Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 http://archive.org/details/historycivileccl01miln_0 ALtar Screen of the Cathedral ,vvith a view of the City from. Oliver's Battery. Ouiiitouiaju litiilis clarain gazisque replrtam ScmI Novenuii vet«-mm tempara prisca patrnm. jam sacra fames auri jam. ocecus liabendi IVlrilnis eereoiis pamw ncsril amor. ( //v /< s>/ //////: i . VoLI-being- the Historical Pari i \\ inchefter, Sprinted a/id soldiy Ja J Rsibbinj , and jvb/ i/i London by (side// andl>aiiAr, in t/is Jt/nnd , .1 flidi.tit/.-en JtoyaJ, EjccJiimqr Xcnti/fj Bri'ivn t- K* ,itmi) Duke Strert . dr».> i'ivif? Si f mire , and Joseph Jiiwker.New Bond Street .iSog . Tin Stroud Edition, corrected, and enlarged TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE COUNTESS CHANDOS TEMPLE. MADAM, I WAS no sooner prevailed upon to undertake the task of writing the genuine History and Antiquities of Winchester, than both my judgment and my inclinations pointed out to me the illustrious name, which would best become the present page. It was not, however, until I had obtained permission to this effect, that I actually resolved on inscribing this work to your Ladyship. Descended from a family, the monuments of whose attach- ment and munificence to this city adorn its public places, (l) the sole heiress and representative, in all his property and interests, of a father, the late Duke of Chandos, whose name is, at the present day, almost adored in Winchester, and some (!) The statue of queen Ann, in the front of the Town-hall, was the gift of George Bridges, esq. of Avington-house, in the year 1713. The same gentleman, by his will, bearing dale Feb. 17, 1749, bequeathed the sum of 8001. to repair and lit up the city chambers, in St. John's-house, which money was paid and employed accordingly. lie made a more valuable present to the nation at large, in his gallant and successful relative, Sir George Bridges Rodney, afterwards Lord Rodney, whom he introduced to the public notice and service. lie was the representative of Winchester in seven parliaments, and his portrait is the only one which has the honour of being suspended, with that of our city's royal friend, Charles II. in the great assembly-room. vol. I. A ( 2 ) of whose last thoughts were directed to it, your Ladyship has an hereditary claim to the public homage, and to the private respect and gratitude of every real friend to this city, and more especially of the historian of its ancient glories and virtue. But this claim, Madam, besides being hereditary, is also direct and personal, being grounded on the benefits which you have actually conferred upon the city, and the attachment and respect which you have expressed for it. The latter I had a particular opportunity of witnessing, when your Ladyship did me the honour to request that I would attend you upon a visit to those sacred and invaluable monuments of antiquity, which, at present, constitute its chief wealth and importance. It is natural for me to seize upon the present opportunity of acquitting myself of that honourable -commission by my pen, which an accident prevented me from performing in person. As it is a proof of gross ignorance, stupid apathy, or base self love, to contemplate, with unconcern, the most important transactions or memorials of past ages, such as the sepulchres in our city of the princes to whom we are indebted for our Christianity, ( 1 ) our Monarchy, (2) and our Constitution (3) or to experience no sentiment, either of the sublime or the beautiful, in surveying 'the wonderful efforts of our religious (1) Kinegils, whoso remains are in one of (lie mortuary chests in Winchester cathedral. See his history, p. 90, &c. of this work. (2) The remains of Egbert, who having united the heptarchy into one monarchy, was crowned lirst king of England in the said cathedral, are in another of those chests. (3) Alfred's remains are amongst the ruins of Hyde-abbey. ( 3 ) ancestors' art, in their sacred edifices ; so, in an age of un- bounded dissipation, and amidst the blandishments of youth and fortune, to prove a relish and a preference for such refined and rational pleasures, is the mark of a mind ingenuous, exalted and virtuous in a high degree. To these intellectual gra- tifications the study of antiquity is or ought always to be subservient. But this noble science is too often disgraced and brought into ridicule by pretended antiquaries, who, too dull for any other branch of literature whatever, spend their lives in minute and uninteresting investigations or enumerations, which are incapable of raising any other emotion than that of disgust, or of emitting a single spark of useful information. After all, the most excellent branch of ancient learning is that which your Ladyship, together with the illustrious young noble- man, upon whom you have bestowed your hand and your heart, has cultivated with the greatest diligence and success, namely, ancient manners and ancient virtues. Considering themselves as stewards of one supreme lord and master, the grandees of former times conceived that they had other relations with the poor, over whom he had placed them, than merely to receive the produce of their labours. Hence they took effectual care that the labouring hind, who raised the grain, should not himself want bread ; that the watchful shepherd, who fed the flock, should not be destitute of clothing ; that the village youth should not grow up in vice and ignorance; and that the aged and sick peasant should not want any relief or comfort ( 4 ) which was within the utmost compass of human art or attention to procure ; and it was their delight to assist personally in the administration of these their charities. Such, history informs us, were our West Saxon ladies, the Margarets, ( 1 ) the Chris- tinas, (2) and the Matildas, (3) of the 12th century, and such the grateful poor, round Avington-house, proclaim their noble mistress to be at the close of the 18th century, before yet she has attained her nineteenth year. That your Ladyship may long live to enjoy the heartfelt pleasures attending the blessings of the poor and the afflicted, and that your example may excite many others to share the same with you, is the earnest wish of him, who has the honour to remain, Madam, Your Ladyship's most faithful and obedient servant, JOHN MILNER. Winchester, April 6, 1798. (1) St. Margaret, the grand-daughter of Edmund Ironside, married to Malcolm, king of Scotland. (2) Sister of the above-mentioned, who afterwards became abbess of Rumsey, near Win- chester. (3) The daughter of St. Margaret, brought up in St. Mary's-abbey, in this city, who being married to Henry I. obtained the name of .itftol&e the goot> Oucen. See her history, in this work, p. 199, 200. ADVERTISEMENT CONCERNING THE SECOND EDITION. A Second Edition of THE HISTORY OF WINCHESTER being called for, the Author thinks it proper to acquaint the reader with the particulars in which this differs from the former edition. 1st. A copious POSTSCRIPT is annexed to the present edition, in which the several strictures, contained in the Reviews and other works that have been published on the subject of the History, are detailed and discussed. The few real errors which these publications have brought to light, and which are corrected in the work itself, are candidly acknowledged. On the other hand, the numerous objections which originate in the mistaken or prejudiced opinions of the critics, are fairly met, and, it is hoped, solidly answered. A bare enumeration of these critics will shew that the History has been sufficiently noticed, and has gone through a severe ordeal. In what condition it has come out of this fiery trial the Postscript will shew. Of these writers, the principal are, Dr. Sturges, Dr. Hoadly Ashe, the Re- viewer in the Hampshire Repository, and the Anti-Jacobin, Monthly, Critical, and British-Critic Reviewers. The present Postscript will be found to con- tain whatever is most important and worthy of being preserved in the Ap- pendix to this History, subjoined to the first or quarto edition of Letters to a Prebendary. 2dly. Several considerable additions are interspersed throughout the work, and particularly amongst the notes ; one of these contains observations upon a work lately published, in two 8vo vols, called British Monachism, (1) (1) Vol. ii. p. 102. ADVERTISEMENT. Another addition consists of a whole new chapter; being a Survey of the most remarkable Modern Monuments in Winchester Cathedral. (1) 3dly. Certain notes, which seemed to be of little importance, are abridged or omitted in this edition ; and the whole Preface to the Second Volume is left out, as the substance of it is contained in the Postscript. 4thly. The Style of the whole work has been carefully revised, and (it is hoped) considerably improved. Lastly. The Plates, which an intelligent Reviewer (2) says, " are so ably executed as to reflect credit upon this or any other work to which they should be annexed," have not only been retouched, but also corrected and im- proved. Three New Plates are also given in this edition — two of them ex- hibit the East and West Interior Views of that wonderful fabric, Winchester Cathedral — the other represents the Monuments in the Cathedral of the ce- lebrated Dr. Warton, and of Bishop Hoadly — engraved by Mr. Basire, from improved Drawings of that celebrated Architectural Artist, Mr. James Cave, of Winchester. (1) Vol. ii. ch. 3. The greater part of this chapter was printed a considerable time after the work itself, on two loose sheets, under the title of A Second Appendix to the History of Winchester. But, owing to its form, and late appearance, it did not get into public notice. It is also now unavoidably imperfect, as it omits the description of some lately erected Mo- numents, and other matters contained in the present edition. (2) The British Critic for April 1800. Directions for placing the Plates. VOL. I. Engraved Title to Vol. I page 1 Ichnography, 24 Winchester Cathedral, 41 St. Mary's College, 303 Miscellaneous Plate, 374 King's House, 433 VOL. II. Engraved Tide to Vol. 11 page 1 Interior View of the Cathedral, - 22 Chantries of Bishops Wykeham & Fox, 25 View of the Choir, 35 Chantries of Beaufort and Waynflete, 00 Monuments of Bp. Hoadly & Dr. Warton, 91 Hospital of St. Cross, 152 West-Gate, & West View of Cathedral, 180 St. Peter's Chapel, 240 TABLE I. Ancient Ichnography of the City of Winchester. No. 1 Cathedral. 2 Original grave and chapel of St. Swithun. 3 Church of St. > Grimbald's abbey, alias New Minster. 4444 Offices and enclosure of ditto 55 55 Palace of William the Conquerer. 6666 Late enclosure of St. Swithun's priory. 7 Fortified entrance into the enclosure. 8 Charnel-house. 9 St. Mary's chapel belonging to ditto. 10 North gate of the priory. 1 1 Buttery. 12 Cellarer's store-house. 13 Kitchen, with vestibule over it. 14 Scullery, with Refectory over it. 15 Cloisters. 16 Noviciate. 17 17 Apartments for guests. 18 Priors quarters. 19 Chapter-house. 20 Dark cloister. 21 Infirmary. 22 Brew-house. 23 Mill. 24 Infirmary garden. 25 Workshops for monks. 26 Refectory for poor strangers. 27 27 Apartments for ditto. 28 South gate of the priory. 29 Kings-gate. 30 Parish church of St, Swithun. 31 College-street. 32 The Nun's hospital. 33 The first tower and court of College. 34 Middle tower and second court. 35 Chapel. 36 Hall. 37 Cloisters and chapel. 38 La Carite. 39 Wolvesy gates. 40 Passage from the bishop's castle to the cathedral. 41 Wolvesey chapel. 42 Bishop Morley's palace (modern) 43 South-gate. 44 Drawbridge of the castle. 45 Keep of the castle. 46 Entraneeinto keep. 47 Wall connecting works of the city with the castle. 48 Chapel of St. Stephen, now County Hall. 49 King,'s-house. 50 Suburb of St. Valery. 5 1 Church and cemetery of St.Anastasia. 62 St. Mary's in the ditch. 53 West-gate. 54 St. Clement's. 55 All Hallows. 56 St. Mary Odes. 57 St. Margaret's. 58 St. Petrocus's, now St. Thomas's. 59 The Guild Hall. 60 a St. Swithun's. 60 b The duchess of Portsmouth's house (modern). 61 St. Peter's house and porch. 62 St. Peter's de Maccllo, now the chapel. 63 St. Martin's. 64 St. Michael's. 65 The Market Cross. 66 St. Laurence's. 67 Clobery-house, now the hospital. 68 St. Mary Kalendar's. No. 69 St. George's. 70 Sc. Maurice's. 71 The church and convent of the Franciscan friars. 72 The enclosure of ditto. 73 St. Ruel's, alias Rumbold's. 74 The Charnel-house and chapel of the Holy Trinity. 75 The abbey church of St. Mary. 76 Convent of the nuns. 77 Enclosure of ditto. 78 St. Peter's Colebrook. 79 St. Mary's of the Linen-web. 80 Hospital of St. John the Baptist, now St. John's-house. 8T Chapel of ditto. 82 Convent of the Dominicans. 83 Church of ditto. 84 84 Enclosure of ditto. 85- East-gate. 86 St. Peter's. 87 St. Peter's Chushul. 88 St. John's of the Mount. 89 St. Gilcs's-hill. 90 Bubby's-cross. 91 Bourne-gate, alias Durn-gate. 92 Place of combat between Guy and Colbrand. 93 All Hallows. 94 North-gate. 95 St. Mary's. 96 Hyde-abbey. 97 Church of ditto. 98 98 Abbot's house and out- buildings. 99 Palace of Henry the Second. 100 Blackbridge and Wharf. 101 St. Stephen's. 102 St. Elizabeth's college. TABLE II. Ichnography of the Environs of Winchester. 1 Winchester. 2 The Castle. 3 St. James's church and burying ground. 4 Road to Rumsey. 5 Road to Old Sarum. 6 Pitt. 7 Oliver's Battery. 8 Church and cemetry of St. Anastasia. 9 Week. 10 Road to Stockbridge. 1 1 Road to Oxford. 12 Hyde-abbey. 13 St. Bartholomew's Hyde. 14 Road to Silchester and London. 15 Wordic, or Worthy. 16 Winal church and village. 17 St. Giles's hill and chapel. 18 St. Magdalen's hill and chapel, road to Alresford and London. 19 Easton. 20 Avington. 21 Wharf. 22 St. Catherine's hill and chapel. 23 Road to Wickham and Portsmouth. 24 St. Cross hospital. 25 Road to Southampton. 26 Twyford. 27 Church of St. Faith. TABLE III. Ichnography of the Cathedral Church. 1 Portico of the nave. 2 Ditto of the side isles. 3 Door into west cloister. No. 4 Mural monument of bishop Cheney. 5 Grave-stone of bishop Trimnel. 6 Tomb and chantry of William of Wykeham. 7 Tomb and statue of bishop Willis. 8 Grave-stone of bishop Home. 9 Ditto of prior Kingsmill. 10 Ditto of bishop Watson. 1 1 Steps under the ancient rood-loft. 12 Bishop Edington's tomb and chantry. 13 Mural monument of Lord Banbury. 14 Door into the east cloister. 15 Door into the sextry or sacristy. 16 D001 out of the south transept. 17 Staircase into the monks dormitory. 18 Calefactory. 19 Silkstede's chapel. 20 Venerable chapel. 21 Stone coffin of Hugh Basing. 22 Ditto of another prior. 23 Steps up to the south-east aisle. 24 Steps leading to the choir. 25 Sepulchre of bishop William Giffard. 26 Sepulchre of bishop Walkelin. 27 Monument cf bishop Hoadly. 28 Grecian screen. 29 Entrance into the choir. 30 Norman pillarsunder the great tower. 3 t Bishop's throne. 32 Pulpit of choir. 33 Tomb of William Rufus. 34 Sepulchre of bishop Woodlock. 3 5 Steps up to the sanctuary. 36" Sepulchre of bishop De Blois. 37 High altar. 38 Altar screen. 39 North partition wall, with mortuary chests, &c. 40 South partition wall, with ditto. 4 1 Door into south isle. 42 Entrance into crypts from the outside. 43 Gravestoneof bishopCourtney. 44 Bishop Fox's chantry. 4 5 Capitular chapel. 46 Bishop Gardiner's chantry. 47 Door leading from the infirmary, &c. 48 Cardinal Beaufort's chantry. 49 Ditto of bishop Waynflete. 50 Monument of sir John Clobery. 51 Tomb of bishop de Lucy. 52 Bishop Langton's tomb and chantry. 53 Chapel of the Blessed Virgin. 54 Stalls of ditto. 55 Ancient fresco paintings. b(< Sanctuary and altar. 57 Angel Guardian chapel. 68 Tomb of earl of Portland. 59 Sepulchre of prior Silkstede. 60 The Holy Hole. 61 North-east aisle. 6-2 Sepulchre of I lardicanute. 63 Steps into north transept. 64 Bust of bishop Ethelmar. 65 Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre. 66 Stone coffin of a cathedral prior. 67 Altars. 6s Painting of St. Christopher, &c. 69 Enclosed chapels. 70 Monument and figure of a crusader. 71 Sepulchre of bishop Morley. 72 Sepulchral inscription on Col. Boles 73 Sepulchre of bishop De Rupibus 74 The ancient Font. 75 Gallery for Minstrels. •^•^^■^ N-B. The -names in small capitals denote the situations or places which are settled by conjectural, not positive proofs. P R E F A C E. LITTLE more than a twelvemonth ago, the Author was far from imagining that he should ever add to the list of local histories, which appeared to him to be already swelled beyond due bounds. We have now separate histories, not only of most of the counties, cities, and totms of any note in England, but also of innumerable parishes, villages, and hamlets, for most of which Ave are evidently more indebted to the partiality of the writers for the places of their nativity or residence, than to the celebrity or importance, either ancient or modern, of the places themselves. The first criterion for judging of the utility of such performances, is evidently the materials which the subjects of them afford. If these are sufficiently numerous and important to support a connected and interesting narration, it cannot be wrong to work them up into a history; but to weave the annals of insignificant places, like writing the lives of obscure individuals, out of ordinary and domestic transactions, is to hold them up to the con- tempt, instead of the admiration of the public. That Winchester, according to this criterion, is entitled to a separate history and description, will be admitted by those who are not ignorant that it has been, in general, until within a few centuries, the capital of the western part of the kingdom, and sometimes the metropolis of the whole kingdom, and that it actually contains, at the present day, monuments of several of the most important national events which took place during the Saxon and Norman periods. Hence our citv has already been the subject of as many particular accounts as perhaps any place within the compass of this island. When the Author was first applied to by a respectable Bookseller and Printer of this city, to furnish him with a faithful account and description VOL. I. B 6 PREFACE. of Winchester, for the sake of publication, the former works on this subject being either out of print, or not being to be procured by him, he had no other idea than of enlarging and correcting one or other of our late descriptions or histories of it, after having obtained the consent of its pro- prietor. Upon examining, however, these works in succession, he found them to be, at the same time, so defective and so erroneous, omitting what ought to have been recorded, and supplying the deficiencies with fables, that he could not prevail upon himself to work upon so faulty a foundation as these furnished, and he felt it to be a justice due to our ancient and renowned city, and to the public at large, which had hitherto been abused with imperfect and faulty accounts of Winchester, to draw up its genuine history, and to display its existing antiquities. These are the subjects of the two following volumes. But before he speaks of these, it will be proper to give an account of the different works, relative to Win- chester, which have already been published, and to justify the severe censure which he has passed upon those amongst them of a later date. The most ancient accounts of Winchester, extant in print, are the His* toria Major JJ intoniensis, and the Annates Jf lnlonienses^ published in 1691, by the learned Henry Wharton, in the fust volume of his Anglia Sacra. The former of these was written by Thomas Rudborne, a monk of the cathedral of this city, who flourished in the middle of the 15th century. The Historia Major begins with the foundation of a Christian church at Winchester, under king Lucius, in the second century, and breaks off in the reign of Henry 11, in consequence of the manuscripts being incomplete, which the editor made use of. In this work Rudborne cites different authors, much more ancient than himself, particularly \ igilantius and Moracius, who^e works were extant in his time, and appear to have related to the antiquities of Winchester. The Aim ales Wintonienses are also the work of a monk oi this city, (1) though his name is not known, and they appear to have been written about the year 1454. The annals begin with the conversion of Kincgils, the first Christian king of the West Saxons, in (I) Prof. Ang. Sac. PREFACE. 