'Mf. X®£> ; THE HISTORY O F AMERICA. VOL. I. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Research Library, The Getty Research Institute http://www.archive.org/details/americahistorylo01robe iZ-T^f" /^^^r^^^^z^ /f/4 THE HISTORY O F AMERICA By WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D. Principal of the Univerfity of Edinburgh, Historio- grapher to his Majesty for Scotland, and Member of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid.. VOL. I. THE FOURTH EDITION. LONDON: Printed for W. Strahan ; T. Cadell, in the Strand j and J. Balfour, at Edinburgh. MDCCLXXXIII. / PREFACE. IN fulfilling the engagement which I had come under to the Public with refpect to the Hiftory of America, it was my inten- tion not to have published any part of the work until the whole was completed. The prefent ftate of the Britifh Colonies has in- duced me to alter that refolution. While they are engaged in civil war with Great Bri- tain, inquiries and fpeculations concerning their ancient forms of policy and laws, which exift no longer, cannot be intereft- ing. The attention and expectation of man- kind are now turned towards their future condition. In whatever manner this un- happy conteft may terminate, a new order of things muft arife in North America, and its affairs will aflume another afpecl. I wait, with the folicitude of a good citizen, until the ferment fubfule, and regular government be re-eftablifhed, and then I mall return to this part of my work, in which I bad made A g fbme PREFACE. feme progrefs. That, together with the hiftory of Portugucfe America, anfl of the fettlements made by the feveral nations of Europe in the Weft India iflands, will com- plete my plan. The three volumes which I now publifh, contain an account of the difcovery of the New World, and of the progrefs of the Spa- nifh arms and colonies there. This is not only the moft fplendid portion of the Ame- rican ftory, but fo much detached, as, by itfelf, to form a perfect whole, remarkable for the unity of the fubjecl:. As the prin- ciples and maxims of the Spaniards in plant- ing colonies, which have been adopted in ibme rneafure by every nation, are unfolded in this part of my work ; it will ferve as a proper introduction to the hiftory of all the European eftablifhments in America, and convey fuch information concerning this im- portant article of policy, as may be deemed no lefs intereftincr than curious. o In defcribing the achievements and infti- tutions of the Spaniards in the New World, I have departed in many inftances from the accounts of preceding hiftorians, and have often PREFACE. often related fads which feem to have been unknown to them. It is a duty I owe the Public, to mention the fources from which I have derived fuch intelligence, as juftifies me either in placing tranfactions in a new light, or in forming any new opinion with refpect to their caufes and effects. This duty I per- form with greater fatisfacYion, as it will afford an opportunity of expreffing my gratitude to thofe benefactors, who have honoured me with their countenance and aid in my re- fearches. As it w T as from Spain that I had to expect the mofr. important information, with regard to this part of my work, I confidered it as a very fortunate circumftance for me, when Lord Grantham, to whom I had the honour of being perfbnally known, and with whofe liberality of fentiment, and difpofition to oblige, I was well acquainted, was appointed ambaifador to the court of Madrid. Upon applying to him, I met with fuch a reception as fatislied me that his endeavours would be employed in the mod proper manner, in or- der to obtain the gratification of my "withes ; and I am perfectly fen fib le, that what pro- grefs I have made in my inquiries among the A 4 Spaniards, Vil vfii PREFACE. Spaniards, ought to be afcribed chiefly to their knowing how much his Lordfhip inte- refted himfelf in my fuccefs. But did I owe nothing more to Lord Grantham, than the advantages which I have derived from his attention in engaging Mr. Waddilove, the chaplain of his embaiTy, to take the conduct of my literary inquiries in Spain, the obligations I lie under to him would be very great. During five years, that gentleman has carried on refearches for my behoof, with fuch activity, perfeverance, and knowledge of the fubject, to which his attention was turned, as have filled me with no lefs aftonimment than fatisfaction. He procured for me the greater part of the Spa- nifh books, which I have confulted ; and as many of them were printed early in the fix- teenth century, and are become extremely rare, the collecting of thefe was fuch an occu- pation, as, alone, required much time and afhduity. To his friendly attention I am in- debted for copies of feveral valuable manu- fcripts, containing facts and details which I might have fearched for in vain, in works that have been made public. Encouraged by the inviting good-will with which Mr. Wad- dilove PREFACE. ix dilove conferred his favours, I tranfmitted to him a fet of queries, with refpect both to the cuftoms and policy of the native Americans, and the nature of feveral inftitutions in the Spanifh fettlements, framed in fuch a manner, that a Spaniard might anfwer them, without difclofing any thing that was improper to be communicated to a foreigner. He tranflated thefeinto Spanifh, and obtained from various perfons who had refided in moft of the Spa- nifh colonies, fuch replies as have afforded me much inflruction. Notwithstanding thofe peculiar ad- vantages with which my inquiries were car- ried on in Spain, it is with regret I am ob- liged to add, that their fuccefs muft be afcribed to the beneficence of individuals, not to any communication by public autho- rity. By a fingular arrangement of Philip II. the records of the Spanifh monarchy are de- pofited in the Archivo of Simancas, near Val- ladolid, at the diftance of a hundred and twenty miles from the feat of government, and the fnprcme courts of juflice. The papers relative to America, and chiefly to that early period of its hiftory, towards which my attention was directed, are fo numerous, 2 that PREFACE. that they alone, according to one account, fill the largeft apartment in the "Archivo ; and according to another, they compofe eight hundred and feventy -three large bundles. Confcious of poffeffing, in fome degree, the induftry which belongs to an hiftorian, the profpett of fuch a treafure excited my mofl ardent curiolity. But the profpecl: of it, is all that I have enjoyed. Spain, with an ex- cefs of caution, has uniformly thrown a veil over her tranfactions in America. From ftrangers they are concealed with peculiar fo- licitude. Even to her own fubjects the Ar- chivo of Simancas is not opened without a particular order from the crown ; and after obtaining that, papers cannot be copied, without paying fees of office fo exorbitant, that the expence exceeds what it would be proper to bellow, when the gratification of literary curiofity is the only object. It is to be hoped, that the Spaniards will at laft dif- cover this fyftem of concealment to be no lefs impolitic than illiberal. From what I have experienced in the courfe of my in- quiries, I am fatisfied, tha,t upon a more minute fcrutiny into their early operations in the New World, however reprehenfible the actions of individuals may appear, the con- duel: PREFACE. duet of the nation will bs placed in a more favourable light. In other parts of Europe very different fentiments prevail. Having fearched, with- out fuccefs, in Spain, for a letter of Cortes to Charles V. written foon after he landed in the Mexican empire, which has not hi- therto been published ; it occurred to me, that as the emperor was fetting out for Ger- many at the time when the meflengers from Cortes arrived in Europe, the letter with which they were intruded might poffibly be preferved in the Imperial Library of Vienna. I communicated this idea to Sir Robert Mur- ray Keith, with whom I have long had the honour to live in friendihip, and I had foon the pleafure to learn, that, upon his applica- tion, her Imperial Majefty had been gra- cioufly pleafed to iffbe an order, that not only a copy of that letter (if it were found), but of any other papers in the library, which could throw light upon the Hiftory of Ame- rica, fhould be tranfmitted to me. The letter from Cortes is not in the Imperial Library, but an authentic copy, attefted by a notary, of that written by the magiftrates of the colony planted by him at Vera Cruz, which XI xii PREFACE. I have mentioned, Vol. ii. p. 254, having been found; it was tranfcribed and »fent to me. This, no lefs curious, and as little known as the letter which was the object of my inquiries, I did not receive until that part of the hiftory to which it relates was printed; but I have given fome account of what is molt worthy of notice in it, at the end of Notes and Illuftrations, vol. iii. Together with it, I received a copy of a letter from Cortes, containing a long account of his ex- pedition to Honduras, with refpect to which, I did not think it necefTary to enter into any particular detail; and likewife thofe curious Mexican paintings, which I have defcribed, vol. iii. p. 173. My inquiries at St. Peteiiburgh were car- ried on with equal facility and fuccefs. In examining into the neareft communication between our continent and that of America, it became of confequence to obtain authentic information concerning the difcovcries of the Ruffians in their navigation from Kamchatka towards the coaft of America. Accurate re- lations of their fir ft voyage, in 1 74 1 , have been publifhed by Muller and Gmelin. Se- veral foreign authors have entertained an opinion, PREFACE. xiii opinion, that the court of Ruffia fludioufly conceals the progrefs which has been made by more recent navigators, and fuffers the Public to be amufed with falfe accounts of their route. Such conduct appeared to me unfuitable to thofe liberal fentiments, and that patronage of fcience, for which the prefent fovereign of Rnffia is eminent ; nor could I difcern any political reafon, that might render it im- proper to apply for information concerning the late attempts of the Ruffians to open a communication between Afia and America. My ingenious countryman, Dr.Rogerfon, firft phyfician to the emprefs, prefented my re- quefl to her Imperial Majefty, who not only difclaimed any idea of concealment, but in- ftantly ordered the journal of Captain Krenit- zin, who conduded the only voyage of dis- covery made by public authority fince the year 1741, to be tranflated, and his original chart to be copied for my ufe. By confulting them, I have been enabled to give a more accurate view of the progrefs and extent of the Ruffian difcoveries, than has hitherto been communicated to the Public. From other quarters I have received in- formation of great utility and importance. M. le xv PREFACE. M. le Chevalier de Pinto, the minitler from Portugal to the court of Great Britain, who commanded for feveral years at Matagroffo, a fettlement of the Portuguefe in the interior part of Brafil, where the Indians are nu- merous, and their original manners little altered by intercourie with Europeans, was pleafcd to fend me very full anfwers to fome queries concerning the character and infti- tutions of the natives of America, which his polite reception of an application made to him in my name, encouraged me to pro- pole. Thefe fatisfied me, that he had con- templated with a difcerning attention the curious objects which his fituation prefented to his view, and I have often followed him as one of my beft intruded guides. Suard, to whofe elegant tranflation of the Iliftory of the reign of Charles V. I owe .eption of that work on the continent procured me anfwers to the fame queries Bougainville, who had opportu* of obferving the Indians both of North merica, and from M. Godin le ho refided fifteen years among In- in Quito, and twenty years in Cayenne. The la :e more valuable frcm having i been PREFACE. been examined by M. de la Condamine, who, a few weeks before his death, made fome ihcrt additions to them, which may be con- fidered as the laft effort of that attention to fcience which occupied a long life. My inquiries were not confined to one region in America. Governor Hutchinfon took the trouble of recommending the confi- deration of my queries to Mr. Hawley and Mr. Brainerd, two proteftant miffionaries, employed among the Indians of the Five Na- tions, who favoured me with anfwers, which difcover a confiderable knowledge of the people whofe cuftoms they defcribe. From William Smith, Efq; the ingenious hiftorian of New York, 1 received fome ufeful informa- tion. When I enter upon the Hiftory of our Colonies in North America, I fhall have occa- fion to acknowledge how much I have been indebted to many other gentlemen of that country. From the valuable Collection of Voyages made by Alexander Dalrymple, Efq; with whofe attention to the Hiftory of Navigation and Difcovery the Public is well acquainted, I have received fome very rare books, parti- cularly xv xvi PREFACE. cularly two large volumes of Memorials, partly manufcript, and partly in print, which were prefented to the court of Spain during the reigns of Philip III. and Philip IV. From thefe I have learned many curious particulars with refpect to the interior ftate of the Spa- niiTi colonies, and the various fchemes formed for their improvement. As this Collection of Memorials formerly belonged to the Col- bert Library, I have quoted them by that title. All thofe books and manufcripts I have confulted with that attention which the re- fpect due from an Author to the Public re- quired ; and by minute references to them, I have endeavoured to authenticate whatever I relate. The longer I reflect on the nature of hiftorical compofition, the more I am con- vinced that this fcrupulous accuracy is ne- ceflary. The hiftorian who records the events of his own time, is credited in pro- portion to the opinion which the Public en- tertains with refpect to his means of inform- ation and his veracity. He who delineates the traniactions of a remote period, has no title to claim aflent, unlefs he produces evi- dence in proof of his allertions. Without this. PREFACE. xvii this, he may write an amufing tale, but , cannot be faid to have compofed an authentic Ihiftory. In thofe fentiments I have been confirmed by the opinion of an Author *, whom his induftry, erudition, and difcern- ment, have defervedly placed in a high rank among the mod: eminent hiftorians of the age. Emboldened by a hint from him, I have publifhed a catalogue of the Spanifh books which I have confulted. This practice was frequent in the laft century, and con- fidered as an evidence of laudable induftry in ian author; in the prefent, it may, perhaps, be deemed the effect of oftentation ; but as many of thefe books are unknown in Great Britain, I could not otherwife have referred to them as authorises, without encumbering the page with an infertion of their full titles. To any perfon who may chufe to follow me in this path of inquiry, the catalogue muft be very ufeful. My readers will obfcrve, that in men- tioning fums of money, I have uniformly followed the Spanifh method of computing by pefos. In America, the pefo fuerte^ or dif-roj is the only one known, and that is * Mr. Gibbon. Vol. I. a alwavs xviii PREFACE. always meant when any Turn imported from America is mentioned. The pefo fuerte, as well as other coins, has varied in its nume- rary value ; but I have been advifed, with- out attending to fuch minute variations, to confider it as equal to four {hillings and fix- pence of our money. It is to be remem- bered, however, that in the fixteenth cen- tury, the effective value of a pefo, i. e. the quantity of labour which it reprefented, or of goods which it would purchafe, was five or fix times as much as at prefent. CON- CONTENTS, VOLUME THE FIRST. BOOK I. JDROGRESS of navigation among the ancients — View of their difcoveries as preparatory to thofe of the moderns — Imperfection of ancient na- vigation and geography— Doclrine of the Zones — Farther difcoveries checked by the irruption of barbarous nations — Geographical knowledge ft ill preferved in the Eaft, and among the Arabians — Revival of commerce and navigation in Europe- Favoured by the Croifades — extended by travellers into the Eajl — promoted by the invention of the mariner s compafs — Firjl regular plan of dif co- very formed by Portugal — State of that kingdom —-Schemes of Prince Henry — Early attempts feeble -—Progrefs along the weft em coaft of Africa — Hopes of difccvering a new route to the Eaft In- dies — Attempts to accomplip this — Profpetfs of fhccefs. a 2 BOOK CONTENTS. BOOK II. Birth and education of Columbus — acquires naval Jkill in the fervice of Portugal — conceives hopes cf reaching the Eajl Indies by holding a weflerly courfe — his fyjlem founded on the ideas cf the .cuts, and knowledge of their navigation — and en the difcoveries cf the Portuguefe — His negotiations with different courts — Objlacles which he had to furmount in Spain — Voyage of difcovery — difficulties — fttccefs — return to Spain — Afionifhment of mankind on this difcovery of a New World — Papal grant cf it — Second Voy- age — Colony fettled — Farther difcoveries — War with the Indians — Firjl tax impofed on them — Third voyage — He difcovers the continent — State of the Spanifh colony — Errors in the firft fyjlem cf colonizing — Voyage cf the Portuguefe to the Eajl Indies by Cape cf Good Hope — Ef- fects of this — Difcoveries made by private ad- venturers in the New World — Name cf America given to it — Machinations againfl Columbus — Bijgraced and fent in chains to Europe — Fourth voyage of Cdumbus — His difcoveries — difafiers — death* BOOK CONTENTS. BOOK III. iate of the colcny in Hifpaniola — New war with the Indians — Cruelty of the Spaniards — Fatal regulations concerning the condition of the In~ dians — Diminution of that people — Difcoveries and fettkments — Firji colony planted on the con- tinent— Ccnqu eft of Cuba — Difcovery of Florida — of the South Sea — Great expectations raifed by this — Caufes of difappointment with refpecl to thefe for fome time — Controverfy concerning the treatment of the Indians — Contrary decifions — Zeal of the ecclefiaftics, particularly of Las Cafas — Singular proceedings of Ximenes — Ne- groes imported into America — Las Cafas' idea of a new colony — permitted to attempt it — unfuc- cefsful — Difcoveries towards the Weft — Yucatan — Campeachy — New Spain — Preparations for in- vading it. VOLUME THE SECOND. BOOK IV. View of America when ftrft difcovered, and of the manners and policy of its moft uncivilized inha- bitants— V aft extent of America— Grandeur of the a 3 cbjefls XXI xxii CONTENTS. fhje&s it prefents to view — Its mountains — rherl — lakes— Its form favourable to commerce — Tern- I perature— pre dominance of cold—Caufes of this ! — uncultivated — unwholefcme — its animals foil — Inquiry how America was peopled various theories — what appears mojl probable — Condition and character of the Americans — All, the Mexi- cans and Peruvians excepted, in the date of fa- vages — Inquiry confined to the uncivilized tribes — Difficulty of oliainiug information—various caufes of this — Method obferved in the enquiry /. The bou:iy conjlitution of the Americans con- fidcred—II. The qualities of their minds III. Their domejlic fate— IV. Their political fate and injlitutions — V. Their fyflem of war and public fecurity — VI. The arts with which they were acquainted — VII. Their religious ideas and inftitutions — VIII. Such fmgular and de- tached cufloms as are not reducible to any of the former heads — IX. General review and eflimate of their virtues and defecls. BOOK V. ilijlory of the conquejl of New Spain by Cortes. VOLUME CONTENTS. VOLUME THE THIRD. BOOK VI. Hijiory of the conqueft of Peru, by Pizarro — and of the diffenfions and civil wars of the Spaniards in that country — Origin — progrefs — and e feels of thefe. BOOK YJi. View of the inftitutions and manners of the Mexi- cans and Peruvians — Civilized fiates in compa- rifon of other Americans — Recent origin of the "Mexicans — Fads which prove their progrefs in civilization — View of their -policy in its various branches — of their arts — Fails which indicate a fmall progrefs in civilization — What opinion fhould be formed on comparing thofe contradictory falls — Genius of their religion — Peruvian mo- narchy more ancient — Its policy founded on reli- gion — Singular effecls of this — Peculiar fate of property among the Peruvians — Their public works and arts — roads— bridges — buildings — Their unwarlike fpirit — View of other domi- nions of Spain in America — Cinaloa and Sonora — California — Tucatan and Honduras — Chili — Tucu- man — Kingdom of Tierra Firme — New Kingdom cf Granada. a 4 BOOK XXUI XXIV CONTENT 1 S. BOOK VIII. View of the interior government, commerce, &c. I of the Spanijh colonies — Depopulation of Ame- rica firft effetl of their fett lenient s — not the confe- qiiencc of any fyjiem of policy — nor to be im- puted to religion — Number of Indians jlill re- maining — Fundamental maxims on which the SpanifJj fyfiem of colonization is founded — Con- dition of different orders of men in their co- lonies — Chape tones Creoles Negroes In- dians — Ecclefiaflical ft ate and policy — Characler of fecular and regular clergy — Small progrefs of Chriflianity among the natives — Mines chief ob- jecl of their attention — Mode of working of thefe — their produce — Iff eels of encouraging this fpecics of induflry — Other commodities of Spanifh America— 'Firft effects of this new com- merce with America on Spain— Why the SpanifJj colonies have not been as beneficial to the parent- fate as th fe of other nations — Errors in tie SpanifJj fyfiem of regulating this commerce — con- fined to one port — carried on by annual fleets — Contraband trade — Decline of Spain both in po- pulation and wealth — Remedies propofed~r~View of the wife regulations of the Bourbon princes — /{ new CONTENTS. A new and more liberal fyftem introduced — Be- neficial effetls of this — Probable conftquences — Trade between New Spain and the Philippines— Revenue of Spain from America — whence it arifes — to what it amounts. XKV A CATA- CATALOGUE O F Spanifb Books and Manufcripts. A AC ARETE de Bifcay, Relation des Voyages dans la Riviere de la Plata, & de la par Terre au Perou. Exft. Recueil de Thevenot, Part IV. A voyage up the River de la Plata, and thence by Land to Peru, 8vo. London, 1698. Acofta (P. Jof. de) Hiiloria Natural y Moral de las Indias. 4to. Madrid. 1590. * (Jofeph de) Hiftoire Naturelle & Morale des Indes tant Orientates qu' Occidentales, 8vo. Paris, 1600. — ■ — - ■ Novi Orbis Hiftoria Naturalis & Moralis, Ext. in Colleft. Theod. de Bry, Pars IX. 1 De Natura Novi Orbis, Libri duo, & de procuranda Indorum Salute, Libri fex, Salmant. 8vo. 1589. ■ (Chriilov.) Tratado da las Drogas y Medecinas de las Indias Occidentales, con fus Plantas Dibuxadas al vivo, 4to. Burgos, 1578. Acugna (P. Chriftoph.) Relation of la Riviere des Ama- zones, i2mo. Tom. ii. Paris, 1682. Acugna's Relation of the great River of the Amazons in South America, 8vo. Lond, 1698. Alarchon xxviii A CATALOGUE OF Alarchon (Fern.) Navigatione a Scoprere il Regn« di fette Citta. Ramufio, III. 363. Albuquerque Coello, (Duarte de) Memorial de Artes dc la Guerra del Brafil, ^to. Mad. 1634. Alcafarado (Franc.) An Hiftorical Relation of the Dif- covcry of the lile of Madeira, 4to. Lond. 1675. Alcedo y Herrera (D. Dionyfio de) Avifo Hiltorico- Poiitico-Geografico, con las Noticias mas particulares, del Peru, Tierra Fir me, Chili, y neuvo Reyno de Granada, 4to. . Mad. 1740. Compendio Iliflorico de la Provincia y Puerto de Guayaquil, 4to. Mad. 1741. — — — Memorial fobre diferentes Puntos tocantes al eltado de la Real hazienda, y del Comercio, &c. en las Indias, fol. Aldama y Guevara (D. Jos. Auguftin de) Arte de la Lrngua Mexicana, i2mo. Mexico, 1754. Alvarado (Pedro de) Dos Relaciones a Hern. Cortes Re- feriendole fus Expediciones y Conquiftas en varias Pro- vincias de N. Efpagna. Exit. Barcia Hiitoriad. Primit. torn. i. Lettere due, &c. Exit. Ramuf. III. 296. Aparicio y Leon (D. Lorenzo de) Difcurfo Hiftorico- Politico del Hofpital San Lazaro de Lima, 8vo. Lim, 1761. Aranzeles R.eales de los Miniftros de la Real Audiencia de N. Efpagna, fol. Mexico, 1727. Argenfola (Bartolome Leonardo de) Ccnquifta de las Iflas Malucas, fol. Mad. 1609. Anales de Aragon, fol. Saragoca, 1630. Arguello (Eman.) Sentum Confeffionis, izmo, Mex. , 7'3- Arriago (P. Pablo Jos. de) Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Peru* 410. Lima, 1621. Avendagno (Didac.) Thefaurus Indicus, ceu generalis In- Oruclor pro Regimine C nl \x, in ijs qux ad Iudias 660. Aznar SPANISH BOOKS ANP MANUSCRIPTS. x *; k Aznar (D. Bern. Fran.) Difcurfo tccarite a la real hazienda y adminiltracion de ella, 4to. B Bandini (Angelo Maria) Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Velpucci, 4to. Firenze, 1745. Barcia (D. And. Gonzal.) Hiftoriadores Primitivos de las Jndias Occidentales, fol. 3 vols. Mad. 1749. Barco-Centinera (D. Martin de) Argentina y Conquifta del Rio de la Plata Poema. Exit. Barcia Hiiloriad. Primit. III. Barros (Joao de) Decadas de Afia, fol. 4 vols. Lifboa, } 628. Bellefteros (D. Thomas de) Ordenanzas del Peru, fol. 2 vols. Lima, 1685. Beltran (P. F. Pedro) Arte de el Idioma Maya reducido a fucintas reglas, y Semilexicon, 4to. Mex. 1746. Benzo (Hieron.) Novi Orbis Hiitoriaj— De Bry America, Part IV. V. VI. Betancurt y Figueroa (Don Luis) Derecho de las Iglefias Metropolitanas de las Indias, 4W. Mad. 1637. Blanco (F. Matias Ruiz) Converfion de Piritu de Indios Cumanagotos y otros, i2mo« Mad. 1690. Boturini Benaduci (Lorenzo) Idea de una neuva Hifloria general de la America Septentrional, fundada fobre mate- rial copiofa de Figuras, Symbolas Caracleres, Cantares y Manufcritos de Autores Indios, 4to. Mad. 1746. Botello de Moraes y Vafconceljos (D. Francifco de) El Nuevo Mundo Poema Heroyco, 45:0. Barcelona, 2701. Botero Benes (Juan) Defcription dc Todas las Provincial, Reynos, y Ciudades del Mundo, 4W. Girona, 1748. Brietius (Phil.) Paralela Geographic Veneris & Novae, 410. Paris, 1648. Cabeza de Baca (Alvar. Nugnez) Relacion de los Nau- Jragios. Exft. Barcia Hill. Prim. torn. i. Cabeza Sir A CATALOGUE OF > Baca (A'var. Nugnez) Examen Apologetic© da la Hi. ca \arraticn de los Naufragios. Exit, ibid. . Commentaries de lo fuccedido duarante fu gubierno del Rio de la Plata. Exft. ibid. Cabo de Vacca Relatione de. Exft. Ramufio, III. 310. Cabcta (Sebaft.) Navigazione de. Exit. Ramuf. II. 2 1 1. Cadamuftus (Aloyfius) Navigatio ad Terras incognitas. 1 09. Orb. Grynsn, p. 1. Calancha (F. Anton, de la) Cronica moralizada del Or- den de San Auguilin en el Peru, fol. Barcelona, 1638. rbrnia — Diario Hiftorico de los Viages ae Mar y Tierra hechos en 176S, al Norte de California di orden del Marques de Croix Yi-rey de Nueva Efpagna, &c. MS. Calle (Juan Diaz de la) Memorial Informatorio de lo que a fa Mageftad Provien de la Nueva Efpagna y Peru, 4to. 1645. Campomanes (D. Pedro Rodrig.) Antiguedad Maritima de la Republica de Cartago, ccn-el periplo de fu general K-nnon traducido e illuftrado, 4to. Mad. 1756. . Difcurfo fobre el fomento de la Induftria popular, Svo. Mad. 1774. — Difcurfo fobre la Educacion popular de los Artefanos, Svo. 5 vol. Mad. 1775, 8eC ' Caracas — Real Cedula de Fundacion de la real Compag- nia Guipufceana de Caracas, iamo. Mad. 1765. Caravr.r.tes (Fr. Lopes de) Relacion de las Provineias que ticne el Gcvierno del Peru, los Officios que en el fe Provien, y la Hacienda que alii tiene fu Mageftad, lo que fe Galta de ella y le queda Libre, &c. &c. Dedicado al Marques de :os C!aros, Agno, de 161 1. MS. Cardenas y Cano (Gabr.) Enfayo Cronologico para la Hiiloria general de la Florida, fol. Mad. 1733. Carran^ana (D. Goncales) A Geographical Defcription of \c. of the Spanifn Weft-Indies, Svo. Lond. 1740. Cafas (Bart, de las) BreviiTima Relacion de la Deftruycion de las Indias, 410. 1552. SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. xjcd Cafas (Bart, de las) Narratiolcouibus Illufbrata perTheod, de Bry. 4to. Opper.t. 1614. . (Bare, de Us) An account of the firft Voyages and Difcoveries of the Spaniards in America, 8vo. Lond. 1693. Caflani (P. Jofeph) Hiftoria de la Picvincia de Com- pagnia de Jefus del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, fol. Mad. 1741. Callanheda (Fern. Lop. de) Hiftoria do Defc^brimento & Conquiita de India pelos Portuguefes, fol. 2 vol. Lifbon, 1552. Caflellanos (Juan de) Primera y Secunda de las Eiegias dc Varones Illuftres de Indias, 4to. 2 vol. Mad. 1589. Caftillo (Bernal Diaz del) Kiftoria Verdadera de la Cofi- quifta de Nueva Efpagr.a, fol. Mad. 1632. Caftro, Figneroa y Salazar (D. Pedro de) Relacion di fu ancimiento y fervicios, izrno. Cavallero (D. Jof. Garcia) Brieve Cotejo y Valance de las pefas y Medidas di varias Naciones, reducidas a las que Corren en Caftilla, 4to. Mad. 1731. Cepeda (D. Fern.) Relacion Univerfal del Sitio en que efta fundada la Ciudad de Mexico, fol. Mex. 163-. Cieca de Leon (Pedro de) Chronica eel Peru, fol. Sevill. *553- Cifneros (Diego) Sitio, Naturaleza y Propriedades de la Ciudad de Mexico., 4to. Mexico. 161 8. Clemente (P. Clauciio) Tablas Chronologica?, en que contienen los Sucefos EccleiiaiHcos y Seculares de InJias, xto. Val. 1689. Cogullado (P. Fr. Diego Lopez) Hiilcria de Yucarar., fol. Mad. 16SS. Collecao dos Brives Pontihccs e Le\ es Regias q. Expedites y Pub".: e o Anno, 1-41, fobre a la berdada de.- Pefibaj bene e Ccmmercio d ie Brefjl. Colleccion General de las Providences ha.ra aqui toma par el Gobierno lebre el Eftragnimcnni, y Occupr.cion de .' xxxii A CATALOGUE OF Temporalidades de los Regulares de la Compagpia, de Efpagna, Indias, &c. Partes IV. 4to. Mad. 1767. Colon (D. Fernando) La Hiitoria del Almirante, D, Chriftoval Colon. Exft. Barcia Hilt. Prim. I. I. Columbus (Chrift.) Navigatio qua multas Regiones hao tenus incognitas invenit. Exit. Nov. Orb. Grynaei, p. 90. — — — — (Ferd.) Life and Actions of his Father Admiral Chriftoph. Columbus. Exft. Churchill's Voyages, II. 479. Compagnia Real de Comercio para las iflas de Sto. Domingo, Puerto-rico y la Margarita, izmo. Compendio General de las contribuciones y gattos que oca- fipnan todos los cfteclos, frutos, caudales, &c. que trafican entre los reyr.os de Caftilla y America, 4to. Concilios Provinciales Primero y Segundo celebrados en la muy Noble y muy leal Ciudad de Mexico en los Agnos de 1555 & 1565, fol. Mexico, 1769. Concilium Mexicanum Provinciale tertium celebratum Mexici, Anno 1585, fol. Mexici. 1770. Continence Americano, Argonauta de las coftas de Nueva Efpagna y Tierra Firme. nmo. Cordeyro (Antonio) Hiftoria Infulana das ilhas a Portugas fu^eytas no Oceano Occidental, fol. Lifb. 1717. Ccrita (Dr. Alonzo) Breve y fumaria Relacion de los Se^nores, manera y Differencia de ellos, que havia en la Nueva Efpagna, y otras Provincias fus Comarcanas, y de fus Leyes, Ufos y Coflumbres, y de la Forma que tenian en Tributar fus Vafallos en Tiempo de fu Gcntilidad, &c. MS. 4 to. pp. 307. Coronada (Fr. Vafq. de) Sommario di due fue Lettere del Via^io fatto del Fra. Marco da Nizza al fette Citta de Ce- vola. Exit. Ramufio III. 354. . . Rehieion Viaggio alle fette Citta. RamufioIII. 359- ' Cortes (Hern.) Quattro Cartas dingidas al Emperador Carlos V. en que ha Relacion de fus Conquiltas en la Nueva Efpagna. Exit. Barcia Hift. Prim. torn. i. Cortcfiii (Ferd.) De infulis nuper inventis Narrationes ad Carolun. V. fol. 1 ^32. Cortefe SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. x*xiii Cortefe (Fern.) Relacioni, &c. Exft. Ramufio III. 225. Cubero (D. Pedro) Peregrinacion del Mayor Parte del Mundo Zaragoff. 4to. 1688. Cumana-Govierno y Noticia de, foil. MS. D Davila Padilla (F. Aug.) Hiftoria de la Fundacion y Difcurfo de Provincia de St. Jago de Mexico, fol. BrufT. 1625. (Gil Gonzalez) Teatro Ecclcfiaftico de la Pri- mitiva Iglefia de los Indias Occidentalcs, fol. 2 vols. 1649. Documentos tocantes a la Perfecucion, que los Regulares de la Compagnia fufcitaron contra Don B. de Cardenas Obifpo de Paraguay, 4:0. Mad. 1768. Echaveri (D. Bernardo Ibagnez de) El Reyno Jefuitico del Paraguay. Exft. torn. iv. Colleccion de Documentor, 4to. Mad. 1770. Echave y AfTu (D Francifco de) La Eftrella de Lima tonvertida en Sol fobre fus tres Coronas, fol. Amberes, 168S. Eguiara El Egueren (D. Jo. Jos.) Bibliotheca Mexicans, five Eruditorum Hiftcria Virorum in America Boreali nato- rum, Sec, torn. Prim. fol. Mex. 1775. N. B. No more than one volume of this work has bee.i published. Ercilla y Zuniga (D. Alonzo de) La Araucana Poema Eroico, fol. Mad. 1733. 2 vol. 8vo. Mad. 1777. Efcalona (D. Gafpar de) Gazophylacium Regium Peru- vicum, fol. Mad. 1775, Faria y Soufa (Manuel de) HiAoria del Reyno de Portu- gal, fol. Amber. 1730. Vol. I. b Faria jaxiv A CATALOGUE OF Faria y Souf.t, Hiftcry of Portugal from the fifft Ages to the Revolution under John IV. Svo. Lond. 1698. Fernandez (Diego) Primcra y fecunda parte de la Hiftoria del Peru, fol. Sevill. 1571. (P. Juan Patr.) Relacion Hiltorial de las Mifiioncs de los Indias que Claman Chiquitos, 4to. Mad. 1726. Feyjoo (Bcnit. Geron) Efpagnoles Americanos — Difcur- fo VI. del torn. iv. del Teatro Critico. Mad. 1769. Solucion del gran Problema Hiftorico fobre la Poblacion de la America— Difcurfo XV. del torn. v. del. Teatro Critico. . (D. Mi^ne') Relacion Defcriptiva de la Ciudad y Provincia Truxiilo del Peru, fol. Mad. 1763. Freyre (Ant.) Piratas de la A merica, 4to. Ivuflb (D. Petro) De Regio Patronatu Indiarum, fol. 2 vols. Matriti, 177 -. Galvao (Antonio) Tratado dos Defcobrimentos antlgos y Modernos, fol. Lifboa, 1731. Galvano (Ant.) The Difcoveries of the World from the firft Original unto the Year / 55 5. Ofborne's Collecl. II. 354- Gamboa 'D. Fran. Xavier de) Comentarios a los ordi- nanzas de Minas, fol. Mad. 1761. Garcia (Gregorio) Fliiioria EcclefiafHca y Seglar de la India Oriental y Occidental, y Prcdicacion de la Santa Evangelia en ella, nmo. Baeca, 1626. — (Fr. Gregoric) Origen de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo, fol. Mad. 1729. Galtclu (Anton. Velafquez) Arte de Lengua Mexican a, 4to. Puibla de los Angeles. 17 16. Gazeta de Mexico pos los annos 1728, 1729, 17^0. 4to. Girava (Hieronymo) Dos Libros de Cofmographia. Milan, J556. Godoy (Diego de) Relacion al II. Cortes, que trata del Dcfcubrimiento de diverfas Ciiulades, y Provincias, y ! Guerras SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. Guerras que tuio con los Indios. Exft. Barcia Hift. Prim, torn. i. Godoy Lcttera a Cortefe, &c. Exft. Ramufio III. 300. Gomara (Fr. Lopez de) La Hiiloria general de las Indias, i2mo. Anv. 1554. Hiftoria general de las Indias. Exft. Barcia Hift. Prim. torn. ii. Chronica dc la Nueva Efpagna 6 Conquifta de Mexico. Exft. Barcia Hift. Prim. torn. ii. Guatemala— Razon puntual de los fucceflbs mas memora- biles, y de los eftragos y dannos que ha padecido la rindad de Guatemala, fol. 1774. Gumilla (P. Jos.) El Orinoco Illuftrado y defendido ; Hiftoria Natural, civil, y geographica de cile gran rio, Sec- 4to. 2 torn. Mad. 1745. — — ~* Hiftoire Naturelle, Civile, & Geogra- phique de l'Orenoque. Traduite par. M. Eidous, izmo. torn iii. Avig. 1758. Gufman (Nugno de) Relacion fcritta in Omitlan Pro- vincia de Mechuacan della maggior Spagna nell 1530. Exft. Ramufio III. 331. H Henis (P. Thadeus) Ephemerides belli Guiaranici, ab Anno 1754. Exft. Colleccion general de Docum. torn. iv. Hernandes (Fran.) Plantarum, Animalium & Minera- lium Mexicanorum Hiftoria, fol. Rom. 1651. Herrera (Anton, de) Hiftoria general de los Hechos de los Caftellanos en las Iflas y Tierra Firma de Mar Oceano, fol. 4 vols. Mad. 1601. Hhloria General, &c. 4 vols. Mad. 1730. -■■ General Hiftory, &c. Tranfiated by Stephens, Svo. 6 vols. Lond. 1740. Defcriptio India: Occidentalis, fol. Amft. 1622. Huemez y Horcafitas (D. Juan Francifco de) Extradto dc los Autos de Diligencias y reconociniientos de los rios, lagu- b z nasj xzxvi A CATALOGUE OF nas, vcrtientes, y defaguas de Mexico y fu valle, &c. foh Mex. 1748. I Jefuitas— Colleccion de las applicaciones que fc van ha- cierulo de los Cienes, cafas y CVIigios que fueron de la com- pagnia de Jefus, expatriados de eitos Reales dominios, 4to. 2 vols. Lima, 1772 y 1773. Colleccion General de Providrncias hafta aqui tomadas por el Gobierno fobre el Eftrannamiento y Occiipa- cion de temporalidades, de los Regulares de la Compaguia de Efpagna, Indias, e iflas Filipinas, 4to. Mad. 1767. Jefuitas Retrato de los Jefuitas formado al natural, 4to. 2 vol. Mad. 1768. — — Relacicn Abbreviada da Republica que os Rcli- giofos jefuitas eftabeleceraop, i2mo. Idea del Origen, Gobierno, &c. de la Com- pagnia de Jefus, 8vo. Mad. 1768. Lxvinius (Apollonius) Libri V. de Peruvian Invention. & rebus in eadem geltis, i2mo. Ant. 1567. Leon (Fr. Ruiz, de) Hcrnandia Poema Heroyco de Con- quifta de Mexico, 4to. Mad. 1755. (Ant. de) Epitome de la Bibliotheca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica y Geografica, foi. Mad. 1737. Lima, A true account of the Earthquake which happened there :8th October 1746. Tranflated from the Spanilh, gvo. Lond. 1748. Lima Gozofa, Dcfcriplion de las feflibas Dcmorurraciones, con que eila ciuuad Cclcbio la real Proclamacion de el Xombre Auguito del Catolico Monarcho D. Carlos III. Lima, 4to. 1760. Llatto Zapata (D. Jos, Eufcb.) Preliminar al Tomo I. de las Mcmorias Hiltoricc-rhyiicas, Critico-Apologcticas de la America Meridional. 8vo. Cadiz. 1759. Lopez SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. xxxtu Lopez (D. Juan LtiiO Difcurfo Hiftorico Politico en ce- fenfo de la Jurifdicion Real, fol. 1685. (Thorn.) Atlas Geographico de la America Sep- tentrional y Meridional, izmo. Par. 1758. Lorenzana (D. Fr. Ant.) Arzobifpo de Mexico, ahora, de Toledo, Hiftoria de Nueva Efpagna, efcrita por fu Efcla- recido Conquiftador Hernan Cortes, Aumentada con otros Documentos y Notas, folt Mex. 1770. Lozano (P. Pedro) Description Chorographica, del Terre- torios, Arboles, Animates, del Gran Chaco, y de los ritos y Coftumbres, de las innumerabiles Naciones que la Habitan. Po- SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. zllia litico, v Legal de el commercio de las Indias Occdentales. l2mo. Cad. 1750. Ruiz (P. Ant.) Conquifta Efplritual hecha por los Reli- giofos de la Compagnia de Jefus, en las Provincial de la Pa- raguay Uraguay, Parana y Tape, 4to. Mad. 1639. Salazar de Mendoza (D. Pedro) Monarquia de Efpagna, torn, i, ii, iii. fol. Mad. 1770. y Olarte (D. Ignacio) Hiftoria de la Conquiila de Mexico— Segunda parte, Cordov. 1743. y Zevallos (D. Alonz. Ed. de) Conftituciones y Ordenanzas antiguas Agnadidas y Modernas de la Real Univerfidad y eftudio general fte San Marcos de la Ciudad de los Reyes del Peru, fol. En la Ciudad de los Reyes, 1735. Sanchez (Ant. Ribero) DifTertation fur l'Origine de la Maladie Venerienne, dans laquelle on pr*euve qu'elle n'a point ete portee de l'Amerique, umo. Paris. 1765. Sarmiento de Gamboa (Pedro de) Viage al Eltrecho de Magellanes, 4to. Mad. 1768. Santa Cruz (El Marques) Comercio Suelto y en Compa- nias General, izmo. Mad. 1732. Santo Domingo, Puerto Rico, y Margarita, Real Com- pagnia de Comercio, i2mo. 1756. Schemidel (Hulderico) Hiftoria y Defcubrimiento del Rio de la Plata y Paraguay. Exft. Barcia Hilt. Prim, torn. iii. Sebara da Sylva (Jos. de) Recueil Chronologique & Ana- lytique de tout ce qu'a fait en Portugal la Societe dite de Jefus, depuis fon entree dans ce Royaume en I540jufqu'a fon Expulfion 1759, i2mo, 3 vols. Lifb. 1769. Segni (D. Diego Raymundo) Antiquario Noticiofa Gene- ral de Efpagna y fus Indios. umo. 1769. Sepulveda (Genefius) Dialogus de juitis belli caufis, pra> fertim in Indos Novi Orbis. MS. (Jo. Genefius) EpiftoJarum Libri VII. i2mo. Salam. 1557. Sepulveda bo. lierds, j^7o. 4». : ' - - - - —';.-'■ : - : c E - . L 1 _ : ■ 1 1.:: ': SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. >!• Torres (Franc. Caro de) Hiftoria de las Ordenes Mi- litarcs de Santiago, Calatrava y Alcantara, defde fu Funda- cion hafta el Rey D. Felipe II. Adminiftador perpetuo del" las, fol. Mad. 1629. Torribio (P. F. Jos.) Aparato para la Hiftoria Natural Efpagnala, fol. Mad. 1754. Diflertacion Hiftorico Politica y en muchn parte Geographica de las Iflas Philipinas, i2mo. Mad. 1753. Totanes (F. Sebailian de) Manual Tagalog para aux'Ho de provincia de las Philipinas, 410. Samplai en las Philipi- nas, 1745. U * Ulloa (D. Ant. de) Voyage Hiilorique de l'Amerique Meridionale, 410. 2 torn. Paris, 1752. Ulloa (D- Ant. de) Noticias Americanas, Entretenimi- er.tos Phyftcos-HiftoricQs, fobre la America Meridional y la Septentrional Oriental, 4to. Mad. 1772. - (D. Bern, de) Reiiablecimiento de las Fabricas, trafico, y comercio mariumo de Efpagna, nmo. 2 vol. Mad. 1740. (Franc.) Navigatione per fcoprire Flible deile Specierie fino al Mare detto Vermejo nel 1539. Exit. Ra- xnuf. III. 339. (D. Bernardo) RetabliiTement des Manufaiti : & du Commerce d'Efpagne, i:mo. Ami 1793. Uztariz (D. Geron.) Theoria y Prac~rica de Commercio Se de Marina, fol. Mad. 1757. The Theory and Praftice of Commerce, and Mari- time Affairs, Svo. 2 vols. Lond. 1751. Verages (D. Thorn. Tamaio dc) Reflauracion de la Ciu- dad del Salvador y Baia de Todoi Sanctos en la Provincia del Brafil, 4to. Mad. 1628. Vargas xlvi A CATALOGUE OF Vargas Machuca (D. Bern, de) Milicia y Defcripcion de las Indias, 4to. Mad. 1699. Vega (GarcilafTo de la) Hifloire de la Conquete de la Floride. Traduite par Richelet, i2mo. 2 torn. Leyd. 1731' Royal Commentaries of Peru, by Rycaut, fol. Lond. 1688. Ve^a (L'Ynca Garcilaflb de la) Hifloire des Guerres Ci- viles des Efpagnoles dans les Indes, par Baudouin, 4t •>, 2 torn. Paris, 1648. Veitia Linage (Jos.) The Spanifh Rule of Trade to the Welt Indies, 8vo. Lond. 1702. \'eitia Linage (Jos.) Declamacion Oratoria en Defenfade D.Jos. Fern. Wild Linage, fol. 1709. Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias Occiden- tales, fol. Sevill. 1672. Venegas (Miguel) A Natural and Civil Kiftory of fornia, 8vo. 2 vols. Lond. 1759. Vcrazzano (Giov.) Relatione delle Terra per lui Scoperta nel 1524. Exft. Ramufio III. p. 420. Vefputius (Atnericus) Dua: Navigationes fub aufpiciis Fer- dinandi, &c. Exft. De Bry America. Pars X. Kavigatio prima, fecunda, tertia, quarta Nov. Orb. Grynxi, p. 15$. Viagede Efpagna, i:mo, 6 torn. Mad. 1776. Victoria (Fran.) Relationes Theologies: de Indis & tic jure belli contra eos, 4to. 1765. Vicra y Clavijo (D. Jos. Noticias de la Hiitoria general de las Iflas de Canaria, 4to. 3 torn. Mad. IJJ1. Yillalobos (D. Juan de) Manirieilo ibbre in introduceion de efclavos negros en las Indias Occidentales, .jto. Sevilla. 1682. Villagra (Gafp. de) Hiitoria de Nueva Mexico Pocma, i2mo. Alcala. 