftkhannit II. and Solomon, 
 
 738, 764, 772 
 Pfianit, 213, 245, 247, 260, 267, 
 
 408, 475, 741 
 
 , Hatshopsltft's oxpedition to, 
 
 247, et seq. 
 
 , Pi ince and Princesa of, 250 
 
 Pulasati (Philistines), 462, 463, 
 
 470, 475, 584, 587, 697, 698, 
 
 699, 700 
 
 Qodi (Galilee ?), 364, 365 
 Qodshu or Kadesh on tlie Orontes, 
 
 140, 141, 148, 158, 255, 250, 204, 
 
 279, 371,390, 391,395 
 
 , battle of, 212, 226, 267, 393 
 
 , Biblical mention of, 777 
 
 , Prince of, 255,e« seq., 259, 206 
 
 Qulah, pyramid of, 84, 85 
 Qurneh (or Gurneh), temple of, 
 
 383, 384 
 
 K 
 
 Ra-Apopi, 74, 75 
 Kadesieh, 374, 375 
 BahotpO, 77 
 
 Eamesseum, the, 420, 421 
 
 Rammaa-nirari I., 595, 607 
 
 Ramoth-Gilead, 781 
 
 Ramses I., 368, 369, 384 
 
 Ramses II. (Miamfln, Sesostris), 
 j 369, 385, 386, 387, 389, 401, 426, 
 I 427, 442 
 
 , head of, 340 
 
 in the Delta, 389 
 
 , marriage with Hittite 
 
 princess, 405 
 
 , mummy of, 429 
 
 , ring of, 450 
 
 Ramses III., 130, 454, 467, 478, 
 ; 558 
 
 , mummy of, 480, 481 
 
 Ramses IV. and his successors, 
 1 483, et seq., 562 
 
 , tombs of, 483 
 
 I Ramses (town), 72, 388, 403 
 
 Kaphia, 124 
 
 Rashuf, 155, 150, 157, 158, 159 
 Rayan or Yaura. See Khiani 
 Rohoboam, 751, 772 
 Rephaim, 48 
 Reuben, tribe of, 69 
 Rezon (Hezion ?), 778 
 Rhodes, 203 
 Rimmon, 150 
 
 Rimsin (Eri-aku), 29, 38, 39, 41, 
 
 43, 48 
 Rosh-Qodshu, 130, 138 
 Rotanfl (or Lotanft). See Lot, 66 
 Ruri (Subri), 608 
 
 S 
 
 S&akeri, 333 
 Sagnrra. See Sajur 
 Sajur, the, 7 
 SakhontinibrI, 76 
 Salatis, 52, 53 
 Salsaliat (Zalzaliat), 597 
 Samaria, 780, 781, 782 
 Samsiramman I., 112 
 Sarosirammau II., 112 
 Samson, 703, et seq. 
 Sarasuiluna (King of Babylon), 
 27, 44 
 
 Sam^iiisatana (King of Babylon), 
 
 27, 45 
 Samuel, 708, el seq. 
 Sanakhtd-niri, 76 
 Sangar, 290 
 
 Sanmflt (Senmat), 243, 245 
 Sapalalu (Hittite king), 358, 359, 
 
 367, 368 
 Saqndnri, romance of, 75 
 Saqnflnri Tiflaa I., 73, 75 
 SaqnanrJ Tiflfia II., 76 
 Saqnttnri III. (Tiflaqni), 77, 78 
 