7 63.3, (1) and are continued down to 1277. These, vritli a few other original, though short records, published by the same learned editor, form an inva- luable storehouse of information for modern historians of our city ; nevertheless, our late writers on this subject have never once named them, nor do they appear to have had recourse to them, any more than if they had never existed. It is unnecessary to observe to persons who are accustomed to the perusal of Monkish chronicles, that the above-mentioned works can only serve as memoirs for a history, not as histories themselves of the times to which they relate, being, upon the w hole, vague, jejune, and unconnected, redundant in many particulars, and deficient in others. A second publication, relating to our city, is The History and Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Winchester^ which is stated in the preface to have been begun by Henry earl of Clarendon, in 1683, and to have been finished by Samuel Gale, gent, in the year in which it was printed, viz. 1715. The authors of this work were men of learning, and equal to the task of giving a complete history of our city, if they had been disposed to do so. But they confined their accounts almost solely to the cathedral ; and even upon this subject they are exceedingly concise, except in their collection of epitaphs, which is very copious. There is one point, however, on which Gale enlarges to very little purpose, namely, in attempting to clear up a difficulty, which had no existence but in his own misconception. Having met with a passage in the monkish annalist, concerning a riot in Winchester, in 1264, (2) excited by the lower order of citizens against the monks of the cathedral, in which they burnt down King's-gate, and " the church of St. " Swithun over it," (3) he fancies that the passage refers to the great church of St. Swithun, or the cathedral church, and is at a loss to conceive how the latter could have been so speedily built up again, as he finds it must have been, concluding that the roof alone of it was burnt, to which sense he (1) Rather in 635. (2) See Annales Wintonienses, ad dictum annum. (3) " Portam, qua; vocatur Kingate, cum ecclcsia S. Swithuni supra, &c. combusserunl. Ibid. u2 s PREFACE. forces the passage in question to apply; whereas the text expressly speaks of a diminutive parish church, situated in the 13th century, as it is now, over King's-gate. (1) This work is enriched with plates of dif- ferent subjects in the cathedral, which, however, are far from being true representations of them. Some of them, indeed, as the sides of the font, arc so unlike the originals, as to lead us to believe that the draughtsman worked from memory, and not from an actual view of them. The most valuable parts of this little octavo volume, which has long since been out of print, and is become exceedingly rare, are the lists of the charters, belonging to the churches and monasteries of this city, extant in the Tower, and of the ancient priors and the late dignitaries of the cathedral; all which Gale has collected with great diligence, and to which the writer frequently expresses his obligation. A third account of Winchester, which is published to the world, but in a more solemn manner than by means of the press, are The City Tables, erected at St. John's-house, and professing to give an account of all the most remarkable occurrences which have befallen this city since its first foun- dation. This account appears to have been drawn up some time in the last century, and was contained in a parchment scroll, suspended in the council chamber, until the year 1787, when it was copied and emblazoned, with gilding, on two large tables of wood, which were at first placed in the great assembly room, but afterwards, from their not suiting the general style of its decorations, removed into the council chamber, where they are still displayed. While the writer cordially applauds the zeal of the worthy magistrate, for the fame of our city, Avho caused this public monument to be transcribed and decorated, after having submitted it to the revisal of an antiquary of high character, he is bound to say of the Tables themselves, that they are a tissue of egregious errors, in matter of fact, chronology, and grammar, not to be paralleled in any public record in the island. These errors the writer has repeatedly pointed out, in the newspapers, in the 1 (1) Sec Gale's History, Preface. \ PREFACE. 9 Gentleman's Magazine, and in his conversation with the most respectable personages connected with the city; and though his objections have passed current on all these occasions, as likewise with the society of antiquaries, at Somerset-house, where his observations were twice read; yet it has so happened, that our respectable and learned city continues to exhibit a public monument, which would disgrace the most illiterate village in the kingdom. (1) Every reader of common information will agree with the writer in this judgment of the Tables, Avhen he comes to inspect the exact copy of them, in the Appendix to the present work. A great many of the errors in question are copied into the margin of Godson's splendid and valuable map of Winchester, contained in four large sheets. The author comes now to speak of more recent accounts of Winchester, and such as are more generally known. About forty years ago, (2) a gentleman, not more distinguished by the sublimity of his genius, than by the depth of his learning, the late Rev. Thomas Warton, poet laureate, published A Description of the City, College, and Cathedral of Winchester, in 84 duodecimo pages. It is certain that no man in England was better qualified than himself to do justice to the antiquities of a city, to which he had so many ties, and which was so frequently the place of his residence, had he bestowed the pains upon them necessary for this purpose. But his mode of revising the City Tables, alluded to above, shews how inattentive he sometimes was to matters of dull narration, when, soaring on the wings of imagination, he was meditating some immortal song. Thus much is incontestable, that his Description is excecdinglv defective and erroneous. Of this our pages will furnish too many instances. But not to leave the reader in suspencc concerning sto serious a charge made upon a writer of high character, the author will point out one or two of these mi-take-, which he apprehends to be of such a nature, as to throw an air of .credibility on the accusation at large. The writer, in his second paragraph, speaking (1) Soon after the first edition of this work, the errors in quest km were corrected, in con- formity with the suggestions of the author. See the note to the \ ppeildix. (2) There is no date affixed to this publication. p •• , 10 PREFACE. of the -walls of Winchester, gives the following account of them : — w It is fa id to have been first fortified with walls by Guidorius, Anno Dom. 179. The present walls are reported to have been erected bv Molfwtius Dunvvallo, Anno Dom. .341." What will the reader now think of the attention and Stu#f bestowed upon this description of our city, when he is informed that, according to all the ancient chroniclers, who adopt that succession of kings, to which the above-mentioned names belong, the reign of Guiderius, though it wa« anterior to the date here assigned to it, by 150 vears, nevertheless was posterior to that of Mulmutius Dunwallo, by several centuries, the former being the 20th on the list of British kings since Brutus, and the latter the 69th. (I) A less egregious, though a no less pardonable anacronism, is where this writer assigns the year 611 as the a?ra of building our cathedral, by our first Christian king Kinegils, (2) whereas the gospel was not preached in the West Saxon kingdom, nor its prince converted, until twenty-four years iater. (.3) Another more palpable instance of absence of mind, in this writer, is where he assigns two different spots in our cathedral, widely apart from each other, for the burial place of bishop Edington, namely, in page 78, the Portland chapel, and in page 8.3, the bishop's own chantry. Finally, not to multiply proofs of the charge above stated, our writer, amongst other transactions which he ascribes to Winchester, for which there is no foun- dation in history, relates the circumstances of a pretended siege of it by the French, in the year 1377, (4) having somehow or other mistaken Winchelsea for Winchester. It is with regret that the author points out these mistakes in a writer for whom, when alive, he felt both a respect and a regard: — Indignor quandoque bonus dormitat Homerus. Indeed this work appears to have been extorted by the importunity of booksellers; and it is plain that our poet and antiquary did not choose to stake his credit on its merits, as he withheld his name from it. As to those compositions to which that respect- able name actually appears, particularly The History of English Poetry, the (1) Renulph, Diceto Hist. Compend. de Reg. Brit. Mat. West. Flores Hist. (2) Viz. p. 62. (3) Chron. Sax. (4) P. 21. (5) Horace. PREFACE. 11 author has read them not only with satisfaction, but also with benefit, as will be seen in the following pages. The work which is particularly known under the name of The History of Winchester, consists of two volumes in duodecimo, one of 237, the other of 299 pages, published in 177.3, and till of late was supposed to have been written by the late Rev. Mr. Wavel, assisted by other gentlemen. As the friends of this gentleman, now that the errors of the work in question have been detected, deny him to have been the author of it ; and as no other person can be found to lay any claim to it, the present writer is content to quote it under the name of The Anonymous History. A slight attention to the first paragraph of this history will enable the reader to form an idea of its general merits. The historian begins his task with a dissertation on the several names which our city has borne at different periods. He says, " it was called by the Britons Caer Givent, &c." (1) which name he uniformly applies to it during the British period. (2) Now the truth is, the original historians never once call it by this name, but always either Caer GwenL or Caer Guent. (3) This writer is equally unfortunate in the Saxon name, which he ascribes to Winchester. After having been at the trouble of procuring Saxon characters, for the sake of greater accuracy, he has not hit upon any one of the modes, in which it stands in original authors. (J) Finally, he says it was called, " by the monkish chronologcrs, Venlanvs, Wenlanus, ut in vita Anselmi, fol. 4, quartus a Dunslano Alphegus IVen- tanus Episcopus, &c." This proof that Winchester was formerly called Wentanus, is really below criticism, and seems to argue that the writer did not understand the difference between a noun substantive and a noun adjective. In his second paragraph, the historian proceeds to copy the errors of Warton above stated, concerning the first building of the city walls by Guidcrius, and a subsequent erection of them by Mulmutius, taking care to copy even the errors of his press. When, however, he comes to his (]) Vol. I, p. 1. (2) Vol. II, p. 2, 3. (3) NcnnKfs> tiisi; Brit. Rudbornc; 1 list. Maj. W int. Iligden. Polyehron. (4) See p. 71 of this work. 12 PREFACE. second volume, he makes Mulmutius reign in the year of the world 3528, and Guiderius in the year of Christ 47; (1) which, without being accurate, is indeed coming nearer the truth, but at the same time is a flat contradiction of his former statement. The fact is, in his first volume he servilely copies Warton; and, in his second, blindly follows Trussel, without appearing to be even sensible of the opposition there is frequently between them. This insensibility is so great, that in giving an account of the cathedral priory of St. Swithun, he transcribes, at full length, and applies to it a charter, (2) the very terms of which imply, that it was granted to a different convent, namely, to the new monastery, (3) afterwards removed to Hyde. In like manner, speaking of king Henry II, he says, that " in 1176 he caused his eldest son to be christened in this city." This was four years after the latter had been crowned, with his wife Margaret, in our city, (4) and even subsequent to different transactions, in which the writer himself had mentioned prince Henry and his younger brother as being concerned. (5) Many other errors of this historian, equally flagrant, are pointed out in the following pages, but it would require a whole volume to detect them all. It is hardly worth while mentioning, that one or more pamphlets, under the title of The Winchester Guide, have been published, being mere extracts of the former work, and of course adopting all the errors which that contains, in the passages which are copied into them. From this account of the former histories and descriptions of Winchester, the little justice that has hitherto been done to it will readily appear, and it will be admitted that both the credit of our venerable city, and the truth of history, require that a full and genuine account of a place so famous in ancient story should be laid before the public. Whether the present History and Survey are calculated or not to do justice to this subject, it is not for the author to judge, but rather to give an account of the (1) Vol. II, p. 1,2. (2) Vol. II. p. 22. (3) P. 24. (3) Viz. A.D. 1172. Annal. Wint. (5) Vol. II, p. 58, 59. PREFACE. 13 materials which he has made use of, and the rules which he has followed in composing them. On the first of these heads it is not necessary for the author to say much, in consequence of his care in referring to his vouchers for most facts of importance which he has mentioned, and even in quoting their words, wherever these appeared controvertible in their meaning, or peculiarly energetic or beautiful. Though he has not been able to procure all the books which he had occasion for, yet it will appear that he has read and studied a considerable number of them, particularly of those which relate to the period of Winchester's greatness. He has consulted the records of the different corporate bodies, belonging to this city, where they seemed to promise any particular information ; and he has had, through the favour of John Duthy, esq. the use of Trussel's MSS. written in the reign of James I. being the same that Gibson refers to, in his translation of Camden, (1) which, amongst a chaos of indigested and erroneous matter, contain many useful points of intelligence. Amidst the various accounts of the transactions or characters, which occur in different writers, the author has used his best judgment in ap- preciating the respective merits of the latter. Thus he pays much more attention to Caesar's description of the ancient Britons, than to those of any other classical historian, on account of the care which he always took, and the interest which he evidently had, in gaining the best information, concerning those people with whom he had any relation, either of war or peace ; in a word, because Caesar related what he saw, whilst the other Latin and Greek authors reported what they had heard from a distance. Amongst the British writers, he gives infinitely the most credit, or rather he gives an implicit credit, to the.mournful Gildas, because his pen was not infected with the prevailing vanity of his countrymen, his object being rather to humble and convert them, than to flatter and please them. Amongst the Saxon authors, he relies, in the first place, on the grave (1) In his catalogue of books and treatises, relating to the antiquities of Hampshire. VOL. I, C 14 PREFACE. narration of the friend of truth, as Venerable Bcde has deserved to be named, (1) who, besides his character for veracity, points out the authentic sources from which he has collected his history. (2) The Saxon Chronicle, being considered by the learned, as an approved public record, (3), is of the first authority, in settling dates and other matters that are disputed. But, not to launch out into a dissertation, the author concurs in the sen- timent of sir Henry Savile, (5) that the monkish historian, William of Malmsbury, was, by far, the most learned and intelligent historian of the refined and studious period in which he lived; (5) perhaps it may be true to add, of all succeeding times down to the present. With respect to the early history of this island, and the wars carried on there by the Romans, which are so differently related by the historians of the conquerors and the conquered, the author has not hastily taken his part, as most writers do ; Warton, Anonymous, Trussel, Stow, and many others blindly following the British accounts ; whilst Camden, Carte, Hume, and most other modern writers, despise these, and only pay attention to what is reported by the classical writers. On the contrary, he has carefully examined how far this opposition is real, and how far it is apparent only. Hence, by making due allowances for national vanity and poetical embel- lishments, for the diversity of names in the same person or place, and for the identity of name in different persons or places ; finally, for the fasti- diousness and carelessness of elegant authors, in describing the manners or transactions of obscure and distant barbarians, (6) it appears to him that many accounts, which at first sight seem widely distant from one (I) Camden. (2) In. Prof. Ecc. Hist. Gent. Ang. (3) Gibson, in Prefat. (4) In Epist. Dedicat. Rerum. Angl. Script. (5) Viz. the reign of Henry II. (6) This appears in the account which Tacitus gives of the Jews, Hist. I. v; likewise in what he says of the Christians, in the reign of Nero:— " Christianas per flagitia invisos." " haud perindc in crimine incendii, quarn odio generis humani convicti sunt." Annal. 1. xv. —Another classical writer, who often mentions the affairs of Britain, gives the following blind and prejudiced account of the Christians:—" Judaeos, auctore Chresto, assidue tumultuantcs Roma cxpulit." Suetonius, in Tib. Claud, c. xxv. PREFACE. 