1610. Villa Segnor y Sanchez (D. Jos. Ant ) Theatro Ameri- cano. Defcripcion general de los Reynes y Provincias de la Nueva Efpagna, fol. 2 torn. Mex. 1746. « Res puefta fohre el precio de A-zogue, 410. Vocabulario Brafiliano y Portugues, 4to. MS. Ward SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. x l v ;i W Ward (D. Bernardo) Proyetto Economico fobre la pobla- cion de Efpagna, la agricultura en todos fus ramos, y de mas eftablecimientos de induftria, comercio con nueftra marina, arreglo de nueftras interefes en America, libertad del com- mercio en Indias, &c. 2 vols. 4to. MS. Xeres (Franc, de) Verdadera Relacion de la Conquifta dei Peru y Provincia de Cuzco, Embiada al Emperador Carlos V. Exft. Barcia Hill. Prim. torn. iii. ————— Relatione, &c. &c. Exft. Ramuiioiii. 372. Zarate (Aug. de) Hiftoria del Defcubrimiento y Con- quifta de la Provincia del Peru. Exft. Barcia Hift. Prim. torn. iii. Hiftoire de la Decouverte & de la Conquete du Perou, i2mo. 2 torn. Paris. 1742. Zavala y Augnon (D. Miguel de) Reprefentacion al Rey N. Segnor D. Philipe V. dirigida al mas feguro Aumento del Real Erario. No place. 1732. Zevallos (D. Pedro Ordognez de) Hiftoria y Viage del Mundo, 4to. Mad. 1691. -- Vert. J . .40 jl a^fc> j HM of flie CriJoiMKAKO. /A- 7SXAJVJJS and ft W^' I X T I L L E S -ggtmca. THE HISTORY O F AMERICA- book i. TH E progrefs of men in difcovering and book peopling the various parts of the earth, has < — ^__^ been extremely (low. Several ages elapfed before J h J ly e J^ h . they removed far from thofe mild and fertile re- P led * gions where they were originally placed by their Creator. The occafion of their firft general dif- perfion is known-, but we are unacquainted with the courfe of their migrations, or the time when they took poffeffion of the different countries which they now inhabit. Neither hiftory nor tradition furnifh fuch information concerning thofe remote events, as enables us to trace, with any certainty, the operations of the human race in the infancy of fociety. We may conclude, however, that all the early Firft m T gr»- migrations of mankind were made by land. The ^ n a. : ocean, which every-where furrounds the habitable earth, as well as the various arms of the fea which Vol. I. B feparate a HISTORY OF AMERICA. book feparate one region from another, though deftinect * „ — » to facilitate the communication between diftant countries, feem, at firft view, to be formed to check the progrefs of man, and to mark the bounds of that portion of the globe to which nature had confined him. It was long, we may believe, before men attempted to pafs thefe for- midable barriers, and became fo fkilful and ad- ventrous as to commit themfelves to the mercy of the winds and waves, or to quit their native fhores in queft of remote and unknown regions. firft at. Navioation and fhip-building are arts fo nice Ss'dmI- an d complicated, that they require the ingenuity, as gation. we ji as experience, of many fuccefiive ages to bring them to any degree of perfection. From the raft or canoe, which firft ferved to carry a favage over the river that obftructed him in the chace, to the con- Itruction of a veiTel capable of conveying a nume- rous crew with fafety to a diftant coaft, the progrefs in improvement is immenfe. Many efforts would be made, many experiments would be tried, and much labour as well as invention would be em- ployed, before men could accomplifh this arduous and important undertaking. The rude and im- perfect, ftate in which navigation is ftill found among all nations which are not confiderably ci- vilized, correfponds with this account of its pro- grefs, and demonftrates that, in early times, the art was not lb far improved as to enable men to 4 undertake HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3 undertake diftant voyages, or to attempt remote B j° K dilco series. As foon, however, as the art of navigation be- introduc- came known, a new fpecies of correfpondence commerce among men took place. It is from this asra, that we muft date the commencement of fuch an in- tercourfe between nations as deferves the appella- tion of commerce. Men are, indeed, far advanced in improvement before commerce becomes an ob- ject of great importance to them. They muft even have made fome confiderable progrefs to- wards civilization, before they acquire the idea of property, and afcertain it fo perfectly, as to be acquainted with the mod fimple of all contracts, that of exchanging by barter one rude commodity for another. But as foon as this important right is eftablilhed, and every individual feels that he has an exclufive title to pofTefs or to alienate what- ever he has acquired by his own labour and dex- terity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature fug- ged to him a new method of increafing his ac- quisitions and enjoyments, by difpofing of what is iuperfluous in his own (lores, in order to procure what is necefiary or defirable in thofe of other men. Thus a commercial intercourfe begins, and is carried on among the members of the fame community. By degrees, they difcover that neigh- bouring tribes pofTefs what they themfelves want, and enjoy comforts of which they wifh to partake. In the fame mode, and upon the fame principles, B 2 that 4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o k t | lat domeftic traffic is carried on within "the foci- ^— - v— •> ety, an external commerce is eftablifhed with other tribes or nations. Their mutual intereft and mu- tual wants render this intercourfe defirable, and imperceptibly introduce the maxims and laws which facilitate its progrefs and render it fecure. But no very extenfive commerce can take place between contiguous provinces, whofe foil and cli- mate being nearly the fame, yield fimilar produc- tions. Remote countries cannot convey their com- modities by land, to thofe places, where on ac- count of their rarity they are defired, and become valuable. It is to navigation that men are indebt- ed for the power of tranfporting the fuperfluous flock of one part of the earth, to fupply the wants of another. The luxuries and bleffings of a parti- cular climate are no longer confined to itlelf alone, but the enjoyment of them is communicated to the moil diftant regions. In proportion as the knowledge of the advan- tages derived from navigation and commerce con- tinued to fpread, the intercourfe among nations extended. The ambition of conqueft, or the ne- cefficy of procuring new fettlement.% were no longer the fole motives of vifiting diftant lands. The defire of gain became a new incentive to ac- tivity, roufed adventurers, and lent them forth upon long voyages, in fearch of countries, whofe produces or wants might increafe that circulation, which nouriihes and gives vigour to commerce. Trade HISTORY OF AMERICA. 5 Trade proved a great fource of difcovery, it opened book unknown Teas, it penetrated into new regions, and contributed more than any other caufe, to bring men acquainted with the fituation, the nature and commodities of the different parts of the globe. But even after a regular commerce was eftablifhed in the world, after nations were confiderably civil- jzed, and the iciences and arts were cultivated with ardour and luccefs, navigation continued to be fo imperfect, that it can hardly be faid to have advanced beyond the infancy of its improvement in the ancient world. Among all the nations of antiquity the ftructure iwperfte- of their veflels was extremely rude, and their me- vicarional thod of working them very defective. They were unacquainted with fome of the great principles and operations in navigation, which are now confidered as the firft elements on which that fcience is found- ed. Though that property of the magnet, by which it attracts iron, was well known to the an- cients, its more important and amazing virtue of pointing to the poles had entirely efcaped their ob- iervation. Deftitute of this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilot with fo much certainty in the unbounded ocean, during the darknefs of night, and when the heavens are covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of re- gulating their courfe than by obierving the fun and ftars. Their navigation was of confequence uncertain and timid. They durft feldom quit B 3 fight mong the 6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k fight of land, but crept along the coaft/expofed ' — v — ' to all the dangers, and retarded by all the ob- ftructions, unavoidable in holding fuch an auk- ward courfe. An incredible length of time was requifue for performing voyages, which are now fimfhed in a fhort fpace. Even in the mildeft climates, and in leas the leaft tempeftuous, it was only during the iummer months that the ancients ventured out of their harbours. The remainder of the year was loft in inactivity. It would have been deemed moft inconfiderate rafhnefs to have braved the fury of the winds and waves dur- ing winter \ While both the fcience and practice of naviga- tion continued to be fo defective, it was an un- dertaking of no fmall difficulty and danger to vi- fit any remote region of the earth. Under every difadvantage, however, the active fpirit of com- Ka*igatum merce exerted itlclf. The Egyptians, foon after andean- . . G/r jTxrce of the eftablimment ot their monarchy, are faid to Ins. e)pt " have opened a trade between the Arabian Gulph or Red Sea, and the vveftern coaft of the great In- .:i continent. The commodities which they im- ported from the eaft, were carried by land from the Arabian Gulph to the banks of the Nile, and convryed down that river to the Mediterranean. But if the Egyptians in early times applied them- felves to commerce*, their attention to it was of fhort duration. The fertile foil and mild climate a Vegetioi de Re milit. lib. iv. of HISTORY OF AMERICA. of Egypt produced the neceflaries and comforts of B ° ° K life with luch profufion, as rendered its inhabitants < — y-w fo independent of other countries, that it became an eftablifhed maj:im among that people, whofe ideas and inftitutions differed in almoft every point from thofe of other nations, to renounce all inter- courfe with foreigners. In confequence of this* they never went out of their own country •, they held all fea-faring perfons in deteftation, as impi- ous and profane ; and fortifying their own har- bours, they denied ftrangers admittance into them b ; and it was in the decline of their power, that they again opened their ports, and refumed any com- munication with foreigners. The character and fituation of the Phenicians of the were as favourable to the fpiri.t of commerce and difcovery as thofe of the Egyptians were averfe to it. They had no diftinguifhing peculiarity in their manners and inftitutions ; they were not addicted to any fingular and unfocial form of fuperftition ; they could mingle with other nations without fcruple or reluctance. The territory which they pofiefied was neither large nor fertile. Commerce was the only fource from which they could derive opulence or power. Accordingly, the trade car- ried on by the Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre, was more extenfive and enterprifing than that of any b Diod. SicuU lib. i. p. 78. Ed. WefTclingi. Amfi. 1756. Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1 14.2. Ed. Amft. 1707. B 4 ftate 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K ftate in the ancient world. The penius* of the w— v-w Phenicians, as well as the object of their policy and the fpirit of their laws, were entirely com- mercial. They were a people of merchants who aimed at the empire of the fea, and actually pofieiT- ed it. Their (hips not only frequented all the ports in the Mediterranean, but they were the firft who ventured beyond the ancient boundaries of navigation, and pafling the Streights of Gades, vifued the weftern coafts of Spain and Africa. In many of the places to which they reforted, they planted colonies, and communicated to the rude inhabitants fome knowledge of their arts and im- provements. While they extended their disco- veries towards the north and the weft, they did not neglect to penetrate into the more opulent and fertile regions of the fouth and eaft. Having ren- dered themfelves mafters of feveral commodious harbours towards the bottom of the Arabian Gulph, they, after the example of the Hgyptia is, efta- blifhed a regular intercourie with Arabia and the continent of India on the one hand, and with the eaftern coalt of Africa on the other. I r rom thefe countries they imported many valuable commodi- ties, unknown to the reft of the world, and, dur- ing a long period, engrolled that lucrative branch of commerce without a rival c . Ofthejrws. The vaft wealth which the Phenicians acquired by monopolizing the trade carried on in the Red e See N O T li I. at the End of the Volume. Sea, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 9 Sea, incited their neighbours the Jews, under the B ° ° K profperous reigns of David and Solomon, to aim at '- - y — .-> being admitted to fome fhare of it. This they obtained, partly by their conqueft of Idumea, which ftretches along the Red Sea, and partly by their alliance with Hiram king of Tyre. Solomon fitted out fleets, which, under the direction of Phenician pilots, failed from the Red Rea to Tar- fhifh and Ophir. Thefe it is probable were ports in India and Africa which their conductors were accuftomed to frequent, and from them the Jewifh fhips returned with fuch valuable cargoes as fud- denly diflfufed wealth and fplendour through the kingdom of Ifracl d . But the lingular institutions of the Jews, the obfervance of which was enjoined by their divine legislator, with an intention ofpre- ferving them a feparate people, uninfected by idolatry, formed a national character incapable of that open and liberal intercourfe with itrangers which commerce requires. Accordingly, this un- focial genius of the people, together with the dif- afters which befel the kingdom of Ifrael, prevented the commercial fpirit which their monarchs labour- ed to introduce, and to cherifh, from fpreading among them. The Jews cannot be numbered among the nations which contributed to improve navigation, or to extend difcovery. But though the inftructions and example of the oftheCar- . . thaginians, Phenicians were unable to mould the manners and d Memoir fur le Pays d'Ophir par M. D'Anville, Mem. de l'Academ. des Infcript. «S:c. torn. xxx. 83. temper io HISTORY OF AMERICA. temper of the Jews, in oppofition to the tendency of their laws, they tranfmitted the commercial fpi- rit with facility, and in full vigour, to their own defendants the Carthaginians. The common- wealth of Carthage applied to trade and to naval affairs, with no lefs ardour, ingenuity, and fuccefs, than its parent Mate. Carthage early rivalled, and foon furpafied Tyre, in opulence and power, but feems not to have aimed at obtaining any fhare in the commerce with India. The Phenicians had engrofled this, and had fuch a command of the Red Sea as fecured to them the excluflve pofleifion of that lucrative branch of trade. The commercial activity of the Carthaginians was exerted in another direction. Without contending for the trade of the eaft with their mother-country, they extended their navigation chiefly towards the well and north. Fol- lowing the courfe which the Phenicians had open- ed, they palled the Streights of Gades, and pufh- ing their difcoveries far beyond thofe of the parent ftate, vilited not only all the coafts of Spain, but thofe of Gaul, and penetrated at laft into Britain. At the fame time that they acquired knowledge of new countries in this part of the globe, they gra- dually carried their refearches towards the South. They made confiderable progrefs, by land, into the interior provinces of Africa, traded with fome of them, and fubjected others to their empire. They failed along the weftern coaft of that great continent, almoft to the tropic of Cancer, and planted feveral colonies, in order to civilize the natives* HISTORY OF AMERICA. U natives, and accuftom them to commerce. They B ° ° % difcovered the Fortunate I (lands, now known by the name of the Canaries, the utmoft boundary of ancient navigation in the weftern ocean e . Nor was the progrefs of the Phenicians and Car- thaginians in their knowledge of the globe, owing entirely to the defire of extending their trade from one country to another. Commerce was followed by its ufual effects among both thefe people. It awakened curiofity, enlarged the ideas and defires of men, and incited them to bold enterprifes. Voyages were undertaken, the fole object of which was to difcover new countries, and to explore un- known feas. Such, during the profperous age of the Carthaginian republic, were the famous navi- gations of Hanno and Himilco. Both their fleets were equipped by authority of the fenate, and at public expence. Hanno was directed to fleer towards the fouth, along the coaft of Africa, and he feems to have advanced much nearer the equi- noctial line than any former navigator f . Himilco had it in charge to proceed towards the north, and to examine the weftern coafts of the European con- tinent 5 . Of the fame nature was the extraordinary e Plinii Nat. Hill. lib. vi. c. 37. edit. In ufum Delph. 4to. 1685. f Plinii Nat. Hid. lib. v. c. i. Hannonis Periplus ap. Geograph. minores, edit. Hudfoni, vol. i. p. 1. g Plinii Nat. Hift. lib. ii. c. 67. Feftus Avienus apud Bo- chart. Geogr. Sacr. lib. i. c. 60. p. 652. Oper. vol. iii. L. Bat. 1707. navigation 12 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k navigation of the Phenicians round Africa. A v— ■ v-— ' Phenician fleet, we are told, fitted out by Necho king of Egypt, took its departure about fix hun- dred and four years before the Chriftian asra, from a port in the Red Sea, doubled the fouthern pro- montory of Africa, and after a voyage of three years, returned by the (freights of Gades, to the mouth of the Nile \ Eudoxus of Cyzicus is faid to have held the fame courfe, and to have accom- plished the fame arduous undertaking '. These voyages, if performed in the manner which I have related, may juftly be reckoned the greateft effort of navigation in the ancient world •> and if we attend to the imperfect ftate of the art at that time, it is difficult to determine whether we fhould moft admire the courage and fagacity with which the defign was formed, or the conduct and good fortune with which it was executed. But unfortunately, all the original and authentic ac- counts of the Phenician and Carthagian vogages, whether undertaken by public authority, or in profecution of their private trade, have perifhed. The information which we receive concerning them from the Greek and Roman authors, is not only obfeure and inaccurate, but, if we except a fhort narrative of Hanno's expedition, is of iulpicious authority k . Whatever acquaintance with the re- b Herodot. lib. iv. c. 42. 1 Plinii Nat. Hilt. lib. ii. c. 67. " See NOTE II. mote HISTORY OF AMERICA. 13 mote regions of the earth the Phenicians or Cartha- B J ° K ginians may have acquired was concealed from the v_ y— » reft of mankind with a mercantile jealoufy. Every thing relative to the courfe of their navigation was not only a myftery of trade, but a fecret of ftate. Extraordinary facts are recorded concerning their folicitudeto prevent other nations from penetrating into what they wifhed mould remain undivulged '. Many of their difcoveries feem, accordingly, to have been fcarcely known beyond the precincts of their own ftates. The navigation round Africa, in particular, is recorded by the Greek and Roman writers, rather as a ftrange amufing tale, which they either did not comprehend, or did not be- lieve, than as a real transaction, which enlarged their knowledge and influenced their opinion n . As neither the progrefs of the Phenician and Cartha- ginian difcoveries, nor the extent of their naviga- tion, were communicated to the reit of mankind, all memorials of their extraordinary fkill in naval affairs feem, in a great meafure, to have perifhed, when the maritime power of the former was anni- hilated by Alexander's conqueft of Tyre, and the empire of the latter was overturned by the Roman arms. Leavinc, then, the obfcure and pompous ac- of the counts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages to the curiofity and conjectures of antiquaries, hif- 1 Strab. Geogr. lib. iii, p, 265. lib. xviii. p. 1154. » See NOTE Ilf. tory 14 HISTORY OF AMERICA* boor tory muft reft fatisfied with relating the progrefs of •— v — ' navigation and difcovery among the Greeks and Romans, which, though lefs fplendid, is better afcertained. It is evident that the Phenicians, who instructed the Greeks in other ufeful fciences and arts, did not communicate to them that extenfive knowledge of navigation which they themfelves poiTclIed ; nor did the Romans imbibe that com- mercial fpirit and ardour for difcovery which dif- tinguifhed the Carthaginians. Though Greece be almoft encompaiTed by the lea, which formed many fpacious bays and commodious harbours, though it be furrounded by a vaft number of fer- tile iflands, yet, notwithstanding iuch a favourable fituation, which feemed to invite that ingenious people to apply themfelves to navigation, it was long before this art attained any degree of perfec- tion among them. Their early voyages, the ob- ject of which was piracy rather than commerce, were fo inconfiderable, that the expeditjon of the Argonauts from the coaft of Theffaly to the Eux- ine fea, appeared fuch an amazing effort of fkill and courage, as entitled the conductors of it to be ranked among the demigods, and exalted the veffel in which they failed to a place among the heavenly conftellations. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged in their famous enterprize againft Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs feems not to have been much improved. According to the account of Homer, the only poet to whom hiftory ventures to appeal, and who, by his fcrupulous accuracy HISTORY OF AMERICA. 15 accuracy in defcribing the manners and arts of early B ° ° K ages, merits this diftinction, the fcience of naviga- tion, at that time, had hardly advanced beyond its rudeft (late. The Greeks in the heroic age were unacquainted with the ufe of iron, the molt fer- viceable of all the metals, without which no con- fiderable progrefs was ever made in the mechanical arts. Their veffels were of inconfiderable burthen, and moftly without decks. Thele had only one mafl:, which they erected or took down at pleafure. They were ftrangers to the ufe of anchors. All their operations in failing were clumfy and unfkil- ful. They turned their obfervation towards (tars, which were improper for regulating their courfe, and their mode of obferving them was inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finifiied a voyage they drew their paltry barks alhore, as favages do their canoes, and thefe remained on dry land until the feafon of returning to fea approached. It is not then in the early or heroic ages of Greece, that we can expecl to obferve the fcience of navigation, and the fpirit of difcovery, making any confider- able progrefs. During that period of diforder and ignorance, a thoufand caufes concurred in reftrain- ing curiofity and enterprize within very narrow bounds. But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a Hate of greater civilization and refinement. Go- vernment, in its mod liberal and perfect form, be- gan to be eftablilhed in the communities of Greece ; equal 16 HISTORY OF AMERICA. r ' : equal laws and regular police were gradually intro- duced ; the fciences and arts which are ufeful or ornamental in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement, and feveral of the Grecian com- monwealths applied to commerce with fuch ardour and fuccefs, that they were confidered, in the an- cient world, as maritime powers of the firft rank. Even then, however, the naval victories of the Greeks mull be afcribed rather to the native fpirit of the people, and to that courage which the en- joyment of liberty infpires, than to any extraordi- nary progrefs in the fcience of navigation. In the Perfian war, thole exploits which the eloquence of the Greek hiftorians has rendered fo famous, were performed by fleets, compofed chiefly of fmall veflels without decks ' ; the crews of which rufhed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to board thofe of the enemy. In the war of Felo- ponnefus, their mips ieem (till to have been of in- confiderable burthen and force. The extent of their trade was in proportion to this low condition of their marine. The maritime dates of Greece hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Mediterranean lea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonies of their countrymen, planted in the Letter Afia, in Italy and Sicily. They fome- times vifited the ports of Egypt, of Gaul, and of Thrace, or palTmg through the Hellefpont, they traded wich the countries fituated around the Eux- ine fea. Amazing initances occur of their igno- B Thucyd. lib. i. c. 14. ranee, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 17 ranee, even of thofe countries, which lay within B ° L ° K the narrow precincts to which their navigation was confined. When the Greeks had affembled their combined fleet againft Xerxes at Egina, they thought it unadvifaole to fail to Samos, becaufe they believed the diftance between that ifland and Egina to be as great as the diftance between Egina and the Pillars of Hercules °. They were either utterly unacquainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the Mediterranean fea, or what knowledge they had of them was founded on conjecture, or derived from the information of a few perfons* whom curiofity and the love of fcience had prompted to travel by land into the Upper Afia, or by fea into Egypt, the ancient feats of wifdom and arts. After all that the Greeks learned from them, they appear to have been ignorant of the moft important facts, on which an accurate and fcientific knowledge of the globe is founded. The expedition of Alexander the Great into the eaft, confiderably enlarged the fphere of naviga- tion and of geographical knowledge among the Greeks. That extraordinary man, notwithstand- ing the violent paffions which incited him, at fome times, to the wildeft actions, and the molt extravagant enterprifes, poiTefted talents wheh fitted him not only to conquer, but to govern the world. He was capable of framing thofe bold Hcrodot. lib. viii, c. 132. Vol. I. C and i& HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° J ° K and original fchemes of policy, which grve a nevtf form to human affairs. The revolution in com- merce, brought about by the force of his genius, is hardly inferior to that revolution in empire, occafioned by the fuccefs of his arms. It is pro- bable, that the oppofition and efforts of the re- public of Tyre, which checked him fo long in the career of his victories, gave Alexander an oppor- tunity of obferving the vaft refources of a maritime power, and conveyed to him ibme idea of the im- menfe wealth which the Tyrians derived from their commerce, efpecially that with the Eaft Indies. As foon as he had accomplifhed the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to fubjeclion, he formed the plan of rendering the empire which he pur- poied to eftablifh, the centre of commerce as well as the feat of dominion. With this view he founded a great city, which he honoured with his own name, near one of the mouths of the river Nile, that by the Mediterranean fea, and the neighbourhood of the Arabian Gulf, it might command the trade both of the eaft and weft p . This fituation was cholen with fuch difcernment, that Alexandria foon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only during the fubfiftence of the Grecian empire in Egypt and in the eaft, but amidft all the lucceffive revolutions in thofe countries, from the time of the Ptolemies to the diicovery of the Navigation by the Cape of Good * Strab. Geogr. lib, Jtvii, < t \ 1143, 1149. 4 Hope,' HISTORY OF AMERICA, 19 Hope, commerce, particularly that of the Eaft B Indies, continued to flow in the channel which the fagacity and forefight of Alexander had marked out for it. His ambition was not fatisfied with having opened to the Greeks a communication with India by fea; he afpired to the fovereignty of thofe re- gions which furnifhed the reft of mankind with fo many precious commodities, and conducted his army thither by land. Enterprifing, however, as he was, he may be faid rather to have difcovered, than to have conquered that country. He did not, in his progrefs towards the eaft, advance be- yond the banks of the rivers that fall into the Indus, which is now the weftern boundary of the vaft continent of India. Amidft the wild exploits which diftinguifh this part of his hiftory, he pur- fued meafures that mark the fuperiority of his ge- nius, as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into India as to confirm his opi- nion of its commercial importance, and to perceive that immenfe wealth might be derived from inter- courfe with a country, where the arts of elegance having been more early cultivated, were arrived a* greater perfection than in any other part of the earth \ Full of this idea he refolved to examine the courfe of navigation from the mouth of the q Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1036. Q. Curtius, lib. xvir. c. 9. C 2 Indus so HISTORY OF AMERICA, book Indus to the bottom of the Perfian Gulf-, and it i? *— y — mould be found practicable, to eftabliih a regular communication between them. In order to effect this, he propofed to remove the cataracts, with which, the jealouly of the Perfians, and their averfion to correfpondence with foreigners, had obftructed the entrance into the Euphrates' •, to carry the commodities of the ealt up that river, and the Tigris, which unites with i:, into the inte- rior parts of his Afiatic dominions ; while, by the way of the Arabian Gulf, and the river Nile, they might be conveyed to Alexandria, and diftributed to the reft of the world. Nearcbus, an officer of eminent abilities, was entrufted with the command of the fleet fitted out for this expedition. He per- formed this voyage, which was deemed an entcr- prife lb arduous and important, that Alexander reckoned it one of the mod extraordinary events which diftinguifhed his reign. Inconfiderable as it may now appear, it was, at that time, an under- taking of no little merit and difficulty. In the profecution of it, ftriking instances occur of the imall prog re Is whi .1 the Greeks had made in naval knowledge 5 . Having never failed beyond the bounds of the Mediterranean, where the ebb and flow of the lea are hardly perceptible, when they firit obferved this phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, it appeared to them a prodigy, by which the gods teftified the difpleafure of Heaven r Su-b. Geogr. lib.xvi. p. 1075. s See NOTE IV. againCt HISTORY OF AMERICA, 2r ■againft their enterprife l . During their whole B ° ° K courfe, they feem never to have loft fight of land, \ ■/— ' but followed the bearings of the coaft fo fervilely, that they could not much avail themfelves of thofe periodical winds, which facilitate navigation in the Indian ocean. Accordingly, they fpent no lefs than ten months in u performing this voyage, which, from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Perfian Gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. It is pro- bable, that amiaft the violent convulfions, and frequent revolutions in the Eaft, occafioned by the contefls among the lucceffors of Alexander, the navigation to India, by the courfe which Near- chus had opened, was difcontinued. The Indian trade carried on at Alexandria, not only fubfifted, but was fo much extended under the Grecian mo- narchs of Egypt, that it proved a great fource of the wealth which diftinguifhed their kingdom. The progrefs which the Romans made in navi- of the Ro- gation and difcovery, was ftill more inconiiderable than that of the Greeks. The genius of the Ro- man people, their military education, and the fpirit of their laws, concurred in eftranging them from commerct and naval affairs. It was the ne- ceflity of oppofing a formidable rival, not the de- fire of extending trade, which firft prompted them to aim at maritime power. Though they foon perceived that, in order to acquire the uni- T See NOTE V. u Plin. Hift. Nat. lib. vi c 23. C 2 verfal 22 HISTORV OF AMERICA. book verfal dominion after which they afpirecl, it I ' w — > neceflary to render themfelves matters of the fea, they (till confidered the naval iervice as a fubordi- nate ftation, and referved for it fuch citizens as were not of a rank to be admitted into the le- gions x . In the hiftory of the Roman republic, hardly one event occurs, that marks attention to navigation any farther than as it was inftrumental towards conqueft. When the Roman valour and difcipline had fubdued all the maritime ftates known in the ancient world ; when Carthage, Greece, and Egypt, had fubmitted to their power, the Romans did not imbibe the commercial fj of the conquered nations. Among that people of foldiers, to have applied to trade would have been deemed a degradation of a Roman citizen. They abandoned the mechanical arts, commerce, and navigation, to (laves, to freed men, to provincials, and to citizens of the lowed clafs. Even after the iubverfion of liberty, when the fcverity and haughtinefs of ancient manners began to abate, commerce did not rife into high eftimation among the Romans. The trade of Greece, Egypt, and the other conquered countries, continued to be carried on in its ufual channels, after they were reduced into the form of Roman provinces. As Rome was the capital of the world, and the feat of government, all the wealth and valuable produc- es of the provinces flowed naturally thither. Poiyb. lib. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 23 The Romans, fatisfied with this, feem to have fuf- B j° K fered commerce to remain almoft entirely in the <— - v— — ' hands of the natives of the refpectiye countries. The extent, however, of the Roman power, which reached over the greateft part of the known world, the vigilant infpeclion of the Roman magistrates, and the fpirit of the Roman government, no lefs intelligent than active, gave fuch additional fecu- rity to commerce, as animated it with new vigour. The union among nations was never fo entire, nor the intercourfe fo perfect, as within the bounds of this vaft empire. Commerce, under the Roman dominion, was not obstructed by thejealoufy of rival ftates, interrupted by frequent hoftilities, or limited by partial restrictions. One fuperintending power moved and regulated the induftry of man- kind, and enjoyed the fruits of their joint efforts. Navigation felt this influence, and improved under it. As foon as the Romans acquired a tafte for the luxuries of the Eaft, the trade with India through Egypt was pulried with new vigour, and carried on to greater extent. By frequenting the Indian continent, navigators became acquainted with the periodical courfe of rhe winds, which, in the ocean that leparates Africa from India, blow with little variation during one half of the year from the eaft, and during the other half fix with equal fteadinefs from the weft. Encouraged by obierving this, they abandoned their ancient flow and dangerous courfe along the coaft, and as C 4 foon 24 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book f 00n as t h e weftern monfoon fet in, took fheir de- j v— parture from Occlis, at the mouth of the Arabian Gulf, and ftretched boldly acrofs the ocean y . The uniform direction of the wind, iupplying the place of the compafs, and rendering the guidance of the liars lefs neceflary, conducted them to the port of Mufiris, on the weftern more of the Indian conti- nent. There they took on board their cargo, and returning with the eaftern monfoon, finiihed their voyage to the Arabian Gulf within the year. This part of India, now known by the name of the Malabar coaft, leems to have been the utmoft limit of ancient navigation in that quarter of the globe. What imperfect knowledge the ancients had of the immenle countries which ftretch beyond this towards the ealt, they received from a few adventurers, who had vifited them by land. Such excurfions were neither frequent nor extenfive, and it is probable, that while the Roman intercourfe with India fubfifted, no traveller ever penetrated further tnan to the banks oi the Ganges z . The fleets from Egypt which traded at Mufiris were loaded, it is true, with the fpices and other rich commodities of the continent and illands of the farther India-, but thefe were brought to that port, which became the ftaple of this commerce, by the Indians thcmfclves, in canoes hollowed out of one tree". The Egyptian and Roman merchants, y Plin. Rift. Nat. lib. vi. cap. 23. * Strab. Gecj»r. lib. xv. p. roo6. 10.0. See NOTE VI. - Plin. Nat. iiift. lib. vi. c. 26. fatisfied HISTORY OF AMERICA. 25 fatisfied with acquiring thofe commodities in this B ° ° K manner, did not think it necefiary to explore un- v — y— -> known feas, and venture upon a dangerous navi- gation, in queft of the countries which produced them. But though the difcoveries of the Romans in India were fo limited, their commerce there was fuch a? will appear confide' able, even to the pre- fent age, in which the Indian trade has been ex- tended far beyond the practice or conception of any preceding period. We are informed by one author of credit b , that the commerce with India drained the Roman empire every year of more than four hundred thoufand pounds ; and by another, that one hundred and twenty fhips failed annually from the Arabian Gulf to that coun- try c . The difcovery of this new method of failing to Difcovems India, is the moft confiderable improvement in ciennkjT navigation made during the continuance of the ,and * Roman power. But in ancient times, the know- ledge of countries was acquired more by land than by fea"; and the Romans, from their peculiar dis- inclination to naval affairs, may be laid to have neglected totally the latter, though a more eafy and expeditious method of difcovery. The pro- grels, however, of their victorious armies contri- buted greatly to extend difcovery by land, and b Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. vi. c. 26. c Strab. Geo^r. lib. ii. p. 179, d See NOTE VII. even 26 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book even opened the navigation of new and unknown Ui-y -> feas. Previous to the Roman conquefts, the civil- ized nations of antiquity had no communication with thofe countries in Europe, which now form its moft opulent and powerful kingdoms. The interior parts of Spain and Gaul were little known. Britain, fcparated from the reft of the world, had never been vifited, except by its neighbours the Gauls, and by a few Carthaginian merchants. .The name of Germany had fcarcely been heard of. Into all thefe countries the arms of the Romans penetrated. They entirely fubdued Spain and Gaul ; they conquered the greateft and moft fer- tile part of Britain ; they advanced into Germany, as far as the banks of the river Elbe. In Africa, they acquired a confiderable knowledge of the pro- vinces, which ftretch along the Mediterranean fea, from Egypt weft ward to the ftraits of Gades. In Afia, they not only fubjected to their power moft of the provinces which compofed the Perfian and Macedonian empires, but, after their victories over Mithridates and Tigranes, they feem to have made a more accurate furvey of the countries con- tiguous to the Euxine and Cafpian feas, and to have carried on a more extenfive trade than that of the Greeks with the opulent and commercial na- tions, then feated around the Euxine fea. lion'of^o- From this fuccinft furvey of difcovery and na- gr*phicai violation, which I have traced from the earlieft knowledge D ' among the ^ aW n of hiftorical knowledge to the full eftablifh- anciuits. ment HISTORY OF AMERICA. 27 ment of the Roman dominion, their progrefs ap- B ° k pears to have been wonderfully flow. It feems neither adequate to what we might have expected from the activity and enterprile of the human mind, nor to what might have been performed by the power of the great empires which fuccefiively governed the world. If we reject accounts that are fabulous and obfcure ; if we adhere fteadily to the light and information of authentic hiftory, without fubftituting in its place the conjectures of fancy, or the dreams of etymologifts, we mult conclude, that the knowledge which the ancients had acquired of the habitable globe was extremely confined. In Europe, the extenfive provinces in the eaftern part of Germany were little known to them. They were almolt totally unacquainted with the vaft countries which are now fubject to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, Pruffia, Poland, and the Ruffian empire. The more barren regions, that ftretch within the arctic circle, were quite unexplored. In Africa, their refearches did not extend far beyond the provinces which border on the Mediterranean, and thofe fituated on the weftern fhore of the Arabian Gulf. In Afia, they were unacquainted, as I formerly obferved, with all the fertile and opulent countries beyond the Ganges, which furnilh the mod valuable commo- dities that, in modern times, have been the great object of the European commerce with India j nor do they feem to have ever penetrated into thofe jmmenfe regions occupied by the wandering tribes, which 28 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K which they called by the general name oPSarma- t - - y~> tians or Scythians, and now pofTelTed by Tartars of various denominations, and by the Afiatic fub. jech of Ruflia. fbie'T 3 ?' ^ UT tnere * s 0Re option, that univerfally pre- otthis. vailed among the ancients, which conveys a more ftriking idea of the fmall progrels they had made in the knowledge of the habitable globe, than can be derived from any detail of their dilcoveries. They fuppofed the earth to be divided into five regions, which they diftinguifhed by the name of zones. Two of thefe, which were neareft the Poles, they termed the frigid zones, and believed that the extreme cold which reigned perpetually there, ren- dered them uninhabitable. Another, feated under the line, and extending on either fide towards the tropics, they called the torrid zone, and imagined it to be fo burnt up with unremitting heat, as to be equally deititute of inhabitants. On the two other zones, which occupied the remainder of the earth, they bellowed the appellation of temperate, and taught that thefe, being the only regions in which life could fubfift, were allotted to man for Jiis habitation. This wild opinion was not a con- ceit of the uninformed vulgar, or a fanciful fiction of the poets, but a fyitem adopted by the molt enlightened philofophers, the moil accurate hillo- rians and geographers in Greece and Rome. Ac- cording to this theory, a vaft portion of the habit- able earth was pronounced to be unfit for fuitaining the HISTORY OF AMERICA. 