 Sargon of Agade (the Elder), iv., 
 
 vi., 17, 24, 30 
 Sargon II., 117 
 Saul, 709, et seq., 719 
 Sekenen-Ra, 74 
 
 Semitic influence in Egypt, 495 
 Semneh, temple at, 89 
 Serug, 64 
 
 Seti I., 270, 309, 370, 371, 373, 
 
 382, 385 
 
 , head of, 339 
 
 Scti II., 439 
 
 , statue of, 438 
 
 Shagalasha or Shakalasha, 432, 
 
 465 
 
 Shalmaneser I.. 607, 609 
 Shalmaneser II., 785, 787 
 Shamash, 155 
 
 Shardana or Shardani. See 
 
 Shardanes 
 Shardanes, the, 214, 372, 391, 
 
 471, 489, 587, 766 
 Sharuhana (Sharuhen), 88, 100, 
 
 255 
 
 Sharuhen. See Sharuhana 
 Shafisa, 54, 126, 134, 266, 286, 370 
 Shaveh-Kiriathaim, 48 
 Sheba, Queen of, 751 
 Shechem (Nablus), 66, 69, 133, 
 
 162, 163, 673, 680, 693 
 "Shephelah," 13, 124 
 Sliepherd Kings, the. See Hyksfls 
 
 . table of, 107 
 
 Sheshonq (Shishak), 750, 769, 
 
 772, 773, 774 
 Shiloh, 162, 705, 706, 707 
 Shocho, 131 
 Shunem, 258 
 Shushsbi, 113 
 
 Siddira, vale of, 49, 50, 63, 67 
 
 Sidon (Ziduua), 180, 181, 191, 
 i 192, 197, 272, 740 
 
 1 , coin of, 110 
 
 : Silsileh, quarries of, 102 
 I Simeon, tribe of, 69 
 ! Simtishilkhak, 38, 39 
 ! Simyra, 172, 190, 264 
 
 Sin (the god), 26 
 
 Sinni, mines of, 253 
 
 Singar, 146, 284, 401, 600 
 
 Siniddinam, vii., 38, 43 
 : Sinrauballit (King of Babylon), 
 I 27, 29, 39, 44 
 I Sinahit, 15 
 
 Siphtah-Minephtah, 439, 454 
 i Sippara,'iv., 28,42,44 
 
 Sirbonis, Lake of, 123 
 
 Smendes, 565, 760 
 
 Sodom, 48, 49, 63 
 
 Solomon, 737, et seq. 
 
 , temple of, 745 
 
794 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sovkhotpii III. (Sakhemftaz- 
 
 tafliri), 83 
 SoTklimsaflf I., 84 
 Stabl-Antar, 72 
 Stele of the Sphiux, 295 
 Succotb, 69 
 
 Sumer, 38, 40, 43, 44. 62 
 
 , people of, 117 
 
 Sunmabim (King of Babylon), 
 27, 29 
 
 Sumulailu (King of Babylon), 
 
 27, 28, 29 
 Susa, 36, 37 
 
 Susian Inscriptions, the, 35 
 Susiana, peoples of, 35 
 Sfisirnirl. See Khiani 
 Sutarna (King of Mitanni), 297 
 " Sutekh " Apepi I., vii., 59 
 Sfitkhfi (the god), 74, 75 
 Syene, 83 
 Syria, 5, 17, 18 
 
 , Egyptian commerce with, 
 
 407 
 
 , four Egyptian divisions of, 
 
 120 
 
 , high-roads of, 136-140 
 
 , map of, 5 
 
 , physical features of, 7 
 
 - — , religion of, 154 
 
 Syrian costumes, 151, et geq. 
 
 customs, Chaldseau in- 
 fluence on, 153 
 
 Syrians, racial characteristics of, 
 149 
 
 T 
 
 Taanach, 135 
 
 Tabor. See Dapur 
 
 "Tale of Two Brothers," 70 
 
 Tamyras, 9 
 
 Tanis, 424, 758 
 
 Tanite dynasty, the, 758 
 
 , table of, 759 
 
 Tarshish (Tarsis), 740 
 Tarsis. See Tarshish 
 Tassigurumash, 119 
 Tel-el-Amarna (Khtiitatonft),318, 
 319, 331 
 