15 another, may, to a certain point, be brought to agree. The rule, how- ever, which has enabled him to adopt many circumstances of the British history, since the invasion of Julius Caesar, he could not, with any security, carry back into the dark and uncertain times before that period. The same method of reconciliation the author has attempted upon the different narrations of the British and Saxon writers, concerning the wars between their respective ancestors, particularly in what relates to Arthur's reign. As to the general manner of writing a local history, this the author thinks ought not to be different from that which is laid down by the ablest judges for writing history in common, (1) namely, that a regular series of events should be kept up, and that the motives, causes, conse- quences, and chief circumstances of such events should be pointed out; as a bare rehearsal of insulated facts cannot afford cither much instruction or much pleasure. In like manner, it is impossible to present a just and adequate idea of any particular city or place, at a certain period of time, without some general notion of the state of the kingdom or empire to which the same belongs, and of the transactions that are then going for- ward in it. This enlarged manner of writing the history of our city, in particular, is the more necessary, a=, having been for so many ages the capital and seat of government of the most considerable kingdom in the island, the history of Winchester unavoidably becomes, in a great measure, the history of the Gewissi, or West Saxons. One inconveniency, however, of this plan has been, that the work has swelled to its present size, far beyond what was either desired or foreseen. After all, the author will not deny that he has launched out into several dissertations, which do not strictly belong to his subject; nevertheless, if he has been led aside on these occasions, out of his strait way, it has been for the sake of pointing out something new, of illustrating something obscure, or of establishing some- thing doubtful or disputed. Should he be condemned for these digressions, (I) "Si tollas ox historia quare, quomodo, quo sine quidquid fuerit actum, & an ox ratione ros gesta succcsserit; quicquid reliquum est, Iudicrum magis est quam documentum." Cam* den, Anna!, ex Poly bio. c 2 16 PREFACE. by some readers, admitting that he has not totally failed in the object of them, he is sure of being pardoned by others. He has been copious in his account of the establishment and progress of religion, in this city and neighbourhood, during the Saxon period, and of the different changes which took place in it there, during the two centuries preceding our own, because he has undertaken to write an ecclesiastical, as well as a civil history, and because the temporal condition of Winchester has, at all times, been particularly connected with the situation of its church establishment. In speaking, however, of the latter of these periods, he has thought it necessary to be very particular in the choice of his authorities, and very exact in referring to them; accordingly he has hardly quoted any but the most approved and orthodox historians of the established church, such as Heylyn, Camden, Stow, Wood, Echard, and Collier, except in certain facts of a less public nature, where he has been obliged to have recourse to Catholic writers. By the same rule, in his account of the Presbyterians and Quakers, he has preferred the authority of their own writers and advocates. But the chief rule of all others, by which the author professes to be guided, is that prescribed to every historian by Tully: — JVe quid falsi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. If he has a vanity, it is in thinking that he has observed this rule better than many of his cotempo- rary writers, who equally profess to be guided by it. The truth is, those who are supposed to lead the public opinion, namely, authors, are much more frequently led by it. Subsisting on popular applause, as Tertullian describes the condition of the ancient philosophers, (1) few public writers have the courage to oppose the favourite errors and prejudices of mankind, being conscious that, on such occasions, where they do not make converts to their opinion, they are sure of making enemies to themselves. With respect to the author himself, having little expectation of gaining applause, and being sure of not acquiring profit by his laborious task, the chief plca- (1) Animalia popularis aura. PREFACE. ir sure which has cheered and supported him under it, has been that which is attached to the pursuit and attainment of truth, as it has appeared to him on the several subjects of his narration and disquisition. Hence, in conformity with the former rule, he has sometimes dared to oppose the greatest authorities in their respective studies, where it appeared that they were evidently in the wrong ; for example, Camden, Leland, and Gibson, in points of topography ; Carte, Rapin, and Hume, in those of history ; Stephens, Warton, and Lowth, in the particular account of our cathedral and city; but what is a much bolder attempt, he has not been afraid of thwarting many deep rooted opinions of the present age, in matters that are directly or remotely connected with their religion and their politics. After all, the author is far from supposing himself exempt from the common infirmity of human nature, err are humanum est; he takes it for granted, that in a work so extensive, and comprehending such various subjects as the present History and Survey, he must necessarily have fallen into several mistakes, which, though imperceptible to him, others may detect. Hence he pledges himself not only to abandon, but also to disavow- al! such errors, whether they regard facts or opinions, of whatever nature they may be, or to whatever extent they may go, as are pointed out to him w ith candour, and proved by solid arguments. All that he depre- cates is general and vague censure. If he is chastised, let him know and be made sensible of his fault in a distinct manner. To such enlightened criticism he will bow with respect; but if he finds himself charged, in general terms, with ignorance, bigotry, credulity, superstition, and pro- sumption, he will only consider such language as a proof that his critic is of a different opinion from himself, but that the grounds of it will not bear a thorough discussion. What has here been said, relates more immediately to the first volume, or the historical part of the present work. The second volume, consisting of the Survey, which is expected to appear in the course of a very few months, though perhaps more generally interesting to the public, will be less liable to controversy. The author having, in the former part, related the most remarkable events, which have taken place in this ancient city, 13 PREFACE. proceed*, in his latter part, to point out the memorials of them that actually exist there, and to describe the antiquities of Winchester in general. This Survey, being made in a regular tour, and accompanied with proper ichnographical plans, will enable the curious stranger, who visits Winchester, to be his own Cicerone in viewing the said antiquities, and even the reader, at a distance, to form a distinct idea of them. Notice concerning the Engravings. The Frontispiece to the first volume consists of the upper part of the altar screen of Winchester cathedral, being the richest and most exquisite work of the kind known to exist in England. At the bottom of the scroll is a south-west view of Winchester, taken from Oliver Cromwell's battery, at the distance of about two miles from the city. The plate of the Cathedral exhibits the whole length of that fabric, from the Lady chapel at the east end, to the extremity of the west end, shewing the different styles of architecture in which it is constructed, from the reign of the Conqueror down to that of Henry VIII. The view is taken from the site of the ancient abbey of St. Mary. To render it, however, perfect, there was a necessity of leaving out certain walls and trees, which cover part of the original. The view of the College is taken from the gates of Wolvesey palace, and is copied from a drawing in the possession of the Bishop of Gloucester, the present Warden, made by Thomas Eagles, esq. of Bristol. The three statues in the middle tower are those of the patroness of the college, the Blessed Virgin Mary, in the centre, of the angel Gabriel saluting her, on one hand, and of the founder William of Wykeham, on his knees, imploring her prayers, on the other. The arms and motto of the latter are copied from the ancient lavatory in the interior court. The remaining view is that of the entrance into the college library, in the area of the cloisters, formerly an ancient chapel. The view of the King's House, with the offices and gardens, as it was intended to have been finished by Charles II, is supposed to be taken from the tower of the cathedral, This has been copied from a coloured drawing, PREFACE. 19 made by the architect himself, sir Christopher Wren, which, together with a ground plan of the building, was long preserved at Brambridge-house, near Winchester, the seat formerly of the Wells family, and latterly of Walter Smythe, esq. These having, of late years, been neglected, the plan was totally destroyed, and the elevation much defaced. However, by the great attention of the draughtsman, Mr. James Cave, the whole of the buildings and grounds has been traced out in a satisfactory manner, except the middle cupola, which is supplied from the recollection of Mr. Cave, senior, who long had the drawing, when perfect, in his custody. The equestrian statue has also been added, there being no statue in the original drawing, though there is an area, which seems designed for such an orna- ment. The east and west views of the ancient Castle of Winchester have been drawn under the author's directions, from the slight sketch of that fortress in Speed's Chorography, from an attentive consideration of the ruins, ditches, and situation of the same, from the discoveries that were made in digging on the spot, for that express purpose, during several weeks in the year 1797, and from certain hints that occur in ancient writers concerning it. The Miscellaneous Plate consists of the City Cross, restored to its original state, and of twenty-one other curious antiques, which are there men- tioned. The two sides of the antient Font are exhibited, in order to illustrate the explanation, that will be given in the second volume, of those hitherto unintelligible hieroglyphics. The plates of volume II, which will be more numerous, and not les* interesting than those in the present volume, will be therein noticed. The author was favoured with the drawing of the frontispiece by colonel Turner, of the Guards; a gentleman, who, having occasion for the use of his pencil, in the scientific manner in which he studies the military art, sometimes makes use of it in copying specimens of ancient architecture, which no one understands better than he does. The rest of the drawings have been made by Mr. James Cave, of Winchester; a young artist of great ingenuity and unwearied application. The engravings are executed by Mr. Pass, of Pcntonville, near London. CO NTEN TS. CHAP. I. Foundation of Winchester by the Celtic Britons. — Manners and Religion of its first Inhabitants. — Druidical Monuments remaining in it. — Subdued and inhabited by the Bclga?. — Name and Condition of the City under this People. p a g € j, CHAP. Hi CcTsar's Invasion. — Conduct of the Belga? on this Coast. — Monument of Ca?sar found near this City. — Condition of the City after his Return. — Conquest of Winchester by the Generals of Claudius. — Fortified and garrisoned by the Romans. — Civilization of its Inhabitants.— Placed under the Jurisdiction of Cogidubnus. — The different Names and Adventures of this celebrated Personage. p. 13. CHAP. III. Danger of the City from Boadicea. — Saved by the Roman General Paulirrus Suetonius.— Death of Boadicea. — Place of her Burial. — Death of Arviragus, king of the Belga?. His Successors, Marius, Coillus, and Lucius, in a right Line. — The Conversion of Lucius to the Christian Faith. — Proofs of the reality of this Event and Objections answered.— Lucius sends to the Bishop of Rome for the Bishops who arc to preside in Britain. Winchester made a Cathedral Church, with a College of regular Clergy annexed to it.— Remaining History of Lucius. — Place of his Burial. — The Tyrants Carausius and Allectus. —Persecution of Dioclesian, Destruction of the Cathedral, and Martyrdom of its Clergy. p. 34. CHAP. IV. Discontinuance of the Persecution.— The Cathedral rebuilt.— Change in the Civil Government of the City. — Rebellion of Magnentius and of Maximus. — Consequences of the same.— The City plundered by an Army of Irish ,-»A Monk of the Cathedral becomes Emperor. — The Island abandoned by the Romans. p. 48. CHAP. v. The Saxons invited into Britain.— A Western Chieftain, Vortigern, is chosen King of the Britons.— Aurelius Ambrosius elected King, in the Place of Vortigern.— He resides at Venta. — His Brother, Uther, succeeds him, and is there crowned. — Cerdic, the Founder of the West Saxon Kingdom, lands at Cerdicshore.— Reduces Venta and extirpates its British Inhabitants.— Condition of Winchester, now re-peopled with Jutes.— Capital of the West Saxon Kingdom.— Cerdic is crowned there. — Enters into a Treaty with the British King Arthur.— Fabulous History of the latter refuted. — Sources of those Fables, and his real History traced.— Succession of West Saxon Kings. — Winchester, under one of them, becomes the Metropolis of the Southern Part of the Island. p. 58, CONTENTS. 21 CHAP. VI. The Conversion of this City and Province, by St. Birinus. — A splendid Miracle recounted oi him. — Baptism of King Kinegils. — The Cathedral new founded. — The Work interrupted, but is at length completed. — Misunderstanding between the King and the Bishop, con- cerning the Division of the West Saxon Diocese. — Palpable Errors of Iluine. — Succession of our Kings. — Two of the greatest amongst them successively resign their Crowns, from a Motive of Religion. — Succession of the Bishops of the West Saxons. — The See is fixed at Winchester.- — The Diocese is divided into different Sees. — Literature promoted by the Bishops. — Continuation of West Saxon Kings. — One of them assassinated near Winches- ter. — The Cathedral their common Burying Place. — Occasion of the disgraceful Law made against the Royal Consorts. — Influence of the Christian Religion on the State of the Citv, and the Manners of the Inhabitants. p. ST. CHAP. VII. Union of the Heptarchy, by Egbert. — Winchester its Capital. — History of St. Swithun. — The Piety of King Ethelwolph. — Winchester sacked by the Danes. — Martyrdom of the Cathedral Clergy. — Various Fortune of Alfred. — Re-establishment of the Kingdom and City by the splendid Victory of Alfred. — Foundation of the New Minster. — Edward the Elder. — Succession of Bishops. — Glorious Victory of King Athelstan. — Combat of Guv and Colbrand. — State of Winchester under Edmund, Edrcd, and Edwy. — Misrepresenta- tions of modern Historians, p. 113. CHAP. VIII. Accession of Edgar to the Throne. — Laws and Ordinances respecting Winchester. — Life of its Bishop, St. Ethelwold. — The Cathedral rebuilt. — Monks substituted for secular Canons. — Dissertation on the original Institute of the Cathedral Clergy of Winchester. — Ditto on Clerical Celibacy. — Succession of Kings, Edward the Martyr, Ethelred II. — Degeneracy of the Citizens of Winchester. — Slaughter of the Danes, and Hocktide Sports here begun. — The City reduced by the Danes. — Life and Martyrdom of St. Elphege II. Events relating to Winchester, under Edmund Ironside, Canute the Great, Harold, and Hardicanute. — Edward the Confessor crowned in this City. — Succession of Bishops. History of Alwyn. — Nature of Ordeals. — Queen Emma passes through (lie fiery Ordeal in the Cathedral. — Frightful Death of Earl Godwin, at Winchester.— Harold's Partisans in this City. pt 155 CHAP. IX. General Influence of the Norman Conquest.— Instances of Oppression exercised at Win- chester. — The Citadel.— The Curfew. — Doomsday Hook. — Ecclesiastical Transactions. — A Norm ui B shop. — The Cathedral rebuilt.— The Death ofRuffri in (he Forest.— His Burial VOL. I. D 22 CONTENTS. at Winchester. — The Election of Henry I, and his Marriage there. — History of Molde, the good Queen. — A new Bishop named. — Dispute concerning Investitures. — Great Pros- perity of Winchester. — Synod in this City. — Bishop de Blois builds Wolvcsey Castle. Civil War between King Stephen and the Empress. — The latter received into this City in solemn Procession. — The War breaks out again here. — Winchester nearly destroyed. The Empress besieged in the Castle. — Escapes from thence by a singular Stratagem. — A Pacification takes place in this City, between Stephen and Henry Fitzempress. p. 187. CHAP. X. Winchester repaired by Henry II. and the Citizens. — Receives many Marks of the Royal Favour. — The first City that was governed by a Mayor. — Character and Conduct of Bishop de Blois. — True Statement of the Dispute between Henry II. and Archbishop St. Thomas Becket. — Contention for Precedency between the Citizens of Winchester and London, at the Coronation of Richard I. — Acts of Beneficence by Bishop Godfrey de Lucy. — Cere- monial of the King's second Coronation at Winchester. — Charters granted to the City by King John. — Winchester the most ancient Corporation in England. — The Scene of John's disgraceful Vassalage to the Pope. — Besieged and taken by the French. — Errors of modern Writers concerning King John's Funeral. — Henry III. a Native of Winchester, succeeds to the Throne. — Its Bishop, Peter dc Rupibus, the young King's Tutor. — Conduct of that Prelate. — Disputes between the King and the Cathedral Monks, concerning the Election of his Successor. — Persecution of Bishop William de Raley. — The King forces the Monks to elect his Half-brother Ethelmar, an unworthy Clerk. — Bishops John Gervayse and Nicholas de Ely. — Benefits conferred on Winchester by Henry III. — The Citizens again dispute for Precedency with those of London. — Disrepute of Winchester, for the Crimes there committed. — A St'op put to them by the inflexible Justice of the King. — Parliament held at Winchester against Foreigners. — A Civil War breaks out there. — The City taken and sacked. — Intestine Commotions. — Parliaments held there after the War. — General State of the City. p. 218. CHAP. XI. Reign of Edward I. — His Valour displayed near Winchester. — His other Transactions there. — Dispute between the Citizens of Winchester and those of London. — Terms of Agreement between them. — Winchester disgraced and punished by the King. — Reinstated through the Clemency of the Queen. — Succession of Bishops. — Pontificate of John de Pontissara. — Foundation of St. Elizabeth's College, and of St. John's House. — Bishops Woodlock, Sandale, De Asserio, and Stratford. — Reign of Edward II. — Earl of Winchester. — His barbarous Execution. — An Infringement of the Liberties of this City. — Edmund, Earl of Kent, executed at Winchester. — Episcopacy of Adam de Orlton. — His Crimes. — Reign of Edward III. — Prosperous Face of Winchester. — Subsequent Calamities. — Episcopacy of Edington.— He is succeeded by William de Wykeham.— Acts and Character of this CONTENTS. 23 illustrious Prelate. — History of this City during the Reign of Richard II. — Errors of former Historians. — Henry IV. marries Queen Joan at Winchester. — Henry V. keeps his Court there. — Account of Cardinal Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester. — Partiality of Henry VI. to this City. — His Visit and Benefactions to it. — Edward IV. at Winchester, bestows the Title of it upon a foreign Favourite. — Short Reign of Edward V. — Richard III. passe 8 through this City. — Life of Bishop Waynflete. p. 267). CHAP. XII. Accession of Henry VII. — He brings his Queen to lie-iu at Winchester. — The Cornish In- surgents march through this City. — Succession of Bishops, Langton, Courtney, and Fox. — Character and Transactions of the last mentioned. — Beginning of the Reign of Henry VIII. — His Visit to Winchester, with the Emperor Charles V. — Cardinal Wolsey succeeds to this See. — His Conduct in the Affair of the Divorce. — This brings on the regal Supremacy and the Suppression of Monasteries, which entirely change the Face of Winchester. — The City still more defaced by the Protector Somerset, under Edward VI. — Conduct of Bis! op Gardiner. — Dr. Poynet appointed to succeed him. — Profanation of sacred Things, and Dismembering of the Bishopric. — Accession of Queen Mary. — Solemnity of her Marriage at Winchester. — Restores it, in Part, to its ancient Splendor. — The Persecution carried on in her Reign. — An Account of the Protestant Sufferers belonging to this City. — Death and Funeral of Bishop Gardner. — He is succeeded by Dr. White. — Queen Elizabeth mounts the Throne, and rcassumes Ecclesiastical Supremacy. — Effects of tins Measure in the Cathedral and College of Winchester. — Dr. Home appointed to this Diocese. — The latter again dismembered. — The City defaced, and falls into great Ruin and Poverty. — A new Charter is granted. — Substance of the same. — The College receives a Mark of public Distinction. — Succession of Bishops, Dr. Home, Dr. Watson, Dr. Cooper, Dr. William Wickham, Dr. Day, and Dr. Bilson. — Persecution carried on by Elizabeth against the Catholics. — An Account of the Sufferers belonging to this City, p, 3]o. CHAP. XIII. Proclamation of James I. at Winchester. — The Castle bestowed in Fee Farm upon the Ticli- bornc Family. — The Law Term held at Winchester. — Trials and Executions there on AccountofSir Waller Raleigh's pretended Plot. — Succession of Bishops, Bilson, Montague, Andrews, Neile, and Curie. — The Cathedral repaired and embellished soon after the Accession of Charles I.— At the breaking out of the Civil War, Winchester seized upon by the Parliament's Army. — Taken, fortified, and garrisoned by the King's Forces. — Bittle of Cheriton.— Winchester retaken by Sir William Waller, but the Castle holds out.— His Ravages in the Cathedral. — The Castle itself is reduced by Oliver Cromwell.— Both Castles with their Fortifications erased. — The Common Prayer Book of the Church of England, with the Offices of Bishop, Dean, and Prebendary, suppressed i — Presbyterianism, with the Directory, established in the Cathedral and other Churches, and enforced by i) 2 24 CONTEXTS. Persecution. — King Charles I. is brought Prisoner to Winchester, on his Way to his Trial. — His Reception here. — State of this Place, during the Usurpation. — Fate of the Conspirators, connected with Winchester, at the Restoration. — The Church of England and Episcopacy re-established. — Bishops Duppa and Morley. — The Navigation again opened. — Effects of the Dutch War, and of the Plague, in this City. — King Charles's Partiality to Winchester. — He begins to build a magnificent Palace in place of the ancient Castle. — Effects and Prospects arising from this Measure. — Result of the unexpected Death of the King. — Accession of James II. notified to the Mayor. — Partisans of the Duke of Monmouth here and in the Neighbourhood. — Execution of Mrs. Alice, vulgarly called Lady Lisle. — The Charter of Winchester inspected and confirmed. — Result of James's Attempt to establish Liberty of Conscience. — Bishop of Winchester, Peter Mews. p. 388. CHAP. XIV. Winchester sinks into Obscurity at the Revolution. — In Queen Anne's Reign the Cathedral is embellished. — Sir Jonathan Trelawney succeeds to this Bishoprick. — Improvements in the City. — Dr. Trimnell and Dr. Willis successively promoted to this See by George I. — The King's Palace turned into a Prison of W ar in the Reign of George II. — Encampment of Hessians near this City. — Conclusion of the Succession of the Bishops of Winchester, Bishop Hoadley, Bishop Thomas, and Bishop North.