29 the human fpecies. Thole fertile and populous book regions within the torrid zone, which are now * j] — » known not only to yield their own inhabitants the receiraries and comforts of life, with mod luxu- riant profufion, but to communicate their fuper- fluous (tores to the reft of the world, were fup- poled to be the manfion of perpetual fterility and defolation. As all the parts of the globe, which the ancients had difcovered, lay within the northern temperate zone, their opinion that the other tem- perate zone was rilled with inhabitants, was founded on reafoning and conjecture, not on difcovery. They even believed that, by the intolerable heat of the torrid zone, fuch an infuperable barrier was placed between the two temperate regions of the earth, as would nrevent for ever any intercourfe between their refpective inhabitants. Thus this extravagant theory not only proves that the an- cients wci unacquainted with the true Itate of the globe, but it tended to render their ignorance per- petual, by reprefenting all attempts towards open- ing a communication with the remote regions of the earth, as utterly impracticable f . But, however imperfect or inaccurate the geo- graphical knowledge which the Greeks and Ro- mans had acquired may appear, in refpect of the prefent improved ftate of that fcience, their pro- grefs in difcovery will feem confiderable, and the I See NOTE Villi extent 30 HISTORY OF AMERICA. extent to which they carried navigation and com- merce mud be reckoned great, when compared with the ignorance of early times. As long as the Roman empire retained fuch vigour as to preferve its authority over the conquered nations, and to keep them united, it was an object of public police, as well as of private curiofity, to examine and defcribe the countries which compofed this great body. Even when the other fciences began to decline, geography, enriched with new obferva- tions, and receiving fome accefllon from the expe- rience of every age, and the reports of every i-rptove- traveller, continued to improve. It attained to jeography the higheft point of perfection and accuracy to y t0 ""y* which it ever arrived in the ancient world, by the induftry and genius of Ptolemy the philofopher. He fiourifhed in the fecond century of the Chriftian aera, and publifhed a defcription of the terreftrial globe, more ample and exact than that of any of his predecelTors. The inva. But, foon after, violent convulfions began to fi on of the ° Roman em- (hake the Roman ftate ; the fatal ambition or ca- p;re by bar- barous na- price of Conflantine, by changing the feat of go- vernment, divided and weakened its force -, the barbarous nations, which Providence prepared as its inftruments to overturn the mighty fabric of the Roman power, began to aflemble and to mufter their armies on its frontier; the empire tottered to its fall. During this decline and old age of the Roman ftate, it was impofiible that the fciences mould tiou HISTORY OF AMERICA. 31 fhould go on improving. The efforts of genius B ° 1 ° K were, at that period, as languid and feeble as thofe u~v~^ of government. From the time of Ptolemy, no confiderable addition feems to have been made to geographical knowledge, nor did any important revolution happen in trade, excepting that Con- ftantinople, by its advantageous fituation, and the encouragement of the eaftern emperors, became a commercial city of the firft note. At length, the clouds which had been fo long Effefls of gathering round the Roman empire, burft into a que ft s on ftorm. Barbarous nations rufned in from feveral [ntercourS, quarters with irrefiftible impetuofity, and, in the general wreck, occafioned by the inundation which overwhelmed Europe, the arts, fciences, inven- tions and difcoveries of the Romans, perifhed in a great meafure, and difappeared *. All the various tribes, which fettled in the different provinces of the Roman empire, were uncivilized, ftrangers to letters, deftitute of arts, unacquainted with regu- lar government, fubordination, or laws. The manners and institutions of fome of them were fo rude, as to be hardly compatible with a date of focial union. Europe, when occupied by fuch in- habitants, may be faid to have returned to a fecond infancy, and had to begin anew its career in im- provement, fcience, and civility. The firft effect of the fettlement of thofe barbarous invaders was to diflblve the union by which the Roman power e Hift. of Charles V. vol. i. p. 18. 72. had 32 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book nac ] cemented mankind together. They parcelled c-*-v-— ' out Europe into many fmall and independent dates, differing from each other in language and cuftoms. No intercourfe fubiifted between the members of thole divided and hoftile communities. Accuftom- ed to a fimple mode of life, and averfc to induftry, they had few wants to fupply, and no fuperfluities to difpole of. The names of Jlranger and of enemy became cnce more words of the fame import. Cuftoms every-where prevailed, and even laws were eftablifhed, which rendered it difagreeable and dangerous to vifit any foreign country \ Ci- ties, in which alone an extenfive commerce can be carried on, were few, inconfulerable, and deftitute of thofe immunities which produce fecurity or ex- cite enterprife. The fciences, on which geo- graphy and navigation are founded, were not culti- vated. The accounts of ancient improvements and difcoveries, contained in the Greek and Ro- man authors, were neglected or mifunderftood. The knowledge of remote regions was loft, their fituation, their commodities, and almoft their names, were unknown. Commercial One circumftance prevented commercial inter- mii rC pX fe courfe with diftant nations from ceafing altogether. SteEafen Cbnftantinople, though often threatened by the tmpiie. fierce in\ aders, who fpread defolation over the reft of Europe, was fo fortunate as to efcape their de- b I lift, cf Charles V. vol. i. p. 7/ -. 3;-. ftruclive History of America. 33 ftruflive rage. In that city, the knowledge of an- book cientarts and difcoveries was preferved •, a tafte for fplendour and elegance fubfifted -, the productions and luxuries of foreign countries were in requeft ; and commerce continued to flourifh there, when it was almoft extinct in every other part of Europe. The citizens of Conftantinople did not confine their trade to the idands of the Archipelago, or to the adjacent coafts of Afia ; they took a wider range, and following the courfe which the ancients had marked out, imported the commodities of the Eaft Indies from Alexandria. When Egypt was torn from the Roman empire by the Arabians, the induftry of the Greeks difcovered a new channel, by which the productions of India might be con- veyed to Conftantinople. They were carried up the Indus, as far as that great river is navigable ; thence they were tranfported by land to the banks of the river Oxus, and proceeded down its ftrearrl to the Cafpian fea. There they entered the Volga, and failing up it, were carried by land to the Ta- nais, which conducted them into the Euxine fea, where velTels from Conftantinople waited their ar- rival . This extraordinary and tedious mode of conveyance merits attention, not only as a proof of the violent pafiion which the inhabitants of Con- ftantinople had conceived for the luxuries of the eaft, and as a fpecimen of the ardour and ingenu- ity with which they carried on commerce j but be- 1 Raraufio, vol. i. p. 372, F. Vol. I. D caufc 34 HISTORY OF AMERICA, B ° ° K caufe it demonftrates, that, during the ignorance which reigned in the reft of Europe, an extenfive knowledge of remote countries was (till preferved in the capital of the Greek empire. and among »he Arabi- ans. At the fame time, a gleam of light and know- ledge broke in upon the eaft. The Arabians hav- ing contracted fome relifh for the fciences of the people whofe empire they had contributed to over- turn, tranflated the books of feveral of the Greek philofophers into their own language. One of the firft was that valuable work of Ptolemy, which I have already mentioned. The ftudy of geography became, of confequence, an early object of atten- tion to the Arabians. But that acute and ingeni- ous people cultivated chiefly the fpeculative and fcientiiic parts of geography. In order toafcertain the figure and dimensions of the terreftrial globe, they applied the principles of geometry, they had recourfe to aftronomical obfervations, they em- ployed experiments and operations, which Europe, in more enlightened times, has been proud to adopt and to imitate. At that period, however, the fame of the improvements made by the Ara- bians did not reach Europe. The knowledge of their diicoveries was referved for ages capable of comprehending and of perfecting them. By degrees, the calamities and defolation brought Aevlval of commerce and naviga- upon the weft er n provinces of the Roman empire it**. by its barbarous conquerors, were forgotten, and 4 in HISTORY OF AMERICA. 35 in fome meafure repaired. The rude tribes which B ° ° K fettled there, acquiring inienfibly fome idea of re- v— v~— » gular government, and fome relifh for the func- tions and comforts of civil life, Europe began to awake from its torpid and unactive ftate. The firft fymptoms of revival were difcerned in Italy. The northern tribes which took pofTeflion of this country, made progrefs in improvement with great- er rapidity than the people fettled in other parts of Europe. Various caufes, which it is not the ob- ject of this work to enumerate or explain, concur- red in reftoring liberty and independence to the cities of Italy k . The acquifition of thefe roufed induftry, and gave motion and vigour to all the active powers of the human mind. Foreign com- merce revived, navigation was attended to and im- proved. Constantinople became the chief mart to which the Italians reforted. There they not only met with a favourable reception, but obtained fuch mercantile privileges as enabled them to carry on trade with great advantage. They were fup- plied both with the precious commodities of the eaft, and with many curious manufactures, the product of ancient arts and ingenuity, which ftill fubfifted among the Greeks. As the labour and expence of conveying the productions of India to Constantinople by that long and indirect courfe which I have defcribed, rendered them extremely rare, and of an exorbitant price, the induftry of k Hill, of Charles V. vol. i. p. 33. D 2 the 3* HISTORY OF AMERICA. ° I> ° K the Italians difcovered other methods of procuring "— *v» — ' them in greater abundance, and at an eafier rate. They fometimes purchafed them in Aleppo, Tri- poli, and other ports on the coaft of Syria, to which they were brought by a route net unknown to the ancients. They were conveyed from India by fea, up the Perfian Gulf, and afcending the Eu- phrates and Tigris, as far as Bagdat, were carried by land acrofs the Defert to Palmyra, and from thence to the towns on the Mediterranean. But from the length of the journey, and the dangers to which the caravans were expofed, this proved al- ways a tedious, and often a precarious mode of conveyance. At length, the Soldans of Egypt, having renewed the commerce with India in its ancient channel, by the Arabian Gulf, the Italian merchants, notwithstanding the violent antipathy to each other with which Christians and the follow- ers of Mahomet were then pofieffed, repaired to Alexandria, and enduring, from the love of gain, the infolence and exactions of the Mahometans, eitablimed a lucrative trade in that port. From that period, the commercial fpirit of Italy became active and enterpriling. Venice, Genoa, Pifa, rofe from inccrfidtrable towns, to be populous and wealthy cities. Their naval power increafed; their veffels frequented not only all the ports in the Me- diterranean, but venturing fometimes beyond the Streights, vifited the Maritime towns of Spain, France, the Low Countries, and England ; and, by distributing their commodities over Europe, began HISTORY OF AMERICA. 37 began to communicate to its various nations fome B ° J ° K tafte for the valuable productions of the eaft, as s— -/-*-» well as ibme ideas of manufactures and arts, which were then unknown beyond the precincls of Italy. While the cities of Italy were thus advancing in Their pro. ' grels fa- their career of improvement, an event happened, »our«i by the mod extraordinary perhaps in the hitlory of fades, mankind, which, inftead of retarding the com- mercial progrefs of the Italians, rendered it more rapid. The martial fpirit of the Europeans, heightened and inflamed by religious zeal, prompt- ed them to deliver the Holy Land from the domi- nion of infidels. Vaft armies, compofed of ail the nations in Europe, marched towards Afia, upon this wild enterprife. The Genoefe, the Pilans, and Venetians furni(hed the tranfports which carried them thither. They fupplied them with provi- fions and military (tores. Befide the immenfe fums which they received on this account, they obtained commercial privileges and eftablifhments, of great confequence in the lettlements which theCrufaders made in Paleftine, and in other provinces of Afia. Erom thofe fources, prodigious wealth flowed into the cities which I have mentioned. This was ac- companied with a proportional increafe of power, and by the end of the Holy War, Venice, in par- ticular, became a great maritime ftate, poffefilng an extenfive commerce, and ample territories »„ ! Efl'di de l'Hiftoire du Commerce de Venife, p. 52, &c. D 3 Italy 38 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° J ° K Italy was not the only country in which the Cru- i^*>r>*j lades contributed to revive and diffufe fuch a fpirit as prepared Europe for future difcoveries. By thfir expeditions into Afia, the other European naiions became well acquainted with remote re- gions, which formerly they knew only by name, or by the reports of ignorant and credulous pilgrims. They had an opportunity of obferving the manners, the arts, and the accommodations of people more polilhed than themfelves. This intercourfe be- tween the eaft and weft fubfifted almoft two cen- turies. The adventurers, who returned from Afia, communicated to their countrymen the ideas which they had acquired, and the habits of life they had contracted by vifiting more refined nations. The Europeans began to be fenlible of wants with which they were formerly unacquainted •> new de- fires were excited ; and fuch a talte for the com- modities and arts of other countries gradually fj_read among them, that they not only encouraged the refort of foreigners to their harbours, but be- gan to perceive the advantnge and neceflity of ap- plying to commerce themfelves m . by the dif- This communication, which was opened be- travVii«$°by tween Europe and the weftern provinces of Afia, landj encouraged feveral perfons to advance far beyond tht countries in which the Cruladers carried on their operations, and to travel by land into the more remote and opulent regions of the eail. The m Hill. Charles V. vol. i. p. :>, &c. wild HISTORY OF AMERICA. 30 wild fanaticifm, which feems at that period to have book. mingled in all the fchemes of individuals, no v-.- y — j lefs than in all the counfels of nations, firft incited men to enter upon thofe long and dangerous pere- grinations. They were afterwards undertaken from profpects of commercial advantage, or from motives of mere curiofity. Benjamin, a Jew of Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre, pofTciTed with a fuperltitious veneration for the law of Mo- fes, and folicitous to vifit his countrymen in the eaft, whom he hoped to find in fuch a ftate of power and opulence as might redound to the ho- nour of his feci, fet out from Spain in the year 1 1 60, and travelling by land to Conftantinople, proceeded through the countries to the north of the Euxine and Cafpian feas, as far as Chinefe Tarrary. From thence he took his route towards the fouth, and after traverfing various provinces of the farther India, he embarked on the Indian ocean, vifited feveral of its iflands, and returned at the end of thirteen years, by the way of Egypt, to Europe, with much information concerning a large diftrict of the globe, altogether unknown at that time to the weftern world n . The zeal of the head of the Chriftian church co-operated with the fu- perftition of Benjamin the Jew, in difcovering the interiour and remote provinces of Afia. All Chriftendom having been alarmed with ac- counts of the rapid progrefs of the Tartar arms under Zengis Khan, Innocent IV. who entertained n Bergeron Recueil des Voyages, &c. torn. i. p. 1. D 4 mod 40 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. J2.j6. mod exalted ideas concerning the plenitude of his own power, and the fubmiffion due to his injunc- tions, lent father John de Piano Carpini, at the head of a miffion of Francifcan monks, and father Afcolino, at the head of another of Dominicans, to exhort KayukKhan, the grandfon of Zengis, who was then at the head of the Tartar empire, to em- brace the Chriftian raith, and to defitr from defo* laring the earth by his arms. The haughty de- fendant of the greater!: conqueror Afia had ever beheld, aftonifhed at this ftrange mandate from an Italian prieft, whole name and jurifdielion were alike unknown to him, received it with the eon- tempt which it merited, though he oil'milled the mendicants who delivered it with impunity. But as they had penetrated into the country by differ- ent routes, and followed for fome time the Tar- tar camps, which were always in motion, they had an opportunity of vifiting a great part of Afia. Carpini, who proceeded by the way of Poland and RufTia, travelled through its northern provinces as far as the extremities of Thibet. Alcolino, who feems to have landed lbmewhe re in Syria, advanced through its lbuthern provinces, into the interior parts of Perfia °. :?53- Not long after, St. Louis of France contributed farther towards extending the knowledge which the Europeans had begun to acquire of thole diitant re- gions. Some defigning impotfor, who took ad- p Hjkluyt, i. 21. Bergeron, torn. i. vantage HISTORY OF AMERICA. 41 vantage of the (lender acquaintance of Chriftendom sook with the ftate and chara&er of the Afiatic nations, _-J-j having informed him that a powerful Chan of the Tartars had embraced the Chriftian faith, the mo- narch liftened to the tale with pious credulity, and i.nftantly relolved to fend ambafladors to this illuftri- ous convert, with a view of inciting him to attack their common enemy the Saracens in one quarter, while he fell upon them in another. As monks were the only perfons in that age who pofTefTed fucli a degree of knowledge as qualified them for a fer- vice of this kind, he employed in it father Andrew* a Jacobine, who was followed by father William de Rubruquis, a Francifcan. With refpect to the progrefs of the former, there is no memorial ex- tant. The journal of the latter has been publifti- ed. He was admitted into the prefence of Man- gu, the third Khan in fucceflion from Zengis, and made a circuit through the interior parts of Afia, more extenfive than that of any European who had hitherto explored them p . To thofe travellers, whom religious zeal fent forth to vifit Afia, fucceeded others who ventured into remote countries, from the profpect of com- mercial advantage, or from motives of mere cu- riofity. The firft and moft eminent of thefe was Marco Polo, a Venetian of a noble family. Hav- Ia 6 9 . ing engaged early in trade, according to the cuftom of his country, his afpiring mind wifhed for a fphere ? Hakl. \. -1. Recueil de Voyages par Bergeron, torn. i. Of 42 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o^o k f activity more extenfive than was afforded to it i— v— -* by the eilablifhed traffic carried on in thofe ports of Europe and Afia, which the Venetians frequent- ed. This prompted him to travel into unknown countries, in expectation of opening with them a commercial intercourfe, more fuited to the fan- guine ideas and hopes of a young adventurer. As his father had already carried fome European commodities to the court of the great Chan of the Tartars, and had difpofed of them to advantage, he reforted thither. Under the protection of Kub- lay Chan, the mod powerful of all the fucceffors of Zengis, he continued his mercantile peregrinations in Afia upwards of twenty-fix years; and during that time advanced towards the eaft, far beyond the utmoft boundaries to which any European tra- veller had ever proceeded. Inftead of following the courfe of Carpini and Rubruquis, along the vaft unpeopled plains of Tartary, he parted through the chief trading cities in the more cultivated parts of Afia, and penetrated to Cambalu, or Peking, the capital of the great kingdom of Cathay, or China, fubject at that time to the fucceflbrs of Zengis. He made more than one voyage on the Indian ocean, he traded in many of the ifiands, from which Europe had long received fpiceries and other commodities, which it held in high eftimation, though unacquainted with the particular countries to which it was indebted for thofe precious produc- tions i and he obtained information concerning fe- veral HISTORY OF AMERICA. 43 veral countries, which he did not vifit in perfon, B ° ° 5 particularly the ifland Zipangri, probably the fame u— v— J now known by the name of Japan p . On his re- turn, he aftonifhed his contemporaries with his de- fcriptions of vaft regions, whole names had never been heard of in Europe, and with fuch pompou s accounts of their fertility, their populoufnefs, their opulence, the variety of their manufactures, and the extent of their trade, as rofe far above the con- ception of an uninformed age. About half a century after Marco Polo, Sir i|«« John Mandeville, an Englishman, encouraged by his example, vifited mod of the countries in the eaft which he had defcribed, and, like him, pub- limed an account of them q . The narrations of thofe early travellers abound with many wild inco- herent tales, concerning giants, enchanters, and monfters. But they were not, from that circum- ftance, lefs acceptable to an ignorant age, which delighted in what was marvellous. The wonders which they told, moftly on hearfay, filled the multitude with admiration. The facts which they related from their own obfervation, attracted the attention of the more difcerning. The former, which may be confidered as the popular traditions and fables of the countries through which they had patted, were gradually difregarded as Europe ad- vanced in knowledge. The latter, however in- p Viaggi di Marco Polo. Ramuf. ii. 2. Eergeron, torn. ii. q Voyages and Travels, by Sir John Mandeville. credible 44 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k credible fome of them may have appeared*in their * — w — ' own time, have been confirmed by the obferva- tions of modern travellers. By means of both, however, the curiofity of mankind was excited with refpecl: to the remote parts of the earth, their ideas were enlarged, and they were not only infen- fibly difpofed to attempt new dilcoveries, but re- ceived fuch information as directed to that par- ticular courfe in which thefe were afterwards carried on. *ni bj the While this fpirit was gradually forming in Ae mariners Europe, a fortunate difcovery was made, which attp *" contributed more than all the efforts and ingenuity of preceding ages, to improve and to extend navi- gation. That wonderful property of the magnet, by which it communicates fuch virtue to a needle or (lender rod of iron, as to point towards the poles of the earth, was obferved. The ufe which, might be made of this in directing navigation was immediately perceived. That moft valuable, but now familiar inltrument, the mariners compafs> was formed. When, by means of it, navigators found that at all feafons, and in every place, they could difcover the north and fouth with fo much eafe and accuracy, it became no longer neccflary to depend merely on the light of the (tars and the obfervation of the lea coaft. They gradually abandoned their ancient timid and lingering courfe along the fhore, ventured boldly into the ocean, and relying on this new guide, cculd (leer in the HISTORY OF AxVIERICA. 45 the darkeft night, and under the mod cloudy Iky, book with a fecurity and precifion hitherto unknown. The compafs may be faid to have opened to man the dominion of the fea, and to have put him in full pofTefTion of the earth, by enabling him to vific every part of it. Flavio Gioia„ a ckizen of Amalfi, a town of confiderable trade in the kingdom of Naples, was the author of this great difcovery, about the year one thoufand three hundred and two. It hath been often the fate of thofe illuftrious benefactors of mankind, who have en- riched fcience and improved the arts by their in- ventions, to derive more reputation than benefit from the happy efforts of their genius. But the lot of Gioia has been dill more cruel ; through the inattention or ignorance of contemporary hifto- rians, he has been defrauded even of the fame to •which he had fuch a juft title. We receive from them no information with refpect to his profefiion, his character, the precife time when he made this important difcovery, or the accidents and inqui- ries which led to it. The knowledge of this event, though productive of greater effects than any recorded in the annals of the human race, is tranfmitted to us without any of thofe circum- ftances, which can gratify the curiofity that it naturally awakens r . But though the ufe of the compafs might enable the Italians to perform the fhort voyages to which they were accuftomed, r Collinas & Trombellus <3e Acus natnicse Inventors Inftit. Acad. Bcnon. torn. ii. pare iii. p. 372. with 46 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book with greater fecnrity and expedition, its influence »— v— «» was not fo fudden or extenfive, as immediately to render navigation adventurous, and to excite a fpirit of difcovery. Many caufes combined in pre- venting this beneficial invention from producing its full effect inftantaneoufly. Men relinquifh ancient habits flowly, and with reluctance. They are averfe to new experiments, and venture upon them with timidity. The commercial jealoufy of the Italians, it is probable, laboured to conceal the happy difcovery of their countryman from other nations. The art of fleering by the com- pafs, with fuch fkill and accuracy as to infpire a full confidence in its direction, was acquired gra- dually. Sailors, unaccuftomed to quit fight of land, durft not launch out at once and commit themfelves to unknown feas. Accordingly, near half a century elapfed, from the time of Gioia's difcovery, before navigators ventured into any feas which they had not been accuftomed to frequent. Some « r - The firfi: appearance of a bolder fpirit may be Tboider dated from the voyages of the Spaniards to the negation. Canary or Fortunate Iflands. By what accident they were led to the difcovery of thofe fmall ifies, which lie near five hundred miles from the Spanifh coaft, and above a hundred and fifty miles from the coaft of Africa, contemporary writers have not explained. But about the middle of the four- teenth century, the people of all the different kingdoms into which Spain was then divided, were HISTORY OF AMERICA. 47 were accuftomed to make piratical excurfions B thither, in order to plunder the inhabitants, or to carry them off as flaves. Clement VI. in virtue of the right claimed by the holy fee to difpofe of all countries pofiefied by infidels, erected thofe ifles into a kingdom, in the year one thoufand three hundred and forty-four, and conferred it on Lewis de la Cerda, defcended from the royal family of Caftile. But that unfortunate prince, deftitute of power to aflert his nominal title, having never vifited the Canaries, John de Bethencourt, a Norman baron, obtained a grant of them from Henry III. of Caftile \ Bethencourt, with the valour and good fortune which diflinguifhed the adventurers of his country, attempted and effected the conqueft, and the pofieflion of the Canaries remained for fome time in his family, as a fief held of the crown of Caftile. Previous to this ex- pedition of Bethencourt, his countrymen fettled in Normandy are faid to have vifited the coaft of Africa, and to have proceeded far to the fouth of the Canary iflands. But their voyages thither *3 6 5* feem not to have been undertaken in confequence of any public or regular plan for extending navi- gation and attempting new difcoveries. They were either excurfions fuggefted by that roving piratical fpirit, which defcended to the Normans from their anceftors, or the commercial enterprifes of private merchants, which attracted fo little notice, • Viera y Clavijo Notic. de la Hiftor. de Canaria, I. 268, &c. G las Hill, c, i. that 48 HISTORY OF AMERICA, book t hat hardly any memorial of them is to hfe found < — - Y — i in contemporary authors. In a general furvey of the progrefs of difcovery, it is fufficient to have mentioned this event •, and leaving it among thofe of dubious exiftence, or of fmall importance, we may conclude, that though much additional in- formation concerning the remote regions of the Eaft had been received by travellers who vifited them by land, navigation, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, had not advanced beyond the ftate to which it had attained before the downfal of the Roman empire. Firftregu'ar At length the period arrived, when Providence plan of dif- ° ^ * . . «»»ery decreed that men were to pals the limits within which they had been fo long confined, and open to themfelves a more ample field wherein to dif- play their talents, their enterprife, and courage. The firft confiderable efforts towards this were not made by any of the more powerful Mates of Europe, or by thofe who had applied to navigation with the greateft afliduity and fuccefs. The glory of lead- ing the way in this new career was referved for formed b v Portugal, one of the fmallefr. and mod inconfider- giiefc able of the European kingdoms. As the attempts of the Portuguefe to acquire the knowledge of thofe parts of the globe with which mankind were then unacquainted, not only improved and ex- tended the art of navigation, but roufed iuch a fpirit of curiofity and enterprife, as led to the dif- covery of the New World, of which I propofe to write HISTORY OF AMERICA. 49 Write the hiftory, it is neceflary to take a view of B , K the rife, the progrefs, and iuccefs of their various ' v — ' naval operations. It was in this ichool that the difcoverer of America was trained •, and unlcfs we trace the Heps by which his inftructors and guides advanced, it will be impoffible to comprehend the circumftances which fug°;eued the idea, or facili- tated the execution of his great defign. Various circumftances prompted the Portu- circumftan- guefe to exert their activity in this new direction, kdjthw, and enabled them to 2CComplifli undertakings ap- parently fuperior to the natural force of their mo- narchy. The kings of Portugal, having driven the Moors out of their dominions, had acquired power, as well as glory, by the Iuccefs of their arms againft the infidels. By their victories over them, they had extended the royal authority be- yond the narrow limits within which it was origi- nally circumfenbed in Portugal, as well as in other feudal kingdoms. They had the command of the national force, could rouie it to act with united vigour, and, after the expulfion of the Moors, could employ it without dread of inter- ruption from any domeilic enemy. By the perpe* tual hoftiiities carried on for feveral centuries againft the Mahometans, the martial and adven- turous fpirit which dtftinguifhed ail the European nations during the middle ages, was impr ved and heightened among the Portuguefe. A fierce civil war towards the ciofe of the fourteenth centur Vol. I. E occasioned 5 o HISTORY OF AMERICA. book occasioned by a difputed fucceffion, augmented the military ardour of the nation, and formed or called forth men of fuch active and daring genius, as are fit for bold undertakings. The fituation of the kingdom, bounded on every fide by the do- minions of a more powerful neighbour, did not afford free fcope to the activity of the Portuguefe by land, as the ftrength of their monarchy was no match for that of Caftile. Rut Portugal was a maritime ftate, in which there were many commo- dious harbours j the people had begun to make fome progrefs in the knowledge and practice of navigation •, and the fea was open to them, pre- fenting the only field of enterprile in which they could diftinguifh themielves. D Fiift at- Such was the ftate of Portugal, and fuch the difpofition of the people, when John I. furnamed the Baftard, obtained fee u re poffefiion of the crown by the peace concluded with Caftile in the year one thoufand four hundred and eleven. He was a prince of great merit, who, by iuperior courage and abilities had opened his way to a throne which of right did not belong to him. He inftantly perceived that it would be impoflible to preferve public order, or domeftic tranquillity, without finding fome employment for the reftlefs fpirit of his fubjects. With this view, he aflembled a numerous fleet at Lifbon, compoled of all the fhips that he could fit out in his own kingdom, and of many hired from foreigners. This great armament HISTORY OF AMERICA. 51 armament was deftined to attack the Moors fettled E J ° K on the coaft of Barbary. While it was equipping, • — ^^* . 141*. a few vefTels were appointed to fail along the weftern more of Africa bounded by the Atlantic ocean, and to dilcovcr the unknown countries fituated there. From this inconsiderable attempt^ we may date the commencement of that fpirit of difcovery which opened the barriers that had fo long (hut out mankind from the knowledge of one halt of the terreftrial globe. At the time when John fent forth thefe (hips on this new voyage, the art of navigation was ftill very imperfect. Though Africa lay fo near to Portugal, and the fertility of the countries already known on that continent invited men to explore it more fully, the Portuguefe had never ventured to fail beyond Cape Non. That promontory, as its name imports, was hitherto confidered as a boundary which could not be paffed. But the nations of Europe had now acquired as much knowledge, as emboldened them to difregard the prejudices and to correct the errors of their an- ceftors. The long reign of ignorance, the conftant enemy of every curious inquiry, and of every new undertaking, was approaching to its period. The light of fcience began to dawn. The works of the ancient Greeks and Romans began to be read with admiration and profit. The fciences culti- vated by the Arabians were introduced into Eu- rope by the Moors fettled in Spain and Portugal, E 2 and 52 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book and by the Jews, who were very numerous in both ^.--o thefe kingdoms. Geometry, altronomy, and geo- graphy, the fciences on which the art of naviga- tion is founded, became objects of ftudious atten- tion. The memory of the difcoveries made by the ancients was revived, and the progrcfs of their navigation and commerce began to be traced. Some of the caufcs which have obftructed the cul- tivation of icicnce in Portugal, during this cen- tury and the laft, did not exift, or did not operate in the fame manner, in the fifteenth century ' ; and the Porruguel'e, at that period, leem to have kept pace with other nations on this fide of the Alps in literary puriuits. its fuccefs. As the genius of the age favoured the execution of that new undertaking, to which the peculiar ftate of their country invited the Portugucle, it proved fuccefstul. The veffcls fent on the diico- very doubled that formidable Cape, which had terminated the progrcfs of former navigators, and proceeded a hundred and fixty miles beyond it, to Cape Bojador. As its rocky cliffs, which ftretched a confiderable way into the Atlantic, appeared more dreadful than the promontory which they had palled, the Portugucle com- manders durft not attempt to fail round it, but returned to J . ifbon, more fatisfied v\ith having advanced lo far, than afhamed at having ventured no farther. « See NOTE IX. In con- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 53 Inconsiderable as this voyage was, it increa- B ° ° K fed the paffion for difcovery, which began to arife «r- *j in Portugal. The extraordinary fuccefs of the .Henry the king's expedition againft the Moors of Barbary, fj, T c e ?ortu- added ftrength to that fpirit in the nation, and B«efe difco- L verier. pufhed it on to new undertakings. In order to render thefe fuccefsful, it was necefTary that they ****' fhould be conducted by a perfon who poflefled abilities capable of diicerning what was attainable, who enjoyed leifure to form a regular fyftem for profecuting difcovery, and who was animated with ardour that would perfevere in fpite of obftacles and repulies. Happily for Portugal, me found all thole qualities in Henry duke of Vifeo, the fourth ion of king John by Philippa of Lancafter, lifter of Henry IV. king of England. That prince, in his early youth, having accompanied his father in his expedition to Barbary, diftin- guifhed himfelf by many deeds of valour. To the martial fpirit, which was the characleriftic of every man of noble birth at that time, he added all the accomplilhments of a more enlightened and polifhed age. He cultivated the arts and fciences, which were then unknown and defpifed by perfons of his rank. He applied with peculiar fondnefs to the ftudy of geography ; and by the inftrudion of able matters, as well as by the accounts of travellers, he early acquired fuch knowledge of the habitable globe, as difcovered the great probability of finding new and opulent puntries, by failing along the coaft of Africa. £ 3 Such, 54 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book Such an object was formed to awaken the* enthu- j. j fial'm and ardour of a youthful mind, and he en- gaged with the utmoft zeal to patronize a defign which might prove as beneficial, as it appeared to be fplendid and honourable. In order that he might purfue this great fcheme without interrup- tion, he retired from court immediately after his return from Africa, and fixed his reiidence at Sagres, near Cape St. Vincent, where the proipect of the Atlantic ocean invited his thoughts conti- nually towards his favourite project, and encou- raged him to execute it. In this retreat he was attended by forr.e of the meft learned men in his country, who aided him in his refearches. He applied for information to the Moors of Barbary, who were accuflomed to travel by land into the interior provinces cf Africa, in queft of ivory, gold-duft, and other rich commodities. He con- fulred the Jews fettled in Portugal. By promifes, rewards, and mark 1 ; of rcf. -c~t, he allured into his fervice feveral perfons, foreigners as well as Por- tuguefe, who were , fu their ikill in navi- gation. In Caking thofe preparatory ft.eps, the great abilities of the prince wc-re feconded by his private virtues, His integrity, his affability, his refpect for religion his zeal for the honour of his country, engaged perfons of all ranks to applaud his defign, and to favour the execution of it. His fchemes were allowed by the greater part of his countrymen to proceed neither from ambition, nor the defire of wealth, but to flow from the warm benevolence of a heart eager to promote the 4 happinefs HISTORY OF AMERICA. 55 happinefs of mankind, and which juftly intitled B ° ° K him to affume a motto for his device, that de- ' ^-^ icribed the quality, by which he wilhcd to be diftinguiiiicd, the talent of doing good. His firft effort, as is ufual at the commencement Difco«ryof of any new undertaking, was extremely ins.onfi- "^s" 10 ' derable. He fitted out a fingle fhip, and giving the command of it to John Gonzalez Zarco and Triftan Vaz, two gentlemen of his houfehold, who voluntarily offered to conduct the enterpriie, he inftructed them to ule their utmbft efforts to double Cape Bojador, and thence to fteer towards the ibuth. They, according to the mode of na- vigation which fcill prevailed, held their courfe along the more •, and by following that direction, they mud: have encountered almoft infuperable dif- ficulties in attempting to pafs Cape Bojador. But fortune came in aid to their want of (kill, and pre- vented the voyage from being altogether fruitlefs. A ludden fquail of wind arole, drove them out to fea, and when they expected every moment to pe- riftl, landed them on an unknown ifland, which from their happy efcape they named Porto Santo, In the infancy of navigation, the dilcovery of this fmall ifland appeared a matter of fuch moment, that they inftantly returned to Portugal with the good tidings, and were received by Henry with the applaufe and honour due to fortunate adventurers. This faint dawn of luccefs filled a mind ardent in the purfuit of a favourite object with fuch ianguine E 4 hopes 56 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book hopes as were fufficient incitements to proceed. «— - v > Next year, Henry fcnt out three fhips under the J4I> * fame commanders, to whom he joined Bartholo- mew Pcrcftrelh), in order to take pofleflion of the ifland which they had difcovered. When they be- gan to fettle in Porto Santo, they obferved towards the louth a fixed fpot in the horizon, like a fmall ef Madeira, black cloud. By degrees, they were led to con- jecture that it might be land, and fleering towards it, they arrived at a considerable ifland, uninha- bited and covered with wood, which on that ac- count they called Madeira". As it was Henry's chief object to render his difcoveries ufeful to his 1410. country, he immediately equipped a fleet to carry a colony of Portuguefe to thefe iflands. By his provident care, they were furnifhed not only with the feeds, plants, and domeftic animals common in Europe j but as he forefaw that the warmth of the climate and fertility of the foil would prove favourable to the rearing of other productions, he procured flips of the vine from the ifland of Cy- prus, the rich wines of which were then in great requeft, and plants of the fugar cane from Sicily, into which it had been lately introduced. Thefe throve fo prolperoufly in this new country, that the benefit of cultivating them was immediately per- ceived, and the fugar and wine of Madeira quickly " Hiflorical relation of the firrt Difcovcry of Madeira, tranf- ja*ed from the Poituguefe of Fran. Alcafarano, p. 15, became HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57 became confiderable articles in the commerce of B ° ° K Portugal \ » — /-— » As foon as the advantages derived from this firft DoubieCapa fetdement to the welt of the European continent oja or * began to be felt, the fpirit of difcovery appeared lefs chimerical, and became more adventurous. By their voyages to Madeira, the Portuguefe were gradually accuftomed to a bolder navigation, and inftead of creeping fervilely along the coaft, ven- tured into the open fea. In confequence of tak- ing this courfe, Gilianez, who commanded one of prince Henry's mips, doubled Cape Bojador, the boundary of the Portuguefe navigation upwards of twenty years, and which had hitherto been deem- ed unpafTable. This fuccefsful voyage, which the 1431* ignorance of the age placed on a level with the mod famous exploits recorded in hiltory, opened a new fphere to navigation, as it difcovered the vaft continent of Africa, dill warned by the At- lantic ocean, and ftretching towards the fouth. Part of this was foon explored ; the Portuguefe Advance advanced within the tropics, and in the fpace of a tropics, few years they diicovered the river Senegal, and all the coaft extending from Cape Blanco to Cape de Verd. Hitherto the Portuguefe had been guided in A ft° n M' e d . . a ° at what they their difcoveries, or encouraged to attempt them, divovercd by the light and information which they received * LuJ. G-;cciardini Defcritt. de Paefi Baffi, p. 18c, 181. from 58 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book f rom the works of the ancient mathematicians and geographers. But, when they began to enter the torrid zone, the notion which prevailed among the ancients, that the heat, which reigned perpetually there, was fo excefiive as to render it uninhabitable, deterred them, for fome time, from proceeding. Their own obfervations, when they firft ventured into this unknown and formidable region, tended to confirm the opinion of antiquity concerning the violent operation of the direct rays of the fun. As far as the river Senegal, the Portugueie had found the coaft of Africa inhabited by people near- ly refembling the Moors of Barbary. When they advanced to the fouth of that river, the human form feemed to put on a new appearance. They beheld men with fkins black as ebony, with fhort curled hair, flat nofes, thick lips, and all the pe- culiar features which are now known to diilinpuifh the race of negroes. This furprifing alteration they naturally attributed to the influence of heat, and if they ihould advance nearer to the line, they began to dread that its effects would be ftill more violent. Thofe dangers were exaggerated, and many other objections againft attempting farther difcoveries v/ere propofed by fome of the grandees, who, from ignorance, from envy, or from that cold timid prudence which rejects whatever has the air of novelty or enterprifc, had hitherto condemned all prince Henry's fchemes. They repreiented, that it was altogether chimerical to expect any ad- vantage from countries fituated in that region which the wifdom and experience of antkjuiry had- pro- nounced HISTORY OF AMERICA. 