 tablets. 275, 284, 326 
 
 Tel-el- Yahudiyeh, 476 
 Tell el-Qadi, 10 
 Terakh, 65 
 
 Thapsacus, 193 
 Thebanhigh priests, 761, 762 
 Theban scribe, 451 
 Thebes, decadence of, 757 
 
 and its people, 485, 757 
 
 and its temples, 305, et seq., 
 
 308 
 
 , necropolis of, 507, 537-541 
 
 necropolis, officer of, 453 
 
 Thothmes. See Thfltmosis 
 Thiitmosis I., Thothmes or Ta- 
 
 hutmes, 105, 120,209, 228, 236, 
 
 238, 240 
 
 , campaign in Syria of, 211 
 
 , coffin of, 242, 244 
 
 , mummy of, 242 
 
 Thiitmosis II., 239, 242 
 
 , mummy of, 243 
 
 Thutmosis III., 190, 238, 253, 
 
 254, 263, 265, 270, 271, 273, 
 
 299 
 
 , mummy of, 289, 290 
 
 , triumphal lists of, 261 
 
 Thatmosis IV., 293 
 
 Tida'lo, the Guti (Tidcal), vi. 
 
 48, 49 
 Tidcal. See Tida'lo 
 Tiglath-pileser I., 664 
 
 , campaigns of, 643-660 
 
 Tigris (" river of the gods "), 43 
 
 source of, 569 
 
 Tihona, 372, 387 
 
 Tii, Queen, 315 
 
 Til-Khumba, 34 
 
 Timaios, 51 
 
 Timihii. See Libyans 
 
 Tiuaqni, 77. See also Saq- 
 
 nflnri III. 
 Tombos, 229 
 
 Tribes of Israel, the, 674, 675 
 
 , defection of the, 751 
 
 Troy, 205 
 
 Tukulti-ninip I., 609 
 
 Tunipa, 142, 263, 271, 279, 400, 470 
 
 Turab, quarries at, 92, 93, 95, 
 
 102, 449 
 Turnat (Tornadotus), 592, 653 
 Tiitankhamon, 334, 335 
 Tyre, 63, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 
 
 190, 192, 197, 740 
 
 , coin of, 109 
 
 , map of, 185, 742 
 
 Tyre, Old (Palsetyrus), 186 
 Tyrian Ladder, the, 138 
 Tyrseni, the, 463, 464, 587 - 
 
 U 
 
 Ukntj, the, 31, 34 
 Ulai, the, 31 
 
 Umliyash, the (the people of 
 Yamutbal and Yatbur), 35, 43, 
 47 
 
 Ur-Kashdim (Ur or Uru of the 
 
 Ohaldseans), ix., 64, 65 
 Uru, v., 38, 42, 46, 64 
 Uruk, 38, 42, 46 
 
 , Ziggurat of Nana at, 38 
 
 Ushabti ("Respondents"), 310, 
 
 332,771 
 Ushshi, 119 
 
 W 
 
 Wady-Halfah, temple at, 89 
 War-chariots in Chaldsea, 51 
 
 X 
 
 Xoites, the, 50, 52 
 Y 
 
 Yanra or Rayan. See Khiani 
 Yarmuk, 13 
 
 Z 
 
 Zab, Great, 592, 604, 605, 606 
 
 , Less, 596, 605 
 
 Zabulon, tribe of, 69 
 
 Zabum or Zabu (King of Baby- 
 lon), 27, 28, 29, 46 
 
 Zagros, mountains of, 113, 116 
 
 Zahi, 88, 120, 121, et seq., 169, 
 172, 264, 268, 273, 279, 358 
 
 Zakkala(Siculo-Pelasgi), 463, 464, 
 470, 471, 584, 587, 698 
 
 Zalfl. See Zaru 
 
 Zamzummim, 48 
 
 Zarpanit (wife of Merodach), 42 
 
 Zarfl (Zalft), 122, 123, 253, 315, 
 347, 370, 371, 388, 390, 466 
 
 Zeboim, 48 
 
 Zuzim, 48 
 
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GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 
 
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