— The Navigation of the River lichen thrown open to the Public in the Reign of his present Majesty. — The City new paved. — Various public Buildings erected.— Different Depredations on Monuments of Antiquity. — Civil, social, and natural Advantages of Winchester. p. 449. PART I. THE HISTORY, ECCLESIASTICAL AND CIVIL, OF WINCHESTER. CHAP. I. Foundation of Winchester by the Celtic Britons. — Manners and Religion of its first Inhabitants. — Druidical Monuments remaining in it. — Subdued and inhabited by the Belgce. — Name and Condition of the City under this People. Without having recourse to romantic legends, or traditionary songs, it is a sufficient commendation of the antiquity of Winchester, that it extends beyonds the reach of every certain and authentic record, and is lost in the mist which envelopes the first population of this island. We have been told by former historians, (1) that this city was built by a king of Britain, named Ludor Ilous Hudibrass, 892 years before the birth of Christ, (2) or 139 years before the foundation of Rome. (.3) (1) Rev. Thomas Warton's Description of the City, Sec. of Winchester. — History and Antiquities of Winchester, 2 vols. 12mo. — Tables of Winchester, in the City Chambers. — Godson's Map. — Trussel's MSS. — Also Galfrid. Monumet. Mat. West, &c. (2) Warton, p. 1 . — Hist, of Winchester, vol. I. p. 1. (3) The computation of these modern writers, according to their own authorities, is erroneous, and much too low. Mat. West, makes Hudibrass contemporary with Solomon; vide Mi. Quart. 2 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, I But the very existence of such a king as the above named, rests upon no better foundation than certain romantic tales, (1) invented fifteen hundred years after the period in question, by British writers, (2) in order to prove that their ancestors, no less than the Romans, Mere descended from the heroes of Troy, who^c history itself is perhaps only fabulous. (3) We cannot admit, as a real historical fact, that Winchester was founded by this pretended monarch of our island, without also believing that London was (!) It is plain (hat the aboriginal Britons, at Ca > sar , s*invasion, had no pretensions to a Trojan ancestry, their boast, on the contrary, was, that they v. ere Terras Filii, born of the , earth, as was tlie boast of the Germans also, who worshipped the earth as a Deity; and who, like the Ganls, boasted of their being the children of Dis or Pluto. De Bello Gallico, 1. vi. — " Britannia? pars interior ab iis colitur, quos natos in insula ipsi memoria proditum dicunt." De Bi llo Gall. 1. v. Sec also Borlase's Cornwall, p. 18, 20.— So late as the time of Gildas, in the sixth century, the most ancient as well as the most judicious of the British historians, whose works have reached us, this tale was cither unknown or disregarded by men of learning. Accordingly he professes to write his history, not from domestic records, which, he says, were destroyed, or carried away, but from the relations of foreign writers. See Hist. Gildae. p. 2. ed. Thorn. Gale. On the contrary, Nennius (who, like Gildas, was suc- cessively a monk and an abbot of the famous monastery of Bangor, and who wrote in the seventh century, gives the whole pedigree of Bruto or Brito, the supposed first King of this island, up to iEneos, and to Jupiter himself. The same author also gives the substance of the romantic exploits of king Arthur, which Geoffry of Monmouth published in detail seven centuries afterwards. This fact, which has escaped the observation of many writers, vindicates the last mentioned from the charge of forgery, which has been so often brought against him. (2) It is true, however, that many ancient English authors, as Mat. West. Dicefo, Hun- tingdon, Iligden, have given their credit and support to these fables. (3) The learned authors, who of late years have proved that the Pagan mythology in general, and the early history of Egypt in particular, related by Herodotus, the father of history, as lie is called, is no more than a metamorphosis of certain parts in the book of ( ienesis, have also brought plausible arguments to shew that the substance of the Iliad of Homer concerning the siege of Troy, and the immortal heroes engaged therein, on both sides, is no other than certain altered and misapplied stories relating to the war of the ten tribes against the tribe of Benjamin. Sec Jlisloire Veritable des Temps Fahulcihr, par L'Abbe Rocher de Guerin; and Jlerodote Jlhtoricn du Pcuple Jlcbreu sans le seavoir, par L'Abbe Bcnnaud. UNDER THE BRITONS. 3 built, as a substitute for the ancient Troy, by a supposed great grandson of iEnea<;, called Brutus, after having conquered all Greece and the greatest part of Gaul; (1) and that Bath was built by Bladud, the son and suc- cessor of our Hudibrass, and enriched with the inextinguishable fire of Minerva, (2) with many other fables, equally romantic, which all rest on the same authority. Hudibrass is stated to have been the eighth king in succession from the first settler Brutus. The next brought in to adorn the history of Win- chester, by its late historians, is Dunwallo Mulmutius, who is placed the twentieth in the list of royalty, and represented as contemporary with Darius of Persia. (3) He is said to have erected the walls of this city, (1) and having made himself sole monarch of the island, and crowned himself with a crown of gold, to have convoked hither all his nobles, where by their common consent the Mulmutian laws were enacted. (5) That there existed, at some remote period, a legislator of the name of Mulmutius, who devised the salutary and wise laws so celebrated in our history, (6) is highly probable ; that the same prince adopted the use of a golden crown, and assembled the states of the whole idand, in some part of it, are also facts which have been reported of him by a well known British historian, (7) and his English followers; but that these events took place at Winchester, there is no ancient authority whatsoever for asserting. Indeed the facts (1) Galfrid. Monumct.— Chron.— Mai. West. JEt. 1.— Hen. Huntingdon, Hist. 1.1.— Polychronicon, 1. 11, &c. (2) Mat. West. JEt. i v.— Poly chron. 1. 11. (3) Galfrid.— Rudb. Dicet.— De Reg. Brit.— Mat. West. Mt.v. (4) Rev. Thomas Warton's Description of Winchester, p. 2. (5) Hist, of Winchester, vol.11, p. 2.— Trussel's MSS. (6) They Avere translated into Latin by Gildas, and into English by king Alfred. Rud- born, Hist. Maj. Higden. — "Leges Molmutiana; usque hodie inter Anglos celebrantur." Mat. West. — The most noted of these laws were those which granted the right of sanctuary to temples, highways, and ploughs; laws which, however noxious in a civilized and well regulated state, were highly beneficial amongst a barbarous, vindictive, and divided nation. (7) Geofiry of Monmouth. 1 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, related are m themselves improbable ; as we have unquestionable proofs that the Britons in general, several ages after the date here assigned, were found to be in a state of barbarism, without any other defence to their towns, than a mound of earth and a trench, (1) being subject to a variety of petty chieftains, who were almost always at war with each other, and using brass and iron for their precious metals. (2) After our city is stripped of all these false honours, she will still retain a well founded claim to as high antiquity, as perhaps any other city within the compass of the island. It is clear, both from argument and authority, (3) that South Britain at least was first peopled from the opposite coast of Gaul, and particularly from the Armorican coast of the Celtic Gauls, whom in language, manners, and religion they so much resembled; (4) that the southern coast was first inhabited, and that population gradually spread itself from thence into other parts of the country. (5) This being so, and the (1) Casar, de Bcllo Call. (2) " Utuntur aut aere aut annulis ferreis, ad cerium pondus examinatis pro nummo. De Bell. Call. 1. v. — "In Britannia nil nequc auri nequc argenti." Cic.Ep.l.vn. — " Etiam illud jam cognitum est neque argenti scrupulum esse ullum in ilia insula." Cic. Epist. ad Attic. — "Fert Britannia aurum & argentum pretium victoria 1 ." Tacit. Vita Agric. — This last passage proves that the Britons, within a century and a half after their discovery by the Romans, had been excited to a diligent examination of the contents of their mines and their rivers. (3) Caesar gives no opinion of his own concerning the first inhabitants of Britain, he only reports their own accounts, which were so agreeable to their superstition, and to their prejudices against the new colonies from Belgium. Tacitus having considered this matter, concludes as follows: — " In nnivcrsum a^stimanti Gallos vicinum solum occupasse credibile est." Bede says:—" In primis haec insula Britones solum, a quibus nomen accepit, incolas habuit, qui de Tractu Armoricano, ut fertur, Biitanniam advecti, australes sibi partes illius vindicarunt." The same is the sense of the Saxon Chronicle, according to its true reading; as, also, amongst modern writers, of Camden— Borlase, Hist, of Cornwall — Wkitakcr, Hist, of Manchester, &c. (4) Ca?sar, Tacitus, &c. (5) " Cum plurimam i.isuke partem ( incipient es ab aitstro) Britones posscdisscnt, Sec. Bede, Ecc. Hist. 1. 1. c. i. UNDER THE BRITONS. 5 relative situation of the twenty-eight original cities of Britain considered, (1) we can have no difficulty in pronouncing, that the first Celtic settlers, embarking at the nearest Armorican port to Britain (that of the Unelli, or Cherburg, (2) from the vicinity of which they must often have seen the white cliffs of the Isle of Wight,) landed and established themselves at Caer Peris, or Portchester, the only ancient city which is actually on this coast. From thence proceeding up the country in a north-west direction, they could not overlook that beautiful and commodious spot, which possessed the several advantages within itself, or close to it, of a well watered valley, and of fertile fields, for their own support, and that of their valuable flocks ; of extensive downs interspersed with covers proper for the chace ; (3) and of shady forests, (4) necessary for defence, and for the mysterious rites of the Druidical religion. Here then they made their chief settlement on the southern coast, which, from the chalky cliffs that surround and overhang it, they called Caer Gwent, signifying in their language (one of the most ancient in the world) the White City $ and by this name it is recognized in the most ancient writers, domestic and foreign, who have left any account of the state of Britain. (5) From this city seemed to have proceeded the colonies which founded Caer Segent, Silchester — Caer Dorm, Dorchester in Oxfordshire — and Caer Paiadgin, Shaftesbury. (6) (1) Gildas, Hist. c. i. — Nennius, Hist. c. lxv. — Bcde, Hist, c. i. — Rudb. Hist. Major. c.n. (2) These formed a part of that maritime confederacy which Caesar could not subdue but by means of a fleet. Bell. Gall. I. in. (3) " Vita omnis in venationibus." Caes. Bell. Gall. L vi. (4) The forests, indeed, round this city, have been destroyed, as cultivation increased ; but authority proves that there must have been much wood there, and experience proves that the soil in general is favourable to its growth. (5) Nennius ut supra. — Rudb. ex. Girald. Cornnb, &c. — Claudius Ptolemy, the Greek Geographer, l.viu. c. 2, calls it' O'TENTA, with the distinctive character of riOAIS, oracity. Antonius, the Roman author of the Itinerarium, writes it Venta. (G) Auctores ut supra. — N.B. The word Caer, or Ctrl, for a city, equally enters into the composition of many ancient Persian cities, as Tryganocerta, &c. The resemblance between many of the eastern words, as well as manners, and those of the Celts, Gaels or Gauls, is very striking. VOL. I. E 6 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, That the name of City, however, may not impose upon the reader, it is necessary to give him an idea of the state of Caer Gwent, and of its inhabitants, at the period in question, and during several centuries afterwards* It was then no more than a collection of long cabins, built of mud, and covered with reeds, (1) in each of which a number of families herded together, with so little order and decorum, as to induce a belief, amongst foreigners, of tiic existence of a community of wives amongst them. (2) These cabins were, in a great measure, sheltered by the overspreading boughs of the native forest, in which situation our British cities were invariably built. (3) Except where a river afforded them protection and defence, the whole was surrounded with a rampart and a ditch, (4) which secured the inhabitants from the insults of other tribes, whom, by force and terror, they kept at the greatest distance, in order to prevent their establishing any other city in their neighbourhood. (5) The adjoining fields were devoted to the fattening of their flocks and herds ; on the flesh and the milk of which, with the addition of the animals which they killed in hunting, they entirely subsisted ; being unacquainted with the luxury of bread, and averse to the labour of tillage. (6) Their only dress was a hide thrown over their shoulders, by way of cloak, to guard them from the cold, which was fastened, at the neck, with a metal broach, or a wooden skewer. (7) In the mean time, the finery of both sexes (1) " iEdificia sunt Gallicis consimilia." Cass. Do Boll. Gall. 1. v. Diod. Sicul. (2) " Uxorcs habent deni duodenique inter se communes." Ib. — Carte, vol. I, p. 72. vindicates them from the infamy of this promiscuous concubinage. (3) " Urbium loco sunt ipsis nemora. Arboribus enim dejectis ubi magnum circulum sepserunt, sibi casas, pecori stabula condunt." Strabo, ex. version. (4) " Oppidum Britanni vocant quumsilvasimpeditas vallo atque fossa munierunt," Cffs.ib. (j) " Civitatibus maxima laus est quam latissimas circum se, vastatis finibus, solitudines habere." Cas. de Bell. Gall. 1. vi. (0) " Intcriores (that is the original Britons) frumenta non serunt sed lacte & came vivunt." Id. 1. v. (7) " Pellibus sunt vestiti." Cas. De Bell. Gall. 1. v.—" Tegmen omne sagum, fibula, aut, si desit, spina consertum, cateri intecti." Tacit. — N.B." A few circumstances of this description, necessary for explaining the customs of the Britons, are borrowed from the description of the kindred tribes in Gaul. UNDER THE BRITONS. 7 consisted in the iron chains which they wore about their necks and waists; (1) with a sword, (2) or battle axe, sometimes made of brass, and sometimes of stone, hanging by their naked sides ; (3) but their principal ornaments^ consisted in the figures of different animals, or other substances, which they impressed, or tatooed, on every part of their bodies, with the blue infusion of their native woad, and ostentatiously displayed in the field of battle, and on other public occasions. (4) If the manners of our barbarous and unenlightened predecessors were disgusting, their religion was still more horrible. This was the general Paganism of other Gentile nations, but moulded into a peculiar form by the Celtic Druids ; who, from having their chief colleges (5) and temples (6) for learning and for practising their mysterious rites in Britain, were too hastily supposed to have invented them in our island. (7) No people were more addicted to religion, but the objects of it were peculiarly absurd — the Oak and the Misletoe, (8) the Logan, or Rocking Stone, and the Talmen or Oracular Stone, (9) They firmly maintained the immortality of the soul, but so far abused this doctrine, as to consume, with the bodies of the deceased, whatever had been most necessary and dear to them in life ; (1) " (Neque cnim vestis usum cognorunt, sed ventrem atquc, cervicem ferro cingunt, ornamentum id esse ac divitiarumargumentumiexistimantesperinde ac aurum caiteri barbari." Herod. L hi. ex. Interp. Polk. k (2) " Gladio nudis corporibus pendente." Id. (3) These tomahawks are exceedingly common in the collections of the curious, and an> called Celts. (4) " Quin ipsa notant corpora pictura varia & omnimriis formis animalium, quocirca neque induuntur, ne picturam corporis adoperiant." Id. — " Omncs Britanni vitro se infi- ciunt, atquc hoc horribiliores sunt in pugna aspectu." Ca>s. 1. v. — " Britanniorum cpnjuges nurusque glasto toto corporc oblitae," &c. Plin. 1. xxii. c. i. (5) These in latter times were removed into Anglesea. Tacit. Agric. (G) At Stonchenge, Abury Hollright, &c. (7) Disciplina (I)ruidum) in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse eacisti- matur. Et nunc qui diligentius earn rem cognoscere volunt plerumque illuc, discendi causa proficiscuntur." Caes. 1. vi. (8) Pliny. Hist. Nat. 1. xxvi. (9) Borlase's Cornwall. E 2 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, not only their clothes and armour, their dogs and horses, but also their servants and dependants, (1) in order that these might accompany them in that new state of existence into which they had launched. (2) They retained from the eastern patriarchs the tenet and practice of expiatory sacrifice ; but, like the worshippers of Moloch, in the vale of Hinnom, (3) they held no victim to be so acceptable to their deities, or so propitiatory, as man. One instance of their superstitious cruelty exceeds all that we read of the Ammonites, and indeed of all ancient and modern Heathens, who have delighted in human sacrifices. It was their custom, on certain occasions, to build up of basket-work and straw, an enormously large figure, which seems to have represented the God Saturn. This they filled with a great number of living men, (4) together with beasts of every kind, (5) and a sufficient quantity of fuel. They then set fire to the whole; the raging flames of which, together with the mingled shrieks of the tortured men, the howlings of the enraged beasts, the shouts of the Druids, and the sound of their trumpets, present an idea, which can only be equalled by that which we are taught to form of the infernal regions, and dispose us to believe what Pliny relates of the actors in this scene, that they were accustomed even to taste the scorched flesh of the human victims, whom they had thus immolated. (6) (1) " Omnia quae vivis cordi fuisse arbitrantur, in ignem inferunf, etiam animalia; aC paulo supra banc mcmoriam servi ct clientes una cremabantur." Cffs. I. VI. (2) iv alias n Kings, exxm. v. 10. (3) Solinus, Dio. " Pro viclimis homines immolant aut se immolaturos vovent, atlminis- trisqne ad ea sacrificia Druidibus utuntur, quod pro vita liominis nisi vita hominis reddatur, non posse aliter Deorum numen placari arbitrantur." Caes. 1. vi. (4) " Alii immani magnitudine simulacra habent, quorum contexta viminibus membra vivis hominibus complent, quibus succensis, circumventi flamma exanimantur homines." Caes. 1. vi. (5) " Magnam etiam e fa?no statuam apparentes, in earnque lignis pecudibus et omnis generis bestiis ct hominibus conjectis holocaustum faciebant." Strabo, 1. iv. ex vers. Lat. (6) Lib. xxx. c. i. — N. B. In different places on the opposite side of the Channel, where we arc assured, by the authority quoted, that these horrid rites prevailed, amongst the rest at Dunkirk and at Douay, it has been an immemorial custom, on a certain holiday in the year, UNDER THE BRITONS. 