59 nounced to be unfit for the habitation of men ; book that their forefuhers, fatisfied with cultivating the »- . „■■ ^ territory which Providence had allotted them, did not walte the flrength of the kingdom by fruit- lefs projects, in quell of new iettkments ; that Portugal was already exhaufted by the expence of attempts to difcover lands which either did notex- ift, or which nature detlined to remain unknown; and was drained of men, who might have been employed in undertakings attended with more cer- tain fuccefs, and productive of greater benefit. But neither their appeal to the authority of the an- cients, nor their reafonings concerning the interell: of Portugal, made any impreflion upon the deter- mined philof phic mind of prince Henry. The difcoveries which he had already made convinced him that the ancients had little more than a con- jectural knowledge of the torrid zone. JrJe was no lefs latisfied that the political arguments of his opponents with refpect to the intere(t of Portugal were malevolent and ill-iounded. In rhoie ienti- ments he was ftrenuoufly lupported by his brother Pedro, who governed the kingdom as guardian of their nephew Alphonfo V. who had fucceeded to the throne during his minority, and initead of I43 g. flackening his efforts, Henry continued to purfue his difcoveries with irefh ardour. But in order to filence all the murmurs of oppo- p 3p3 i gra nt fition, he endeavoured to obtain the fandtion of the J} ^£JJ pl higheit authority in favour of his operations. With this countries it fliould dif- cover. 60 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book t hi s view, he applied to the Pope, and reprefented, v — ir — t in pompous terms, the pious and unwearied zeal, with which he had exerted himielf during twenty years, in difcovering unknown countries, the wretched inhabitants or" which were utter ftrangers to true religion, wandering in heathen darknefs, or led aftray by the delufions of Mahomet. He be- fought the holy father, to whom, as the vicar of Chnft, all the kingdoms of the earth were fubject, to confer on the crown of Portugal a right to all the countries poflcfTed by Infidels, which fhould be difcovered by the induftry of its fubjects, and fubdued by the force of its arms. He intreated him to enjoin all Chriftian powers, under the high- eft penal* if s, not to moleft Portugal while engaged in this laudable enterprife, and to prohibit them from fettling in any of the countries which the Portuguefe mould difcover. He promifed that, in all their expeditions, it fhould be the chief ob- ject of his countrymen to fpread the knowledge of the Chriftian religion, to eftablilh the authority of the holy fee, and to increaie the flock of the uni- verfal paftor. As it was by improving with dex- terity every favourable conjuncture for acquiring new powers, that the court of Rome had gradually extended its ufurpations, Eugene IV. the pontiff, to whom this application was made, eagerly feized the opportunity which now prcfented itfelf. He inftantly perceived, that by complying with prince Henry's requeft, he might exercife a prerogative no (efs ilatiering in its own nature, than likely to prove, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 61 prove beneficial in its confequences. A Bull was B ° ° K accordingly iflued, in which, after applauding in ' *—> the ltrongelt terms the pad efforts of the Portu- guefe, and exhorting them to proceed in that laud- able career on which they had entered, he grant- ed them an exciuiive right to all the countries which they fhould difcover, from Cape Non to the continent of India. Extravagant as this donation, comprehend- ing fuch a large portion of the habitable globe, would now appear even in Catholic countries, no perfon in the fifteenth centuiy doubted that the Pope, in the plenitude of his apoltolic power, had a right to confer it. Prince Henry was foon fen- fibleof the advantages which he derived from this tranlaction. His fchemes were authorifed and fanctified by the bull approving of them. The fpirit of difcovery was connected with zeal for re- ligion, which, in that age, was a principle of fuch activity and vigour, as to influence the conduct of nations. All Chriftian princes were deterred from intruding into thofe countries which the Portu- , guefe had difcovered, or from interrupting the pro- grefs of their navigation and conquefts y . The fame of the Portuguefe voyages foon fpread Famc 8 od D ' D r pi-ogre's of over Europe. Men, long accuftomed to circum- thepono- fcribe the activity and knowledge of the human vn«i, 'SeeNOTE X. mind 62 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book niind within the limits to which they hacl been hi- i. ] w -v-"— ' therto confined, were aftonifhed to behold the fphere of navigation fo fuddenly enlarged, and a profpect opened of vifiting regions of the globe, the exiftence of which was unknown in former times. The learned and fpeculative reafoned and formed theories concerning thofe unexpected dif- coveries. The vulgar inquired and wondered*, while enterprifing adventurers crouded from every part of Europe, foliciting prince Henry to employ them in this honourable fervice. Many Venetians and Genoefe, in particular, who were, at that time, fuperior to all other nations in the fcience of naval affairs, entered aboard the Portuguefe fhips, and acquired a more perfect and extenfive know- ledge of their profeffion in that new fchool of na- vigation. In emulation of thefe foreigners, the Portuguefe exerted their own talents. The na- tion feconded the defigns of the prince. Private 1446. merchants formed companies, with a view to fearch for unknown countries. The Cape de Verd iflands, which lie off the promontory of that name, were «449- difcovered, and foon after, the ifles called Azores. As the former of thefe are above three hundred miles from the African coaft, and the latter nine hundred miles from any continent, it is evident, by their venturing fo boldly into the open feas, that the Portuguefe had, by this time, improved great- ly in the art of navigation. While HISTORY OF AMERICA. 63 While the paflion for engaging in new under- book takings was thus warm and active, it received an « -_- j unfortunate check by the death of prince Henry, ? ^ ct whofe fuperior knowledge had hitherto directed all "^ y * the operations of the difcoverers, and whole pa- tronage had encouraged and protected them. But notwithstanding all the advantages which they de- rived from thefe, the Portnguefe, during his life, did not advance, in their utmoft progrefs towards the fouth, within five degrees of the equinoctial line; and, after their continued exertions for half a century, hardly fifteen hundred miles of the coaft of Africa were difcovered. To an age acquainted with the efforts of navigation in its ftate of maturity and improvement, thofe effays of irs early years muft From »*i» necefiarily appear feeble and unlkilful. Bur, incon- fiderable as they may be deemed, they were fuffici- ent to turn the curiofity of the European nations into a new channel, to excite an enterprifing fpirit, and to point the way to future dilcoveries. Alphonso, who pofleffed the throne of Portu- The pamon gal at the time of prince Henry's death, was fo iZ^uh^ much engaged in fupporting his own pretenfions time. 8 ™" to the crown 0^ Caftile, or in carrying on his ex- peditions againft the Moors in Barbary, that the force of his kingdom being exerted in other opera- tions, he could not profecute the difcoveries in Africa with ardour. He committed the conduct of them to Fernando Gomez, a merchant in Lif- bon, to whom he granted an exclufive right of commerce 6+ HISTORY OF AMERICA. commerce with all the countries of which prince Henry had taken polTelTion. Under the reftraint and opprefiion of a monopoly, the fpirit of dif- covery languifhed. It ceafed to be a national ob- ject, and became the concern of a private man, more attentive to his own gain, than to the glory of his country. Some progrefs, however, was 1471. made. The Portuguefe ventured at length to crofs the line, and, to their aftonimment, found that region of the torrid zone, which was fuppofed to be fcorched with intolerable heat, to be not only habitable, but populous and fertile. »4$i- John II. who fucceeded his father Alphonfo, vmiTaddi- pofTefled talents capable both of forming and exe- Iom. ar ~ curing great defigns. As part of his revenues, while prince, had arifen from duties on the trade with the newly difcovered countries, this naturally turned his attention towards them, and fatisfied him with refpect to their utility and importance. Tn proportion as his knowledge of thefe countries extended, the pofieflion of them appeared to be of greater confequence. While the Portuguefe proceeded along the coaft of Alrica, from Cape Non to the river of Senegal, they found all that extenfive tract to be fandy, barren, and thinly in- habited by a wretched people profefling the Maho- metan religion, and fubjecl to the vaft empire of More ceo. But to thr fouth < f that river, the power and religion of the Mahometans were un- known. 1 he country was divided into fmall in- I dependent HISTORY OF AMERICA. 6$ dependent principalities, the population was con- fiderable, the foil fertile z , and the Portuguefe foon difcovered that it produced ivory, rich gums, gold, and other valuable commodities. By the acquifition of thefe, commerce was enlarged, and became more adventurous. Men, animated and rendered active by the certain profpect of gain, purfued difcovery with greater eagernefs, than when they were excited only by curiofity and hope. This fpirit derived no fmall reinforcement of its progrrfs* Vigour from the countenance of fuch a monarch as John. Declaring himfelf the patron of every at- tempt towards difcovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand-uncle prince Henry, and 1484. with fuperior power. The effects of this were im- mediately felt. A powerful fleet was fitted out, which, after difcovering the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred miles beyond the line, and the Portuguefe, for the firfl time, beheld a new heaven, and obferved the ftars of another hemifphere. John was not only folicitous to difcover, but attentive to fecure the pofTefnon of thofe countries. He built forts on the coaft of Guinea *, he fent out colonies to fettle there ; he eftablifhed a commercial intercourfe with the more z Navigatio Aloyfii Cadamufti apud Novum Orbem Grynsei, p. 2. 18. Navigat. all Ifola di San Tome per un Pilotto Por« tugh. Ramufio. i. 115. Vol. I. F powerful 66 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °,° K powerful kingdoms; he endeavoured to render *- -* ■ — ' fuch as were feeble or divided, tributary to the crown of Portugal. Some of the petty princes voluntarily acknowledged themfelves his vaffals. Others were compelled to do fo by force of arms. A regular and well digefted fyftem was formed with refpedt to this new object of policy, and by firmly adhering to it, the Portuguefe power and commerce in Afrka were eftablifhed upon a folid foundation. Hopei of g y t h e ; r confrant intercourfe with the people of Ci. cohering * * • new route Africa, the Portuguefe gradually acquired fome tothcEaft , ' r . r c u L • i_ locict. Knowledge or thole parts or that country which they had not vifited. The information which they received from the natives, added to what they had obferved in their own voyages,, began to open profpects more extenfive, and to fuggeil the idea of fchemes more important, than thoie which had hitherto allured and occupied them. They had detected the error of the ancients concerning the nature of the torrid zone. They found, as they proceeded fouthwards, that the continent of Africa, inftead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy ", at that time the oracle and guide of the learned in the fcience of geography, appeared lenfibly to contract itfelf, and to bend towards the eaft. This induced them to give credit to the accounts of the ancient Phtniciar* ■ Vide Nov. Orb"s Tabu!. Geo:raph. fecund. Piolem. Am.t. 1750. voyage3 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 67 voyages round Africa, which had long been deemed fabulous, and led them to conceive hopes that by following the fame route, they might ar- rive at the Eaft Indies, and engrofs that commerce, which has been the fource of wealth and power to every nation pofTefied of it. The comprehenfive genius of prince Henry, as we may conjecture from the words of the pope's bull, had early formed fome idea of this navigation. All the Portuguefe pilots and mathematicians now con- curred in reprefenting it as practicable. The king entered with warmth into their fentiments, and began to concert meafures for this arduous and important voyage. Before his preparations for this expedition Schemes for were rimmed, accounts were tranfmitted from Tn^T" Africa, that various nations along the coaft had mentioned a mighty kingdom fituated on their continent, at a great dillance towards the eaft, the king of which, according to their defcription, profeffed the Chriftian religion. The Portuguefe monarch immediately concluded, that this muft be the emperor of Abyflinia, to whom the Euro- peans, feduced by a miftake of Rubruquis, Marco Polo, and other travellers to the eaft, abfurdly gave the name Frefter or Prefbyter John ; and as he hoped to receive information and afiiftance from a Chriftian prince, in profecuting a fcheme that tended to propagate their common faith, he refolved to open, if poffible, fome intercourfe F a with 68 HISTORY OF AMERICA. with his court. With this view, he made choice of Pedro de Covillam and Alphonfo de Payva, who were perfect mailers of the Arabic language, and fent them into the eaft, to fearch for the refi- dence of this unknown potentate, and to make him proffers of friendfhip. They had it in charge likevvife, to procure whatever intelligence the na- tions which they vifited could fupply, with refpect to the trade of India, and the courle of navigation to that continent b . Voyage of "While Tohn made this new attempt by land, Baitholo- . / r } mew Diaz, to obtain fome knowledge of the country, which he wiihed fo ardently to difcover, he did not ne- glect the profecution of this great defign by fea. '-j* 6 * The conduct of a voyage for this purpole, the molt arduous and important which the Portuguefe had ever projected, was committed to Bartholo- mew Diaz, an officer whofe figacity, experience, and fortitude, rendered him equal to the under- taking. He ftretched boldly towards the fouth, and proceeding beyond the utmoft limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, difcovered near a thoufand miles of a new country. Neither the danger to which he was expofed, by a fuc- ceflion of violent tempers in unknown feas, and by the frequent mutinies of his crew, nor the calamities of famine which he fuffered from lofing b Faria y Soufa Port. Afia, vol. i. p. 26. Lafitau Dccouv. de Port. 1. 46. bis HISTORY OF AMERICA. 69 his ftorefhip, could deter him from profecuting his B ° ° K cnterprife. In rccompence of his labours and per- < v — -» leverance, he at laft defcried that lofty promon- tory which bounds Africa to the fouth. But to defcry it, was all that he had in his power to ac- complifh. The violence of the winds, the mattered condition of his mips, and the turbulent fpirit of his failors, compelled him to return, after a voyage of fixteen months, in which he difcovered a far greater extent of country than any former navigator. Diaz had called the promontory which terminated his voyage Cabo Tormentofo, or the ftormy Cape; but the king, his matter, as he now entertained no doubt of having found the long defired route to India, gave it a name more inviting, and of better omen, The Cape of Good Hope c . Those fanguine expectations of fuccefs were ivw c*r- confirmed by the intelligence which John received fy?e&Vs over land, in conlequence of his embafly to Abyf- ,ucccf!i ' finia. Covillam and Payva, in obedience to their mailer's inftructions, had repaired to Grand Cairo. From that city, they travelled along with a cara- van of Egyptian merchants, and embarking on the Red Sea, arrived at Aden in Arabia. There they feparated ; Payva failed directly towards Abyfiinia •, Covillam embarked for the Iiaft Indies, and having vificed Calecut, Goa, and other cities on the Malabar coaft, returned to Sofala, on the c Faria v Soufj Port. Afia, vol. i. p. 26, F 3 eaft 70 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K eaft fide of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, *— — v — ' which Payva and he had fixed upon as their place of rendezvous. Unfortunately the former was cruelly murdered in Abyflinia, but Covillam found at Cairo two Portuguefe Jews, whom John, whofe provident fagacity attended to every circum- ftance that could facilitate the execution of his fchemes, had difpatched after them, in order to receive a detail of their proceedings, and to com- municate to them new inftructions. By one of thefe Jews, Covillam tranfmitted to Portugal a journal of his travels by fea and land, his remarks upon the trade of India, together with exact maps of the coafts on which he had touched-, and from what he himfelf had obferved, as well as from the information of fkilful feamen in different countries, he concluded, that by failing round Africa, a paflage might be found to the Eafl Indies' 1 . Preparations The happy coincidence of Covillam's opinion voyage. and report, with the difcoveries which Diaz had lately made, left hardly any fhadow of doubt with refpect to t'e poffibility of failing from Europe to India. But the vaft length of the voyage, and the furious dorms which Diaz had encountered near the Cape of Good Hope, alarmed and inti- midated the Portuguefe to l'uch a degree, although by long experience they were now become adven- turous and fkilful mariners, that fome time was d "aria y Soufa Port. Afia, vo!. i. p. 27. Lafitau Decouv. i. 48. 4 requifite HISTORY OF AMERICA. ;i requifite to prepare their minds for this dangerous book. and extraordinary voyage. The courage, however, ■ — *-v*J and authority or* the monarch, gradually diipelled the vain fears of his fubjecb, or made it neceflary to conceal them. 4 s J° nn thought himfelf now upon the eve of accomplifhing that great defign, which had been the principal object of his reign, his earneftnefs in prokcuting it became fo vehement, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of deep through the night. While he was taking every precaution that his wifdom and ex- perience could fugged, in order to enfure the fuc- cefs of the expedition, which was to decide con- cerning the fate of his favourite project, the fame of the vaft dilcoveries which the Portuguefe had already made, the reports concerning the extraor- dinary intelligence which they had received from the Eaft, and the profpect of the voyage which they now meditated, drew the attention of all the Theatten- European nations, and held them in fufpence and kind f\^d" expectation. By fome, the maritime (kill and navi- gations of the Portuguefe were compared with thole of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, and ex- alted above them. Others formed conjectures con- cerning the revolutions which the fuccefs of the Portuguefe fc hemes might occafion in the courfe of trade, and the political date of Europe. The Venetians began to be difquieted with the appre- henfion of lofing their Indian commerce, the mo- nopoly of which was the chief fource of their power as well as opulence, and the Portuguefe F 4 already upon m yi HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K already enjoyed in fancy, the wealth of the Eaft. 1 — v — ' But, during this interval, which gave fuch fcope to the various workings of curiofity, of hope and Suddenly f f ear) an account was brought to Europe of an turied to a , ocwobjea. event no lefs extraordinary than unexpected, the difcovery of a New World fituated in the weft ; and the eyes and admiration of mankind turned immediately towards that great object. THE HISTORY O F AMERICA, BOOK II. AMONG the foreigners whom the fame of b o o k the difcoveries made by the Portuguefe had ,_ " j allured into their fervice, was Chriftopher Colon Blr,h and e 1 education of or Columbus, a fubject of the republic of Genoa. Columns. Neither the time nor place of his birth are known with certainty a ; but he was defcended of an honourable family, though reduced to indigence by various misfortunes. His anceltors having betaken themielves for fubfiftence to a fea-faring life, Co- lumbus difcovered, in his early youth, the peculiar character and talents which mark out a man for that profeflion. His parents, inftead of thwarting this original propenfity of his mind, feem to have en- couraged and confirmed it, by the education which they gave him. After acquiring fome knowledge of the Latin tongue, the only language in which fcience was taught at that time, he was inftrucied a See NOTE XI. in 74 HISTORY OF AMERICA. in geometry, cofmography, aftronomy, 'and the art of drawing. To thefe he applied with fuch ardour and predilection, on account of their con- nection with navigation, his favourite object, that he advanced with rapid proficiency in the ftudy of 1461. them. Thus qualified, he went to fea at the age of fourteen, and began his career on that element which conducted him to fo much glory. His early voyages were to thofe ports in the Mediter- ranean which his countrymen the Genoefe fre- >4 6 7« quented. This being a fphere too narrow for his active mind, he made an excurfion to the northern feas, and vifited the coafts of Iceland, to which the Englifh and other nations had begun to refort on account of its filhery. As navigation, in every direction, was now become enterprifing, he pro- ceeded beyond that ifland, the Thule of the an- cients, and advanced feveral degrees within the polar circle. Having fatisfied his curiofity by a voyage which tended more to enlarge his know- ledge of naval affairs, than to improve his fortune, he entered into the fervice of a famous fea-captain, of his own name and family. This man com- manded a fmall fquadron, fitted out at his own expence, and by cruifing fometimts againft the Mahometans, fometimes againft the Venetians, the rivals of his country in trade, had acquired both wealth and reputation. With him Columbus con- tinued for feveral years, no lefs diftinguifhed for his courage, than for his experience as a failor. At length, in an obftinate engagement, off the coall of HISTORY OF AMERICA. 7$ of Portugal, with fome Venetian caravels, return- ing richly laden from the Low Countries, the velTel on board which he ferved took fire, together with one of the enemy's fhips, to which it was fall grappled. In this dreadful extremity his intrepi- dity and pretence of mind did not forfaKe him. He threw himftll into the lea, laid hold of a float- ing oar, and by the fupport of it, and his dexterity in fwimming, he reached the more, though above two leagues diftant, and faved a life relerved for great undertakings b . As foon as he recovered ftrength for the journey, He enters he repaired to Ltibon, where many or his country- Portagoeft men were fettled. They foon conceived fuch a favourable opinion of his merit, as well as talents, that they warmly folicited him to remain in that kingdom, where hib naval fkill and experience could not fail of rendering him confpicuous. To every adventurer, animated either with curiofity to vifit new countries, or with ambition to diftinguilh himfelf, the Portuguefe fervice was at that time extremely inviting. Columbus liilened with a favourable ear to the advice of his friends, and having gained the efteem of a Portuguefe lady, whom he married, fixed his refidence in Lifbon. This alliance, inftead of detaching him from a fea- faring life, contributed to enlarge the fphere of his naval knowledge, and to excite a defire of extending it ltill farther. His wife was a daughter b Life of Columbus, c. v. of 76 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k f Bartholomew Pereftrello, one of the "captains w— -v— - * employed by p r ince Henry in his early navigations, and who, under his protection, had discovered and planted the illands of Forto Santo and Ma- deira. Columbus got pofTciTion of the journals and charts of this experienced navigator, and from them he learned the courfe which the Portuguefe had held in making their difcoveries, as well as the various circumftances which guided or encouraged them in their attempts. The Rudy of thefe lbothed and inflamed his favourite paflion •, and while he contemplated the maps, and read the defcriptions of the new countries which Pereftrello had feen, his impatience to vifit them became irrefiftible. In order to indulge ir, he made a voyage to Madeira, and continued during feveral years to trade with that ifland, with the Canaries, the Azores, the fcttle- ments in Guinea, and all the other places which the Portugutie had difcovcred on the continent of Africa c . The e?fta$ By the experience which Columbus acquired, ef their r T > d.'coreries during fuch a variety of voyages to almoft every part of the globe with which, at that time, any intercourfe was carried on by fea, he was now be- come one of the mod fkilful navigators in Europe. But, not fatisfied with that praife, his ambition aimed at fomething more. The luccefsful progrefs of the Portuguefe navigators had awakened a fpirit c Life cf Columbus, c. iv. v. Of HISTORY OF AMERICA. 77 of curiofity and emulation, which fet every man of B ° ° K icience upon examining all the circumftances that < — vr-- -* led to the difcoveries which they had made, or that afforded a profpect of fucceeding in any new and bolder undertaking. The mind of Columbus, naturally inquifitive, capable of deep reflection, and turned to fpeculations of this kind, was fo often employed in revolving the principles upon which the Portuguefe had founded their lchemes of difcovery, and the mode in which they had carried them on, that he gradually began to form an idea of improving upon their plan, and of accomplifh. ing difcoveries which hitherto they had attempted in vain. To find out a paffage by fea to the Eaft Indies, He forms was the great object in view at that period. From ^J^ * the time that the Portusuefe doubled Cape de * ou , rL> t0 B India. Verd, this was the point at which they aimed in all their navigations, and, in comparifon with it, all their difcoveries in Africa appeared inconfiderable. The fertility and riches of India had been known for many ages ; its fpices and other valuable com- modities were in high requeft throughout Europe, and the vaft wealth of the Venetians arifing from their having engrofTed this trade, had railed the envy of all nations. But how intent foever the Portuguefe were upon dilcovering a new route to thofe defirable regions, they fearched for it only by (leering towards the fouth, in hopes of arriving at India, by turning to the eaft, after they had failed 7 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book failed round the farther extremity of Africa. This i— v— t courfe was (till unknown, and, even if difcovered, was of fuch immenfe length, that a voyage from Europe to India muft have appeared an undertak- ing extremely arduous, and or very uncertain iiTue. More than half a century had been employed in advancing from Cape Non to the equator •, a much longer ipace of time might elapfe before the more extenfive navigation from that to India could be accomplifhed. Thefe reflections upon the un- certainty, the danger and tedioufnefs of the courfe which the Portuguefe were purfuing, naturally led Columbus to confider whether a fhorter and more direct: paflage to the Eaft Indies might not be found out. After revolving long and ferioufly every cir- cumftance fuggefted by his fuperior knowledge in the theory as well as practice of navigation, after comparing attentively the obfcrvations of modern pilots with the hints and conjectures of ancient au- thors, he at laft concluded, that by failing directly towards the weft, acrols the Atlantic ocean, new countries, which probably formed a part of the vaft continent of India, muft infallibly be difco- vered. The prin. Principi.es and arguments of various kinds, vrh.ch his and derived from different fources, induced him founded!" 5 t0 a( J°p c this opinion, feemingly as chimerical as it was new and extraordinary. The fpherical figure of the earth was known, and its magnitude alcer- tained with iomc degree of accuracy. From this it HISTORY OF AMERICA. 79 it was evident, that the continents of Europe, Afia, B ° ° K and Africa, formed but a fmall portion of the ter- ■ vr — t raqueous globe. It was fuitable to our ideas con- cerning the wiidom and beneficence of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vail fpace, ftill un- explored, was not covered entirely by a wafte un- profitable ocean, but occupied by countries fit for the habitation of man. It appeared likewife ex- tremely probable, that the continent, on this fide of the globe, was balanced by a proportional quan- tity of land in the other hemifphere. Thefe con- clufions concerning the exiftence of another conti- nent, drawn from the figure and ftructure of the globe, were confirmed by the obfervations and con- jectures of modern navigators. A Portuguefe pi- lot, having ftretched farther to the weft than was ufual at that time, took up a piece of timber arti- ficially carved, floating upor the fea ; and as it was driven towards him by a wefterly wind, he con- cluded that it came from fome unknown land, fi- tuated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law had found, to the weft of the Madeira ifles, a piece of timber fafhioned in the fame manner, and brought by the fame wind; and had fee n likewife canes of an enormous fize floating upon the waves, which refembled thofe defcribed by Ptolemy as produc- tions peculiar to the Eaft Indies d . After a courfe of wefterly winds, trees torn up by the roots, were often driven upon the coafts of the Azores, and at A Lib, i, c. i j, one 8o HISTORY OF AMERICA, b o o k one time the dead bodies of two men, witR lingular u-v-w features, refembling neither the inhabitants of Eu- rope nor of Africa, were call afhore there. As the force of this united evidence, arifing from theoretical principles and practical obfervations, led Columbus to expect the difcovery of new coun- tries in the Weftern Ocean, other reafons induced him to believe that theie muft be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients had hardly ever penetrated into India farther than the banks of the Ganges, yet fome Greek, authors had ventured to defcribe the provinces beyond that river. As men are prone, and at liberty, to mag- nify what is remote or unknown, they reprefented them as regions of an immenfe extent. Ctefias affirmed that India was as large as all the reft of Afia. Oneficritus, whom Pliny the naturalift fol- lows % contended that it was equal to a third part of the habitable earth. Nearchus afierted, that it would take four months to march in a ftraight line from one extremity of it to the other f . The jour- nal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the Eaft far beyond the limits to which any European had ever advanced, feemed to confirm thefe exag- gerated accounts of the ancients. By his magnifi- cent descriptions of the kingdoms of Cathay and CipangOj and of many other countries, the names ■ Nat. Hilt. lib. vi. c. 17. f Strab. Geogr. lib. xv, p. 101 1. of HISTORY OF AMERICA. Si of which were unknown in Europe, India appeared book: to be a region of vaft exrent. From tfaefe accounts, which, however defective, were the mod accurate that the people of Europe had at that period re- ceived, with refpedl to the remote parts of the Eaft, Columbus drew ajnft conclufion. He contended, that, in proportion as the continent of India ftretch- cd out towards the Eaft, it mud, in confequence of the fpherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the iflands which had lately been difcovered to the weft of Africa j that the diftance from the one to the other was probably not very confiderable; and that the mod direct, as well as ihorteft courfe, to the remote regions of the Eaft, was to be found by failing due weft ? . This notion concerning the vicinity of India to the we Item parts of our conti- nent, was countenanced by fome eminent writers among the ancients, thefanction of whofe authority was neceffary, in that age, to procure a favourable reception to any tenet. Ariftotle thought it pro- bable that the Columns of Hercules, or Straits of Gibraltar, were not far removed from trie Eaft In- dies, and that there might be a communication by fea between them h . Seneca, in terms ftiil more explicit, affirms, that, with a fair wind, one might fail from Spain to India in a few days '. The fa- mous Atlantic ifland defcribed by Plato, and fup- 8 See NOTE XII. h Ariftot. de Ccelo, lib. ii. c. 14.. edit. Du Val, Tar. 1629, vol. i. p. 4" z- 1 Senec. Quxft. Na;ur. lib. i. in proem. Vol. I. G pofed 8t HISTORY OF AMERICA. pofed by many to be a real country, beyond which a vaft unknown continent was fituated, is reprefent- ed by him as lying at no great diftance from Spain. After weighing all theie particulars, Columbus, in whofe character the modefty and diffidence of true genius was united with the ardent enthufiafm of a projector, did not reft with fuch abfolute affurance either upon his own arguments, or upon the autho- rity of the ancients, as not to coniult fuch of his contemporaries as were capable of comprehending the nature of the evidence which he produced in fupport of his opinion. As early as the year one thoufand four hundred and feventy-four, he com- municated his ideas concerning the probability of difcovering new countries, by failing weftwards, to Paul, a phyfician of Florence, eminent for his knowledge of cofmo b raphy, and who, from the learning as well as candour which he difcovers in his reply, appears to have been well intiiled to the confidence which Columbus placed in him. He warmly approved of the plan, fuggefted feveral facts in confirmation of it, and encouraged Colum- bus to pcrlevere in an undertaking fo laudable, and which mult redound fo much to the honour of his country, and the benefit of Europe \ Hit fctemei To a mind lefs capable of forming and of exe- for carrying * ° .tintoexc- cuting great deiigns than that of Columbus, ail CUtion. ~ . thofe reafonings, and obiervations, and authorities, k Life of Columbus, c. viii. would HISTORY OF AMERICA. 83 would have ferved only as the foundation of fome D n ° K plaufible and fruitlefs theory, which might have < — *-««* furnilhed matter for ingenious difcourfe, or fanci- ful conjecture. But with his fanguine and enter- prifmg temper, fpeculation led directly to action. Fully fatisfied himlelf with refpect: to the truth of his fyftcm, he was impatient to bring it to the tell of experiment, and to fet out upon a voyage of dif- covery. The fir ft ftcp towards this was to fecure the patronage of fome of the confiderable powers in Europe, capable of undertaking fuch an enter- prile. As long abfence had not extinguifhed the affection which he bore to his native country, he wifhed that it fhould reap the fruits of his labours and invention. With this view, he laid hisfcheme He apples before the fenate of Genoa, and making his coun- *„<<&* Ge * try the firft tender of his fervice, offered to fail under the banners of the republic, in quell of the new regions which he expected to diicover. But Columbus had refided for fo many years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with his abilities and character; and, though a mari- time people, they were Co little accuftomed to dif- tant voyages, that they could form no juft idea of the principles on which he founded his hopes of fuccefs. They inconfiderately rejected his propo- fal, as the dream of a chimerical projector, and loft for ever the opportunity of reftoring their commonwealth to its ancient fplendour ! . 1 Herrera Hill, de las Indias Occid. Dec. I. lib. i. c. 7. G 2 Having 8+ HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u° K Having performed what was due to his country, ^ — .. * Columbus was lb little difcouraged by the repulie ofponueal- which he had received, that, inltead of relinqui fil- ing his undertaking, he purfued it with fre'h ar- dour. He made his next overture to John IF. king of Portugal, in v/hofe dominions he had been long eftablifhed, and whom he confidcred, on that account, as having the fecond claim to his krvice. Here every circumftance feerried to promife him a more favourable reception. He applied to a mo- narch of an enterprifing genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of pafonifihg every attempt to difcover new countries. His fub- je&s were the mod experiences navigator^ in Eu- | e, and the leaft apt to be intimidated either by the novelty or boldnefs of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the profcfiional fkill of Columbus, as well as his perfonal good qualities, were thorough- ly known j and as the former rendered it probable that his fcheme was not altogether chimerical, the latter exempted him from the fuipicion of any Uni- fier intention in propofing it. Accordingly, the king liltened to him in the moll gracious manner, and referred the confederation of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bifhop of Ceuta, and two Jewifh phyficians, eminent cofmographers, whom he was accuftomed to confult in matters of this kind. As in Genoa, ignorance had oppofed and difappointed Colum- bus •, in Lifbon, he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no i n id able. The perfons, ac- cording to whofc decifion his fcheme was to be 5 pted HISTORY OF AMERICA. S$ adopted or rejected, had been the chief dire-dors of B ° ° K the Portuguefe navigations, and had adviled to w~y — ~» fearch for a paflage to India, by fleering a courfe direofite to that which Columbus recom- mended as (horter and more . They could not, therefore, approve of his propofal, without fubmitting to the double mortification, of con- demning their own theory, and of acknowledging his fuperior iasacity. After teafins; him with cap- i»ywhomi»e 1 . ° . . ■ » deceived. tious queftions, and darting innumerable objec- tions, with a view of betraying him into fuch a particular explanation of his fyltem, as might draw from him a full dilcovery of its nature, they de- ferred patting a final judgment with refpect to it. In the mean time, they confpired to rob him of the honour and advantages whicii he expected from the fuccefs of his icheme, advifing the king to dif- patch a vefTel, fecretly, in order to attempt the propofed difcovery, by following exactly the courfe which Columbus feemed to point out. John, for- getting on this occafion the fentiments becoming a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counlel. But the pilot, cholen to execute Columbus's plan, had neither the genius, nor the fortitude of its au- thor. Contrary winds arofe, no fight of approach- ing land appeared, his courage failed, and he re- turned to Lifbon, execrating the project as equally extravagant and dangerous ,n . ■ Life of Columbus c. xi. Herrera, ctecad. I. lib. i. c. 7. G 3 Upon 86 HISTORY OF AMERICA, ) o n. Upon difcovering this dilhonourable tranfaclion, i Columbus felt the indignation natural to an inge- pfmugaT, 5 nuous mind, and in the warmth of his refentment to thea'un determined to break off all intercourfe with a na- ot Spjin. t j on ca p aD l e f f uc h flagrant treachery. He in- Itantly quitted the kingdom, and landed in Spain towards the clofe of the year one thouland four hundred ar.d eighty-four. As he was now at li- berty to court the protection of any patron, whom he could engage to approve of his plan, and to carry it into execution, he refolved to propofe it in perfon to Ferdinand and Ifabtlla, who at that time governed the united kingdoms of Caftile and Ara- Sends his oon. Bur, as he had already experienced the un- bn.ther into D , J * En 6 hnd. certain ilTue of applications to kings and minillers, he took the precaution of fending into England his brother Bartholomew, to whom he had fully com- municated his ideas, in order that he might nego- tiate, at the fame time, with Henry VII. who was reputed one of ihe molt fagacious as well as opu- lent princes in Europe. Obftades to It was not without reafon that Columbus enter- inVain? 5 tained doubts and fears with refpect to the recep- tion of his propof.ls in the Spanilh court. Spain was, at that juncture, engaged in a dangerous war with Granada, the lalt of the Moorifh kingdoms. The wary and fufpicious temper of Ferdinand was not formed to rclifh bold or uncommon dcfigns. Kabclla, though more generous and enterprifing, was under the influence of her hufband in all her actions. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 87 actions. The Spaniards had hitherto made no ef- B ° ° K . . . I! « forts to extend navigation beyond its ancient limits, <— - v— -J and had beheld the amazing progrefs of difcovery among their neighbours the Portuguefe, without one attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with the Infidels afforded an ample field, to the national activity and love of glory. Under cir- cumftances fo unfavourable, it was impofiible for Columbus to make rapid progrefs with a nation, naturally flow and dilatory in forming all its refo- lutions. His character, however, was admirably adapted to that of the people, whofe confidence and protection he foliated. He was grave, though courteous in his deportment; circumfpect in his words and actions ; irreproachable in his morals ; and exemplary in his attention to all the duties and functions of religion. By qualities fo refpectable, he not only gained many private friends, but ac- quired fuch general efteem, that, notwithstanding the plainnefs of his appearance, fuitable to the me- diocrity of his fortune, he was not confidered as a mere adventurer, :owhom indigence hadfuggefted a vifionary project, but was received as a perfon to whole proportions ferious attention was due. Ferdinand and Ifabella, though fully occupied h;< fcv«>m* by their operations againft the Moors, paid lb b X /unikiifui much regard to Columbus, as to remit the confi- J jd s es » deration of his plan to the queen's confeffor, Fer- dinand de Talavera. He confuked fuch of his G 4 countrymen, 88 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k countrymen, as werefuppoled befl qualified to de- cide with refpeel to a lubject of this kind. But true fcience had, hitherto, made fo lit tie progrefs in Spain, that the pretended philoibphers, iclected to judge in a matter of luch moment, did not com- prehend the firll principles upon which Colum- bus founded his conjectures and hopes. Some of them, from miflaken notions concerning the di- menfions of the globe, contended that a voyage to thofe remote parts of the eaft, which Columbus expected to difcover, could not be performed in lefs than three years. Others concluded, that either he would find the ocean to be of infinite ex- tent, according to the opinion of fome ancient phi- lolbphers •, or, if he mould perfift in iteering to- wards the welt beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent his re- turn, and that he mult inevitably perilh, in the vain attempt, to open a communication between die two oppofite hemifpheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Even without deigning to en- ter into any particular difcuflion, many rejected the fcheme in general, upon the credit of a maxim, under which the ignorant and unenterprifing fhelter themfelves in every age, " That it is prefumptuous in any perfon, to fuppofe that he alone pofTefTes knowledge fuperior to all the reft of mankind unit- ed." They maintained, that if there were really any fuch countries as Columbus pretended, they could net have remained fo long concealed, nor would HISTORY OF AMERICA. 89 would the wisdom .: . icy of forme; ag#s have B ° ° K lefc the glory of this invejitian to an obfetyre Gc- < — v— j node pilot. It required all Columbus's patience and addrefs * ho maka 1 ' an unfa- to negociate with men capable of advancing fuch vourabie ""v rt con '" itrange propositions. He had to contend not only ceraing it. with the obftinacy of ignorance, but with what is dill more intractable, the pride offalie knowledge. After innumerable conferences, and wafting five years in fruitlefs endeavours to inform and to fa- tisfy judges (o little capable of deciding with pro- priety, Talavcra, at laft, made fuch an unfavour- able report to Ferdinand and Ifabella, as induced them to acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the Moors mould be brought to a period, it would be imprudent to engage in any new and ex- penfive enterprife. Whatever, care was taken to foften the harfli- nefs of this declaration, Columbus confidered it as a final rejection of his propofals. But happily for mankind, that fuperiority of genius, which is ca- pable of forming great and uncommon defigns, is ufually accompanied with an ardent enthufiafm, which can neither be cooled by delays, nor damp- ed by difappointment. Columbus was of this fanguine temper. Though he felt deeply the cruel blow given to his hopes, and retired imme- diately from a courr, where he had been amufed ib long with vain expectations, his confidence in the 9° HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u° K ^e juftnefs of his own fyftem did not diminifh, and 1— v— * his impatience to demonltrate the truth of it by an actual experiment became greater than ever. Having courted the protection of fovereign dates without fuccefs, he applied, next, to perfons of inferior rank, and .iddrefled fucceflively the dukes of Medina Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who, though iubjecls, were pofTcfTed of power and opulence more than equal to the enterprise which he project- ed. His negociations with them proved as fruit- lefs as thofe in which he had been hitherto en- gaged j for thefe noblemen were either as little convinced by Columbus's arguments as their fu- periors, or they were afraid of alarming the jea- loufy, and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by countenancing a fcheme which he had rejected n . Negation Amid the painful fcnfations occafioned by fuck Jbtr in Eng- a fucceffion of difappointments, Columbus had to land. fuftain the additional diftrefs, of having received no accounts of his brother, whom he had fent to the court of England. In his voyage to that country, Bartholomew had been fo unfortunate as to fall into the hands of pirates, who having drip- ped him of every thing, detained him a prifoner for feveral years. At length, he made his efcape, and arrived in London, but in fuch extreme indi- gence, that he was obliged to employ himfelf during a coniiderable time, in drawing and felling n Life of Columb. c, 13. Herrcra, dec. 1. lib. 1. c. 7. maps, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 91 maps, in order to pick up as much money as B ° ° K would purchafe a decent drefs, in which he might « * — * venture to appear at court. He then laid before the king the propofals with which he had been entrufted by his brother, and, notwithstanding Henry's exceflive caution and parfimony, which rendered him averfe to new or expenfive undertak- ings, he received Columbus's overtures, with more approbation than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been prefented. Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted Columbus with his brother's fate, and having now no pro- pr , i H e- purpole, and taken meafures tor the difpofal of his chil. 1 n during his ablence, when Juan Perez, the ^uarriiari of the monaftery of Rabiaa, near Palos, i-, whii h they had been educated, earneftly folicked lum to defer his journey for a fhort time. Perez was a man of confiderable learning, and of fomc credit with Queen lfabella, to whom he was known perfonally. He was warmly attai hed to Columbus, with whofe abilities as well as integrity he had many opportunities of being acquainted. Prompted by cunofity or by friendfhip, he cnteied upon an accurate examination of his fyfiem, in conjunction with a phyfician fettled in the neighbourhood, who was a confiderable proficient in mathematical knowledge. 92 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b oo k knowledge. This inveftigation fatisfied them fc* \— -v— j thoroughly, with relpect to the iblidity of the principles on which Columbus founded his opi- nion, and the probability of fucceis in executing the plan which he propofed, that Perez, in order to prevent his country from being deprived of the glory and benefit, which nmft accrue to the pa- trons of fuch a grand enterprise, ventured to write to Ifabella, conjuring her to confider the matter anew, with the attention which it merited. Moved by the representations of a perfon whom flie refpected, Ifabella defired Perez to repair im- mediately to the village of Santa Fe ; in which, on account of the fiege of Granada, the court refided at that time, that fhe might confer with him upon this important fubject. The firft effect of their M9». interview was a gracious invitation of Columbus back to court, accompanied with the prefent of a fmall fum to equip him for the journey. As there was now a certain profpecl, that the war with the Moors would fpeedily be brought to an happy iflue by the reduction of Granada, which would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new under- takings •, this, as well as the mark of royal favour, with which Columbus had been lately honoured, encouraged his friends to appear with greater con- fidence than formerly in lupport of his fcheme. The chief of thefe, Alonfo de Quintanilla, comptroller of the finances in Cattile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver of the eccleliaftical revenues in Aragon, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 93 Aragon, whofe meritorious zeal in promoting this B ° H ° K great defign entitles their names to an honourable > v — > place in hiftory, introduced Columbus to many perfons of" high rank, and interefted them warmly in his behalf. But it was not an eafy matter to infpire Ferdi- is again dif- ., appointed* nand with favourable ientiments. He (till regarded Columbus's project as extravagant and chimerical, and in order to render the efforts of his partizans ineffectual, he had the addrefs to employ in this new negociation with him, fome of the perfons who had formerly pronounced his fcheme to be im- practicable. To their aftonifhment, Columbus appeared before them with the fame confident hopes of fuccefs as formerly, and infilled upon the fame high recompence. He propofed that a fmall fleet mould be fitted out, under his com- mand, to attempt the difcovery, and demanded to be appointed hereditary admiral and viceroy of all the feas and lands which he fhould difcover, and to have the tenth of the profits arifing from them fettled irrevocably upon himfelf and his defend- ants. At the fame time, he offered to advance the eighth part of the fum neceflary for accom- plifhing his defign, on condition that he fhould be entitled to a proportional fhare of benefit from the adventure. If the enterprife fhould totally mif- carry, he made no ftipulation for any reward or emolument whatever. Inftead of viewing this con- duct as the cleared evidence of his full perfuafion with 94 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k V( . t h re fp e( ^ to tne trutn of his own fyftem, or be- ing (truck with that magnanimity, which, after fo many delays and repulfcs, could (loop to nothing inferior to its original claims, the perfons v, whom Columbus treated, began meanly to calcu- late the expence of the expedition, and the value of the reward which he demanded. The expence, moderate as it was, they reprefented to be too great for Spain, in the prefent exhaufted ftate of its finances. They contended, that the honours and emoluments claimed by Columbus, were exor- bitant, even if he mould perform the utmoft or what he had promifed ■, and if all his fanguine hopes mould prove illufive, fuch vaft concefiions to an adventurer would be deemed not only incon- fiderate, but ridiculous. In this impofing garb of caution and prudence, their opinion appeared fo plaufible, and was fo warmly fupported by Ferdi- dinand, that Ifabella declined giving any counte- nance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negociation with him which me had begun. This was more mortifying to Columbus than all the difappointments which he had hitherto met with. The invitation to court from Ifabella, like an unexpected ray of light, had opened fuch pro- fpecls of fuccefs, as encouraged him to hope that his labours were at an end j but now darknefs and uncertainty returned, and his mind, firm as it was, could harJly fuppori the fhock of fuch an unforeieen reverie. He withdrew in deep anguifh from HISTORY OF AMERICA. 95 from court, with an intention of profecuting his B ° ° K voyage to England, as his laft refource. <— -y— «^ About that time Granada furrendered, and rvr.vrs at Ferdinand and Ifabella, in triumphal pomp, took «r»fia. pofleflion of a city, the reduction of which extir- j^mJi, pated a foreign power from the heart of their do- minions, and rendered them matters of all the provinces, extending from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. As the flow of fpirits which accompanies fuccefs elevates the mind, and renders it enterprifing, Quintanilla and Santangel, the vigilant and dilcerning patrons of Columbus, took advantage of this favourable fitua- tion, in order to make one effort more in behalf of their friend. They addreffed themfelvcs to Ifabella, and, after exprrfiing fome furprife, that (he, who had always been the munificent patronefs of gene* rous undertakings, mould hefitate fo long to countenance the mod fplendid fcheme that had ever been propofed to any monarch ; they repre- fented to her, that Columbus was a man of a found understanding and virtuous character, well qualified, by his experience in navigation, as well as his knowledge of geometry, to form juft ideas with refpect to the ftructure of the globe and the fituation of its various regions ; that, by offering to rifle his own life and fortune in the execution of his icheme, he gave the molt fatisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope of fuccefs; that the ium requilite for equipping fuch an armament as 1 he q6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o k ne demanded was inconfiderable, and the advan- * tages which might accrue from his undertaking were irnmenfe; that he demanded no recompence for his invention and labour, but what was to arife from the countries which he fiiGuld difcover; that, as it was worthy of her magnanimity to make this noble attempt to extend the fphere of human knowledge, and to open an intercourfe with re- gions hitherto unknown, lb it would afford the higheft fatisfaction to her piety and zeal, after re- eftablilhing the Chriftian faith in thofe provinces of Spain from which it had been long banifhed, to dilcover a new world, to v-hich fhe might commu- nicate the light and bleflings cf divine truth ; that ir now fhe did not decide infUntly, the opportu- nity would be irretrievably loft; that Columbus was on his way to foreign countries, where fome prince, more fortunate or adventurous, would dole with his proposals, and Spain would for ever bewail the fatal timidity which had excluded her from the g^ry and advantages that fhe had once in her power to have enjoyed. These forcible arguments, urged by perfons of fuch authority, and at a juncture fo well chofen, produced the defired effect. They difpelled all [fabella's doubts and fears ; (lie ordered Colurr, : to be inltantly recalled, declared her refolution of ploying him on his own terms, and regretting low llate of her finances, generoufly offered to pledge her own jewels, in order to raife as much monc v HISTORY OF AMERICA. 97 money as might be needed in making preparations B ° I( ° K for the voyage. Santangel, in a traniport of gra- *-— v — > titude, killed the queen's hand, and in order to lave her from having recourfe to iuch a mortifying expedient for procuring money, engaged to ad- vance immediately the fum that was requifite . Columbus had proceeded fome leagues on his The condi- journey, when the meilenger from Ifabella over- agreement took him. Upon receiving an account of the un- * pain ' expected revolution in his favour, he returned directly to Santa Fe, though fome remainder of diffidence ftill mingled itfelf with his joy. But the cordial reception which he met with from Iia- bella, together with the near profpedt of fetting out upon that voyage which had fo long been the object of his thoughts and wifhes, foon effaced the remembrance of all that he had fuffered in Spain, during eight tedious years of felicitation and fuf- penfe. The negociation now went forward with facility and dilpatch, and a treaty or capitulation with Columbus was figned on the feventeenth of April, one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two. The chief articles of it were, 1. Ferdinand and Ifabella, as fovereigns of the ocean, conftituted Columbus their high admiral in all the fcras, iflands, and continents, which mould be difcovered by his induftry -, and ftipulated, that he and his heirs for ever fliould enjoy this office, with the fame powers • Herrera, dec. I. lib. i. c. 8. Vol. I. H and I 9:. 98 HISTORY OF AMERICA. and prerogatives which belonged to the high admi- ral of Caftile, within the limits of his jurifdiclion. 2. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the iflands and continents which he mould dif- cover; but if, for the better administration of affairs, it mould hereafter be neceflary to eftablifh a feparate governor in any of thole countries, they authorifed Columbus to name three perfons, of whom they would chufe one for that office-, and the dignity of viceroy, with all its immunities, was likewile to be hereditary in the family of Colum- bus. 3. They granted to Columbus and his heirs for ever the tenth of the free profits accruing from the productions and commerce of the countries which he mould difcover. 4. They declared, that if any controverfy or law-fuit fhall arife with re- fpedr. to any mercantile tranfaclion in the countries which fliould be diicovered, it mould be deter- mined by the fole authority of Columbus, cr of judges to be appointed by him. 5. They per- mitted Columbus to advance one eighth part of what mould be expended in preparing for the ex- pedition, and in carrying on commerce with the countries which he mould diicover, and him, in return, to an eighth part of the profit ? . Thouch the name of Ferdinand appears con- joined with that of Iiabella in this trani"ac~tion, his diltruft of Columbus was ftill lb violent, that he f Life of C.lumbus, c. 15. Kcrura, dec. 1, lib. . refuic 91 J 49 z « HISTORY OF AMERICA. refufed to take any part in the enterprife, as king of Aragon. As the whole expence of the expedi- tion was to be defrayed by the crown of Caitile, Ifabella referved for her fubje&s of that kingdom an exclufive right to all the benefits which might redound from its fuccefs. As foon as the treaty was figned, Ifabella, by Theprepa- <• . , _. . . . c ,. , rations for her attention and activity in forwarding the pre- his Towage. parations for the voyage, endeavoured to make fome reparation to Columbus for the time which he had loft in fruitlefs lblicitation. By the twelfth of May, all that depended upon her was adjufled; and Columbus waited on the king and queen, in order to receive their final inftructions. Every thing refpecYing the deftination and conduct of the voyage, they committed implicitly to the dif- pofal of his prudence, But, that they might avoid giving any juft caufe of offence to the king of Portugal, they ftridtly enjoined him not to ap- proach near to the Portuguefe fettlements on the coaft of Guinea, nor in any of the other countries to which the Portuguefe claimed right as difco- verers. Ifabella had ordered the fhips, of which Columbus was to take the command, to be fitted out in the port of Palos, a fmall maritime town in the province of Andalufia. As the guardian Juan Perez, to whom Columbus had already been fo much indebted, refided in the neighbourhood of this place, he, by the influence of that good eccle- fiaflic, as well as by his own connection with the H 2 inhabitants, 3-. -■ STORY OF AMERICA. abitant?. I imongtiK it he wanted of the ft he was bound b to advance, but engaged feveral of them to ace pany him in the voyage. 1 tfe aiTo- ci2*: verc three brothers of the name of conGderable wealth, and of great experience illing to hazard their and fortunes in the expedition. , :: :.: all the . of Ifabclla and Co- lurr . : ,: fuitab - : ry of the nation b ped, or to the importance of the fervic it was deflined. It con fitted o: iVe'.s. The a (hip of no confiderable burden, commanded by Columbus, as admiral, it .he name . out o: 1 .:hr.: "*'.:_ :., v. h . .v. he h.or.oured with lingular the fecond, called the Finta, Pinzon was captain, ar rotber Fr The third, named the . . was under .mand of Vincc :n. Thefe two ght veffels, hardly fur n or force to large boats. Dn, if i: rualed for twelve r md had on board r failors, together the fortune bVl court, whom (he appointed to accompany him. one of 1 rh chiefly alarmed the 149" HISTORY OF AMERICA. jot court of Spain, and retarded fo long the negocia- B ° ° K tion with Columbus, the fum employed in fitting out this fquadron did not exceed four thoufand pounds. As the art of fhip-building in the fifteenth cen- tury was extremely rude, and the bulk of vefTels was accommodated to the fhort and eafy voyages along the coaft which they were accuftomed to perform, it is a proof of the courage as well as enterprifing genius of Columbus, that he ventured, with a fleet fo unfit for a diftant navigation, to ex- plore unknown feas, where he had no chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides and currents, and no experience of the dangers to which he might be expoled. His cagernefs to accomplifh the great defign which had fo long engrofTed his thoughts, made him overlook or difregard every circum- ftar.ce that would have intimidated a mind lefs ad- venturous. He pufhed forward the preparations with fuch ardour, and was feconded fo effectually by the perfons to whom Ifabella committed the fuperintendence of this bufinefs, that every thing was foon in readinefs for the voyage. But as Co- lumbus was deeply impreifed with fentiments of religion, he would not fct out upon an expedition fo arduous, and of which one great object: was to extend the knowledge of the Chriftian faith, with- out imploring publickly the guidance and pro- tection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the perfons under his command, marched H 3 in 102 HISTORY OF AMERICA. 00 K in folemn procefTion to the monaftery 0? Rabida. c^-v— »-» After conftfling their fins, and obraining abiblu- tion, they received the holy facrament from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the fuccefs of an enterprife which he had fo zealoufly patronized. hu depar. Next morning, being Friday the third day of ~ m Auguft, in the year one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two, Columbus fet fail, a little before fun- rife, in prefence of a vail crowd of fpectators, who fent up their fupplications to Heaven for the pro- fperous iffue of the voyage, which they wifhed, rather than expected. Columbus fleered directly for the Canary Iflands, and arrived there without any occurrence that would have deferved notice on any other occafion. But, in a voyage of fuch ex- pectation and importance, every circumftance was the object of attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke loofe, the day after fhe left the harbour, and that accident alarmed the crew, no lefs fuperftitious than unfkilful, as a certain omen of the unfortu- nate deftiny of the expedition. Even in the fhort run to the Canaries, the (hips were found to be fo crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation which was expected to be both long and dangerous. Columbus refitted them, however, to the bell of his power, and having fupplied him- fclf with frefh provifions, he took his departure from Gomera, one of the moil wefterly of the Ca- nary iilands, on the fixth day of September. Her* HISTORY OF AMERICA. 103 Here the voyage of difcovery may properly be B n ° K faid to begin ; for Columbus holding his courfe due < , r — -» weft, left immediately the ufual track of jiaviga- The^rfe tion, and ftretched into unfrequented and unknown hel £ feas. The firft day, as it was very calm, he made but little way ; but on the fecond, he loft fight of the Canaries ; and many of the failors, dejected already and difmayed, when they contemplated the boldnefs of the undertaking, began to beat their breads, and to fhed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted thern with aflurances of fuccefs, and the profpect of vaft wealth, in thofe opulent regions whither he was conducting them. This early difcovery of the Spirit of his followers taught Columbus, that he muft prepare to druggie, not only with unavoidable difficulties which might be expected from the na- ture of his undertaking, but with fuch as were likely to arife from the ignorance and timidity of the people under his command; and he perceived that the art of governing the minds of men would be no lefs requifite for accomplishing the difcoveries which he had in view, than naval fkiil and un- daunted courage. Happily for himfelf, and for the country by which he was employed, he joined to the ardent temper and inventive genius of a pro- jector, virtues of another fpecies, which are rarely united with them. He pofTefTed a thorough know- ledge of mankind, an infinuating addrefs, a patient perieverance in executing any plan, the perfect go- vernment of his own pafiions, and the talent of ac- H 4 quiring io+ HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3 ° ir ° K quiring an afcendant over thole of other men. All v — v — ' thefe qualities, which formed him for command, Wi'hrTcs wer e accompanied with that fuperior knowledge of fionofCo" ms P r °f ei ^i° n » which begets confidence in times of inmbos. difficulty and danger. To unfkilful Spanifh Tail- ors, accuftomed only to coafting voyages in the Mediterranean, the maritime fcience of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years experience, improved by an acquaintance with all the inventions of the Por- tuguefe, appeared immenfe. As foon as they put to fea, he regulated every thing by his fole autho- rity; he fuperintended the execution of every order; and allowing himfelf only a few hours for fleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his courfe lay through leas which had not formerly been vi- fited, the founding-line, or instruments for obfer- vation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguefe difcoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fifties, of lea- weeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute ex- actnefs, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming failors habituated only to fhort excurfions, Co- lumbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real progrels which they made. With this view, though they run eighteen leagues on the fecond day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had ad- vanced only fifteen, and he uniformly employed the fame artifice of reckoning fhort during the 6 whole HISTORY OF AMERICA. 105 whole voyage. By the fourteenth of September, book the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the i — ^-»j weft of the Canary Ifles, at a greater diftance from I49 *' land than any Spaniard had been before that time. There they were ftruck with an appearance no lefs A PP rehen- aftonifhing than new. They obferved, that the ai»m"of magnetic needle, in their compafTes, did not point 18crew ' exactly to the polar ftar, but varied towards the weft ; and as they proceeded, this variation in- creafed. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it (till remains one of the myfteries of na- ture, into the caufe of which the fagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the com- panions of Columbus with terror. They were now in a boundlefs unknown ocean, far from the ufual courfe of navigation ; nature itfelf feemed to be altered, and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no lefs quicknefs than ingenuity, invented a reafon for this appearance, which, though it did not fatisfy himfelf, feemed fo plaufible to them, that it dif* pelled their fears, or filenced their murmurs. He ftill continued to fleer due weft, nearly in the fame latitude with the Canary iflands. In this courfe he came within the fphere of the trade wind, which blows invariably from eaft to weft between- the tropics, and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this fteady gale with fuch uniform rapidity, that it was feldom neceflary to fhift a fail. [When about four hundred leagues to the weft of the io6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °n° K ^ e Canaries, he found the fea fc covered with t— — „ — ; weeds, that it rcfembled a meadow of vaft extent-, and in fome places they were fo thick, as* to retard the motion of the vefiels. This ftrange appearance occafioned new alarm and difquiet. The Tailors imagined that they were now arrived at the utmoll boundary of the navigable ocean ; that thefe float- ing weeds would obftruct their farther progreis, and concealed dangerous rocks, or fome large cract of land, which had funk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus endeavoured to pcrfuade them, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be confidered as a fign of approaching land. At the fame time, a brifk gale arofe, and carried them forward. Se- veral birds were feen hovering about the fhip q , and directed their flight towards the weft. The de- fponding crew refumed fome degree of fpirit, and began to entertain frefh hopes. Thefe in- Upon the firft of October they were, according *'" e ' to the admiral's reckoning, feven hundred and fe- venty leagues to the weft of the Canaries ; but left his men fhould be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only five hundred and eighty -four leagues ; and, fortunately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, nor thofe of the other fhips, had fkill fufficient to correct: this error, and difcover * fee NOTE XII r. the HISTORY OF AMERICA. 107 the deceit.^ They had now been above three weeks B ° ° K at fea ; they had proceeded far beyond what for- <— v— — ' mer navigators had attempted or deemed pofiiblej all their prognoftics of difcovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other circumftances, had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their com- mander had from time to time flattered and amufed them, had been altogether illufive, and their pro- fpect of fuccefs feemed now to be as diftant as ever. Thefe reflections occurred often to men, who had no other object or occupation, than to reafon and diicourfe concerning the intention and circum- ftances of their expedition. They made im- prefllon, at firft, upon the ignorant and timid, and extending, by degrees, to fuch as were better in- formed or more refolute, the contagion fpread at length from fhip to fhip. From fecret whifpers or murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their fovereign with inconfiderate credulity, in paying fuch regard to the vain promifes and rafh conjectures of an in- digent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of lb many of her own fubjects, in profecuting a chimerical fcheme. They affirmed that they had fully per- formed their duty, by venturing fo far in an un- known and hopelefs courfe, and could incur no blame for refufing to follow, any longer, a defpe- rate adventurer to certain destruction. 7'hey con- tended, that it was neceiTary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy veflels were itill in a 4 condition tol HI 3F amir:; u^~.^** I : would prove vain, as the mind, - ■ " - ' " - " - : ' '. -.-.-. t : :•■ pc All agreed that Columbus (bould be ' : r : : i : : : : i .- : _ - . . - ; : T : - ' : ; • : audacious proposed, as the rooft expeditious and ■■- " . r.t: ::.:::: :: -: . - - :-.:■: : : :_:::: :.-: - : c: - cern, and be inquired . . a noBtj. .arion. He bad obferved, with great concern, ':-- . : • "..:"._--_■ : it was now ready to burft out into open mo: ] to feem ignorant of their machinations. '_■ :. r. - ". "t -zzr-'-.z -' :.-. 2 :-.::-;.. ::>-:t- ; : - -—.:.-. fir. - r. r z : - : .-. t z * ?z:: times be e - . . foe men. eodeawdurcc - : • :'_ r. ?:.-_•• r i .:-.-■: h On cihrr occafions, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 109 them with vengeance from their fovereign, if, by B ° Ir K their daftardly behaviour, they mould defeat this * — v/—- ' noble effort to promote the glory of God, and to exalt the Spanilh name above that of every other nation. Even with feditious failors, the words of a man whom they had been accuftomed to reve- rence, were weighty and perfuafive, and not only retrained them from thofe violent exceftes, which they meditated, but prevailed with them to ac- company their admiral for fome time longer. As they proceeded, the indications of approach- ing land feemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the fouth-weft. Co- lumbus, in imitation of the Portuguefe navigators, who had been guided, in feveral of their difco- veries, by the motion of birds, altered his courfe from due weft towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight. Bur, after holding on for fe- veral days in this new direction, without any better fuccefs than formerly, having feen no objecl, dur- ing thirty days, but the fea and the fky, the hopes of his companions fubfided fader than they had rifenj their fears revived with additional force; impatience, rage, and defpair, appeared in every The ; r f ear8 countenance. All fenfe of fubordination was loft: return> the officers, who had hitherto concurred with Co- Dancer of a lumbus in opinion, and fupported his authority, Ir ' utiny * now took part with the private men; they afTem- bled tumultuoufly on the deck, expoftukted with their no HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °n° K l ^ €ir commander, mingled threats with their ex- *— -v — i poftulations, and required him inftantly to tack about and to return to Europe. Columbus per- ceived that it would be of no avail to have recourfe to any of his former arts, which having been tried fo often, had loft their effect •, and that it was im- pofi~;ble to rekindle any zeal for the fuccefs of the expedition among men, in whole breads fear had DHbefraf exdnguifhed every generous fentiment. He faw that it was no lefs vain to think of employing either gentle or fevere meafures, to quell a mutiny fo ge- neral and fo violent. It was necefT-ry, on all thefe accounts, to foothe paflions which he could no longer command, and to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He promifed folemnly to his men that he would comply with their requeft, provided they would accompany him, and obey his commands for three days longer, and if, during that time, land were not difcovered, he would then abandon the enterprife, and direct his courie towards Spain \ Encourag- ing appear- ance* of faadt. Enraged as the failors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this propofition did not appear to them unreafon- able. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confin- ing himfelf to a term fo fhort. The prefages of dilcovering land were now fo numerous and pro- mi ling, that he deemed them infallible. For fome ' OvicJo, EEJL ap. Ramiif. vol. BL p. Si. E. days HISTORY OF AMERICA. in days the founding line reached the bottom, and B n K the foil which it brought up indicated land to be <— -v— ' at no great diftance. The flocks of birds increafed, and were compofed not only of lea fowl, but of fuch land birds as could not be fuppofed to fly far from the fhore. The crew of the Pinta obferved a cane floating, which fcemed to have been newly cut, and likewife a piece of timber artificially carved. The failors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree with red berries, perfectly frelh. The clouds around the fetting fun aflumed a new appearance; the air was more mild and warm, and, during night, the wind became une- qual and variable. From all thefe fymptoms, Co- lumbus was fo confident of being near land, that on the evening of the eleventh of October, after public prayers for fuccefs, he ordered the fails to be furled, and the fhips to lie by, keeping Uriel: watch, led they mould be driven afhore in the night. During this interval of fufpence and ex- pectation, no man fhut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently towards that quarter where they expected todifcover the land, which had been fo long the object of their wilhes. About two hours before midnight, Columbus uni (landing on the forecaftle, obferved a light at a diftance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro Guttierez, a page of the queen's wardrobe. Gut- tierez perceived it, and calling to Salcedo, compt- roller of the fleet, all three law it in motion, as if it covtrei, U2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K it were carried from place to place. A little after *— ■>/-— » midnight, the joyful found of land, land, was heard from the Pinta, which kept always ahead of the other fhips. But, having been fo often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now be- come flow of belief, and waited, in all the anguifh of uncertainty and impatience, for the return of oa*i2 ^ a y* -^ s ^ 00n as mormn g dawned, all doubts and fears were difpelled. From every fhip an iQand was feen about two leagues to the north, whofe flat and verdant fields, well ftored with wood, and watered with many rivulets, prefented the afpect of a deligthful country. The crew of the Pinta in- ftantly began Te Deum, as a hymn of thankfgiving to God, and were joined by thofeof the other fhips, with tears of joy and tranfports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of juftice to their commander. They threw themfelves at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of felf-condemnation mingled with reve- rence. They implored him to pardon their igno- rance, incredulity, and infolence, which had created him fo much unnecefldry difquier, and had fo often obftructed the profecution of his well-con- certed plan •, and pafling, in the warmth of their admiration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man, whom they had fo late- ly reviled and threatened, to be a perfon infpired by Heaven with fagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplifh. a defign, fo far beyond HISTORY OF AMERICA. 113 beyond the ideas and conception of all former B ° lI OK ai^es. ' — — ^ 1493- As foon as the fun arofe, all their boats were Firft inter- manned and armed. They rowed towards the Iie W nati?«. ifland with their colours difplayed, with warlike mufic, and other martial pomp. As they ap- proached the coaft, they faw it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the fpectacle had drawn together, whofe attitudes and geftures exprefled wonder and aftonifhment at the ftrange objects which prelented themfclves to their view. Columbus was the firft European who fee foot in the New World which he had difcovered. He landed in a rich drefs, and with a naked fword in his hand. His men followed, and kneeling down, they all kiffed the ground which they had fo long delired to fee. They next erected a cruci- fix, and proftrating themfelves before it, returned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to fuch an happy iffue. They then took folemn poiTeffion of the country for the crown of Caftile and Leon, with all the formalities which the Porruguefe were accuftomed to obferve in acts of this kind, in their new difcoveries \ The Spaniards, while thus employed, were fur- Tf»ir mo- rounded by many of the natives, who gazed, in n^fllmcnr" filent admiration, upon actions which they could 8 Life of Columbus, c. 22, 23. Herrcra, dec. 1, lib. i. c. 13. Vol. I. I not IH HISTORY OF AMERICA. book not comprehend, and of which they did not forefee ' ., the confequences. The drefs of the Spaniards, the 149 " whitenefs of their (kins, their beards, their arms, appeared flrange and furprifing. 1 he vail: ma- chines in which they had traverkd the ocean, that feemed to move upon the waters with wings, and uttered a dreadful found refembling thunder, ac- companied with lightning and fmoke, ftruck them with fuch terror, that they began to refpect their new guefts as a fuperior order of beings, and con- cluded that they were children of the Sun, who had defcended to vifit the earth. The Europeans were hardly lefs amazed at the fcene now before them. Every herb, and fhrub, and tree, was different from thofe which flour ifhed in Europe. The foil feemed to be rich, but bore few marks of cultivation. The climate, even to Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delight- ful. The ii habitants appeared in the fimple in- nocence or nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their fhonl- ders, cr was bound in trefics around their heads. They had no beards, and every part of their bo- dies was perfectly fmooth. Their complexion was of a dufky copper colour, their features Angular, rather than unagreeable, their afpect gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well fhaped, and aflive. Their faces, and fcveral parts of their body, were fantaflically painted with glaring co- lours. They were fhy at flrfl: through fear, but fooa HISTORY OF AMERICA. 115 foon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with B ° ° K tranfports of joy received from them hawks-bells, <. — /— -» glals beads, or other baubles, in return for which they gave iuch provinons as they h.id, and fome cotton yarn, the only commodity of value that they could produce. Towards evening, Columbus re- turned to his fhips, accompanied by many of the idanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and though rudrly formed out of the trunk of a • Tingle tree, they row.d them with furprifing dex- terity. Thus, in the firft interview between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, every thing 1 was conducted amicably, and to their mutual fatisfaction. The former, enlightened and ambi- tious, formed already vaft ideas with refpect to the advantages which they might derive from the re- ' gions that began to open to their view. The latter, jfimple and undifcerning, had no forefight of the [calamities and defolation which were approaching their country. Columbus, who now aiTumed the title and Coiumbua authority or admiral and viceroy, called the liland title of ad- ■ which he had difcovered San Salvador. It is better v i« rj y. n known by the name of GuanahanL which the na- tives gave to it, and is one of that large clufter of iflands called the Lucaya or Bahama ids. It is fituated above three thoufand miles to the weft of Gomera, from which the fquadron took its de- parture, and only four degrees to the fouth of it ; fo little had Columbus deviated from the wefterly I 2 courfe, ri6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k cowrie, which he had chofen as thf mod pro- 149*. Proceeds CoLUiMBus employed the next day in vifitin< fouth. " the coafts of the ifland ; and from the univerfa poverty of the inhabitants, he perceived that this was not the rich country for which he fought But, conformably to his theory concerning th< difcovery of thofe regions of Afia which (Iretchec towards the eaft, he concluded that San Salvador vvas one of the ides which geographers defcribed as fituated in the vail ocean adjacent to India '. Hav- ing obferved that moft of the people whom he had (een wore fmail plates of gold, by way of ornament, in their noilrils, he eagerly inquired where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the fouth, and made him comprehend by figns, that gold abounded in countries fituated in that quarter. Thither he immediately determined to direct his courfe, in full confidence of finding there thofe opulent regions which had been the object of his voyage, and would be a recompence for all his toils and dangers. He took along with him feven of the natives of San Salvador, that, by acquiring the Spanifh language, they might ferve as guides and interpreters ; and thofe innocent people confidered it as a mark of diftinclion when they were feledted to accompany him. He faw feveral iflands, and touched at three of the largeft, on which he bellowed the names of 1 Tec, Mart. •pilt. 155. St. CuUi. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 117 St. Mary of the Conception, Fernandina, and B ° ° K Ifabella. But as their foil, productions, and in- > » habitants nearly refembled thofe of San Salvador, he made no fray in any of them. He inquired every where for gold, and received uniformly for anfwer, that it was brought from the fouth. He followed that courfe, and foon difcovered a country of vaft extent, not perfectly level, like thofe which he had already viliteJ, but fo diversified with rifing grounds, hills, rivers, woods, and plains, that he was uncertain whether it might prove an ifland, or part of the continent. The natives of San Salvador, whom he had on board, called it Cuba j Columbus gave it the name of Juanna. He entered the mouth of a large river with his fqua- dron, and all the inhabitants fled to the moun- tains as he approached the fhore. But as he re- folved to careen his (hips in that place, he fent fome Spaniards, together with one of the people of San Salvador, to view the interior parts of the country. They, having advanced above fixty miles from the ihore, reported, upon their return, that the foil was richer and more cultivated than any they had hitherto difcovered ; that, befidcs many fcattered cottages, they had found one vil- lage, containing above a thoufand inhabitants ; that the people, though naked, feemed to be more intelligent than thofe of San Salvador, but had treated them with the fame refpectful attention, kifling their feet, and honouring them as facred beings allied to Heaven ; that they had given them 1 3 to i,8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k t0 eat a certain root, the tafte of which ^elembled Hi - ... ... < ^ — ) roafted chelnuts, and likewiie a fingular ipecies of ***■ corn called maize, which, either when roafted whole, or ground into meal, was abundantly palatable; that there kerned to be no four-footed animals in the country, but a ipecies of dogs, which could not bark, ar.d a creature refembling a rabbit, but of a much fmaller fize; that they had obferved fome ornaments of gold among the pie, but of no great value . HUemjee- These mefiengers had prevailed with fome of i to ir. the natives to accompany them, who informed Columbus, that the gold of which they made their ornaments was round in Cubanacatu By this word they meant the middle or inland part of Cuba-, but Columbus, being ignorant of their language, as well as unaccullomcd to their pro- nunciation, and his thoughts running continually upon his own theory concerning the dilcovery of the Haft Indies, he was led, by the reiemblance of found, to fuppofe that they fpoke of the Great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of Cathay, defcribed by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This induced him to employ fome time in viewing the country. He vifited almoft every harbour, from Porto del Principe, on the north coaft of Cuba, to the eaftern extremity of the ifland; but, though delighted with the beauty of u Life cf Columbus, c. z.j. — 2S. Herrera, dec. 1. lib, i. the 149- HISTORY OF AMERICA. n 9 the fcenes, which every where prefented them- icives, and amazed at the luxuriant fertility of the foil, both which, from their novelty, made a more lively impreflion upon his imagination % he did not find gold in luch quantity as was fufHcient to iatisfy either the avarice of his followers, or the expectations of the court to which he was to re- turn. The people of the country, as much afto- niihtd at his eagernels in quell of gold, as the Europeans were at their ignorance and fimplicity, pointed towards the eaft, where an ifland which they called Hayti was fituated, in which that metal was more abundant than among them. Columbus ordered his fquadron to bend its courfc thither; but Martin Alonfo Pinzon, impatient to be the firft who mould take poiTefiion of the trealures which this country was luppoled to contain, quit- ted his companions, regardlefi of all the admiral's fignals to llacken fail until they fhould come up with him. Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did Dif«wen not reach Hayti till the fixth of December. He Httjaniahu called the port where he firft touched St. Nicholas, and the ifland itfelf Efpagnola, in honour of the kingdom by which he was employed •, and it is the only country, of thole he had yet difcovercd, which has retained the name that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the JPinta, nor have any intercourle with the inhabitants, who fled in great * See NOTE XIV. I 4 confirmation 1 2b HISTORY OF AMERICA. book confirmation towards the woods, he fodti quitted St. Nicholas, and failing along the northern coalt * 49z ' of the ifland, he entered another harbour, which he called Conception. Here he was more fortu- nate ; his people overtook a woman who was fly- ing from them, and after treating her with great gentlenefs, diimifled her with a prefent of fuch toys, as they knew were mod valued in thofe re- gions. 1 he defcription which fhe gave to her countrymen of the humanity and wonderful quali- ties of the ftrangers ; their admiration of the trinkets, which fhe (hewed with exultation; and their eagernefs to participate of the feme favours ; removed all their fears, and induced many of them to repair to the harbour. The ftrange objedls which they beheld, and the baubles which Co- lumbus bellowed upon them, amply gratified their curiofity and their wiihes. They nearly refembled the people of Guanahani and Cuba. They were naked like them, ignorant, and fimple •, and feemed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts which appear moll neceflary in polifhed fbcie- ties ; but they were gentle, credulous, and timid, to a degree which rendered it eafy to acquire the afcendant over them, efpecially as their excefTive admiration led them into the fame error with the people of the other iflands, in believing the Spa- niards to be more than mortals, and deicended immediately from Heaven. They pofTeiTed gold in greater abundance than their neighbours, which they readily exchanged for bells, beads, or pins ; and, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 121 and, in this unequal traffic, both parties were book highly pleafed, each confidering themfelves as *»~— — ~i gainers by the tranfaction. Here Columbus was 1A9V vifited by a prince or caxiqite of the country. He appeared with all the pomp known among a fimple ' people, being carried in a fort of palanquin upon the moulders of four men, and attended by many of his fubjecTs, who ferved him with great refpecl. His deportment was grave and {lately, very re- ferved towards his own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards extremely courteous. He gave the admiral fome thin plates of gold, and a girdle of curious workmanfhip, receiving in return prefects of fmall value, but highly acceptable to him y . Columbus, ft il 1 intent on difcovering the mines which yielded geld, continued to interrogate all the natives with whom he had any intercourfe con- cerning their fituation. They concurred in point- ing out a mountainous country, which they called Cibao, at fome diftance from the fea, and farther towards the eaft. Struck with this found, which appeared to him the fame with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the eaft, diitinguifhed the iQands of Japan, he no longer doubted with refpect to the vicinity of the coun- tries which he had difcovered to the remote parts of Afia-, and, in full expectation of reaching foon thofe regions which had been the object of his y Life of Columbus, c. 32. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 15, &c. voyage, 122 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °ii° K v °y a S e ' ne directed his courfe toward^ the eaft. *— — v > He put into a commodious harbour, which he t>jZ ' called St. Thomas, and found that diltrict to be under ihe government or" a powerful cazique, named Gun car. ah art, who, as he afterwards learned, was one of the five fovereigns among whom the whole ifland was divided. He immediately lent meffengers to Columbus, who, in his name, deli- vered to him the prclent of a mafic curiuufly falhioned, with the ears, nofe, and mouth, of beaten gold, and invited him to the place of his refidence, near the harbour now called Cape Francois, fome leagues towards the eart. Colum- bus difparched fome of his officers to vifit this prince, who, as he behaved himfclf wi;h greater dignity, feemed to claim more attention. They returned, with fuch favourable accounts both of the country and of rhe people, as made Columbus impatient for that interview with Guacanahari to which he had been invited. One of his He failed for this purpofe from St. Thomas, on the twenty-fourth of December, with a fair wind, and the fea perfectly calm ■, and as, amidlf. the multiplicity ot his occupations, he had not fhut his eyes for two days, he retired at midnight, in order to take fome repofe, having committed the helm to the pilot, with ftrict injunctions not to quit it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger, carclefsly left the helm to an unexpe- rienced cabin-boy, and the fhip, carried away by a cur- M9»- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 123 a current, was dallied againft a rock. The vio- B n ° K knee of the fhock awakened Columbus. He ran up to the deck. There, all was confufion and defpair. He alone retained prefence of mind. He ordered fome of the iailors to take a boat, and carry out an anchor aftern ; bur, inftead of obey- ing, they made off towards the Nigna, which was about half a league diilant. He then com- manded the mails to be cut down, in order to lighten the fbips but all his endeavours v/ere too hue-, the veflel opened near the keel, and filled fo fall with water, that its lofs was inevitable. The fmoothnefs of the fea, and the timely affiltance of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to fave their lives. As loon as the iftenders heard of this difafter, they crowded to the more, with their prince Guacanahari at their head. Inftead of tak- ing advantage of the diftrefs in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their detri- ment, they lamented their misfortune with tears of fincere condolance. Not fatisfied with this unavail- ing expreflion of their fympathy, they put to fea a vail number of canoes, and, under direction of the Spaniards, afiifted in faving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and, by the united la- bour of fo many hands, almoft every thing of value was carried alhore. As fa ft as the soods v/ere landed, Guacanahari in perfon took charge of them. By his orders, they were all depofited in one place, and armed centinels were pofied, who kept the multitude at a tjiftance, in order to pre- f vent 124 HISTORY OF AMERICA. e o o k vent them not onlv from embezzling, btft from in- II. * ° 1 ' fpefting too curioufly what belonged to their guefts \ Next morning this prince vifited Co- lumbus, who was now on board the Ni^na, and endeavoured ro confole him for his lofs, by offer- ing all that he poilcfied to repair it 1 . •-°f The condition of Columbus was fuch, that he flood in need of confolation. He had hitherto procured no intelligence of the Pinta, and no longer doubted but that his treacherous aiTociate had fee fail for Europe., in order to have the merit of carrying the firft tiJirgs of the extraordinary difcoveries which had been made, and to pre- occupy fo far the ear of th "tign, as to rob him of the glory and reward to which he was juflly intitled. There remained but one vefTel, and that the fmalleft and moft crazy of the fquadrcn, to travcrle fuch a vaft ocean, and carry fo many men back to Europe. Each of thole circumftances was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus \ the utmofl: ibiicitude. The defire of overtaking Pinzon, and of effacing the unfavoura. prefiions which his mifreprefentations migh in Spain, made it necefTary to return thither v. ,., ;o out delay. The difficulty of taking fuch a nun IVhVt-* 1 of perfons aboard the Nigna, confirmed him in an in taeniae. pj n j on> which the fertility of the country, the gentle temper of the people, had already in- duced him to form. He refolved to leave a part * See NO 1 * Herreri, dec i. Kb, i. I of HISTORY OF AMERICA. of his crew in the ifland, that, by refiding there, B they might learn the language of the natives, ftudy their difpofition, examine the nature of the coun- I491, try, fearch for mines, prepare for the commodious fettlement of the colony, with which he purpofed to return, and thus tecure and facilitate the acqui- fition of thofe advantages which he expected from his difcoveries. When he mentioned this to his men, all approved of the defign ; and from impa- tience under the fatigue of a long voyage, from the levity natural to failors, or from the hopes of amafling vaft wealth in a country which afforded fuch promifing fpecimens of its riches, many offered voluntarily to be among the number of thofe who mould remain. Nothing was now wanting towards the execu- obtains th- tion of this fcheme, but to obtain the confent of S^^^riwL Guacanahari •, and his unfufpicious fimplicity foon prefented to the admiral a favourable opportunity of propofing it. Columbus having, in the befl manner he could, by broken words and figns, ex- preffed fome curiofity to know the caufe which had moved the idanders to fly with fuch precipitation upon the approach of his mips, the cazique in- formed him that the country was much infefted by the incurfions of certain people, whom he called Carribeans, who inhabited feveral iflands to the fouth eaft. Thefe he defcribed as a fierce and war- like race of men, who delighted in bloo , and devoured the fleih of the prilbners who w?r. j fo § unhappy i-5 HISTORY ny A - b o^o k ur ; s t0 f a ]j j nt0 t ' r ' v — .. -ppo'trd t j be C - to their i by ft and , while I te: c: . to concludf pr of an additional at: offered him ? cf trds to repel his enemies ; h. . i to d of ved, and on: to leave in the ifland fuch a number or Ih. r, not only to de:. a clofed e pro] i the patronage erior in power to mon 1 ich Co 1 .: - bus called ." . . he h:d I on Chnitmas r it. : the a. i HISTORY OF AMERICA. 127 fhip, we e pl.inted upon them. In ten days the book work was fimfhed; that fimpie race of men la- l - ,'- j bouring with inconiiderate affiduity in e reeling this I432 ' firft morument of their own fervitude. Curing this time Columbus, by his cartfTe and liberality, laboured, to increafe the high opinion which the natives entertained of the Spaniards. But while he endeavoured to infpire them with confidence in their difpofition to do good, he wifhed likewife to give them ibme ftriking idea cf their power to punifli and deftroy fuch as were the objects of their indignation. With this view, in prefence of a van; affembly, he drew up his men in order of battle, and made an oftentaiious but innocent dilplay of the fharpnefs of the Spanifh fvvords, of the force of their fpears, and the operation of their crofs- bows. Thefe rude people, ftrangers to the ufe of iron, and unacquainted with any hoftile weapons, but arrows of reeds pointed with the bones of fifties, wooden fvvords, and javelins hardened in the fire, wondered and trembled. Before this fur- prife or fear had time to abate, he ordered the great guns to be fired. The fudden explofion Itruck them with fuch terror, that they fell flat t-o the ground, covering their faces with their hands-, and when they beheld the aftonifhing effect of the bullets among the trees, towards which the cannon had been pointed, they concluded that it was im- pciTible to refill men, who had the command of fuch destructive inftruments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning againft their enemies. After. 123 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k After giving fuch impreflions both fcf the be- • — , 1 neficence and power of the Spaniards, as might . have rendered it eafy to prferve an afcendant over Jeieftthe minds of the natives, Columbus appointed inlt • thirty-eight of his people to remain in the iQand. He entrufted the command of thefe to Diego de Arada, a gentleman of Cordova, inverting him with the fa:r.c powers which he himfelf had receiv- ed from Ferdinand and Ifabella -, and furnifhed him with every thing requifite for the lubfiltence or defence of this infant colony. He ftric"tly en- joined them to maintain concord among themfclves, to yield an unreferved obedience to their com- mander, to avoid giving offence to the natives by any violence or exaction, to cultivate the friend- ship of Guacanahari, but not to put themfclves in his power by draggling in fmall parties, or march- ing too far from the fort. He promifed to revifit them foon, with fuch a reinforcement of ftrength as might enable them to take full pofTeflion of the country, and to reap all the fruits of their difco- veries. In the mean time, he engaged to mention their names to the king and queen, and to place their merit and fervices in the mod advantageous light b . Having thus taken every precaution for the fe- rtility of the Colony, he left Xavidad on the fourth b Otiedo ap. P„3mu(io, iii. p. 82, E. Kerrera, dec. r. lib. i. c 20. Life of Colurr.lrjs, ^4. Of HISTORY OF AMERICA. 129 of January, one thoufand four hundred and ninety- B ° ° K three, and fleering towards the eait, difcovered, ' w — » and save names to mod of the harbours on the northern coaft of the illand. On the fixth, he de- fcried the Pinta, and foon came up with her, after a feparation of more than fix weeks. Pinzon en- deavoured to juftify his conduct, by pretending that he had been driven from his courfe by ftrefs of weather, and prevented from returning by con- trary winds. The admiral, though he (till fuf- pected his perfidious intentions, and knew well what he urged in his own defence to be frivolous as well as falff, was lb fenfible that this was not a proper time for venturing upon any high (train of authority, and felt fuch fatisfadtion in this junction with his contort, which delivered him from many dilquieting apprehenfions, that, lame as Pinzon's apology was, he admitted of it without difficulty, and reftored him to favour. During his abfcnce from the admiral, Pinzon had vifited feveral har- bours in the iiland, had acquired fome gold by trafficking with the natives, but had made no dif- covery of any importance. From the condition of his mips, as well as the Receives to temper or his men, Columbus now found it necel- Europe. fary to halten his return to Europe. The former, having fuffered much during a voyage of fuch an unufual leng'h, were extremely leaky. The latter exprefied the utmolt impatience to rcvifu their na- tive country, from which they had been fo Ion;:; Vol. I. K abfent, J*9 J. 130 HISTORY OF AMERICA. abfent, and where they had things fo* wonderful and unheard-of to relate. Accordingly, on the fix- tee.nth of January, he directed his courfe towards the north-eaft, and foon loft fight of land. He had on board fome of the natives, whom he had taken from the different iflands which he difcover- ed ; and befides the gold, which was the chief ob- ject of refearch, he had collected fpecimens of all the productions which were likely to become fub- jects of commerce in the feveral countries, as well as many unknown birds, and other natural curio- fities, which might attract the attention of the learned, or excite the wonder of the people. The voyage was profperous to the fourteenth of Febru- ary, and he had advanced near five hundred leagues flo'rt'arTfcs. acro ^ s tne Atlantic Ocean, when the wind began to rife, and continued to blow with increafing rage, which terminated in a furious hurricane. Every expedient that the naval fkill and experience of Columbus could devife was employed, in order to lave the (hips. But it was impoffibk to withftand the violence of the ftorm, and as they were ftill far from any land, deftruction feemed inevitable. The failors had recourfe to prayers to Almighty God, to the invocation of faints, to vows and charms, to every tiling that religion dictates, or fuperftition iuggefts, to the affrighted mind of man. No prolpect of deliverance appearing, they aban- doned themfdves to defpair, and expected every moment to be lwallowed up in the waves. Befides the paflions which naturally agitate and alarm the i. humaft HISTORY OF AMERICA. i 3 t human mind in fuch awful ficuation.s, when cer- book tain death, in one of his moft terrible forms, is N_-v-^i before it, Columbus had to endure feelings of dif- I493 ' trefs peculiar to himfelf. He dreaded that all The con- knowledge of the amazing difcoveries which he had iambus. made was now to perifh j mankind were to be de- prived of every benefit that might have been deriv- ed from the happy fuccefs of his fchemes, and his own name would defcend to pofterity as that of a rafh deluded adventurer, inftead of being tranf- mitted with the honour due to the author and con- ductor of the moft noble enterprife that had ever been undertaken. Thefe reflections extinguifhed all fenfe of his own perfonal danger. Lefs affected with the lofs of life, than folicitous to preferve the memory of what he had attempted and achieved, he retired to his cabbin, and wrote, upon parch* ment, a fhort account of the voyage which he had made, of the courfe which he had taken, of the fituation and riches of the countries which he had difcovered, and of the colony that he had left there,, Having wrapt up this in an oiled cloth, which he inclofed in a cake of wax, he put it into a cafk care- fully (topped up, and threw it into the fea, in hopes that fome fortunate accident might preferve a de- pofit of fo much importance to the world c . At length Providence interpofed, to fave a life Takes rhe!- referved for other fervices. The wind abated, the A r zo l r " s . thc c Life of Columbus, c. 37. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 1, 2„ See N O T E XVI. K 2 fea HISTOR fea became calm, and on the evening c: . I fteentft, Columbus and his compar -ed land; and thou_ was, they made to- it. They loon knew it to be St. ,~ r the ca cr wcftern ides, fubjecr. to the crown of There, after a violent cor.teft with the governor, in which Columbus dilplayed no lefs fpirit than prudence, .ned a fupply 01 *:ons, and whatever cife he neede.:. One c:r- cc, however, greatly difquieted him. The :>n the firft day of the hurr:. . he dreaded for ibme time that fh . at [a, and that all her crew had perifhed : afterwards, his former fufpicions recurred, and he became 2pp. that Pinzon had be v for Spain, that he might reach it before him, and by giving the firft account of his discoveries, might obtain ibme fhare of h : In ordei to the Azores as »= it . : -.-. loon as the v .:. At no great diftance from the coait of Sp^in, wi>en near the end of his »ly beyond the reach ifter, another ttorrn arofe, little inferior to the er in violence ; it l reed Mirth i t0 : :ri tne r,ver : Upon appi tion to the king of Portugal, he was allowed to come up D i. anding the envy .: was . feel, 1493- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 133 when they beheld another nation entering upon that province of difcovery which they had hitherto deemed peculiarly their own, and in its firft eflay, not only rivalling but eclipfing their fame, Colum- bus was received with all the marks of diftinction due to a man who had performed things fo extra- ordinary and unexpected. The king admitted him into his prefence, treated him with the higheft re- fpect, and liftened to the account which he gave of his voyage with admiration mingled with regret. While Columbus, on his part, enjoyed the iatif- faction of defcribing the importance of his dilco- veries, and of being now able to prove the folidity of his fchemes to thole very perfons, who, with an ignorance difgraceful to themfelves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejected them as the pro- jects of a vifionary or defigning adventurer^ Columbus was fo impatient to return to Spain, R^unwia that he remained only five days in Liibon. On the fifteenth of March he arrived in the port of Palos, leven months and eleven days from the time when he fet out thence upon his voyage. As foon as his fhip was difcovered approaching the port, all the inhabitants of Palos ran eagerly to the fhore, in order to welcome their relations and fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. When the proiperous iflue of it was known, when they be- held the Itrange people, the unknown animals, and d Life of Columbus, c. 40, 41. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. if. c. 3, K 3 fingular Spain. 134 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k lingular productions brought from the countries < -, -i which had been difcovered, the effufion of joy was ,493 " general and unbounded. The bells were rung, the cannon fired ; Columbus was received at landing with royal honours, and all the people, in folemn procellion, accompanied him and his crew to the church, where they returned thanks to Heaven, v. hich had fo wonderfully conducted and crowned with fuccefs, a voyage of greater length and of more importance, than had been attempted in any former age. On the evening of the fame day, he had the fatisfaction of feeing the Pinta, which the violence of the tempclt had driven far to the north, enter the harbour. The firft care of Columbus was to inform the king and queen, who were then at Barcelona, of his arrival and fuccefs. Ferdinand and Ilabella, no lefs aftonifhed than delighted with this unex- pected event, defired Columbus, in terms the moft rtfpe&ful and flattering, to repair immediately to court, that from his own mouth, they mi^ht re- ceive a full detail of his exrraordmary fcrvices and roveries. During his journey to Barcelona, the people crowded from the adjacent country, follow- ing him every where with admiration and applaufe. His entrance into the city was conducted, by order Ferdinand and Ifabelia, with pomp fuitable to the great event, which added fuch dillmguilhing lull re to their reign. The people whom he brought along with him from the countries which he had difcovered, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 135 difcovered, marched firft, and by their lingular B n ° K complexion, the wild peculiarity of their features, « ^—> an uncouth finery, appeared like men of another fpecies. Next to them were carried the ornaments of gold, falhioned by the rude art of the natives, the grains of gold found in the mountains, and duft of the fame metal gathered in the rivers. After thefe appeared the various commodities of the new- difcovered countries, together with their curious productions. Columbus himfelf clofed the pro- ccfiion, and attracted the eyes of all the fpectators, who gazed with admiration on the extraordinary man, whole fuperior fagacity and fortitude had conducted their countrymen, by a route concealed from paft ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand and Ifabella received him clad in their royal robes, and feated upon a throne, under a magnificent canopy. When he approached they flood up, and raifing him as he kneeled to kifs their hands, commanded him to take his feat upon a chair prepared for him, and to give a circum- ftantial account of his voyage. He delivered it with a gravity and compofure no lefs fuitable to the difpofition of the Spanifh nation, than to the dignity of the audience in which he fpoke, and with that modeft fimplicity which chara&erifes men of fuperior minds ; who, fatisfied with having per- formed great actions, court not vain applaufe by an oftentarious difplay of their exploits. When he had finifhed his narration, the king and queen, kneeling down, offered up folemn thanks to Al- K 4 mighty 136 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k rnighty God for the difcovery of thole nevV regions, i— -v— j from which they expected lb many advantages to I493 ' flow in upon the kingdoms fubject to their govern- ment e . Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could fuggeft was conferred upon Co- lumbus. Letters patent were iiTued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the privileges conta.ned in the capitulation concluded at Santa Fe ; his fa- mily was ennobbd •, the king and queen, and, af- ter their example, the courtiers, treated him, on every occafion, with all the ceremonious refpect paid to perlbns of the higheii rank. But what pleafed him mod, as it gratified his active mir.d, bent continually upon great objects, wa3 an order to equip, without delay, an armament of fuch force, as might enable him not only to take pof- fefllon of the countries which he had already dif- covered, but to go in fearch of thole more opu- lent regions, which he flill confidently expected to rind f . Aftor,: - While preparations were making for this expe- mInLr»a at dition, the fame of Columbus's 1 uccefsf ul voyage »'erit« C °" spread over Europe, and excited general attention. The multitude, ftruck with amazement when they heard that a new world had been found, could hardly believe an event (o much above their con- ception. Men of fcience, capable of comprehend- ing the nature, and of dilccrnirg the effects, of this ; See NOTE XYIL n bju, d era, dec. !. lib. ii. great HISTORY OF AMERICA. 137 great difcovery, received the account of it with ad- B ° ° K miration and joy. They fpoke of his voyage with ^ - » ■— J rapture, and congratulated one another upon their I493 ' felicity, in having lived at the period when, by this extraordinary event, the boundaries of human knowledge were fo much extended, and fuch a new field of inquiry and oblervation opened, as would lead mankind to a perfect acquaintance with the ftructure and productions of the habitable globe s . Various opinions and conjectures were formed con- cerning the new-found countries, and what divifion of the earth they belonged to. Columbus adhered tenacioufly to his original opinion, that they mould be reckoned a part of thofe vaft regions in Afia, comprehended under the general name of India. This fentiment was confirmed by the obfervations which he made concerning the productions of the countries he hud difcovered. Gold was known to abound in India, and he had met with fuch pro- mifing fa m pies of it in the iflands which he vifited, as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be found. Cotton, another production of the Eafl: Indies, was common there. The pimento of the illands he imagined to be a fpecies of the Eafl: In- dian pepper. He miftook a root, fomewhat re- fembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was then fuppofed to be a plant peculiar to the Eaft Indies h . The birds brought home by him were adorned with the fame rich plumage which * P. Mart, epift. 133, i 34> 135. See NOTE XVIIL > Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. zc. Gomara Hift. r. 17. diltingui flies 1493- j 3 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k diftingui tries thofe of India. The alligator of the one country appeared to be the fame with the croco- dile of the other. After weighing all theie circum- stances, not only the Spaniards, but the other na- tions of Europe, feem to have adopted the opinion of Columbus. The countries which he had dis- covered were confidered as a part of India. In confequence of this notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Ifabella, in a ra- tification of their former agreement, which was granted to Columbus upon his return '. Even af- ter the error which gave rife to this opinion was de- tected, and the true pofition of the New World DiftinguiiTi- W as ascertained, the name has remained, and the ed bv the . ? •• i namc of the appellation of IVejl Indies is given by all the people Weft Indies. c „ , , , r t t of Europe to the country, and that or Indians to its inhabitants. Pre P »r«- i' HE name by which Columbus diftinguifhed jvcond the countries which he had difcovered was fo invit- vcjase ' ing, the Specimens of their riches and fertility, which he produced, were fo confiderable, and the reports of his companions, delivered frequently with the exaggeration natural to travellers, fo fa- vourable, as to excite a wonderful Spirit of enter- prife among the Spaniards. Though little accuf- tomed to naval expeditions, they were impatient to fet out upon the voyage. Volunteers of every rank folicited to be employed. Allured by the vail profpecls which opened to their ambition and • Life of Columbus, c. avarice, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 139 avarice, neither the length nor danger of the na- B ° a K vigation intimidated them. Cautions as Ferdinand — — -* was, and averfe to every thing new or adventurous, he feems to have catched the lame fpirit with his fubjects. Under its influence, preparations for a fecond expedition were carried on with a rapidity unufual in Spain, and to an extent that would be deemed not inconfiderable in the prefent age. The fleet confifted of feventeen (hips, fome of which were of good burden. It had on board fifteen hundred perfons, among whom were many of noble families, who had ferved in honourable fta- tions. The greater part of thefe being deftined to remain in the country, were furnifhed with every thing requifite for conqueft or fettlement, with all kinds of European domeftic animals, with fuch feeds and plants as were mod likely to thrive in the climate of the Weft Indies, with utenfils and inftruments of every fort, and with fuch artificers as might be mod ufeful in an infant colony k . But, formidable and well provided as this fleet The right was, Ferdinand and Ifabella did not reft their title the New CO the pofTefiion of the newly-difcovered countries ^2 J!" 1 upon its operations alone. The example of the thePo P c « Portuguefe, as well as the fuperftition of the age, made it neceflary to obtain from the Roman pon- tiff a grant of thofe territories which they wiihed to occupy. The Pope, as the vicar and reprefent- k Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii, c. 5. Life of Columbus, c. 45. ative i.p HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k ativeof Jefus Chrifr, was fuppcfed to hafe a right <— - ^ 1 of dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. Alexander VI. a pontiff" infamous for every crime which diigraces humanity, filled the papal throne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's iubject, and very iblicitous to fee lire the protection of Spain, in order to facilitate the execution of his ambitious fchemes in favour of his own family, he was ex- tremely willing to gratify the Spar.ilh monarchs. By an ad; of liberality which colt him nothing, and that ferved to eftablifh the jurifdiclion and preten- tions of the papal fee, he granted in full right to Ferdinand and Ifabella all the countries inhabited by Infidels, which they had difcovered, or mould difcover ; and, in virtue of that power which he derived from Jefus Chrifr, he conferred on the crown of Callile vail: regions, to the polfefiion of which he himfelf was fo far from having any title, that he was unacquainted with their fnuation, and ignorant even of their exigence. As it was neccf- iary to prevent this grant from interfering with that formerly made to the crown of Portugal, he ap- pointed thataline, fuppofed to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues to the weft ward of tho Azores, fhould icrve as the limit between them ; and, in the plenitude of his power, bellowed all to the eaft of this imaginary line upon the Portu- cfe, and all to the weft of it upon the Spa- niards m . Zeal for propagatirg the Chriftian iaiih m Herrera, dec. i. lib. ii. c 4. Teiquemada Mon, Ir.J. lib, >.<::. (.. 5. II. M93« HISTORY OF AMERICA. 141 ■ was the confideration employed by Ferdinand in E foliciting this bull, and is mentioned by Alexander as his chief motive for iiTuing it. In order to ma- nifest fome concern for this laudable object, feve- ral friars, under the direction of Father Boyl, a Catalonian monk of great reputation, as apoftolical vicar, were appointed to accompany Columbus, and to devote themfelves to the instruction of the natives. The Indians, whom Columbus had brought along with him, having received fome tincture of Christian knowledge, were baptized with much folemnity, the king himfelf, the prince his fon, and the chief peribns of his court, (land- ing as their godfathers. Thofe firfl: fruits of the New World have not been followed by fuch an in- creafe as pious men wifhed, and had reafon to ex- pect. Ferdinand and Ifabella having thus acquired a Second vcy* title, which was then deemed completely valid, to lumbjs. extend their difcoveries, and to eftablilh their do- minion over fuch a vaft portion of the globe, no- thing now retarded the departure of the fleet. Columbus was extremely impatient to revifit the colony which he had left, and to purfue that ca- reer of glory upon which he had entered. He fee fail from the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of September, and touching again at the ifland of Go- mera, he fteered farther towards the fouth than in his former voyage. By holding this courfe, he enioved more iteadilv the benefit of the regular 7 winds-, 142 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k w 'mds, which reign within the tropics," and was *— — v— - i carried towards a large clutter of iflands, fituated ,493 ' confiderably to the eaft or" thofe which he had al« Nov. 2. ready difcovered. On the twenty-fixth day after his departure from Gomera, he made land n . It was one of the Caribbee or Leeward iflands, to which he gave the name of Defeada, on account of the impatience of his crew to dilcover l'ome part of the New World. After this he vifited fuccef- fively Dominica, Marigalante, Gaudalupe, Anti- gua, San Juan de Puerto Rico, and feveral other iflands fcattered in his way as he advanced towards the north-welt. All thefe he found to be inhabit- ed by that fierce race of people whom Guacanahari had painted in fuch frightful colours. His descrip- tions appeared not to have been exaggerated. The Spaniards never attempted to land without meeting with fuch a reception, as difcovered the martial and daring fpirit of the r.atives •, and in their habi- tations were found relics of thofe horrid feafts which they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. Arrive? at But as Columbus was eager to know the ftate Hifpdniold, _ Nov. 22. of the colony which he had planted, and to fupply it with the neceffaries of which he fuppofed it to be in want, he made no flay in any of thofe iflands, and proceeded directly to Hifpaniola". When n Ovicdo ap. Ramuf. iii. 8;. B. ° P. Martyr, dec. p. 15. 18. Hcrrera, dec. l. lib. ii. c 7. Life of Columbus, c. 46, &C* he II. H93> HISTORY OF AMERICA. 143 he arrived off Navidad, the ftation in which he B ° 1T ° K had left the thiity eight men under the command of Arada, he was aftonifhed that none of them ap- peared, and expected every moment to fee them running with tranfports of joy to welcome their countrymen. Full of folicitude about their fafety, and foreboding in his mind what had befallen them, he rowed inftantly to land. All the natives from whom he might have received information had fled. But the fort which he hed built was en- tirely demolifhed, and the tattered garments, the broken arms and utenfils fcattered about it, left no room to doubt concerning the unhappy fate of the garrifon p . While the Spaniards were fhedding tears over thofe fad memorials of their fellow- citizens, a brother of the cazique Guacanahari arrived. From him Columbus received a particu- The fate ci? the men lar detail of what had happened after his departure whom he from the ifland. The familiar intercourfe of the Indians with the Spaniards tended gradually to diminifh the fuperftitious veneration with which their firft appearance had infpired that fimple people. By their own indifcretion and ill conduct the Spaniards fpeedily effaced thofe favourable im- prefiions, and foon convinced the natives, that they had all the wants, and weakneffes, and paffions of mtn. As foon as the powerful reftraint which the prefence and authority of Columbus im- pofed was withdrawn, the garrifon threw off all > » Hift. de Cura de los Palacios. MS, regard 14-4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °ii° K re 8 ar d ^ or tne °ffi cer whom he had intefted with * u — ' command. Regardlefs of the prudent inftructions I * 93 ' which he had given them, every man became in- dependent, and gratified his dcfires without con- troul. The gold, the women, the provifions of the natives, were all the prey of thole licentious oppreflbrs. They roamed in fmall parties over the ifland, extending their rapacity and infolence to every corner of it. Gentle and timid as the people were, thofe unprovoked injuries at length exhaufted their patience, and rouzed their courage. The cazique of Cibao, whofe country the Spa- niards chiefly infefted on account of the gold which it contained, furprifed and cut off feveral of them, while they ftraggled in as perfect fecurity as if their conduct had been altogether inoffenfive. He then allembled his fubjects, and furrounding the fort, let it on fire. Some of the Spaniards were killed in defending it, the reft perifhed in attempt- ing to make their eicape by eroding an arm of the lea. Guacanahari, whom all their exactions had not alienated from the Spaniards, took arms in their behalf, and, in endeavouring to protect them, had received a wound, by which he was ftill confined q . His prudent Though this account was far from removing the fufpicions which the Spaniards entertained with refpect to the fidelity of Guacanahari, Co- s P. Martyr, decad. p. 22, &c. Ilcrrera, dec. i. lib. ii. c. 7. 9. Life of Columbus, c. 49, 5c. lumbus HISTORY OF AMERICA. H* lumbus perceived fo clearly that this was not a B ° II ° K proper juncture for inquiring into his conduct with " fcrupulous accuracy, that he rejected the advice of feveral of his officers, who urged him to feize the perfon of that prince, and to revenge the death of their countrymen by attacking his fubjects. He reprefented to them the neceffity of fecuring the friendlhip of fome potentate of the country, in order to facilitate the fettlement which ttiey intend- ed, and the danger of driving the natives to unite in fome defperate attempt againft them, by fuch an ill-timed and unavailing exercife of rigour. In- ftead of wafting his time in punifhing paft wrongs^ he took precautions for preventing any future in- jury. With this view, he made choice of a fitua- tion more healthy and commodious than that of Navidad. He traced out the plan of a town in a large plain near a fpacious bay, and obliging every perfon to put his hand to a work on which their common fafety depended, the houfes and ramparti were foon fo far advanced by their united labour, as to afford them (helter and fecurity. This rifing city, the firft that the Europeans founded in the New World, he named Ifabella, in honour of his patronefs the queen of Caftile r . »42f In carrying on this hecefTary work, Columbus Difcontent had not only to fuftain all the hardfhips, and to J, we M.