9 Such were the manners and such the religious rites of the first inha- bitants of this city, as the clearest historical testimonies evince, and the same probably continued during the course of many hundred years, (1) The only monuments, however, that have reached us of those times, independent of history, are the conical hillocks, or barrows, upon our mountains, which still probably retain the remnants of the horrid funerals above described, (2) and the numerous mishapen blocks of heath stone; which were brought from a great distance, and when poised one upon another, for augurial or judiciary purposes, were called Logans or Tolmens, or when supported by pedestals of the same material, formed the dreadful Cromlechs, or altar stone?, that have so often smoaked with the blood of the human creature offered in sacrifice. (3) The first event in the history of this city, which we can trace by the to build up an immense figure of basket-work and canvas, to the height of twenty or thirty feet, which, when properly painted and dressed, represents a huge giant. It also contains a great number of living men within it, who raise it from the ground, and cause it to move from place to place. The popular tradition is, that this figure represents a certain Pagan giant, who used to devour the inhabitants of these places, until he was killed by the patron saint. Have not we here a plain trace of the above described horrid sacrifice of Druidism, offered up to Saturn or Moloch, and of the beneficial cfi'ect' of Christianity, in doing away its inhuman superstitions ? (1) The irruptions of the Celtish Gauls into the heart of Italy, and even into Greece and Asia, after having replenished every part of Spain, which events took place several centuries before the Christian era, render it extremely probable that the neighbouring island of Britain was, at those periods, full of inhabitants. * (2) The generality of the barrows in the neighbourhood of Winchester, in consequence; of the former populousncss of the country, and the cultivation of most of the downs, have been disturbed, at one time or other, as the writer has invariably discovered to be the case; but their general resemblance and similar construction with those which he has seen opened on the neighbouring coast of Dorsetshire, where such remains of men and beasts, with ashes, coarse unbaked urns, &c. were found, leave no doubt of their having once, at least, con- tained the memorials in question. (3) A great number of these huge stones, of the same kind with those that form Stone- lienge, (though most of them are much mutilated and diminished,) arc still, after the lapse of nearly 2000 years since the extinction of Druidism, to be seen in various parts of the city; especially near Hyde-abbey; in Upper Brook-street; at the water edge behind Durngate- mill; at the Close-gate; under the east pier of KingVgate (being the foundation stone); in 10 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, light of certain and authentic record?, was of the greatest importance and magnitude, being no less than a total change of its government and inha- bitants, by means of a foreign invasion. The authors of this were the Belgce, originally a German nation, (1) who, passing the Rhine several ages before the period in question, had conquered and seized upon a third part of Gaul ; (2) where they ever maintained the character of being the bravest of all the neighbouring nations. (3) Not content with their conquests on the continent, and being incited by the hopes of plunder^ a part of them crossed over the narrow sea which separated their coast from that of Britain, expelled the original Britons from the whole extent of the maritime counties, from Kent as far as Cornwall, and kept KingVgatc-street, &c. Others, of a still larger size, arc to be found in the neighbourhood of the city, particularly in the rich valley of Twyford, which, prior to the arts of cultivation, must have been covered with a thick and lofty forest, highly favourable to Druidical rites. It is to be observed, that stones of this kind and size are not found in their natural state nearer our city than Bagshot-heath, the plains of AViltshire, the Isle of Wight, or the coast opposite to it ; in short, not nearer to it than from twenty to thirty miles : of course, the labour that it must have cost to convey them so far by land carriage, and through bad roads, proves that they were brought thither for some very important purpose. Now it is certain that they are equally unfit for carving and for building; accordingly we generally find them lying useless on the road side, or employed by way of fences at the corner of streets. It remains then for us to say, that they were collected by the ancient Britons, in our city, for the same religious purposes for which the same kind of stones were brought to Stonehenge and to Abury. One of the stones at Twyford, by the road side, has a^mortice, apparently in the exact direction of the centre of gravity, and seems to have been the impost of a Logan; a second, which lies on the ground near Hyde-abbey, and measures about eleven feet in length, seems to have been the upright of a Tolmen ; whilst a flat stone close to the blacksmith's shop in Upper Brook-street, which measures five feet in its greatest length, two and a half in breadth, and one foot and a half in thickness, was evidently a Cromlech, or altar stone, in which a small cavity seems to have been wrought near the middle of it, in order to retain a certain quantity of blood, for sprinkling round the altar, according to the Druidical usage. Two of the three pedestals on which this altar rested, are seen worked into the foundation of the opposite wall. Another much larger stone than the above mentioned, which stood in this neighbourhood, and seemed to have belonged to the same Druidical monument, was used as the foundation stone of the present new hospital. (1) " Repericbant Belgas ortos esse a Germanis, Rhenumque antiquitus transductos ibi confedisse. Caes. 1. n. (2) Caes. 1. ii. (5) " Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belga?." Ib. 1. I. UNDER THE BRITONS. 11 possession of them. (1) They consisted of different clans, which were distinguished in this island, as they had been upon the continent, by their respective names. But that clan which appears to have been the most considerable amongst them, and which, by its subsequent victories, proved itself to be the most valiant, retained, by way of pre-eminence, the national name of Belgae, without any addition. This tribe seated itself in the central province of Hampshire, and extirpating, or expelling the former inhabitants, established the chief seat of government at Caer Gwcnt, which henceforward, during many ages, in addition to its own name, bore also that of its Belgic rulers. (2) It is not easy to ascer- tain at what time this revolution took place. It had certainly been effected a whole century before the Christian aera ; (3) nearly about the period at which Divitacus, the Belgic king of Soissons, is celebrated for having extended his sway over a considerable part of Britain, as well as of Gaul. (4) The change of inhabitants was unquestionably an improvement to Caer Gwent; for the Belgic Britons were several degrees more refined than the Celtic Britons. They did not entirely subsist, like the latter, upon milk and flesh, for they practised agriculture, and raised corn, (5) making both bread and beer; (6) their milk also they learned to work into (J) " Maritima pars Britannia? ab iis incolitur qui predae, & belli inferendi causa cx Belgio transieiant, & bello illato, ibi remanserunt." L. v. (2) They themselves probably called it Gwent Bolg. The Roman writers softened this name (as it was their custom to do with respect to all barbarous names) into Venta Belgarum ; pronouncing, however, the letter v open, in consequence of which it had the same sound as our w 3 and the ou of the Greek geographer Ptolemy, who, as we have seen, writes our Venta Ovevret. See Antoninus's Itinerarium, It. Brit, ad finem. also Ricard. Corin. It. \v. and \V hitakcr. The ancient anonymous geographer of Ravenna calls it Venta Velgarum. (3) Camden. The learned Whitakcr is of opinion that this conquest of the sea coast by the Belgae, took place two centuries and a half earlier than this period. Hist, of Manchester, b. xn. (1) " Apud eos (Suessones) fuisse regem nostra, memoria Divitiacum totius Gallia? poten- tissimum, qui magna? partis hujas regionis, turn etiam Britannia' imperium obtinuit." Csbs.I.ii. (5) " Belga? Agios colere cccpcrunt." lb. l.v. — " Interiorespleriqueframentanoa serunt." Ib. (0) See Whitakcr and the authorities quoted by him. Hist, of Manchester, c. vii. and Appendix No. i. 12 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, cheese; (1) and instead of the raw hides of their predecessors, they seem to have worn manufactured clothing. (2) The single circumstance of their applying to agriculture, instead of the chace, (which indeed it was not safe for them to follow to any great distance in the neigh- bourhood of enemies,) by confining them more at home, must have greatly contributed to the improvement of their dwellings. But what chiefly served to raise the inhabitants of this city and neighbourhood above the native barbarity of the ancient Britons, was their intercourse and traffic with foreigners; of which, on account of the conveniency of their harbours, and other advantages, they probably enjoyed, at the period we are speaking of, the greatest share, next to their brethren in Kent. (3) This progress of our city towards civilization, which it was necessary to point out, in consequence of what we learn from that illustrious author, who wrote from occular testimony, must not, however, be over- rated. The inhabitants were still barbarians, adopting the strange custom of their predecessors, in marking their bodies all over with blue figures, by way of ornament, and of course throwing off their clothes in battle, and on other occasions, in order to display them. (4) They were also addicted to the horrid rites of Druidism ; (5) whilst the cities of the Belgae in general were so little improved in their appearance, or manner of fortification, as not to be distinguished by the Roman general, from the entrenched woods and huts of the savages in the interior country. (6) (1) Strabo. (2) " Interiorcs pellibas sunt vestiti." Caps. 1. v. (3) " Neque iis (mcrcatoribus) quidquam pnrter oram maritimain atque eas regiones quae c ontra Galliam sunt notum est." Crcs. 1, iv. — u Longc humq.nissimi qui Cant i urn incolunt quae regioest maritiina omnis." L. v. (4) " Omncs Britanni vitro se inficiunt." Ca?s. 1. v. (5) This religion, no less than the custom of staining their bodies, the Belga?, who were a German tribe, had borrowed from the conquered Britons. " Germani neque Druidas habent neque sacriticiis student." Caes. 1. vi. (G) " Oppidum Britanni vocant, &c. Ut supra, p. G. UNDER THE ROMANS, 13 CHAP. II. Casals Invasion, — Conduct of the Belgce on this Coast. — Monument of Ccesar found near this City. — Condition of the City after his Return. — Conquest of Winchester by the Generals of Claudius. — Fortified and garrisoned by the Romans. — Civilization of its Inhabitants. — Placed tinder the Jurisdiction of Cogidubnus. — The different Names and Adventures of this celebrated Personage. The union of the British Belgae under one government, does not appear to have lasted longer than the reign of Divitiacus. Soon after his time, Ave find them split into a variety of petty states, four of which subsisted in the single county of Kent, each having its respective chieftain or king, as he was called. (1) The consequence of this disunion was, that upon the eastern frontier, where the Belgae appear to have been most divided, they were unable to cope with the ancient Britons ; one of whose kings, who ruled over the Cassii of Hertfordshire, and part of Buckinghamshire, was enabled, about the time we are speaking of, to conquer and put to death Imanuentius, king of the Belgic Trinobantes, and to take possession of London, his chief city. (2) Our Belgae of the West, if we may judge by their subsequent successes against the common enemy, were more united. But the time was now come, when a sense of their common danger rendered it necessary for the inhabitants of this island in general to forget their ancient enmities and separate interests, and to form one grand con- federacy for their mutual defence. (3) For they learnt from the (1) " Quibus rcgionibus (Cantio) iv regcs praecrant. Ca?s. 1. v. (2) " Imanuentius in ca civitate (Trinobantum) regnurn obtinuerat, mierfcc< usque erat a Cassivcllauno." Ca?s. 1. v. (3) " Consilio ejus (Cacsaris) cognito, & per mercalorcs pcrlato ad Britannos." L. iv. VOL. I. F HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, merchants, who traded between their coasts and the opposite coasts of the continent, that the great Roman general, who had subdued all Gaul, from the Alps to the British Channel, was preparing to cross the latter with his invincible legions, in order to bring their country under the same yoke. The different tribes accordingly united together, and having chosen for their generalissimo Cassivellaunus (1), a prince,, whose reputation for military talents seems to have been the highest amongst them. The people of the maritime provinces shewed themselves no less obedient to his orders, than were those of the interior, or his own immediate subjects. (2) If it be asked, why no mention is made of our Ventenses, or of any other part of the Belgic people immediately subject to this city, in either of the famous expeditions which the great Julius made into this island ; the answer is at hand, and reflects a lustre upon their character. Not knowing on which part of the coast each of the threatened invasions was to take place ; they, no less than the people of Kent, Avere employed in watching and guarding that which skirted their own province. Afterwards, when Caesar had, with his usual celerity, routed the armies immediately opposed to him ; (3) when the confederacy was dissolved, and the different tribes from Norfolk, (4) from Oxfordshire, (5) from Berkshire, (6) from Buckingham- (1) Otherwise called Cassi-Belimis. See Camden's Buckinghamshire, &c. (2) This appears in the bold attack made upon the Roman camp and shipping by the chieftains of Kent, in conformity with the orders of Cassivellaun, when his capital, Verulam, was besieged by Caesar. De Bell. Gall. 1. v. (3) The British writers boast of prodigies of valour performed by their countrymen against the person and army of Caesar, particularly by the chieftain called Nennius, who is said to have seized upon the sword of the Roman general, and with it to have killed Labienus, (id est Laberius Durus.) See Caes. l.v. In confirmation of this account, they quote the verse of the Roman poet: — " Tcrrita quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis." Lucan. — It is certain they defended themselves with much valour, and with more success, than Caesar is willing to acknowledge. (4) Cenimagni, or Iceni, called by Ptolemy Simeni. (5) Ancalites, viz. in the north east parts of the said county. (6) Bibroci, the south parts of Berkshire, whose capital was Bray, near Windsor. UNDER THE ROMANS. 15 shire and Hertfordshire, (1) from Middlesex, (2) and even from the neighbouring city of Silchester, (3) pressed forward by their several am- bassadors, to make their submission to the conqueror, and to court his protection; the inhabitants of Caer Gwent were not forward to bend their necks to the yoke ; and by this conduct avoided the disgrace which was incurred by so many of the neighbouring cities and people. (4) In the end Cassar returned to the continent, more vain of himself, and more extolled by his countrymen, for having discovered a part of Britain, which was then considered as a new world ; (5) than for having subdued the whole extent of Gaul. (6) From this period, which was the 55th year before the birth of Christ, during the space of nearly a century, the (1) The Cassii, or Cattieuchlani. (2) The Trinobantes. (3) The Segontiaci. (4) Notwithstanding the silence of Caesar concerning any incursion made by the Romans, in either of his expeditions, so far to the west as our city ; yet the following discovery renders it probable, that a part of his army, at least, had been in our neighbourhood, and had even met with a defeat there, and been obliged to bury their ensigns, to prevent (heir falling into the hands of the Britons. Perhaps this was the case with that part of the cavalry which was embarked, in the first expedition, on board of eighteen transports, and which being driven by stress of weather to the westward, would naturally endeavour to land, and to form a junction with the Roman forces in Kent. Be that as it may : about fifty-six years ago, some labourers, digging for sand, near the entrance of Otterburn, which is a village four miles distant from Winchester, found, at the depth of twelve feet, a plate of mixed white metal, (such as those which were fixed to the eagles, or other ensigns of the Roman generals) with the head and inscription of Julius Caesar upon it, in as high preservation as if it had but just been stamped. This circumstance, together with the depth and nature of the soil, creates a suspicion that it had been purposely buried. The medal has been in the possession of one of the labourers, (still living in the village) from the time of the discovery, until within these three months, when it fell into the hands of an ingenious medical gentleman of this city, by whose favour it is engraved in our Miscellaneous Plate ; which see No. 2. (5) " Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos." Virg. Eclog. i. (6) " Ob hoc, quod Britanniam bcllo petivissit, & ipse sibi (Caesar) vehemcnter placebat, & qui Romae erant mirifice praedicabant. Nam cum viderent quae prius ignota fuerant, in lucem prolata, & quae ante, ne fando quidem, erant audita, jam sibi patefacta ; spem ex his consecuturam velut re exhibitam amplectebantnr, atquc ob has res supplicationes in vigesimum diem decreverunt." Dio. 1. xxxix.ex vers. F 2 16 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, Britons were free from any foreign invasion. It is true they were threat- ened with an invasion, on one pretence or other, by each of the three succeeding emperors, Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula; the latter of whom actually led an army as far as the opposite shore of the Bristish Channel (1) for this purpose. They were, however, left quiet during all this time, on the sole condition of their paying a small tribute, which was rather calculated to gratify the pride, than the avarice of the haughty Ro- mans. (2) During this period it is natural to suppose, that our Venta was greatly aggrandized, in consequence of the success, both in arms and commerce, of that people, whose acknowledged capital it was. For our proper Belgae, whom, with all their kindred tribes, Caesar represents as confined to the southern shores of the island ; (3) the geographer, Ptolemy, describes, two centuries afterwards, as being possessed of the whole country to the south of the Dobuni of Gloucestershire ; that is to say, the whole or the greatest part of the country between the Severn and the British Channel, with the cities of Bath and Ilchester. (4) This increase of territory could not have been obtained without signal conquests gained over the Celtic Britons by our Belgae ; and the interval between the first and the second Roman invasion, was the only period in w hich it was possible for them to achieve such conquests. But what must have contributed most to raise the importance of our city, and at the same time to enrich and civilize its inhabitants, was the establishment of the chief foreign mart, for the staple commodity of tin, in the island of Wight, (5) which was in their neighbourhood, and subject to them. It appears to have been at that (1) Whence lie ridiculously sent cockle shells to the Roman Senate, as a proof of his pretended victory over the ocean. Suet, in Calig. (2) Strabo. (3) See note 1, p. 11. (1) 11 To if h Ao£«voi; wrtoxeivfai BsXyon, xai ttoXeis Irakis, TSarx Ospy.ac, 'Ovsvfcc." Ptol.l. VIII. c. in. Hence Camden and other modern geographers attribute Somersetshire and Wiltshire, no less than Hampshire, to the Belgae. (5) Diodorus Siculus and Rudb. infra. Sec also Whitaker's observations, Hist, of Man- chester, CXI. UNDER THE ROMANS, 17 time accessible from the land at low water, as the tin was conveyed thither in carts. (1) This mart, which must have been held at Cowes, was established as early as the reign of Augustus. (2) The duties upon commerce were probably the only means of paying the tribute exacted by the Romans. Accordingly we find they were collected at this very mart; (.3) Avhich fact seems to imply, that the Romans had a custom-house, with proper officers there, for receiving the duties; and their intercourse with our metropolis of Venta, must have served to introduce a con- siderable portion of the manners and improvements of the civilized world. At length the time arrived when this civilization became complete, but not without the severe discipline of defeat and subjection. It is plain that the island, at the time of which we are speaking, consisted of separate states, and was subject to a great number of chieftains ; still, however, it appears, that since the erection of a kind of limited monarchy, (1) in the person of Cassivellaun, previous to Cassar's second expedition, his successors had enjoyed the same authority in regular order. The king just named, is said, by the British historians, (5) to have been succeeded by his nephew, Tenancius, the son of Lud, whose successor, Cunobellin, or Cymbelline, is mentioned, not only by them, but also by the Roman historians. (6) Both classes of writers also agree, that this king left two sons, (7) the joint (1) See the writers last quoted. (2) DIodorus wrote in the reign of Augustus. (3) " Legi in quadam Chronica vetustissima, quod Insula Vecta diccbatur, quia tempore Jiritonum Vcctigalia regia, tributa Itomanorum in Insula ilia numerabantur et solvebantur, H etiam in Insula ilia quasi stapula. totius mercandiai regni Britannia'. Rudb. Hist. Major. 1. 2. c. i. — Whilst we reject the etymology here laid down, we cannot deny the facts on which it is founded, drawn from such ancient records. (4) To this succession Tacitus seems to allude where he says, " Olim regibus parcbant, nunc per principes factiouibus et studiis trahuntur." Annal. 1. xii. (j) C.'alfrid.— Mat. West.— Diceto. — Itanulph, &c. (b) Suet, in Calig. (7) There was also an elder son, Adminius, whom Cymbelline was forced to pardon, in consequence of the threats of the emperor Caligula; to whom Adminius fled for protection, after having taken up arms against his father. It was not likely, however, that alter such behaviour he was permitted to share in the inheritance of his father's dominions. 18 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, inheritors of his kingdom, whom the British records call Guiderius and Arviragus, but the Roman writers Togodumnus and Caractacus. (1) What- ever were their true names, it is certain they were both princes of high spirit, great military talents, and of unbounded authority among their countrymen. The former, however, possessed the chief command; with which being elated, he disdained to pay the accustomed tribute to the emperor, (2) who was then Claudius, and even refused to give up the Roman criminals who had taken refuge in his dominions. (3) These affronts being aggravated by the malice of Bericus, a seditious chieftain, who had been banished by Guiderius, (4) Claudius at length resolved upon undertaking the often projected conquest of this island. It is natural to suppose that Guiderius, and his brother Arviragus, in setting the Roman power at defiance, made the best preparation they were capable of for resisting it; one part of which consisted in fortifying their cities; and hence we may conclude, that our city of Venta was not neglected on the occasion. (5) The time, however, would not have per- mitted them to raise stone walls round this (6) and their other cities, had this mode of fortification been then adopted amongst the Britons, which does not seem to have been the case. Claudius first sent Aulus Plautius as his general upon this expedition, with a suitable army, who met with great success, defeating Arviragus in one engagement, (7) and killing Guiderius in another. (8) It is highly probable that the scene of these (1) With respect to the proper names of British men and places, and indeed with respect to most other circumstances relating to their history, where national vanity could take no hold, greater credit at this period becomes due to the British than to the Latin and Greek historians. (2) Mat. Wast, ad Ann. Dom. 44. (3) Suet, in Claud. (4) Dio. (5) This however is merely founded on probability. No ancient author makes mention of Winchester in particular on this occasion. Much less is there any authority for describing its walls, trenches, and battlements; of which we read in the Description of the City, &c. p. 2. --History of Winchester, v. n. p. 4. — City Tables, &c. (6) Ibid. (7) Dio. 1. lx. (8) Idem, and Mat. West. &c. The last mentioned author however, makes Claudius himself present on this occasion, and places the scene of the action in which UNDER THE ROMANS. 19 first actions was, where the British historians place them, in our neigh- bourhood. (1) Hence Plautius pursued his successes through the country of the Belgae, as far as the Severn, where he subdued the Dobuni of Gloucestershire. (2) From thence he bent his march through the midland country of the Cassi, into that of the Trinobantes, with a view of making himself master of Camalodunum. (3) In the mean time, the charge of completing the conquest of our Belgae was committed to Vespasian, then an officer of no great rank (4) in the army, but who here laid the foundation of his future greatness. As a proof of the obstinacy with which his enemies defended themselves, it is recorded, that in the course of this war with the two brave tribes, the Belgae and the Dobuni, (5) whom in the end he subdued, together with the Isle of Wight, he was obliged to fight thirty battles, and to besiege and take twenty towns. (G) Guiderius fell, between this city and Southampton; the name of which place he absurdly derives from one Hamon, a Roman general, who, he says, was then killed near it. In the end, lie represents the emperor Claudius as forced by the surviving brother to seek for refuge within the walls of our city. " At Arviragus hostilitcr insequitur (Claudium) jamWintoniam ingressum." Being besieged here, we are told he gave up his pretended daughter Gewissa and quiet possession of the island (bat so as to hold the same of him) to the besieger. — Thus far the History of Winchester, p. 4, 5, is supported in its accounts by records, though disfigured and unfaithful ; but for all the other circumstances which it mentions concerning dogs, camels, &c. there is not a shadow of any authority or probability whatsoever. (1) This route, which supposes the Romans to have landed at Porchester, as Mat. West, relates, is much more probable than that traced by the imagination of Carte, who makes them land on one side of the Thames only to return to it on the other. P. 100. (2) Boduni. Dio. ibid. (3) Idem. (4) " Legatus legionis." Suet. inVesp. c. iv. (5) That the Belgae were one of these conquered people is plain from many circumstances, particularly from that of his reducing the Isle of Wight. That the Dobuni were the other tribe, is probable from the course of Plautius's preceding march. (6) " Tricies cum hoste conflixit. Duas validissimas gentes, superque viginti oppida ct insulam Vectem, Britannia? proxitnam, in ditionem redegit, partim Auli Plauti, partim Claudii ipsius ductu." Suet, in Vesp. c. iv.— In one of these battles Dio says that he was in imminent danger of being cut off by the enemy, when he was rescued by his son Titus. Perhaps this circumstance may have given rise to the story of Claudius being besieged, the writers ascribing the several exploits of his generals to the emperor himself. 20 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, Whilst these things were carrying on, Plautius sends to Rome for Claudius himself to hasten into the island, but whether this was done for the purpose of lending his assistance in prosecuting the war, as some have pretended, (1) or of furnishing a pretence for those triumphs and extra- vagant honours which were afterwards heaped upon him by the Roman senate, and the different provinces, facts will best declare. The truth is, having marched an army, furnished in every respect with imperial mag- nificence, and even accompanied by elephants, (2) to the port of Boulogn, (3) he was wafted into Britain, near to the chief scene of action ; where he found the British army hemmed in by Plautius, between the tides of Blackwater and of the Thames, and, as it were reserved on purpose for him to have the honour of defeating. In like manner, the important city of Camalodunum, or Maldon, seemed only to wait for his orders to surrender itself to the Roman arms. (4) The whole time of the emperor's continuance in Britain was but a few days, (5) during which, in addition to the above-mentioned exploits, he received the submission of those districts in the island which were reduced to his obedience ; and of course that of Venta, and the rest of Belgic Britain. He took away their arms, but at the same time endeared himself to them, by restoring their property, which had been declared confiscated. (6) The expedition of Claudius took place in the year of Christ 44. Upon his return home he continued Plautius in the command which he had before held in Britain, where Vespasian also appears to have remained some time after the emperor. Plautius stayed there five years longer ; (7) (1) Dio, Carte, &c. (2) Dio. (3) Gessoriacum. Suet. Bede. (4) This is the only consistent story which can be collected from the two different accounts of Dio and Suetonius. That of the latter is as follows : " Intra paucissimos dies sine ullo praelio aut sanguine, parte insula; in deditionem recepta, sexto quam profectus erat mense, Romam rediit triumphavitque maximo adparatu." Tib. Claud, c. xvii. (5) Suet. Dio, ad supra. (7) Vide Fasti Regum, ab Hen. Saville, ad Calcera. Ang. Script. UNDER THE ROMANS. 21 during which the brave and indefatigable Arviragus, in various quarters, but chiefly, it seems, on the banks of the Severn and the Wye, gave him full employment. Being recalled to Rome, under the honourable pretence of receiving a reward for his services, (1) a more active suc- cessor was, in the next year, viz. in the year 50, appointed to replace him. This was P. Ostorius Scapula, who, upon his arrival in the island^ found the Roman government almost overturned, and the country of their allies (by whom we are chiefly to understand our Belgae,) invaded and laid waste, (2) in consequence of the inroads of Arviragus, and his un» subdued Britons, who were probably the Cangi and the Silurcs. Having repulsed the enemy with great slaughter, his first care, before he proceeded further, was to secure the Roman province, as it was called, (3) and to prevent similar calamities in future. With this view he disarmed such of the inhabitants as he suspected to be favourable to the enemy, and fortified, in a regular manner, all the Belgic cities of note, between the two great eestuaries, the Anton or Southampton river, and the Severn. (4) (1) The inferior honour of ovation was decreed to him. Dio. 1. lx. Soon after which his wife T'omponia Graecina was discovered to be a Christian, as is plain from the words of Tacitus, Annal. xiii. (2) " In Britannia P. Ostorium turbida? res excepere, eflusis in agrum sociorum hostibus." Tacit. Annal. 1. xn. (3) " Jiedacta paulatim, in formam provincial proxima pars Britannia?." Tacit. Agric. (4) " Detrahere arma suspectis, cinctosque castris Antonam et Sabrinarn fluvios cohibere parat." Ibid. — Few points of our national geography have been more warmly contested than to determine which of our rivers Tacitus here calls the Anlona. Some writers, as Camden, Carte, &c. decide for the Nen of Northamptonshire ; others for the Wye ; whilst the learned Whitaker is confident that it is the Warwickshire Avon which is here spoken of ; Hist, of Manchester, c. xn. In support of the system here advanced, which indeed has before been adopted by Cressy, (Ch. Hist. b. i. c. 3.) in favour of the Southampton river, it is to be observed, that this river was formerly called the Anion, as Camden himself clearly proves, (see Hampshire); that these two rivers are the precise boundaries, north and south, of the province first subdued, viz. that of the Belgas; for securing which, both from internal and external enemies, these fortresses were certainly necessary, and were deemed to be so by Ostorius; — lastly, it is to be observed, that the province in question is actually surrounded by VOL. I, C 22 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, This then is the proper period to which the regular construction of our city, in a square form, which was that of the Roman camps in Roman fortresses, as their name simply, Silchester, Chichester, (formerly Regnum) Porchester, Winchester, Ilchester, and Badoncester ; fortresses which there was no opportunity of raising at an earlier period, nor any necessity of erecting at a later, when the seat of the war was transferred to the north. Ostorius, and the other Roman generals, his successors, undoubtedly observed the policy of other conquerors in securing the country by fortifications, progres- sively as they subdued it. Hence the cities of Hampshire, near the Antona, which county Camden, &c. agree was first reduced, were fortified before those upon the Avon and the Nen, in the midland counties. About the same time, but after the fortifications on the Antona and the Sabrina were completed, the other places that required to be secured in the provincia prima Britannia? were fortified in like manner ; in the proportion of about one in each county. To the east there was Andredescester, among the Regni, in the forest of Andrida ; Rochester, among the Cantii ; Colchester, at the confines of the Trinobantes ; and Werlamcester, near those of the Cassii. On the west were Dorchester, amongst the Duro- toriges ; and Exeter, amongst the Damnonii. The learned Gibson, in controverting the arguments of his author, Camden, lays himself open to severe censure, where he asserts that our county was, by ancient writers, always called JIamtimscj/re, never Jlantunscyre, and the neighbouring town Hamtun, never Han- tun, Hanton, &c. except once in mistake by Florence of Worcester. See additions to Hampshire. — In confutation of these assertions, it will be sufficient to adduce the following passages from various ancient authors: — Osricus Hanlunensium Comes." Asser. Annal. Ad. An. dccclx. — " Omnes accolas Hanttmensis Pagi." Id. Ad. An. dccclxxiii. — " Portus Ilamonis, qui nunc Hantonia vocatur." Ben. Claudioces, in Angl. Sac. vol. n. p. 150. — • Jlanluncscyre." Hen. Huntingdon, p. 350. Ed. Sav. — " Hantescyre." Ann. Wint.Ad.An. 1216. — Ilanlescire and Jlentcscrie.' 1 '' Doomsday passim. — " llantuna." Simeon Dunelm. ante p. i. Ed. Twys. — See also lligden, ib. p. 224, Diccto, &c. also the title of the old romance Beuves de llanton. From these authorities it follows — 1st. That the translator of Camden is not warranted in finding fault with his author, for saying that HaiUescyrc was the original name of the county, and Hanton that of our neighbouring town. — 2dly. That the arguments of this great man, drawn from Ptolemy, Antoninus, Bede, and from the existing names of several places on the river in question, in proof that the appellations of Hantescyre, now Hampshire, and of Hanton, now Southampton, are both derived from the Antona, (as the names of Wiltshire and Wilton are confessedly derived from the river Willy) receive additional weight. By this Antona we arc either to understand the whole course of the Test, or perhaps only the mouth of it, which we now call the Southampton river. — 3dly. That the supposition made above, concerning the river being the Antona of Tacitus, is highly probable. UNDER THE ROMANS. 23 general, is to be ascribed; (1) together with the city walls, composed of flints and strong mortar ; the substance of which, after so many repairs and alterations, still remains. (2) These fortifications were not raised except for the purpose of being defended by a garrison. Hence there can be no doubt that some Roman legion, (3) or some cohorts, were then stationed in this city, though afterwards removed farther north, when the necessity of continuing them here ceased. (4) These troops, according From what has been said, the reader will discover how gross an error it would be to suppose, that when we speak of the County of Southampton, we refer to that county in which a certain town of the same name is situated. The fact is, one is the Shire of the river Anton, now pronounced Hampton, (by contraction Hampshire) the capital of which was ever Winchester ; the other is the town, or rather the port of the river Anton or Hampton ; by Antoninus and Bede called Entum in Clauscntum, and Solente. It has only been since the Conquest, that the discriminating word South has been added to the names of the town and county, in order to distinguish them from another town and county, which were then found to have the same name, and which, from their relative situation, were called the town and county of Northampton. (1) See various plans of them in General Le Roy's Military Antiquities in Britain. Fol. Sumptibus Soc. Antiq. The corners however were mostly rounded off; such was also the form of our city walls, as may be seen at the north corner, the only one which has not been altered. (2) It does not appear that the Britons before their reduction ever abandoned the form of their towns, which, like those of most barbarous nations, were certainly round, as Strabo (vide p. 6.) has assured us; or the materials of their fortifications, which were mounds of earth and the trunks of trees. Indeed the very name of Chester, derived from Caslrum, which still remains annexed to that of our city, is admitted to be a sufficient proof of its having been fortified by the Romans, and after their manner. Now, as we have said, they had no opportunity sooner^ nor any necessity later, of effecting this. On the oilier hand, the opinion that the substance of a considerable part of our city Avails is of the period here assigned to them, will receive great support from comparing them with the still existing walls of Silchester, which city we know was utterly destroyed soon after tlic Romans aban- doned our island. (3) Trussel asserts, upon the credit of Voleterranus, but of no authority more ancient than his, that the legio xx was stationed at our Venta. MSS. — Certain it is that this legion was stationed in Britain about this time. Tacit. — Antoninus places it ad Devam, on the river Dec, but this was at a later period. (4) This accounts for no military force being assigned to our city in the Notitia, which was written so late as the reign of Honorius. G 2 i history op Winchester, to their usual custom, had their Castrum iEstivum, or summer encamp- ment, in the neighbourhood, as well as their winter quarters in the city itself. We accordingly find the vestiges of this encampment in the situation where we should naturally look for them, namely, on that singular, penin- sulated hill, within a mile of the city, called Catherine Hill; which communicates with the Roman road between Porchester and Winchester on one side, and with the river which washes its foot on the other. On the top of this hill we discern the dimensions and form of the Castrum, in the bold entrenchment which still surrounds it, and which approaches to the Roman quadrangular shape, as nearly as the figure of the hill will permit. (1) Wherever the Romans carried their conquests, they constantly opened a communication between city and city, by means of those firm and strait roads, which still remain in so many parts to attest their genius and mag- nificence. In forming these, they employed their own soldiery, to inure them to toil and hardship, and also the inhabitants of the country, as such extensive works could not have been executed without their assistance. (2) (1) See Gibson's Additions to Hampshire. (2) Galgacus mentions the manual labour imposed on the conquered Britons by the Romans as a singular act of their tyranny : " Corpora ipsa ac mantis silvis ac paludibut emuniendis, verbcra inter ac contumelias, conterunt." Tacit. Vit. Agric. It will probably gratify the reader to present him with a short account of the chief roads leading from this city, in various directions, in the time of the Romans; extracted from the Itinerarium of Antoninus. Ed. Gale, elucidated by that of Ric. Corinensis, published by Whitaker, Hist, of Manchester, vol. n. From Winchester to Southampton, &c. A Venta Belgarum ad Lapidem, Stoneham, mille passus, (miles) vi Inde ad Clausentum, Southampton i v Ad Portum Magnum, Porchester x Ad Rcgnum, Chichester x From Winchester to Exeter. A Venta Belgarum ad Brigem, the village of Broughton, m.p. xi Ad Sorinodunum, alias Sorbiodunum, Old Sarum — IX Ad Vindocladiam, Wimborn - xn Ad Durnonovarium, Dorchester ix FNDBR THE ROMANS. 