° encounter all the difficulties, to which infant Colo- * Life of Columbus, c. 51. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 10. Vol, I. JU nice 146 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o^o k n | es are expofed when they fettle in an unculti* <— N r vated country, but he had to contend with whaj was more iniu erable, thelazinefs, the impatience, and mutino s difpofuion of his followers. By the enervating influence of a hot climate, the natural inactivity or the Spaniards feemed to increafe. Many of them were gentlemen, unaccuftomed to the fatigue of bodily labour, and all had engaged in the enterprise with the fanguine hopes excited by the fplendid and exaggerated delcriptions of their countrymen who returned from the firil voyage, or by the miftaken opinion cf Columbus, that the country which he had difcovered was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, or the Ophir $ , from which Solomon imported thole precious com- modities which fuddenly diffufed fuch extraordi- nary riches through his kingdom. But when, in- itead of that golden harveft which they had ex- pected to reap without toil or pains, the Spaniards law that their profpeft of wealth was remote as well as uncertain, and that it could not be attained but by the flow and perfevering efforts of induftry, the difappointment of thole chimerical hopes occa- sioned iueh dejection of mind as bordered on de- spair, and led to general diicontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive their fpirits by pointing out the fertility of the foil, and exhibit- ing the fpecimens of gold daily brought in from different parts of the iiland. They had not pa- • P. Martyr, dec. p. 29. 4, lienc: HISTORY OF AMERICA. 147 fcience to wait for the gradual returns which the B ° ° K former might yield, and the latter thev defpifed as < — v-— ^ fcanty and inconfiderable. The fpirit of difaffec- tion fpread, and a confpiracy was formed, which might have been fatal to Columbus and the colony. Happily he difcovered it, and feizing the ring- leaders, puniihed fome of them, fent others pri- foners into Spain, whither he difpatched twelve of the (hips which had ferved as traniports, with an earned requeft for a reinforcement of men and a large fupply of provifions '. Meanwhile, in order to banifh that idlenefs ,, »494- ExamineS Which, by allowing his people leifure to brood intothe , y ..- . -n , , r • • r which rage chiefly in thofe uncultivated countries, ,494 ' where the hand of induftry has not opened the woods, drained the marines, and confined the ri- vers within a certain channel, began to fpread among them. Alarmed at the violence and un- ufual fymptoms of thofe maladies, they exclaimed ag/inft Culumbus and his companions in the for- mer voyage, who, by their fplendid but deceitful defcriptions of Hifpaniola, had allured them to quit Spain for a barbarous uncultivated land, where they muft either be cut off by famine, or die of unknown dillempers. Several of the officers and perfons of note, inftead of checking, joined in, thofe feditious complaints. Father Boyl, the apo- ftolical vicar, was one of the mod turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and ad- drefsof Cofcimbus to re-eftablim lubordination and tranquillity in the colony. Threats and promifes were alternately employed for thispurpofe; but nothing contributed more to foothe the malcon- tents than the profpecl of finding, in the mines of Cibao, fuch a rich flore of trealure as would be a recompence for all their furferings, and efface the memory of former difappointments. Columbus When, by his unwearied endeavours, concord hewTdifco- and order were fo far reftored, that he could ven- ture to leave the illand, Columbus refolvcd to purfue his difcovcries, that he might be able to efcerum whether thofe new countries with which he vene: HISTORY OF AMERICA. 151 he had opened a communication, were connected B ° ° K with any region of the earth already known, or t — *-—> whether they were to be confidered as a feparate portion of the globe, hitherto unvifited. He ap- pointed his brother Don Diego, with the afiiftance of a council of officers, to govern the ifland in his abfence ; and gave the command of a body of fol- diers to Don Pedro Margarita, with which he was to vifit the different parts of the ifland, and endea- vour to eftablifli the authority of the Spaniards among the inhabitants. Having left them very particular inftructions with refpect to their con- duel, he weighed anchor on the 24th of April, with one fhip and two fmall barks under his com- mand. During a tedious voyage of full five months, he had a trial of almoft all the numerous hardfhips to which perfons of his profefllon are ex- pofed, without making any difcovery of import- ance, except the ifland of Jamaica. As he ranged along the fouthern coaft of Cuba y , he was entan- gled in a labyrinth formed by an incredible num- ber of fmall iflands, to which he gave the name of the Queen's Garden. In this unknown courfe, among rocks and fhelves, he was retarded by con- trary winds, affaulted with furious ftorms, and alarmed with the terrible thunder and lightning which is often almoft inceflant between the tro- pics. At length his provifions fell {hort *, his crew, exhaufted with fatigue as well as hunger, r See NOTE XIX. L 4 murmured jj2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k murmured and threatened, and were ready to pro* ceed to the moft defperate extremities againft him. Befet with danger in (ucb various forms, he wa$ obliged to keep continual watch, to oblerve every occurrence with h:s own eyes, to ilTue every order, and to fuperintcr.d the execution of it. On no oc- cafion was the extent of his (kill and experience as a navigator fo much tried. To thefe the fquadron owed its fafety. But this unremitted fatigue of body and intenfe application :, overp ing bis confutation, thoug. naturally _orous and robua, brought on a feverifh ciiorder, which ter- minated in a lethargy, that deprived him of fenfe and memory, ar,d had almoft proved fatal to his s«r •• But, od his return to Hifpamola, the fudden torn, - c c S emotion or joy which he ielt upon meeting with his brother Bartholomew at Ifabella, occasioned fuch a flew of fpirits as contributed greatly to his reco- very. It was now thirteen years fince the two bro- thers, whom Bmili : talents united in clofe friendship, had feparated from each other, and during that long period there had been no inter- courie between (hem. Bartholomew, a;:er nr.ifh- ing his negotiation in the court of England, had let out for Spain by the way of France. At Paris he re- ceive.: an account of the extraordinary difcovc which his broiher had made jo his firit voyage, and ■ C jmbc.<, c. ci, i:c. Herrera, dec. i, '. C. It, 14. dec. c. 14, Sec. that HISTORY OP AMERICA. 153 that he was then preparing to embark on a fecond B ° ° K expedition Th -ugh this naturally induced him <— - -v — j to purfue his journey with the utmoft: difpatdi, the Admiral had failed for iiifpaniola before he reach- ed Spain. Ferdinand and Ifabella received him with the refpect due to the neareft kinfman of a perfon whofe merit and fervices rendered him fo conlpicuousj and as they knew what confutation Jiis prefcnce would afford to his brother, they per- fuaded him to take the command of three fhips, which they had appointed to carry provifions to the colony at Ifabella % He could not have arrived at any juncture when Theindiana Columbus flood more in need of a friend capable againft tbc of afiifting him with his counfels, or of dividing Spam * urd * # with him the cares and burden of government. For although the provifions now brought from Europe, afforded a temporary relief to the Spa- piards from the calamities of famine, the fupply was not in fuch quantity as to fupport them long^ and the ifland did not hitherto yield what was fuf- ficient for their luftenance. They were threatened with another danger, dill more formidable than the return of fcarcity, and which demanded more im- mediate attention. No fooner did Columbus leave the ifland on his voyage of dilcovery, than the fol- diers under Margarita, as if they had been fet free from difcipline and fubordination, fcorned all re- ilraint. Inttcad of conforming to the prudent in- * Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. i;. ftruclions i 5 4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book ftructions of Columbus, they difperfed in drag- c. - y - -i gling pirries over the ifland, lived at difcretion 1494 upon the natives, wafted their provifions, ieized their women, and treated that inoffenfive race of men with all the infolence of military opprefiion \ As long as the Indians had any profpect that their fufrerings might come to a period by the vo- luntary departure of the invaders, they fubmitted in filence, and difiembled their forrow ; but they now perceived that the yoke would be as perma- nent as it was intolerable. The Spaniards had built a town, and furrounded it with ramparts. They had erected forts in different places. They had enclofed and fown feveral fields. It was ap- parent that they came not to vifit the country, but to fettle in it. Though the number of thofe Gran- gers was inconfiderable, the ftate of cultivation among this rude people was fo imperfect, and in fuch exact proportion to their own confumption, that it was with difficulty they could afford fubfift- ence to their new guefts. Their own mode of life was fo indolent and ina&ive, the warmth of the climate fo enervating, the conftitution of their bodies naturally fo feeble, and fo unaccustomed to the laborious exertions of indudry, that they were fatisfied with a proportion of food amazingly fmall. A handful of maize, or a little of the infipid bread piaue of the cafiada root, was fufficient to fupport * P. Martyr, dcc ; p. 47. men-, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 155 men, whofe ftrength and fpirits were not exhaufted B ° ° K by any vigorous efforts either of body or mind. \^-^-~t The Spaniards, though the moft abftemious of all I49 ** the European nations,appeared to them excefiively voracious. One Spaniard confumed as much as feveral Indians. This keennefs of appetite fur- prifcd them fo much, and feemed to them to be fo infatiable, that they fuppolcd the Spaniards had left their own country, becauie it did not produce as much as was requifite to gratify their immode- rate defire of food, and had come among them m queft of nourifhment b . Self-prefervation prompt- ed them to wifh for the departure of guefts who waited fo faft their {lender ftock of provifions. The injuries which they fufirered, added to their impatience for this event. They had long expected that the Spaniards would retire of their own accord. They now perceived that, in order to avert the deftruction with which they were threatened, either by the (low consumption of fa- mine, or by the violence of their oppreifors, it was neceiTary to aiTume courage, to attack thoJe for- midable invaders with united force, and drive them from the fettle-nents of which they had violently taken poffeilion. Such were the fentiments which univerfally pre- War wIth ... . ' them, vailed among the Indians, when Columbus return- ed to Ifabella. Inflamed by the unprovoked out- rages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of b Herrera, dec. 1. Jib. ii. c. 17. which J5* HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o^o k *hich their gentle natures, formed to fuffer and u — ,~— i fubmit, fcemed hardly fufceptible, they waited ' 494 ' only for a fignal from their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already furprifcd and cut offfeveral ftragglers. The dread of this impending danger united the Spa -, and re-eftablifhed the authority of Columbus :s they faw no profpect of fafeiy but in committing themfelvcs to his prudent guidance. It was now necefiary to have recourfe to arms, the employing of which againft the Indians, Columbus had hi* therto avoided with the greateft folicitude. Un- equal as the conflict may feem, between the naked inhabitants of the New World, armed with clubs, flicks hardened in the fire, wooden fwords, and arrows pointed with bones or fiints-, and troops accuftomed to the dilcipline, and provided with the instruments of deftruction known in the Euro- pean art of war, the fituation of the Spaniards was far from being exempt from danger. The vaft fuperiority of the natives in number, compenfated many defects. An handful of men was about to encounter a whole nation. One adverfe event, or even any unforefeen delay in determining the fate of the war, might prove fatal to the Spaniards. Confcious that fuccefs depended on the vigour and rapidity of his operations, Columbus inftantly af- fembled his forces. They were reduced to a very fmall number. Lifeafes, engendeied by the warmth and humidity of the country, had raged among them with much violence ; experience had not yet taught 149*. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 157 taught them the art either of curing thefe, or the B ° ° K precautions requifite for guarding againft them ; two-thirds of the original adventurers were dead, and many of thofe who furvived were incapable of fcrvice c . The body which took the field confift- 149?. ed only of two hundred foot, twenty horie, and " *** twenty large dogs ; and how ftrange foever it may feem, to mention the laft as compofing part of a military force, they were not perhaps the leaft for- ♦ midable and destructive of the whole, when em- ployed againft naked and timid Indians. All the caziques of the ifland, Guacanahari excepted, who retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards, were in arms to oppofe Columbus, with forces a» mounting, if we may believe the Spanifh hiftorians, to a hundred thoufand men. Inftead of attempting to draw the Spaniards into the raftnefies of the woods and mountains, they were fa imprudent as to take their ftation in the Vega Real, the mod open plain in the country. Columbus did not al- low them time to perceive their error, or to alter their pofition. He attacked them during the night, when undifciplined troops are leaft capable of acting with union and concert, and obtained an eafy and bloodlefs victory. The confternation with which the Indians were filled by the noife and havoc made by the fire-arms, by the impetuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onfet of the dogs, was fo great, that they threw down their weapons, and fled without attempting refiftance. * Life of Columbus, c. 61, Many 15» M95- HISTORY OF AMERICA. Many were flain i more were taken prifoners, and reduced to fervitude d ; and fo thoroughly were the reft intimidated, that from that moment they abandoned themfelves to defpair, relinquifhing all thoughts of contending with aggrcfTors whom they deemed invincible. A tax fan- pofed upoa thcfli. Columbus employed feveral months in marching through the ifland, and in Rejecting it toth- Spa- nifh government, without meeting with any oppo- fition. He impofed a tribute upon all the inhabi- tants above the age of fourteen. Each perfon who lived in thofc districts where gold was found, was obliged to pay quarterly as much gold duft as filled a hawk's bell •, from thofe in other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were de- manded. This was the firft regular taxation of the Indians, and ferved as a precedent for exactions ft ill more intolerable. Such an impofition was ex- tremely contrary to thofe maxims which Columbus had hitherto inculcated with refpect to the mode of treating them. But intrigues were carrying on in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to un- dermine his power and difcredit his operations, which conftrained him to depart from his own fyftem of adminiftration. Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as well as of the countries difcovered by him, had been tranfmitted to Spain. Margarita and Father Boyl were now at court ; and in order to juftify their own conduct, or to - See NOTE XX. gratify HISTORY OF AMERICA. 159 gratify their refentment, watched with malevolent book attention for every opportunity of fpreading infi- l, - y - — » nuations to his detriment. Many of the courtiers ,495 ' viewed his growing reputation and power with en- vious eyes. Fonfeca, the archdeacon of Seville, who was intruded with the chief direction of Indian affairs, had conceived fuch an unfavourable opi- nion of Columbus, for fome reafon which the con- temporary writers have not mentioned, that he liftened with partiality to every invective againft him. It was not eafy for an unfriended ftranger, unpradtifed in courtly arts, to counteract the ma- chinations of fo many enemies. Columbus faw that there was but one method of fupporting his own credit, and of filencing all his adverfaries. He mult produce fuch a quantity of gold, as would not only juftify what he had reported with refpect to the richnefs of the country, but encourage Fer- dinand and Ifabella to perfevere in profecuting his plans. The neceffity of obtaining it, forced him not only to impofe this heavy tax upon the Indians, but to exact payment of it with extreme rigour - y and may be pleaded in excufe for his deviating on this occafion from the mildnefs and humanity with which he uniformly treated that unhappy people '. The labour, attention, and forefight which the Fatal tfu&» Indians were obliged to employ in procuring the meafuie. tribute demanded of them, appeared the moft in- e Hcrrera, dec. 1, lib. ii. c. 17. Kolerabls i6o HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °n° K tolerable of all evils, to men accuftometl to pafs i- -»-'-» their days in a carelefs, improvident indolence. They were incapable of fuch a regular and perfe- vering exertion of* induftry, and felt it fuch a grie- vous reftraint upon their liberty, that they had re- courfe to an expedient for obtaining deliverance from this yoke, which demonstrates the excefs of their impatience and defpair. They formed a fcheme of llarving thofe opprefibrs whom they durft not attempt to expel ; and from the opinion which they entertained with refpect to the voraci- ous appetite of the Spaniards, they concluded the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view, they fufpended all the operations of agricul- ture •, they fowed no maize, they pulled up the roots of the manioc which were planted, and re- tiring to the moll inacceffible parts of the moun- tains, left the uncultivated plains to their enemies. This defperate refolution produced in lome degree the effects which they expected. The Spaniards were reduced to extreme want; but they received fuch feafonable fupplies of provifions from Europe, and found lb many refources in their own ingenuity and indt.lry, that they fuffered no great lofs of men. The wretched Indians were the victims of their own ill-concerted policy. A vaft multitude, fhut up among barren mountains, without any food but the fpontaneous productions of the earth, foon felt the utmoft diitreiTes of famine. This brought on contagious difeafes ; and, in the courfe of a few months, more than a third part of the inhabitants of HISTORY Of AMERICA. i6r of the ifland perifhed, after experiencing mifery in B all its various forms f . But while Columbus was thus fuccefsfully efta- intrigues blifhing the foundations of the Spanifh grandeur in "Jmbus in" the New World, his enemies laboured with un- t s he ai " urtof wearied affiduity to deprive him of the glory and rewards, which by his fervices and fufferings he was intitled to enjoy. The hardfhips unavoidable in a new fettlement, the calamities occafioned by an unhealthy climate, the difafters attending a voyage in unknown leas, were all reprefented as the fruits of his reftlefs and inconfiderate ambition. His prudent attention to preferve difcipline and fubordination was denominated excefs of rigour; the punifhments which he inflicted upon the muti- nous and dilbrderly were imputed to cruelty. Thefe accufations gained fuch credit in a jealous court, that a commiflioner was appointed to repair to Hif- paniola, and to infpect into the conduct of Colum- bus. By the recommendation of his enemies, A- guado, a groom of the bed-chamber, was the per- ibn to whom this important truft was committed. But in this choice they feem to have been more in- fluenced by the obfequious attachment of the man to their intereft, than by his capacity for the fta. tion. Puffed up with fuch fudden elevation, Agua- do difplayed, in the exercife of this office, all the f Herrera, dec. i. lib. xi. c. 18. Life of Columbus, c. 6r. Oviedo, lib. iii. p. 93. D. Benzon Hift. Navi Orbis, lib. i. c. 9. P. Martyr, dec. p. 48. Vol. I. M frivolous i62 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °n° K fri v °l° us felf-importance, and atted with all the c^v— ~j difgufting infolence, which are natural to little J lpring of the projector, whofe iatal curiofity had difcovered thole pernicious regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and would prove the grave of its people. Thefe avowed endeavours of the mal- contents from America to ruin Columbus, were feconded igo HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k feconded by the fecret, but more dang-e'Vous infi- ll. * ° nuations of that party among the courtiers, which had always thwarted his fchemes, and envied his fuccefs and cred;: . Their irflu- Ferdinand was difroled to liften, not only with enceonFcr- . r ' ' dinaadaod a willing- but with a partial ear, to theie accula- Jfcbelh. & . r tions. Notwithstanding; the flattering accounts CD D which Columbus had given of the riches of Ame- rica, the remittances from it had hitherto been lb fcanty, that they fell far fhort of defraying the ex- pence of the armaments fitted out. The glory of the dilcovery, together with the profpecl of remote commercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet received in return for the efforts which fhe had made. But time had already diminifhed the firft fenfations of joy which the dilcovery of a New World occafioned, and fame alone was not an ob- ject to fatisfy the cold interested mind of Ferdi- nand. The nature of commerce was then fo little underftood, that, where immediate gain was not acquired, the hope of diftant benefit, or of flow and moderate returns, was totally difregarded. Ferdinand conikiered Spain, on this account, as having loft by the enterprile of Columbus, and imputed it to his mifconduct and incapacity for government, that a country abounding in gold had yielded nothing of value to its conquerors. Even Ilabella, who, from the favourable opinion which h Life of Columbus, c ihe HISTORY OF AMERICA. 191 fhe entertained of Columbus, had uniformly pro- B ° n ° K te&ed him, was fhaken at length by the number ' — ->-— < n. ^ 502. and boldnefs of his accufers, and began to iulpect that a diiafFeclion fo general mud have been occa- fioned by real grievances, which called for redrefs. The bifhop of Badajos, with his ufual animofity againft Columbus, encouraged thefe fufpicions, and confirmed them. As icon as the queen began to give way to the F.-.t»i eff«ai torrent of calumny, a reiblution fatal to Columbus was taken. Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of Ca- latrava, was appointed to repair to Hilpaniola, with full powers to inquire into the conduct of Columbus, and, if he mould find the charge of mal-adminiftration proved, to fuperfede him, and aiTume the government of the iiland. It was impoflible to eicape condemnation, when this pre- pofterous commiflion made it the intereft of the judge to pronounce the perfon whom he was fent to try, guilty. Though Columbus had now com* poied all the difienfions in the ifland j though he had brought both Spaniards and Indians to fubmic peaceably to his government-, though he had made fuch effectual provifion for working the mines, and cultivating the country, as would have iecured a eonfiderable revenue ro the king, as well as large profits to individuals, Bovadilla, without deigning to attend to the nature or merit of thofe fervices, difcovered, from the moment that he landed in Hifpaniola, a determined purpofe of treating him 6 as j 9 2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ° K as a criminal. Pie took pofTefTion of the admiral's v v — > houfe in St. Domingo, from which its matter hap- ,5CC " pcned at that time to be abfent, and feized his ef- fects, as if his guilt had been already fully proved; he rendered himlelf mailer of the fort and of the king's ftores by violence ; he required all perfons to acknowledge him as fupreme governor; he fet at liberty the prifoners confined by the admiral, and Summoned him to appear before his tribunal, in order to anfwer for his conduct, tranfmittinc: to him together with the fummons, a copy of the royal mandate, by which Columbus was enjoined to yield implicit obedience to his commands. Columbus Columbus, though deeply affected with the in- ci.ains to gratitude and injuftice of Ferdinand and Ifabella, Sp " n * did not hefitate a moment about his own conduct. He iubmitted to the will of his fovereigns with a refpectful filence, and repaired directly to the court of that violent and partial judge whom they had authoriled to try him. Bovadilla, without admit- ting him into his prefence, ordered him inftantlyi to be arretted, to be loaded with chains, and hur- oaober. ried on board a fhip. Even under this humiliating reverfe of fortune, the firmnefs of mind which dif- tinguithes the character of Columbus, did no: for- fake him. Confcious of his own integrity, and folacing himfelf with reflecting upon the great things which he !ud atchieved, he endured this in- fult offered to his character, not only with com- pofure, but with dignity. Nor had he the confu- tation HISTORY OF AMERICA. 19$ lation of iympathy to mitigate his fufferings. Bo- B n K vadilla had already rendered himfelf fo extremely ' — v-— <» . , . . . is°°« : popular, by granting various immunities to the co- lony, by liberal donations of Indians to all who ap- • plied for them, and by relaxing the reins of difci- pline and government, that the Spaniards, who ; were moftly adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes had impelled to abandon their native coun- try, exp re fifed the molt indecent fatisfaction with the difgrace and imprifonment of Columbus. They flattered themfelves, that now theyfhould enjoy an uncontrolled liberty, more fuitable to their difpo- fition and former habits of life. Among pcrfons thus prepared to cenfure the proceedings, and to afperfe the character of Columbus, Bovadilla col- lected the materials for a charge againft him. All accufations, the mod improbable, as well as in- confident^ were received. No informer, however infamous, was rejected. The refultof this inqueft, no lefs indecent than partial, he tranfmitted to Spain. At the fame time, he ordered Columbus, with his two brothers, to be carried thither in fet- ters ; and, adding cruelty to infulr, he confined them in different mips, and excluded them from the comfort of that friendly intercourfe which might have foothed their common diftrefs. But while the Spaniards in Hifpaniola viewed the arbitrary and infolent proceedings of Bovadilla with a ge- neral approbation, which reflects difhonour upon their name and country, one man dill retained the memory of the great actions which Columbus had Vol. I. O performed, t 9 + HISTORY OF AMERICA. performed, and was touched with the fefltiments of veneration and pity due to his rank, his age, and J5 ° ' his merit. Alonfo de Vallejo, the captain of the veffel on board which the admiral was confined, as foon as he was clear of the ifland, approached his prifoner with great refpect, and offered to releafe him from the fetters with which he was unjuftly loaded. " No," replied Columbus, with a gene- rous indignation, " I wear thefe irons in confe- quence of an order from my fovereigns. They (hall find me as obedient to this as to their other injunctions. By their command 1 have been con- fined, and their command alone mall fet me at li- berty '." Nov. 13. Fortunately, the voyage to Spain was ex- Set at liber- J ° r t y , but de- tremely fhort. As foon as Ferdinand and Ifabella authority, were informed that Columbus was brought home a prifoner, and in chains, perceived at once what univerfal aitonimmcnt this event muft occafion, and what an imprefTion to their difadvantage it muft make. All Europe, they forefaw, would be filled with indignation at this ungenerous requital of a man who had performed actions worthy of the higheft recompence, and would exclaim againfl the injuftice of the nation, to which he had been fuch an eminent benefactor, as well as againfl: the ingra- titude of the princes whofe reign he had rendered f * Life of Columbus, c. P6. Herrcra, dec. i. lib. iv c. 8— II. Giomara Hill. c. 23. Oviedo, lib. iii, c. 6. illuflrious. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 195 illu (trions. Afhamed of their own conduct, and B ° n ° K eager not only to make fome reparation for this in- \— v— - J jury, but to efface the (lain which it might fix upon their character, they inftantly ififued orders to fct Columbus at liberty, invited him to court, and re- Dec 17, mitted money to enable him to appear there in a manner fuitable to his rank. When he entered the royal prefence, Columbus threw himfelf at the feet of his fovereigns. He remained for fome time filent-, the various paflions which agitated his mind fuppretfing his power of utterance. At length he recovered himfelf, and vindicated his conduft in a long difcourfe, producing the moftfatisfying proofs of his own integrity as well as good intention, and evidence, no lefs clear, or the malevolence of his enemies, who, not fatisfied with having ruined his fortune, laboured to deprive him of what alone was now left, his honour and his fame. Ferdinand received him with decent civility, and Iiabella with tendernefs and refpech They both exprefTed their forrow for what had happened, dilavowed their knowledge or" it, and joined in promifing him pro- tection and future favour. But though they in- ftantly degraded Bovadilla, in order to remove from themfelves any fufpicion of having authorifed his violent proceedings, they did not reftore to Co- lumbus his junfdiction and privileges as viceroy of thole countries which he hid difcovered. Though willing to appeir the avengers of Columbus's wrongs, that illiberal jealoufy, which promoted them to invert Bovadilla with iuch authority as pic O 2 it t$00. 196 HISTORY OF AMERICA. it in his power to treat the admiral with indignity, flillfu butted. They were afraid to truft a man to whom they were fo highly indebted, and retaining him at court under various pretexts, they appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military or- der of Alcantara, governor of Hifpaniola \ Columbus was deeply affected with this new in- jury, which came from hands that feemed to be employed in making reparation for his paft fuffer- ings. The fenfibility with which great minds feel every thing that implies any fufpicion of their in- tegrity, or that wears the afpeft of an affront, is exquifite. Columbus had experienced both from the Spaniards j and their ungenerous conduct: ex- afperated him to fuch a degree, that he could no longer conceal the fentiments which it excited. "Wherever he went, he carried about with him, as a memorial of their ingratitude, thole fetters with which he had been loaded. They were conftantly hung up in his chamber, and he gave orders that when he died, they mould be buried in his grave 1 . , S cr. Meanwhile, the fpirit of difcovery, notwith- difcovery. of Adding the fevere check which it received by the ungenerous treatment of the man who firft excited it in Spain, continued active and vigorous. Ro- Linuary. derigo de Baftidas, a perfon of distinction, fitted k Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 10 — 12. Life of Columbus, c. 87. 1 Life of Columbus, c. S6. p. 577. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 197 out two fhips in co-partnery with John de la Cofa, book. who having ferved under the admiral in two of his v— ■ v— — » voyages, was deemed the mod fkilful pilot in s Spain. They fleered directly towards the conti- nent, arrived on the coaft of Paria, and proceed- ing to the weft, difcovered all the coaft of the pro- vince now known by the name of Tierra Firme, from Cape de Vela to the gulf of Darien. Not long after Ojeda, with his former aftbciate Amerigo Vefpucci, fet out upon a fecond voyage, and being unacquainted with the destination of Ba- ftidas, held the fame courfe, and toucheJ at the fame places. The voyage of Baftidas was profper- ous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increafe the ardour of difcoveryj for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired a more exteniive knowledge of the American continent, their idea of its opulence and fertility increafed ra . Before thefe adventurers returned from their ovando a? « voyages, a fleet was equipped, at the public ex- Je)"o e r d 6 , " pence, for carrying over Ovando, the new go- Hl, P aniola - vernor, to Hiipaniola. His prefence there was extremely requifite, in order to flop the inconfide- rate career of Bovadilla, whofe imprudent admini- ftration threatened the Settlement with ruin. Con- fcious of the violence and iniquity of his proceed- ings againft Columbus, he continued to make it his fole object to gain the favour and fupport of f Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 11, O 3 his IJOI. 198 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b 00 k his countrymen, by accommodating tiimfelf to their pafiions and prejudices. With this view, he eflablifhed regulations, in every point the revcrfe of thofe which Columbus deemed eifential to the proiperity of the colony. Inflead or" the fevere dif- cipline, neceflary in order to habituate the diflb- lute and corrupted members of which the lociety was compofed to the restraints of law and fubordi- nation, he fuffered them to enjoy inch uncuntroul- ed licence, as encouraged the wildeft excefifes. In- flead of protecting the Indians, he gave a legal fanction to the oppreffion of that unhappy people. He took the exact number of fuch as furvived their pad calamities, divided them into dittinct clalTes, diltributed them in property among his adherents, and reduced all the people of the ifland to a ilate pf complete fervitude. As the avarice of the Spa- niards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of fearching for gold, this lervitude became as grievous as it was unjuft. The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountain?, and compelled to work in the mines by mailers, who impoied their talks without mercy or difcretion. Labour lb difproportioned to their ftrength and former habits of life, wafted that feeble race of men, with fuch rapid conlump- tion, as mull have foon terminated in the utter extinction pf the ancient inhabitants of the coun- try \ ■ Herrern, dec. 1. lib- iv. c. 11, &c. OvieJq LJiil. lib. iii. c, 6. p. 97. £enzon. Hift. lib. i. c. 1*'. p. 51. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 199 The necefllty of applying a fpeedy remedy to B ° ° K thofe diforders, haftened Ovando's departure. He \ — y— > had the command of the moft refpectable arma- N? J r '" g ,:,. ment hitherto fitted out for the New World. It < ions e/ia * 1-1*1 bli/hcd. confided of thirty-two Imps, on board or which two thoufand five hundred perfons embarked, with an intention of fettling in the country. Upon the , sC ,, arrival of the new governor with this powerful re- inforcement to the colony, Bovadilla refigned his charge, and was commanded to return inftantly to Spain, in order to anfwer for his conduit. Rol- dan, and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, who had been moft active in oppofing Columbus, were required to leave the idand at the fame time. A proclamation was ilfued, declaring the natives to be free fubjects of Spain, of whom no fervice was to be exacted contrary to their own inclination, and without paying them an adequate price for their labour. With refpect to the Spaniards them- felves, various regulations were made, tending to fupprefs the licentious fpirit which had been fo fa- tal to the colony, and to eftablifh that reverence for law and order on which fociety is founded, and to which it is indebted for its increafe and liability. In order to limit the exorbitant gain which private perfons were fuppofed to make by working the mines, an ordinance was publiihed, directing all the gold to be brought to a public fmelting-houfe, and declaring one half of it to be the property of the crown °. • Solorzano Politica Indiana, lib. i. c. 12. Kcrrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 12, O 4 While 2oq HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o k While thefe fteps were taking for fecuring the *— — v — ' tranquillity and welfare of the colony which Co- The 5 dir!- lumbus had planted, he himfelf was engaged in the Ct^onV unpleafant employment of foliciting the favour of coJumbut. an ungrateful court, and, notwithstanding all his merit and fervices, he folicited in vain. He de- manded, in terms of the original capitulation in one thoufand four hundred and ninety-two, to be reinftated in his office of viceroy over the countries which he had difcovered. By a ftrange fatality, the circumliance which he urged in fupport of his claim, determined a jealous monarch to reject it. The greatnefs of his difcoveries, and the profpect of their increaling value, made Ferdinand confidcr the conceflions in the capitulation as extravagant and impolitic. He was afraid of entrufting a lub- jedt with the exercife of a jurifdiction that now ap- peared to be fo extremely extenfive, and might grow to be no lefs formidable. He infpired Ifa- bella with the fame fufpicions ; and under various pretexts, equally frivolous and unjuft, they eluded all Columbus's requifitions to perform that which a folemn treaty bound them to accomplifh. After attending the court of Spain for near two years, as an humble luitor, he found it impofiible to remove Ferdinand's prejudices and apprehenfions ; and perceived, at length, that he laboured in vain when he urged a claim of jullice or merit with an inter- tlled and unfeeling prince. But HISTORY OF AMERICA. 201 But even this ungenerous return did not dif- book courage him from purfuing the great object which ■_ - t — _j firil called forth his inventive genius, and excited Ht *££u him to attempt difcovery. To open a new paf- y c e h ^ mesof fage to the Eaft Indies was his original and favour- <^' ccv «y« ite fcheme. This ftill engrofled his thoughts; and, either from his own obfervations in his voyage to Paria, or from fome oblcure hint of the natives, or from the accounts given by Baftidas and de la Co- fa of their expedition, he conceived an opinion that, beyond the continent of America, there was a fea which extended to the Eaft Indies, and hoped to find fome (trait or narrow neck of land-, by which a communication might be opened with it and the part of the ocean already known. By a very for- tunate conjecture, he fuppofed this ftrait or ifthmus to be fituated near the gulf of Darien. Full of this idea, though he was now of an advanced age, worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered, with the alacrity of a youthful adven- turer, to undertake a voyage which would afcer- tain this important point, and perfect the grand fcheme which from the beginning he propofed to accomplifh. Several circumftances concurred in difpofing Ferdinand and Ifabella to lend a favour- able ear to this propofal. They were glad to have the pretext of any honourable employment for re- moving from court a man with whole demands they deemed it impolitic to comply, and whofe fervices it was indecent to neglect. Though unwilling to Reward Columbus, they were not infenfible of his 9 merit, 2:2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k mer j tj an( j f rom t h e i r experience of hif fkill and *-— i 1 conduct, had reafon to give credit to his conjec- '- " tures, and to confide in his fuccefs. To thele con- federations, a third muft be added of ftill more powerful influence. About this time the Portu- guefe fleet, under Cabral, arrived from the Indies; and, by the richnefs of its cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect idea than they had hi- therto been able to f< r.r, of the opulence and fer- tility of the eaft. The Portuguele had been more fortunate in their difcoveries than the Spaniards. They had opened a communication with countries where inftuftry, arts, and elegance flourished $ and where commerce had been longer eftablimed, and carried to greater extent, than in any region of the earth. Their firft voyages thither yielded imme- diate, as well as vaft returns of profit, in commo- dities extremely precious and in great requeft. JL.fbon became immediately the feat of comn.erce and of wealth; while Spain had only the expecta- tion of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the weftern world. Nothing, then, could be more acceptable to the Spaniards than Columbui's offer to conduct them to the eaft, by a route which he expected to be fhorter, as well as lei's dangerous, than that which the Portugueie had taken. Even Ferdinand was roufed by luch a profpect, and ..rmly approved of the undertaking. h;» k But, interefting as the object: of this voyage was -*>>»£<• tQ trie aat j orij Columbus could procure only four final] HISTORY OF AMERICA. %o% fmall barks, the krgeft of which did not exceed B ° n ° K feventy tons in burden, for performing it. Ac- v— v— -i cuftomed to brave danger, and to engage in ardu- ous undertakings with inadequate force, he did not hefuace to accept the command of this pitiful iqua- dron. His brother Bartholomew, and his fecond fon Ferdinand, the hiftorian of his actions, ac- companied him. He failed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, and touched, as ufual, at the Ca- nary iflands ; from thence he purpofed to have flood dire&ly for the continent; but his largeft vefiel was io clumfy and unfit for fervice, as con- strained him to bear away for Hifpaniola, in hopes of exchanging her for fome fhip of the fleet that had carried out Ovando. When he arrived offSt. June 19. Domingo, he found eighteen of thefe fhips ready loaded, and on the point of departing for Spain. Columbus immediately acquainted the governor with the deftination of his voyage, and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route. He re- quefted permiflion to tnter the harbour, not only that he might negociate the exchange of his fhip, but that he might take fhelter during a violent hurricane, of which he difecrned the approach from various prognoftics, which his experience and lagacity had taught him to obferve. On that ac- count, he advifed him likewife to put off for fome days the departure of the fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando refufed his requeft, and defpifed his counfcl. Under circumftances in which humanity would have afforded refuge to a ftranger, Colum- 7 bus iS°*» HISTORY OF AMERICA. bus was denied admittance into a country of which he had difcovered the existence, and acquired the ' pofieffion. His falutary warning, which merited the greateft attention, was regarded as the dream of a vifionary prophet, who arrogantly pretended to predict an event beyond the reach of human forefight. The fleet fet fail for Spain. Next night the hurricane came on with dreadful impe- tuofity. Columbus, aware of the danger, took precautions againft it, and faved his little iquadron. The fleet deftined for Spain met with the fate which the rafhnefs and obftinacy of its commanders de- fended. Of eighteen mips two or three only efcaped. In this general wreck perifhed Bovadilla, Roldan, and the greater part of thofe who had been the mod active in perfecuting Columbus, and opprefling the Indians. Together with themfclvt-s, all the wealth which they had acquired by their in- juftice and cruelty was fwallowed up. It exceeded in value two hundred thoufand /r/fo ; an immenfe fum at that period, and fufficient not only to have fcreened them from any fevere fcrutiny into their condutft, but to have fecured them a gracious re- ception in the Spanifh court. Among the fhips that efcaped, one had on board all the effects of Columbus which had been recovered from the wreck of his fortune. Hiftorians, flruck with the exact difcrimination of characters, as well as the jult diltribution of rewards and punishments, con- fpicuous in thole events, univerfally attribute them to an immediate interpofition of divine Providence, m HISTORY OF AMERICA. 