25 We have still traces and remains of the roads made about this time which lead from our Venta to most of the considerable ancient towns in the neighbourhood, particularly those which, with almost mathematical precision, conduct to Vindonum, or Silchester^ and Sorbiodunum, or Old Sarum. (1) To induce the people to inhabit a city in the power of their con- querors, it was necessary to bring them off from the habits of that rude life to which they had been accustomed, and to introduce the arts of civilization in their place. (2) Accordingly those measures appear to have been now practised in this first province of Britain, which we afterwards find the conquerors pursuing throughout the whole island, when it fell under their power. (3) A taste for well-built and magnificent market-places, temples, houses, Ad Moridunum, Section xxxvi Ad Iscam Dumnuniorum, Exeter xv From Winchester to London. A Venta Belgarum ad Vindonum, Silchester, m.p xxi Ad Callevam, Walling ford - xv Ad Bibractem, Bray xx Ad Londinium, London xx The last road is laid down according to Corinensis. Antoninus indeed shortens it, but, by an egregious error, makes the first stage Calleva, only xxn miles from Winchester, without mentioning the intermediate stage of Vindonum ; the next stage is Pontes, or Coin- brook, which he places at an equal distance from Wallingford and London, or xxn miles each way. 1st. We observe that the miles here made use of are longer than our present miles, though the Roman miles in general are shorter. — 2dly. That there are some errors in laying down the respective distances of places, and that however excellent and strait the Roman roads were from town to town, yet, for want of a sufficient number of them, as likewise from the irregular manner in which the country was inhabited, travelling to any great distance was then very circuitous. (1) This is seen a little beyond the turnpike gate of the Romsey road, stretching, ridle-bits, made of ivory, or rather of bone ; collars, pearls, amber, glass, slaves, and dogs. Diod. Sic. Strabo. The principal article which they imported was brass. Cass. — To this must be added all the articles of conveniency or luxury, necessary for the refinements which they had adopted. (1) Camden observes, from the Notitia, by the help of Pancirollus, its editor, that there was a Cynegium, or rather Gj/ncecium Bentense, or Venlense, which means a workshop for weaving, an art that at the time in question was the exclusive province of women. (2) We cannot doubt that the cloths made in this city were woollen ; not linen, as Cam- den seems to suppose : the country round about supplying the raw materials of the former in the greatest abundance, and of the finest sort ; whereas it is not likely that any flax was either raised or imported hither at this early period. (3) This appears from the circumstance of the procurator of the manufactory being an officer appointed by the emperor. . (4) The Iceni of Norfolk, Suffolk, Huntingdonshire, &c. Tacit. Ann. l.xil. (5) Ibid. (6) This followa from the tenor of the testament of Prasutagus. Ibid. UNDER THE ROMAN?. harrassed our Belgae, and to have been the only obstacle to the submission of the people, who possessed the western country as far as t the Land's End. He therefore entirely broke their power, carrying on a war of extermination against them, to the very sea which bounded their territory. (1) This being effected, and a small party of the Brig-antes, who had entered into the conspiracy of his enemies against him, being routed with great slaughter, he was at liberty to bend his whole force against Arviragus or Caractacus, who was the soul of all these movements, and indeed the most powerful, as well as the most warlike prince in Britain ; now that he had succeeded to his brother Guiderius, in the title of Togidubnus, (2) and in the office of generalissimo of all his independent countrymen. The seat of war, for a considerable time, was amongst the valiant Silures of South Wales, until (J) This appears to have been the Bay of Barnstaple. Tacit. Ann. 1. xn. (2) As this system, which makes the Caractacus of Dio, the Cogidunus of Tacitus, and the Arviragus of Geoffry, Mat. West, &c. to be one and the same person, may appear new to many readers, though insinuated by the learned Cressy, (Eccles. Hist. 1. i. c. m.) it seems not improper to state, in a succinct manner, the grounds on which it is founded, by producing certain parallel circumstances from the Roman and the British historians. According to the Roman Historians, 1st, Cunobelinus, king of the Britons, left two sons, Togodumnus and Caractacus, who, upon the invasion of their country by the Romans, in the time of the emperor Claudius, commanded armies, and fought diverse battles with them ; in one of which Togodumnus was slain. Dio, Sueton. According to the British Historians. 1st, Cynibeline, king of Britain, dying in the year of the Christian a?ra 23, left two sons, Guiderius and Arviragus, the former of whom, succeeding to the authority of his father, refused to pay to the emperor Claudius the accustomary tribute. A war breaking out in consequence of this, Guide- rius was at first victorious, but, in a subse- quent engagement, was killed by the treachery of a Roman general. Gedf. Mat. West. Ra- nulph. N.B. It seems to be agreed at present amongst the learned, that the word Togodumnus or Cogidubnus, is not a proper name, but a title of honour, (see Carte and Whitaker,) pro- bably meaning the conqueror of the Dobuni, (as Claudius, from his success in Britain^ assumed the title of Britannicus). Hence it appears to have been transmitted at his death, together with his power, to his younger brother. The presumption therefore is, that Guiderius was the real name of this unfortunate British prince. VOL. I, JI 30 HISTORY GP WINCHESTER, Arviragus, being unable to maintain his ground there any longer, was forced to retreat into North Wales, where he was overcome in a general 2dly, Arviragus, having assumed the ar- mour, together with the authority of his deceased brother, restores the battle Avhich was almost lost, kills the traitor, and besieges Claudius in Winchester ; who, in the end, is forced to give his daughter in marriage to him. Yet, notwithstanding this boasted superiorit}', he is content to hold his king- dom of Claudius, and to pay him tribute. Arviragus is so much devoted to the person of Claudius, that he builds the city of Glo- cester (in the country of the Dobuni, from which he himself derives his title of Cogidub- nus,) in honour of Claudius, calling it after him, Claudiocester. Mat. West. Galfrid,&c 2dly, Caractacus, undismayed at the death of Ids brother, continued to combat the Ro- mans, with persevi ring courage and various success, until at length being taken prisoner, he was conveyed to Rome ; where Claudius, admiring his heroic sentiments and conduct, pardoned him, together with his wife and children, and restored him and them to their liberty. Tacit. Ann. lxx. The same his- torian, in another w ork, treating, in a cursory manner, of the affairs of Britain, during the reign of Claudius, says, that " certain cities of our island were given up by the Romans to king Cogidunus." Tacit. Vit. Agric. — This fact is confirmed by an inscription on a stone dug up at Chichester in the beginning of this century, in which this king is more correctly called Cogidubnus, with the additions of the emperor's own names, Tiberius Claudius, which it appears he had assumed. Sec Phi- Ios.Trans. No. 379. N.B. Great abatements are evidently to be made from the alleged victories of the British warriors, as collected from the songs of their native bards. The great object of a judicious and faithful historian is to guard against the negligence and want of information of the Ro- man writers, on the one hand, and the national vanity of the British writers, on the other. Nevertheless, that there was such a British king as Arviragus, is proved from his coin. See Camden, pi. xvn. and Speed — as likewise from Juvenal: " De Temone Britanno excidet Arviragus." It has been objected by respectable historians, that these verses must relate to a prince who lived in Domitian's time. But the Arviragus of Mat. West, is stated to have lived until within a few years of that reign; and it is probable that the Roman poet did not recollect, or had not heard, that he was dead. Sdly, Tacitus asserts, that king Cogidunus remained faithful to the Romans, until within his own memory, ad nostram usque memoriam : now, he wrote his life of Agri- cola in the beginning of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 1 18. Sdly, Mat. West places the beginning of the reign of Arviragus in 44, and his death in 73; a period which must have been within the recollection of many contemporaries of Tacitus. UNDER THE ROMANS. 31 battle, and his wife and children were taken prisoners. (1) Flying for refuge to Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes, in the north of the island, he was delivered up by her to Ostorius, who sent him and his family in chains to Rome. (2) The joy of Claudius and of the Roman senate and people on this occasion was immoderate. They fancied that the Britons would never again dare to appear in arm?, when deprived of their great commander. He himself behaved, in this trying situation, with a modest firmness, which proved his greatness of soul more than all his past exploits. He neither meanly courted, nor insolently dared the conqueror who held him in chains. (3) He was content to live, provided he might live honourably. Claudius, struck with his appearance, granted him and his family their lives and liberty. (4) Nor was this all; for rightly judging that no person was so likely to prove faithful to him in peace, as one who having valiantly opposed him in war, now promised fidelity to him ; and following the approved policy of the Romans, in making kings the instru- ments of their ambition, (5) he sent back .Arviragus into Britain, with orders to Ostorius to reinstate him in the civil jurisdiction of a part of his territories. (6) We have enlarged upon the history of this hero, because it does not appear to be generally understood, and because our province of the Belgae seems to have constituted his dominions, and our city of Venta to have been his metropolis. (7) During his continuance at Rome, he had every If this system of reconciling the British with the Roman writers be admitted ; the learned Carte will have no reason to reproach the former, with having set up imaginary heroes, and with overlooking their real champion Caractacns ; since it will appear, that he is the very king whom they magnify into the conqueror of that very emperor, by whose favour he enjoyed his dominions and his life. (1) Tacit. Ann. 1. xn. (2) Ibid. (3) Ibid. (4) Ibid. (5) " Vetere ac jampridem recepta populi Romani consuetudinc, ut haberet instrumenta scrvitutis et reges." Tacit. Vit. Agric. (6) It is clear from our author, that the promotion of Cogidunus took place during the command of Ostorius, probably A.D. 53, the year after he was sent to Rome. (7) It is certain that the territory conferred upon this prince was such as the Romans Mere then masters of. It was not the whole provincia prima, or the expression would not have II 2 32 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, means of improving his mind, enlarging his ideas, and of perfectly acquiring the habits of civilized society ; means which were necessary to enable him to fulfil the intentions of the emperor in sending him back to Britain, namely, that he might communicate his own improvements to his coun- trymen. It is not unlikely that he contracted a second marriage here, with some lady about the Court, whom the British historians called Gewissa, and exalt to the honour of being daughter to Claudius himself. (1) What seems certain is, that his own daughter, Claudia, who, like her father, changed her name in honour of the emperor, continued at Rome, (2) and was married to the senator Pudens, (3) where she was celebrated for her beauty and virtue by the poet Martial, (4) and commended, with her husband Pudens, by St. Paul, (5) amongst the chief saints of the Roman been qucedam ckilcitcs. On the other hand, it was not the eastern part of the province, or we should probably have heard of Cogidubnus in the subsequent war of the Iceni, under IJoadicea. Besides, other measures for keeping the inhabitants in subjection were adopted there, namely those of establishing a municipium and colony. It remains then to say, that his dominions were in the western part of the province ; where indeed most writers place them ; Gale at Silchester, Camden in Sussex. But the expression qucedam civitates implies more than a single district, or even county ; at a time when there were so few cities. What however seems to settle this point, and to prove that our Belga? formed the bulk of his subjects, is that we find him building a city upon their confines to the -north, namely, Glocester ; and that we discover an undoubted monument of his authority to the south, at Chichester, as the terms of the inscription found there imply. Now, of this whole extent of country, at the period in question, Venta was undoubtedly the chief city, and therefore may justly be called the capital of the metamorphosed Tiberius Claudius Cogidubuus, once the beloved Arviragus of the Britons, and the dreaded Caractacus of the Romans. (1) Mat. West, ad ann. 44, &c. (2) See the old Saxon Martyrologium, Ap.7, where it is asserted, that " she was brought captive from Britain by the emperor, and that she died at Sabinum A.D. 110." (3) Claudia, Rufe, meo nupsit peregrina Pudenti Macte esto tacdis, O Hymena; tuis. Mart. Epigr. 1. IV. (4) Claudia Casruleis cum sit Ruflina Britannig Edita, quam Latia? pectora plebis habet! Quale decus formae ! &c. Id. 1. xi. (5) 2 Tim. c. iv. v. 21. UNDER TIIE ROMANS. S3 church. As to himself, it is evident that, with his ancient ideas and man- ners, he also laid aside his proper name, substituting the whole name of his friend and benefactor in its place, and henceforward calling himself Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus, King and Legate of the August Emperor in Britain. (1) In his honour also he is said to have named the city which he erected in the country of the Dobuni, from which he derived his own title, (2) calling it Claudiocester, under which name it is frequently mentioned by ancient authors. (3) Such is literally his style and title in the Chichester inscription, in which the temple, alluded to, is said to be built by his authority, " Pudens giving the groand for the same." This seems to argue that Arviragus had conferred possessions in his southern dominions upon his son-in-law Pudens ; which fact serves to confirm the statements given above. (2) Cogidubnus, conqueror of the Dobuni. 34 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, CHAP. ILL Danger of the City from Boadicea. — Saved by the Roman General Paulinus Suetonius. — Death of Boadicea — Place of her Burial. — Death of Arviragus, King of the Belgx. — His Successors, Marias^ Coillus, and Lucius, in a right Line. — The Conversion of Lucius to the Christian Faith. — Proofs of the Reality of this Event and Objec- tions answered. — Lucius sends to the Bishop of Rome for the Bishops who were to preside in Britain. — Winchester made a Cathedral Church, with a College of regular Clergy annexed to it. — Remain- ing History of Lucius. — Place of his Burial. — The Tyrants Carausius and Allectus. — Persecution of Dioclesian, Destruction of the Cathe- dral, and Martyrdom of Us Clergy. Whii iST our city, under the powerful protection of the Romans, and the mild government of her native lung, Caractacus Cogidubnus, was making a rapid progress in the several improvements which have been described, she was on a sudden, in the seventh year of the reign of Nero, and the sixty-second from the birth of Christ, exposed to the imminent danger of losing them .-all, and of relapsing into her former barbarism. This was occasioned by the inexorable vengeance of the warlike Boadicea, (1) (1) Tacitus, in his Annals, calls ber Boudicea; in his Agricola, Voadicea ; Xiphelin terms her Bonduca, whilst her own coins, published by Camden, are inscribed, one BooTika, another Boduo: (nisi forsan pro Bodunis aut Dobunit). The strange licenses which the Roman writers take, on every occasion, in smoothing and latinizing Avhat they deem barbarous names, will sufficiently account for the difference which we find between them and the British writers with respect to the name of the prince, concerning whom so much has been said above. By his medal in Camden, it appears that his genuine name was Jrivog. This is not a little changed by his native writers, who call him Jrviragus, but much more so by foreigners, who moulded Arivog successively into Carivoctus, Carixactus, Caractus, and Caractacus. UNDER THE ROMANS. 35 for her own wrongs, and by the general indignation of her high spirited subjects, the Iceni, at seeing themselves transferred, like cattle, by the testament of their late king Prasutagus, to the Roman yoke; (1) and their religion exterminated by the Roman general in its principal seat. (2) Already had the infuriate bands of these eastern Britons, marching from a different Venta from our own, (3) destroyed every vestige of civilization at Camalodunum, London, and Verulam, (4) killing, with refined cruelty, every native Roman, and even every Roman ally, who fell into their hands, (5) to the number of 70,000 souls, and they were now in full march towards this city, with the same murderous and destructive intentions, when Paulinus, whose army had been reinforced from this part of the country, opposed himself on its borders (6) to their further progress, and availing himself of the great superiority of his own military talents, and of the discipline of his army, gave them one of the most terrible defeats recorded in history, killing not fewer than 80,000 of these devoted people, and not sparing the very women and horses that had belonged to them. (7) (1) He had made Nero joint heir of his kingdom with his two daughters. Tacit. (2) The propraetor Paulinus was at that time employed in exterminating the Druids in their strong hold, the isle of Anglesea, and in cutting down their sacred groves, &c. Ibid. (3) Venta Icenorum, now Caster, near Norwich. Antoninus, Itiner. Camden, Britannia. (4) " Catera quidem impetu direpta, aut incensa sunt. Ibid. (5) u Neque enim capere aut venundare, sed caxles, patibula, ignes, cruces, festinabant." Ibid. (6) It appears by the narration of Tacitus, and by Boadicea's speech, that Paulinus when he was forced to abandon London to the fury of the enemy, continued, for a certain time, to retreat before them. Now the eastern country was all their own, and they had goj. possession of the country to the north, as appears by their devastations at Verulam, and likewise by Avhat is stated of this general's return from Anglesea, namely, that he passed through the midst of his enemies. He had only then the south-west country to fly to, where, in fact, his principal strength lay. On the whole, it is probable that this celebrated battle was fought not far from Fainham; since, had he fallen back farther, he wonld have left one city or other of the allied Regni or Bclgae exposed. This conjecture docs not disagree with those of Carte and Guthrie. (7) Tacit. 36 HISTORY OP WINCHESTER, i Thus was our city saved from utter ruin. Hence, instead of receiving Boadicea at the head of 230,000 barbarians, ( 1 ) breathing, like herself, nothing but vengeance against every ally of the Romans, and eager to obliterate every vestige of their power aud improvements, its inhabitants beheld her breathless body brought hither in mournful procession, in order to receive the rights of sepulture, which were performed with uncommon magnificence. (2) The fact is, she was resolved not to fall a second time into the hands of the Romans, and being a stranger to that Christian courage, which fortifies the mind to support the unavoidable calamities of life, rather than with desponding impatience to fly from them by sullen suicide, she deliberately poisoned herself. (3) From this period Venta continued for a long space of time to enjoy the blessings of peace and civilization, without disturbance or dread. The seat of war with the unsubdued Britons was removed more and more to the north, which caused her garrison of Roman legionaries to be withdrawn, to the great comfort of the inhabitants ; and the Roman generals were employed partly in extending their frontier, partly in propagating that system of civilization amongst the more remote inhabitants, (4) which had before been successfully practised in this first province, as it was called. In the mean time Arviragus, or Caractacus Cogidubnus, continued to sway the tributary sceptre of this province, with due submission and fidelity to the Roman government, (5) until the third year of Vespasian, (6) with whom, in their early years, he had probably often measured swords. This was the year 73 from the birth of Christ, when closing his life, he was buried at the city of the Dobuni, which he himself (1) Such was their number, according to Dio ; of course they formed the greatest army that ever was collected together in this island. Perhaps, however, the women, whom we learn from Tacitus were assembled to see the battle, are included in the number. (2) This fact is asserted on the credit of the work entitled Nero Ccesar ) quoted by Trussell, but upon what ancient authority the writer is ignorant. (3) Tacit, Ann. I. xiv. (4) Tacit. Agric. (5) " Is (Cogidunus) ad nostram usque memoriam fidissimus mansit." Tacit. Agric. (6) Mat. West. UNDER THE ROMANS. 37 had founded. (1) He was succeeded by his son Marius, a prince celebrated for his wisdom and prudence, (2) who being exact in paying to the Romans the tribute (3) by which he held his command, was supported by them in it ; nor is it at all improbable that they enlarged his territory out of their late conquests, in effecting which he is stated to have been instru- mental. (4) Marius, in order to give the emperor the most secure pledge of his fidelity, sent his infant son and heir, Coillus, to be educated at Rome ; where he so conducted himself as to acquire the entire confidence of the Roman senators. (5) His father dying in 78, Coillus was permitted to return to Britain, and to take possession of his kingdom; which he held in perfect peace and tranquillity, (6) being punctual in paying the usual tribute, (7) during the space of 46 years. He died in the year of our Lord 124, leaving a son and heir, then only nine years of age, but of the mot promising disposition, and who soon became no less respected and beloved than Coillus himself had been. (8) This was the celebrated Lucius, the first Christian king in this or in any other country, (9) and the peculiar benefactor of our city of Venta. It is plain that each of the successive princes mentioned above must have had a knowledge of the faith of Christ, from their near relations, who were some of its brightest ornaments both at Rome and in Britain. (10) (1) Claudiocestriaj or Glocestcr. Mat. West. (2) Mat. West. (3) Ibid. (4) Geoffry and Ranulph relate that Marius defeated in Westmoreland an army of Picts under the command of Roderic, who had arrived in the northern part of the island from Scythia. Joannes Fordun, who admits this fact, calls Marius " Romanae gent is legionum dux, Britonumquc patricius." Scotorum Hist. c. xxvn. — This description of his authority, which probably approaches nearest to the truth, renders more probable the succession of princes which is here given in conformity with our ancient historians. (.3) Gallnd. Mat. West. (6) Galfrid. Ranulph. Mat. West. (7) Idem. (8) Ut supra. (9) Usher, Prim. Eccles. Brit, proves this at large. (10) Not only Claudia herself, who was the daughter of Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus or Caractacus alias Arviragus, and Claudia's husband Pudens, were Christians, renowned for their sanctity, as we have said before, but also a great number of their descendants, as SS. Pudentiana and Praxedes, their daughters, (see Madyrolog. Rom. Maii 19) Novatus and VOL. I. I 33 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, Ileace they are recorded (1) as the protectors and benefactors of religion in their respective times and dominions; but it was reserved for their descendant Lucius, (surnamed from this circumstance, in allusion to his name, Lever Maur, or the Great Light,) (2) to discern, through the dark clouds of Pagan infidelity, the promised Star of Jacob, that had then risen upon the world, and to cause a great number of his subjects to see the same. The time, indeed, was exceedingly favourable for this purpose. For, in the first place, peace and moderation were as much the professed study of Antoninus Pius, (3) and of his two adopted successors, Marcus Aurelius (4) and Lucius Verus, (5) who were the then Roman emperors, as military glory and rigid authority over the subject nations were the objects of their predecessors in general. In the next place, Aurelius, in gratitude for the miraculous victory obtained over the Quadi in 171, by the prayers of his Christian legion, which, on this account, Mas called The Thundering Legion, (6) had recently published a decree in favour of the disciples of Christ, which he caused to be sent to all the provinces throughout the whole empire. (7) S. Timotheus, their sons, the latter of whom is said to have come into Britain in order to preach the faith, about the year 161, though he afterwards returned to Rome, and was there martyred. He was second cousin to Lucius, and probably contributed greatly to his conversion. (1) In the records of Glassenbury-abbey, it is said that three kings, though Pagans, pro- tected the holy solitaries, who first established themselves there. These could be no other than Arviragus, Marius, and Coillus. Antiq. Glassen. Gul. Malm. (2) " Lever Maur id est Magni Splendoris, propter fidein qua? in ejus tempore venit." Nennius, Hist. Brit. c. xvm. (3) " Eo usque amavit pacem (Antoninus Pius), ut Scipionis sententiam frequentarit, malle se unum civem servare quam mille hostes occidere." Julius Capitolinus. ed. Rob. Steph. p. 76. — The same prince passed a decree in favour of the Christians in the East. St. Justin. Martyr. (4) Provincias ingenti moderatione & benignitate tractavit (Marcus Antoninus)." Idem. Jul. Cap. p. 91. (5) " Confecto sane bello, regna regibus, provincias vero comitibus suis regendas dedit. n (Lucius Verus). Id. p. 102. (6) Tertul. Apol. Euseb. Hist. b.v. S. Apollinaris. Apolog. (7) Iidem. UNDER THE ROMANS. 59 All opposition on the part of the supreme authority being thus removed, Lucius, who was already of an advanced age, resolved to lose no more time in declaring himself a Christian : (1) and though many of his own subjects, no less than several eminent prelates in Gaul, (amongst whom was Ireneus, bishop of Lyons) were qualified to instruct him in its tenets, and to initiate him in its mysteries, (2) yet knowing how necessary both unity and juris- diction are in the formation of a Christian church, he chose to receive his teachers and his prelates from the bishop of Rome, who at that time was S. Eleutherius. (3) His ambassadors, on this occasion, were Elvanus, of (1) Authors are divided concerning the precise year of this remarkable event. It is proved by circumstances that Nennius places it too early, viz. in 164, and the Saxon Chronicle too late, viz. in 189. The precise year must have been between 176, when Eleutherius became pope, and 180, Avhen Marcus Aurelius died. (2) That there were many Christians at that time in Britain, appears from Origen, Ter- tullian, &c. (3) Certain modern writers, taking offence at this circumstance, which, however, equally . occurred at the conversion of the Picts, the Scotch, the Irish, our English Saxons, the different states of Germany, &c. have called in question the whole history of Lucius's conver- sion, and have even denied the existence of such a king. This, however, is the excess of scepticism, since hardly any point of our national history is more positively, unanimously, or circumstantially delivered than this is, by the Saxons, and other antagonists of the British writers, no less than by the Britons themselves, and by foreigners no less than by our native historians. To quote the authorities on this occasion would be almost equivalent to making a list of all our ancient authors, and other ecclesiastical writers, who treat of this period. Finally, the existence and Christianity of Lucius are attested by coins, no less than by books and manuscripts. It may, however, be objected, that the most ancient of our British writers, Gildas, does not make mention of Lucius. The answer to this is obvious and satisfactory, as the short work of Gildas, which we have in print, De Excidio Britannia ^ is more in the nature of a sermon than of a history — 2dly, Though the account in question is not found in the copies of this work, from which our printed editions are made, yet it certainly occurred in more ancient manuscripts of it, since it is referred to as being in chap vn. by Rudborne, Hist.Maj.Wint. L I, c. 1 : as likewise in another work of Gildas, cited by Mat. West, ad An. clxxxvi. With respect to the medals of Lucius, two of which are referred to by Usher, and a third is published by Camden, pl.xxxvn. no. 25, (where the name appears at full length, with the emblematic star,) it has been objected by an ingenious contemporary writer, (tec Hist, of Manchester, c. xi) that these medals must be spurious, since Gildas informs us, 12 40 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, Glassenrmry, and Medwinus, who appears to have been an inhabitant of this city. (1) They were probably both of them already Christians, and the latter is said to have afterwards received Orders, when at Rome. (2) The prelates whom Eleutherius pitched upon for this important business, were Fugatius and Duvianus, (3) by whom Lucius and his queen were baptized, with the greater part of their subjects. (4) Having thus established Chris- tianity in Britain, the next concern of this pious prince was to provide for its support and continuance. He accordingly founded churches in each of the twenty-eight cities, which we learn from our most ancient authors (5) actually existed at that time in Britain, and had been the chief seats of the chap.v. that " all the brass, silver, and gold in Britain, was marked with the impression of Caesar." But it must be remembered, that this passage refers to a period prior to that in question, by about 120 years, namely, to that which immediately followed the defeat of Boadicea. Admitting Lucius and his predecessors to have stood as high in the favour of the Roman government, as they are described to have stood, we cannot doubt that this rule might, in their time, have been dispensed with ; admitting it even to have been originally made, which indeed the words do not absolutely imply. — Lastly, A more general objection to the history of Lucius, has been the improbability of the Romans admitting a king to govern in a province, which was so absolutely subject to them, as Britain Avas in the second cen- tury. — This argument, indeed, would have weight, if the question were concerning an independent sovereign, but not when it relates only to such subaltern princes as our Lucius and his predecessors are supposed to have been. For such was also the succession of the Herods in Judaea; and, as we learn from Julius Capitolinus, in his account of these times, such were several princes in the eastern part of the Roman empire, who were actually the contemporaries of Lucius. We have already seen, in the passage quoted from Tacitus, that it was the standing policy of the Roman government to have kings for the tools of their ambition. (1) Usher. Cressy Ch. Hist, &c. — These authors refer to ancient chronicles, in which Elvanus is said to be of Glastonbury, and Medwinus of the Belgae ; by which it is natural to understand the city of the Belga j , as the inhabitants of Glassenbury belonged to the pro- vince of the Belgae. (2) Gul. Malm. Antiq. Classen. Mat. West. Rudb. Hist. Maj. Martyr Rom. Usher, Cressy, &c. (3) Iidem. (4) Gildas, Nennius, Bede, &c. (5) Iidem. Liber Abingdon. JUeo ejusquc Sanctis ccclcsias dedicantcs." Rudb. Hist. Maj. cBap. ii. cx Giraldo. UNDER THE ROMANS. 41 % Flamines, or Pagan priests ; settling upon the Christian priests the revenues which the former had before enjoyed. (1) With respect to the hierarchy to be established, it seemed best to Lucius and his prelates, that the same should be observed, which had before obtained amongst the Flamines ; according to which, London, York, and Caerleon, became metropolitical sees. (2) Hence our city of Venta, though the particular object of the regard of Lucius, (3) and probably the capital of his dominions, (4) was indeed left destitute of that pre-eminence, to which, as the chief city in the west, it was otherwise entitled ; it, Jiowever, became a bishopric, (5) and was honoured with certain distinctions peculiar to itself. Instead of causing one of the Heathen temples in it to be purified and consecrated for the purpose of a Christian church, as Lucius did in the other cities, he built our cathedral from the ground, upon a scale (1) All this was very practicable, admitting an almost general conversion of the country, as our writers in general describe it to have been. There are incontestable proofs, that in no place had Christianity taken so deep a root in these early ages as in Britain. This could hardly have been the case without some such measures as those which have been mentioned. (2) The distinction of Flamines into Dialis, Martialis, &c. is well known ; but besides this there must have been a system of subordination amongst them, which the monkish writers, perhaps, too closely assimilated to the hierarchy, with which (hey were acquainted in the Christian church. (3) " Ecclesiam Wintoniensem speciali prarogativa dilexit." (Lucius.) Rudb. Hist. Maj. chap. ii. (4) It has been a subject of much debate in which part of the island the dominions of Lucius were situated. Some have carried them to the north beyond the Picts wall, whilst others, as Usher and Stfllingfleet, have confined them to the extremity of the south, in the counties of Sussex and Surrey. The arguments however which have been adduced to prove that the province of the Belga, enlarged with part of the territories of the Dobuni and the Regni, formed the kingdom of A rviragus, and that our city was his capital, seem equally to point out the peculiar dominion and metropolis of his great grandson Lucius. It is possible, however, that he might have been honoured with the civil jurisdiction of all the different Roman provinces in Britain. Or, without an actual authority, he might have effected all the changes ascribed to him by his talents, treasure, and influence. (5) Rudb. Mat. West. &c— « Templis D eorum a Paganosa purificatis superstitione, uni Deo ejusquc Sanctis ecclesias dedicantes." Rudb. Hist. Maj. chap. n. cx G'iraldo. 42 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, of grandeur and magnificence which has never since been equalled, (1) and bestowed upon it the right of sanctuary, with other privileges. (1) Moreover, as in this city had been the chief school of the Pagan Flamines, so Lucius annexed to the cathedral here a monastery, as our historian calls it, (3) or rather a community of clergy living together in common ; one of whose members we shall afterwards find in a very different and unlooked for condition of life. The situation and dimensions of this first foundation of the cathedral will be more particularly described afterwards in our Survey of it. In the mean time, whilst this great work was in hand, our religious prince raised a temporary chapel near it, together with a small dwelling- house, containing a dormitory and refectory, for the use of the regular clergy who served it. (4) The above-mentioned magnificent work being completed, the cathedral was consecrated by the prelates Fugatius and Duvianus, in the name of The Holy Saviour, and a religious bishop, by name Dinotus, (5) was vested with the spiritual authority and jurisdiction belonging to such a foundation. It lias been remarked by late writers as extraordinary that so little should occur in our original records concerning the time or other circumstances of the death and burial of this celebrated Christian king. One or two indeed of our historians assert, that he died and was buried at Gloucester ;(6) (1) Ecclesiam Wintonicnsem solummodo ex fundamcntis renovavit." (Rudb. Hist. Maj. ex Vigilancio. (2) " Dedit Lucins predicts? ecclesia?, quam de novo fundaverat, suburbana civitatis cum privilegio Dunwallonis Molmucii." Idem, ex Moracio. (3) Rudb. ibid. In different passages of liis history he takes care to inform his readers that the monks, of whom he speaks, were of the nature of those instituted by St. Mark at Alexandria, who are described, at large, by Cassian, as also by Philo the Jew, who calls them Therapeutes. This attempt, however, of our monastic historian to carry up the antiquity of his profession into the three first ages of the church, is not warranted by ecclesiastical monuments. See the learned Thomassinus, vol. i. 1. in.— At all events the pretence of finding Therapeutes of Egypt, then in Britain, is perfectly absurd. (4) Rudborne, ex Vigilancio. (5) Ita Usscrius. Rudborne calls him Devotus. (6) Galfrid.l.v. Mat. West. UNDER THE ROMANS. 43 whilst a third, who supposes him to have been killed by the Picts, assigns York as the place of his interment. (1) The absurdity of the pretence set up by all our modern Winchester writers, (2) that his tomb is still to be seen at the east end of our cathedral, will be shewn when we come to describe that edifice. This silence or uncertainty of our native historians, gives some countenance to the report of the German writers, who say that a little before his death, either resigning his crown, (3) or being dispossessed of it by the Romans, he went abroad and preached the gospel in Bavaria, and in the country of the Grisons. (4) At all events, it is certain that with Lucius ended the dynasty of our British tributary princes; (5) our historians agreeing that the Roman emperors henceforward governed, entirely by their own officers, (6) all the four provinces, which they had reduced in the island. If, however, this was done for the security of the empire, and to prevent insurrections, as one writer informs us was the case, (7) the end was certainly defeated ; for the fertility of this island in producing tyrants became notorious, as Gild as remarks (8) from Porphyrius. The first of these was Clodius Albinus, who declared himself emperor in 193. At first he was, from necessity, acknowledged as such by Severus: and it is plain, that had the army, which he led out of Britain to assert his claim, evinced as much discipline as they shewed bravery at the battle of Lyons, (9) his name would have still been inscribed in the fasti of emperors, whilst that of his competitor Severus would have been degraded to the list of tyrants. (1) Diceto, inter 10 Scrip, p. 555. (2) History and Antiquities of the Cathedral of Winchester, by Lord Clarendon and Sam. Gale, p. 34. Description of ditto, by the Rev. Thomas Warton, p. 83. Hist, of Winchester, vol. i, p. 59. Winchester Guide, p. 47. (3) Fordun countenances this opinion, where he says, " Lucio regc mortuo, vel non com- parento." Scot. Hist. 1. u. c. xxxi. (4) Radorius in Bav. Sac. Baronius Annal. Martyrolog. Rom. (5) Galfrid. Mat. West. Rad. Dicet. &c. (6) Joannes Fordun, ibid, &c. (7) Hector Boethius, Hist. Scot. (fy He Excid. c. n. (9) Herodian, 1. ill. 41 HISTORY OF WINCHESTER, Of the succeeding tyrants, (I) as they were called, who disturbed the tranquillity of Britain during the space of a century, we do not find any one whose history is at all connected with that of this city, (2) until the reign of Diodesian, about the year 281. At that time Carausius, an ex- perienced sea officer, (.3) was appointed to the command of what may be called the imperial channel fleet, in order to scour the seas of those innumerable Frank and Saxon pirates, (4) who infested the shores both of Gau! and Britain. In this capacity he found out the natural strength of this island ; and having gained the confidence of his sailors, instead of being daunted at the threats of the emperor, Maximinian, who was desirous of displacing him, he set him at defiance, and assumed the imperial purple, which he continued to wear seven years. (5) During a part of this time he was acknowledged as a partner in the empire by Maximinian himself, (6) who found all the strength of the Roman empire inadequate to the task of subduing the isle of Britain, whilst defended by a superior navy. At the end of the above-mentioned term, while Constantius Chlorus, then newly declared Caesar, was building a fleet, (7) with a view of once more uniting this island with the body of the Roman empire, Carausius was supplanted and slain by the treachery of his friend Allectus (8) Constantius employed three years in making his preparations for the invasion of Britain; during (1) Posthumius, Tctricus Bonosus, &c. the last of whom was by birth a Briton. (2) On the contrary, our historian seems to refer to the whole of this period, when he speaks of the peace and security of the city, and the populousness of the adjoining country, in which he says there were eight good villages within the compass of twelve miles, in every direction from our city of Venta. " In illis diebus latronum mucrones cessabant, nec erat qui violentiam alicui ingereret; erantque ab unaquaque parte civitatis, in quolibet duodenario numero passuum, octo viculi optimi. Rudb.IIist. Maj.Wint. 1. 1. c. in. (3) Bede, Eccles. Hist. 1. 1. c. iv. (4) The real ancestors both of the French and of the English people, the former being then seated in the north parts of Holland, and the latter beyond the Elbe. (5) Bede ut supra. (6) One of the medals of Carausius records