205 in order to avenge the wrongs of an injured man, B ° ° K and to punifh the oppreflbrs of an innocent people. <- -,-.J Upon the ignorant and fuperftitious race of men, I5 ° 2 ' who were witnefles of this occurrence, it made a different imprefiion. From an opinion, which vulgar admiration is apt to entertain with refpect to perfons who have diftinguifhed themfelves by their fagacity and inventions, they believed Co- lumbus to be poffeffed of fupernatural powers, and imagined that he had conjured up this dreadful ftorm by magical art and incantations, in order to be avenged of his enemies p . Columbus foon left Hifpaniola, where he met J u, y «4» with fuch an inhofpitable reception, and flood to- vain for a wards the continent. After a tedious and danger- SeYndiw ous voyage, he difcovered Guanaia, an ifland not 0cean * far diftant from the coaft of Honduras. There he had an interview with fome inhabitants of the continent, who arrived in a large canoe. They appeared to be a people more civilized, and who had made greater progrefs in the knowledge of ufeful arts, than any whom he had hitherto difco- vered. In return to the inquiries which the Spa- niards made, with their ufual cagernefs, concern- ing the places where the Indians got the gold which they wore by way of ornament, they directed them to countries fituated to the well, in which gold was found in fuch profufion, that it was ap- p Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 7. 9. Hcrrera, dec. 1. lib. v. c. 1, 2. Life of Columbus, c. 8S. plied io6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book plied to the mod common ufes. Inftead of fleer- »- — I — t ing in queft of a country fo inviting, which would ,5C2 ' have conducted him along the coaft of Yucatan to the rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was fo bent upon his favourite fcheme of finding out that ftrait which communicated with the Indian ocean, that he bore away to the eaft towards the gulf of Darien. In this navigation he difeovered all the coaft of the continent, from Cape Gracias a Dios, to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and fecurity, he cal : el Porto Bello. He fearched, in vain, for the imaginary ftrait, through which he expected to make his way into an unknown fea ; and though he went on more feveral times, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate {o fdt as to crofs the narrow ifthmus which fepa- rates the gulf of Mexico from the great fouthern ocean. He was fo much delighted, however, with the fertility of the country, and conceived fuch an idea of its wealth, from the fpecimens of gold pro- duced by the natives, that he refolved to leave a fmall colony upon the river Belem, in the province 1503. of Veragua, under the command of his brother, and to return himfelf to Spain, in order to procure what was requifite for rendering the eftablifhment permanent. But the ungovernable fpirit of the people under his command, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the firft colony on the conti- nent of America Their inlolence and rapaciouf- nefs provoked the natives to take arms, and as thefe were a more hardy and warlike race of men than HISTORY OF AMERICA. 207 than the inhabitants of the iflands, they cut off B ° n ° K part of the Spaniards, and obliged the reft to aban- <— -y— j don a ftation which was found to be untenable q . This repulfe, the firft that the Spaniards met Shipwreck* * . . ed on tlie with from any of the American nations, was not coaft of j*- the only misfortune that befel Columbus ; it was followed by a fucceflion of all the difafters to which navigation is expofed. Furious hurricanes, with violent ftorms of thunder and lightning, threat- ened his leaky veftels with deftru&ion; while his difcontented crew, exhaufted with fatigue, and deftitute of provifions, was unwilling or unable tp execute his commands. One of his mips perifhed; he was obliged to abandon another, as unfit for fervice ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part of the continent which in his anguilh he named the Coaft of Vexation r , and bore away for Hifpaniola. New diftrefies awaited him in this voyage. He was driven back by a violent temped from the coaft of Cuba, his (hips fell foul of one another, and were fo much mat- tered by the fhock, that with the utmoft difficulty they reached Jamaica, where he was obliged to June 14. run them aground, to prevent them from finking. The meafure of his calamities fcemed now to be full. He was call: afliore upon an ifland at a con- fiderable diftance from the only fettlement of the i Herrera, dec i. lib. v. c. 5, &c. Life of Columbus, C. 89, &c. Ovied;', lib. iii. c. 9. [ La Coila de los Comrades. Spaniards 2o8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ^j K Spaniards in America. His mips were*ruined be-* (u— /--> yond the poffibility of being repaired. To convey * i01 ' an account of his fituation to Hifpaniola, appeared impracticable •, and without this it was vain to ex- pect relief. His genius, fertile in refources, and mod vigorous in thofe perilous extremities when feeble minds abandon themfelves to defpair, dif- covered the only expedient which afforded any profpect of deliverance. He had recourfe to the hofpitable kindnefs of the natives, who confider- ing the Spaniards as beings of a fuperior nature, were eager, on every occafion, to minifter to their wants. From them he obtained two of their canoes, each formed out of the trunk of a fingle tree, hollowed with fire, and fo mil-fhapen and aukward as hardly to merit the name of boats. In thefe, which were fit only for creeping along the coaft, or crofllng from one fide of a bay to an- other, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fiefchi, a Genoefe^ two gentlemen particularly attached to Columbus* gallantly offered to fet out for Hifpaniola, upon a voyage of above thirty leagues \ This they accom- plished in ten days, after furmounting incredible dangers, and enduring fuch fatigue, that feveral of the Indians who accompanied them funk under it, and died. The attention paid to them by the governor of Hifpaniola was neither fuch as their courage merited, nor the diftrefs of the perfons from whom they came, required. Ovando, from a mean jealoufy of Columbus, was afraid of allow- • OvieJo, lib. iii. c. g. ing HISTORY OF AMERICA. 209 ing him to fet his foot in the ifland under his book government. This ungenerous pafiion hardened v ^ » his heart againft every tender ientiment, which I5 ° 3 ' reflection upon the fervices and misfortunes of that great man, or companion for his own fellow- citizens involved in the fame calamities, mutt have excited. Mendez and Fiefchi fpent eight months in foliciring relief for their commander and aflo- ciates, without any profpect of obtaining it. During this period, various pafiions agitated HisdLirefs the mind of Columbus and his companions in ad- i n g S theie". verfity. At firft the expectation of fpeedy deli- verance, from the fuccefs of Mendez and Fiefchi's Voyage, cheered the ipirits of the moft defpond- ing. After fome time the more timorous began to fufpect that they had mifcarried in their daring attempt. At length, all concluded that they had 1*504, perifhed. The ray of hope which had broke in upon them, made their condition appear now more ' dilmal. Defpair, heightened by difappointment, fettled in every breaft. Their laft refource had failed, and nothing remained but to end their mifcrable days among naked lavages, far from their country and their friends. The feamen, in a tranfport of rage, rofe in open mutiny, threatened the life of Columbus, whom they reproached as the author of all their calamities, feized ten canoes, which he had purchafed from the Indians, and defpifing his remonstrances and entreaties, made off with them to a diltant part of' the ifland. At Vol. I. P the icc4. 210 HISTORY OF AMERICA. the fame time, the natives murmured at the long refidence of the Spaniards in their country. As their lnduflry was not greater than that of their neighbours in Hifpaniola, like ti em, they found the burden of iupporiing fo many Grangers to be altogether intolerable. They brgan to bring in provifions with reluctance, they rurnifhed them with a fparing hand, and threatened to withdraw thole fupplies altogether. Such a reiblution mud quickly have been fatal to the Spaniards. Their fafety depended upon the good will of the Indians; and unlefs they could revive the admiration and reverence with which that iimple people had at firft beheld them, deflruftion was unavoidable. Though the licentious proceedings of the muti- neers had, in a great meafure, effaced thofe im- preflions which had been fo favourable to the Spaniards, the ingenuity of Columbus fuggefted a happy artifice, that not only rellored but height- ened the high opinion which the Indians had ori- ginally entertained of them. By his fkill in agro- nomy, he knew that there was fhortly to be a total ecliple of the moon. He affembled all the principal perfons of the diftrift around him on the day be- fore it happened, and, arte reproaching them for their ficklenefs-'in withdrawing their affection and afliltance from men whom they had lately revered, he told them, chat the Spaniards were fervai ■ of the Great Spirit who dwells : e and governs the world; chat he, offended at their ret'. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 211 refufing to fupporc men who were the objects of B n ° K his peculiar favour, was preparing to punifn this \ — -*— » crime with exemplary kveriry, and that very r the moon fhould withhold her light, a ear of a bloody hue, as a fign of the divine *rath, and an emblem of the vengeance ready to fall upon them. To this marvellous prediction fomc of them liftened with (be c^relefs indifference pecu- liar to the people of America-, others, v,;:h the credulous aftonifhment natural to barbarians. But when the moon began gradually to be darkened, at length appeared of a red colour, all were ftruck with terror. They ran with conilernation to their houfes, and returning inftantly to Colum- bus loaded with provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him to intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the deftruction with which they were ed. Columbus, teeming to be moved by their entre-ties, pr. :o comply with their 7 ecHpfe went off, the moon recovered its 1'plendour, and from that diy the Spania were not only furnifhed prorufcly with pre - but the aatives, with foperftitious attention, avoid- ed every . could give them offence : . During thole tra s had Acmia*. made repeated al over to Hii in the canoes which they had feized. But, from their own n jr the violence of the 1 Life of Coluir.bu?, c. ie$. He :. I. lib. I P 2 212 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o^o n anc j curren ts, their efforts were all unfuccefsful. t— ■ v — * Enraged at this difappcintment, they marched to- wards that part of the ifland where Columbus remained, threatening him with new iniults and clanger. While they were advancing, an even: happened, more cruel and afflicting than any cala- mity which he dreaded from them. The governor of Hifpaniola, whofe mind was full filled with fome dark fulpicions of Columbus, lent a fma!l bark to Jamaica, not to deliver his dittrelTed countrymen, but to fpy out their condition. Lell the fympathy of thofe whom he employed mould afford them relief, contrary to his intention, he gave the command of this vefTel to Efcobar, an inveterate enemy of Columbus, who adhering to his inftruclions with malignant accuracy, carl anchor at fome diftance from the ifland, ap- proached the fhore in a fmall boat, oblerved the wretched plight of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of empty compliment to the admiral, received his anfwer, and departed. When the Spaniards firft defcried the veflel Handing towards the ifland, every heart exulted, as if the long-expected hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but when it difappearcd i'o luddenly, they funk into the decpeft dejection, and all their hopes died away. Columbus alone, though h~ re.lt mofb ienfibly this wanton iniult which Ovando added to his paft neglect, retained fuch compofure of mind, as to be able to cheer his followers. J Je allured them, that Mendcz and Fieichi had reached Hifpaniola 15°4. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 213 Hifpaniola in lafety •, that they would fpeedily B ° ° K procure fhips to carry them oft"; but as Elcobar's veiiel could not take them all on board, that he had refilled to go with her, becaufe he was deter- mined never to abandon the faithful companions of hib drftrefs. Soothed with the expectation of fpeedy deliverance, and delighted with his apparent gene- rofiry in attending more to their preservation than to his own fafetv, their ipirits revived, and he re* gained their confidence u . Without this confidence, he could not have refilled the mutineers, who were now at hand. All his endeavour.' to reclaim thole defperate men had no effect but to increafe their frenzy. Their demands became every day more extravagant, and their intentions more violent and bloody. The common farety rendered it neceffary to oppofe them with open force. Columbus, who had been long airlifted with the gout, could not take the field. His brother, the Adelanrado, marched May i 9t againft them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with fcorn terms of accommodation, which were once more offered them, and rufhed on boldly to the attack. They fell not upon an enemy unprepared to receive them. In the firfb fhock, kveral of their moll daring leaders were flain. The Adelantado, whole ftrength was equal to his courage, clofed with their captain,* wounded, ■ L'fe of Columbus, c. 104. : errerj, dec. 1, !ib. \i. c. 17. P 3 difarmed a 214 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o^o k difarmed, and took him prifoner*. fa fight of \ v — i this, the reft fled with a daltardly fear, iuitable to I;,c " f ' their former infolence. Soon arter, they iubmit- ted in a body to Columbus, and bound themfelves by the moft folemn oaths to obey all his com- mands. Hardly was tranquillity re-eftablilhed, when the fhips appeared, whofe arrival Columbus had promifed with great addrefs, though he could fbrefee it with little certainty. With tranfports of joy, the Spaniards quitted an iQand in which the unfeeling jealoufy of Ovando had fufTered them to lancruifn above a year, expofed to mifery in all its varkus forms. a-. i 5 . When they arrived at St. Domingo, the gover- f^lrT* nor > Wltn c ^ e mean artifice of a vulgar mind, that •rmai at labours to atone for infolence by fervility, fawned tiipiDivli. * * on the man whom he envied, and had attempted to ruin. He received Columbus with the moft fludied refpcct, lodged him in his own houfe, and diftinguifhed him with every mark of honour. But, amidft thofe over-acted demonftrations of re- gard, he could not conceal the hatred and malig- nity latent in his heart. He let at liberty the captain of the mutineers,whom Columbus had brou^h: over in chains to be tried for his crimes, and threatened fuch as had adhered to the admiral with proceeding to a judicial inquiry into their conduct. Colum- bus fubmitted in filence to what he could not re- drefsi but difcovered an extreme impatience to * Life of Columbus, c. 107. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 11. 1 quit HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2-5 quit a country which was under the jurifdicflion of 3 ° ° K a man who had treated him, on every occafion^ v — — v — ' with inhumanity and injuftice. His preparations sept»m.ia. were loon finiihcJ, and he let fail for Spain with two Chips. Difafters fimilar to thofe wbich had accompanied him through life continued to purfue him to the end of his career. One of his veiTels being diiabled, was foon forced back to St. Do- mingo ; the other, Chattered by violent ftorms, failed fev n hundred leagues with jury-mafts, and December, reached with difficulty the port of St. Lucar \ Th i re he received the account of an event the Death of Ifabella. mod: fatal that could have befallen him, and which Nov. j. completed his misfortunes. This was the death of his patronels queen Ifabella, in whole juttice, hu- manity, and favour, he confided as his lait refource. None now remained to redrefs his wrongs, or to reward him for his fervices and furTerings, but Fer- dinand, who had fo long oppofed and fo often in- jured him. To folicit a prince thus prejudiced againft him, was an occupation no lefs irkfome than hopelefs. In this, however, was Columbus doomed to employ the dole of his days. As foon as his health was in fome degree re-eftablifhed, he repaired to court-, and though he was received there with civility barely decent, he plied Ferdi- nand with petition after petition, demanding the punifhment of his oppreffors, and the reftitution of y Life of Columbus, c. 108. Herrera, dec. t. lib. vi. c. 12. P 4 all lib HISTORY OF AMERICA. all the privileges b^ftowed upon him b)P the capi- tulation of one thoufand four hundred and ninety- two. Ferdinand amufed him with lair words and u; meaning prormfes. inftead of granting his claim?, he proppfed expedients in oraer to elude them, and fpun out the affair with luch apparent art, as plainly difcovered his intention that it fhould never be terminated. The declining health of Co- lumbus flattered Ferdinand with the hopes of being foon delivered from an importunate fuitor, and en- couraged him to perfevere in this illiberal plan. Nor was he deceived in his expectations. Difgufted with the ingratitude of a monarch whom he had ferved with fuch fidelity and fuccefs, exhaufted with the fatigues and hardships which he had en- dured, ami broken with the infirmities which thefe Death nf brought upon him, Columbus ended his life at VaDadolid on the twentieth of May one thoufand five hundred and fix, in the fifty-ninth year of his his age. He died with a compofure of mind fuit- able to the magnanimity which diftinguifhed his character, and with f< ntiments of piety becoming that iupreme rtfpect for religion, which he mani- fefted in every occurrence of his life*. fis of Columbia, c. 108*1 Herrera, dec. i, lib. n'. c. 13. 14, j;. THE HISTORY O F AMERICA- BOOK in. HILE Columbus was employed in his b o o k lad voyage, feveral events worthy of no- ^ - , _ f t/ice happened in Hifpaniola. The colony there, „ I 5°4- 1 ' re r Sute of the the parent and nurfe of all the fubfequent efta- colony in blimments of Spain in the New World, gradually lpaiuoa * acquired the form of a regular and profperous fo- ciety. The humane folicitude of Ifabella to pro- tect the Indians from oppreffion, and particularly the proclamation, by which the Spaniards were prohibited to compel them to work, retarded, it is true, for fome time, die progrefs of improvement. The natives, who confidered exemption from toil as fupreme felicity, fcorned every allurement and reward by which they were invited to labour. The Spaniards had not a fufficient number of hands either to work the mines or to cultivate the foil. Several of the firft colonics, who had been ac^ cuftomed lit B ° 'ins, quitted the v^— — i id ' w to carry on any ope- :he new j came over ■ l . above a r.r, the : . exorbi- : Aould t :d work. .In order to lave the co- lor : the ri- : ; a iri- an d ^-our, for a .in og the ground ; utation of -_ jain to Servitude, he t' ana certain fum, [be royal _i in the the half to at I the ■ I interval, now felt HISTORY OF AMERICA. 219 felt the yoke of bondage to be fo galling, that book they made feveral attempts to vindicate their own \ v — -J liberty. This the Spaniards confidered as rebellion, I5 ° 5 ' and took arms in order to reduce them to fubjec- tion. When war is carried on between nations whofe (late of improvement is in any degree fimi- lar, the means of defence bear fome proportion to thole employed in the attack ; and in this equal cornel! fuch efforts mull be made, fuch talents are difplayed, and fuch paffions roufed, as exhibit mankind to view in a fituation no lefs rtrikin? than interefting. It is one of the no'oleft functions cf hiitory, to obferve and to delineate men at a junc- ture when their minds are molt violently agitated, and all their powers and paliions are called forth. Hence the operations of war, and the ftruggles be- tween contending ftates, have been deemed by hiltorians, ancient as well as modern, a capital and important article in the annals of human ac- tions. But in a contelt between naked favagesj and one of the mod warlike of the European na- tions, where fcience, courage, and difcipline on one fide, were oppoied by ignorance, timidity, and dilorder on the other, a particular detail of events would be as unpleafant as uninftrudrive. If the fimplicity and innocence of the Indians had in- fpired the Spaniards with humanity, had foftened the pride of fuperiority into compaflion, and h~u induced them to improve the inhabitants of the New World, inftead of oppreffing them, fome fudden acts of violence, like the two rigorous chaf- tifements 220 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u? K ^ m ^ nts ofimpaticnt instructors, r ve been c-— v — J related without horror. But, unfortunately, this I5 ° 5 * con fcioufn cis of fuperiority operated in a different manner. The Spaniards were advanced lb far be- yond the natives of America in improvement of every kind, that they viewed them with contempt. They conceived the Americans to be animals ol inferior nature, who were not intkled to the rights and privileges of men. \n peace, they fubjet! them to fcrvitude. In war, they paid no rr to thofe laws, which, by a tacit convention be- tween contending nations, regulate hoftility, and fet lbme bounds to its rage. They confidcred tl not as men fighting in defence of their liberty, but as Haves, who had revolted againft their mailers. Their caziques, when taken, were condemned, like the leaders of banditti, to the mod cruel and igno- minious punifhments; and all their fubj eels, with- out regarding the diftinclion of ranks eftablifhed among them, were reduced to the fame (late of abject flavery. With fuch a ipirit and fentiments were hoililities carried on againft the cazique of Higuey, a province at the eaftern extremity of the ifland. This war was occafioncd by the perfidy of the Spaniards, in violating a treaty which they had made with the natives, and it was terminated by hanging tip the cazique, who defended his people with bravery fo far fuperior to that of his countrymen, as intitled him to a better iate b . b Hcrrera, dec. i. lib. vi. c. 9, 10. The HISTORY OF AMERICA* ftftl The conduct of Ovando, in another part of the E ° ° K ifland, v/as ftiil more treacherous and cruel. The i— -v — > province anciently named Xaragua, which extends The cruel from the fertile plain where Leogane is now fituat- e ^ d u9 tf c e a n / ed, to the weitern extremity of the ifland, was fub- ^ n J^ ject to a female cazique, named Anacoana, highly refpectcd by the natives. She, from that partial fondnefs with which the women of America were attached to the Europeans (the cauie of which mail be afterwards explained), had always courted the friendfhip of the Spaniards, and loaded them with good offices. But fome of the adherents of Roldan having fettled in her country, were fo much exafperated at her endeavouring to reftrain their excefles, that they accufed her of having formed a plan to throw off the yoke, and to exterminate the Spaniards. Ovando, though he knew well how little credit was due to fuch profligate men, march- ed, without further inquiry, towards Xaragua, with three hundred foot and feventy horfemen. To prevent the Indians from taking alarm at this ho- ftile appearance, he gave out that his fole intention was to vifit Anacoana, to whom his countrymen had been fo much indebted, in the mod refpectful manner, and to regulate with her the mode or levy- ing the tribute payable to the king of Spain. Ana- coana, in order to receive this illulirious guefl with due honour, aifembled the principal men in her dominions, to the number of three hundred, and advancing at the head of thele, accompanied by a vail crowd of peribns of inferior rank, fhe welcom- ed i 5 o 5 . 2zz HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °ii? ^ et ^ Ovando with fongs and dances, according to the mode of the country, and conducted him to the place of her refidence. There he was feafted, for fome days, with all the kindnefs of fimple ho- fpitality, and amufed with the games and ipeclacles ufual among the Americans upon occafions of mirth and feftivity. But amidft the fecurity which this infpired, Ovando was meditating the deftruc- tion of his unfufpicious entertainer and her fub- jects i and the mean perfidy with which he execut- ed this fcheme, equalled his barbarity in forming it. Under colour of exhibiting to the Indians the parade of an European tournament, he advanced with his troops, in battle array, towards the houfe in which Anacoana and the chiefs who attended her were afTembled. The infantry took poffeflion of all the avenues which ltd to the village. The horfemen encompafied the houfe. Thefe move- ments were the object of admiration without any mixture of fear, until, upon a fignal which had been concerted, the Spaniards fuddenly drew their fwords, and rulhed upon the Indians, defencelefs, and aftonifhed at an act of treachery which exceed- ed the conception of undefigning men. In a mo- ment Anacoana was fecured. All her attendants were feized and bound. Fire was let to the houfe ; and, without examination or conviction, all thefe unhappy perfons, the moll illulirious in their own country, were confumed in the flames. Anacoana was referved for a more ignominious fate. She was carried in chains to Saint Domingo, and, after the HISTORY OF AMERICA. 223 the formality of z trial before Spanifh judges, Ihe B ° u ° K was condemned, upon the evidence of thole very <— -v-» -* men who had betrayed her, to be publicly hang- ed c . Overawed and humbled by this atrocious Reduftion 1 of the In- treatment of their princes and nobles who were aians, and objects of their higheft reverence, the people in all the provinces of Hifpaniola fubmitted, without farther refiftance, to the Spanilh yoke. Upon the death of Ifabella, all the regulations tending to mitigate the rigour of their fervitude were forgotten. The fmall gratuity paid to them as the price of their labour was withdrawn •, and at the fame time the tafks impofed upon them were increafed. Ovando, 'S 06 * without any rellraint, distributed Indians among his friends in the ifland. Ferdinand, to whom the queen had left by will one half of the revenue ari- fing from the fettlements in the New World, con- ferred grants of a fimilar nature upon his courtiers, as the leaft expenfive mode of rewarding their fer- vices. They farmed out the Indians, of whom they were rendered proprietors, to their country- men fettled in Hifpaniola ; and that wretched people, being compelled to labour in order to fa- tisfy the rapacity of both, the exactions of their oppreflbrs no longer knew any bounds. But, bar- barous as their policy was, and fatal to the inha- c Oviedo, lib. ii ; . c. 12. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 4. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 12. Relation de deftruyc de las India?, por Bart, de las Cafas, p. 8. bitants 224 HISTORY OF AMERICA, B °in° K bitants of Hifpaniola, it produced, for Tome time, L.-y „j very confiderable effects. By calling forth the ,s ° ' force of a whole nation, and exerting it in one di- rection, the working of the mines was carried on with amazing rapidity and fuccefs. During feve- ral years, the gold brought into the royal fmelticg- houfes in Hifpaniola amounted annually to four hundred and fixty thoufand pefos, above a hundred thoufand pounds flerling-, which, if we attend to the great change in the value of money fince the beginning of the fixteenth century to the prefent times, mult appear a confiderable fum. Vaft for- tunes were created, of a fudden, by fome. Others diflipated in oftentatious profusion, what they ac- quired with facility. Dazzled by both, new ad- venturers crowded to America, with the mod ea^er impatience, to (hare in thofe treafures which had enriched their countrymen ; and, notwirhftanding the mortality occafioned by the unhealthinefs of the climate, the colony continued to increaic J . JbeVolV f Ovando governed the Spaniards with wifdom and juftice, not inferior to the rigour with which he treated the Indians. He eftabliihed equal laws, and, by executing them with impartiality, ace oft tomed the people of the colony to reverence them J He founded feveral new towns in different parts of the ifland, and allured inhabitants to them, by the concefiion of various immunities. He endeavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to fume d Uenera, dec. I. lib. vi. c. i8, Sec. branch HISTORY OF AMERICA. 225 branch ofinduftry more ufeful than that of fearch- B ° ing for gold in the mines. Some Hips of the iugar- * — -* cane having been brought from the Canary ifiands 5 " by way of experiment, they were found to thrive with ili c h increafe in the rich foil and ft arm climate to which they were tranfplanted, that the cultiva- tion of them foon became an object of commerce. Extenfive plantations were begun ; fugar-worksfl which the Spaniards called ingciiufs*, from the va- rious machinery employed in them, were erected, and in a few years the manufacture of this com- modity was the great occupation of the inhabitants of Hifpaniola, and the moil confiderable fource of their wealth e . The prudent endeavours of Ovando, to promote Political re- the welfare of the colony, were powerfully fecond- Ferdinand? ed by Ferdinand. The large remittances which he received from the New World, opened his eyes, at length, with re! peel to the importance of thole difcoveries, which he had hitherto affected to un- dervalue. Fortune, and his own addrefs, having now extricated him out of thole difficulties in which he had been involved by the death of his queen, i$ % and by his difputes with his fon-in-law about the government of her dominions f , he had full leiiure to turn his attention to the affairs of America. To his provident fagacity, Spain is indebted for many e Oviedo, lib. iv. c. 8. f Hift. of the reign cf Charles V. vol. ii. p. 6, &c. Vol. I. Q of 226 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ni° K °*" ^ 10 ^ e regulations which gradually formed that u— v 1 fyftem of profound, but jealous policy, by which 507 fhe governs her dominions in the New World. He erected a court, dilVinguifhed by the title of the Cafa de Contratacion, or Board of Trade, com poled of perfons eminent for rank and abilities, to whom he committed the admini-ftration of American af- fairs. This board alfcmbkd regularly in Seville, and was inverted with a diftin<5t and extenfive ju- risdiction. He gave a regular form to ecclefialti- cal government in America, by nominating arch- bifhops, bifhops, deans, together with clergymen of fubordinate ranks, to take charge of the Spa- niards eftablifhed there, as well as of the natives who ftould embrace the Chriftian faith. But, not- withstanding the obfequious devotion of theSpanifh court to the Papal See, iuch was Ferdinand's folr- citudeto prevent any foreign power from claiming jurisdiction, or acquiring influence, in his new do- minions, that he referved to the crown of Spain the lole right of patronage to the benefices in Ame- rica, and Stipulated that no papal bull or mandate mould be promulgated there, until it was pre- viously examined and approved of by his council. With the fame fpirit of jealoufy, he prohibited any goods to be exported to America, or any per- ion to kttle there, without a fpecial licence from that council 2 . s Hcrrera, dec. 1. li&. vi. c, 19, zo. Bur, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 227 BOOK III. 1507. e num. But, notwithstanding this attention to the police and welfare of the colony, a calamity impended which threatened its diffolution. The original in- Th habitants, on whofe labour the Spaniards in Hifpa- indiansdf. niola depended for their profperity, and even their ^ lftcs exiilence, wafted fo fair, that the extinction of the whole race feemed to be inevitable. When Co- lumbus difcovered Hifpaniola, the number of its inhabitants was computed to be at lean: a million h . They were now reduced to fixty thoufand in ; fpace of fifteen years. This confumption of the human fpecies, no lefs amazing than rapid, was the effect of feveral concurring caufes. The na- tives of the American iflands were of a more feeble constitution than the inhabitants of the other hemi- fphere. They could neither perform the fame work, nor endure the fame fatigue, with men whole organs were of a more vigorous conforma- tion. The liftlefs indolence in which they delight- ed to pals their days, as it was the effect of their debility, contributed likewile to increafe ir, and rendered them, from habit as well as constitution, incapable of hard labour. The food on which they fubfifted, afforded little nourifhment, and they were accustomed to take it in fmall quantities, not fufricient to invigorate a languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts of active industry. The Spa- niards, without attending to thofe peculiarities in the constitution of the Americans, impofed tafks upon them fodifproportioned to their strength, that h Herrcra, dec. i. Mb. x. c. 12, Q^ 2 many 2.8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book m^ny fa^ under the fatigue, and effded their III. ' o ' i~-v — ^ wretcned days. Others, prompted by impatience and defpair, cut fhort their lives with a violent hand. Famine, brought on by compelling fuch numbers to abandon the culture of their lands, in order to labour in the mine?, proved fatal to many. Difeafes of various kinds, fome occaiioned by the hardfhips to which thty were expofed, and others by their intercourfe with the Europeans, complet- ed the defolation of the ifl .nd. The Spaniards be- rng thus deprived of the inftruments which they re accuftomed toempli y, found it impcffible to extend their improvements, or even to carry on the 75CS. works which they had already begun. In order to provide an immediate remedy for an evil fo alarm- ing, Ovando propoled to tranfport the inhabitants of the Lucayo iflands to Ilifpaniola, under pre- tence that they might be civilized with more faci- , and inftrufied to greater advantage in the Chriilian religion, if they were united to the Spa- nifh colony, and under the immediate infpeclion of the miffionarics fettled there. Ferdinand, deceiv- ed by this artifice, or willing to connive at an aft of violence which policy reprelented as neceflary, gave his ad'ent to the propolal. Several veffels e fitted out for the Lucayos, the commanders of which informed the natives, with whofe lan- ge they were now well accjuainted, that they came from a delicious countiy, in which the de- parted anceftors of the Indians refidcJ, by u.rnm they were fent to invite their defcendents to rd rt thither, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 229 thither, to partake of the blifs enjoyed there by book happy fpirits. That fimple people liftened with » — v — ~» wonder and credulity ; and, fond of vifiting their relations and friends in that happy region, follow- ed the Spaniards with eagernefs. By this artifice, above forty thoufand were decoyed intoHifpaniola, to fiiare in the fu fie rings which were the lot of the inhabitants of that ifland, and to mingle their groans and tears with thole of that wretched race of men'. The Spaniards had, for fome time, carried on Newdifcn- venes and fcttlemeni their operations in the mines of Hifpaniola with v fuch ardor as well as fuccefs, that thefe feemed to have engrofTed their whole attention. The fpirit of difcovery languished •, and, fince the laft voyage of Columbus, no enterprize of any moment had been undertaken. But as the decreafe of the In- dians rendered it impoiTible to acquire wealth in that ifland with the fame rapidity as formerly, this urged them to fearch for new countries, where their avarice might be gratified with more facility. Juan Ponce de Leon, who commanded under O- vando in the eaftern diftricl: of Hifpaniola, pafied over to the ifland of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had difcovered in his fecond voy- age, and penetrated into the interior part of the country. As he found the foil to be fertile, and 1 Herrera, dec. 1. lib, vii. c. 3. Oviedo, lib, iii, c. 6, Gomara Hift. c. 41. Q. 3 expected, J508. 23° HISTORY OF AMERICA. K expected, from fome fymptoms, as well as from the information of the inhabitants, to diicover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovando permitted him to attempt making a fettlement in the ifland. This was eafily effected by an officer eminent for conduct no lefs than for courage. In a few years Puerto Rico was fubjected to the Spanilh govern- ment, the natives were reduced to fervitude ; and, being treated with the fame inconfiderate rigour as their neighbours in Hifpaniola, the race of original inhabitants, worn out with fatigue and fufferings, was foon exterminated k . About the fame time, Juan Diaz de Solis, in conjundtion with Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of Columbus's original companions, made a voyage to the continent. They held the fame courfe which Columbus had taken, as far as the iQand of Guanaios; but, Handing from thence to the weft, they difcovered a new and extenfive province, af- terwards known by the name of Yucatan, and pro- ceeded a confiderable way along the co>i(l of that country '. Though nothing memorable occurred in this voyage, is deierves notice, becaufe it led to difcoveries of greater importance. For the fame reafon, the voyage of Sebaftian de Ocampo mult be memiontd. By the command of Ovando, he failed round Cuba, and firft difcovered, with cer- k Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. i — 4. Gomara Hill. c. 4{. Rcl.icion de B. de las Cafas, p. 10. 1 Ileucra, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. i~. tainty HISTORY OF AMERICA. 231 lainty, that this country, which Columbus once B ° [r ° K fuppofed to be a part of the continent, was a large * — v — ' ifland m . This voyage round Cuba was one of the laft p ;? s° Co - ' D _ lumbus ap- eccurrences under the administration of Ovando. pointed go- Ever fince the death of Columbus, his fon Don Hifpanioia. Diego had been employed in foliciting Ferdinand to grant him the offices of viceroy and admiral in the New World, together with all the other im- munities and profits which defcended to him by in- heritance, in confequence of the original capitula- tion of his father. But if thefe dignities and re- venues appeared lb confiderable to Ferdinand, that, at the expence of being deemed unjuft, as well as ungrateful, he had wrefted them from Columbus, it is not furprifing that he mould be unwilling to confer them on his fon. Accordingly, Don Diego wafted two years in inceffant but fruitless impor- tunity. Weary of this, he endeavoured at length to obtain by a legal fentence, what he could not procure from the favour of an interefted monarch. He commenced a fuit againit Ferdinand before the council that managed Indian affairs, and that court, with integrity which reflects honour upon Its proceedings, decided again ft the king, and fuftained Don Diego's claim of the vice-royalty* together with all the other privileges (Updated in the capitulation. Even after this decree, Ferdi- m Hcrrera, dec. I. lib. vii. c. i. Q^ 4. nand's 2 3 2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u? K r,:ir> '° repugnance to put 9 \ in pdHlflion of u— >, 1 fuch extensive rights, might have thrown in new J5C9 ' obfta< Diego had not taken a ftcp which interefted very powerful perfons in the fuccefs of his claims. The fentence of the council of the In- a title to a rank lb elevated, and a fortune fo opulent, that lie found no difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daugh- . of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commen- datcrofLeon, and brother or the duke of Alva, a nobleman of the firft rank, and nearly related to the king. The duke and his family efpeufed fo warmly the cauie of their new ally, that Ferdi- nand could not refill their lolicitations. He re- v led Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his fuc- ceflbr, though, even in conferring this favour, he could not conceal his jerdoufy; for he allowed him to alTume only the title of governor, not that of viceroy, which had been adjudged to belong to him n . Herepain Don Diego quickly repaired to Hifpaniola, at- axia."''* tended by his brother, his uncles, his wife, whom .'•/ of the Spaniards honoured with the title of vie queen, and a numerous retinue of perfons of both fexes, born of good families. lived with a fpFndour and magnificence hitherto !:nown in the New World; and the family of Columbus feemed now to enjoy the honours and 1 , lib. vii. c -}, 8tC. ards IjO> HISTORY OF AMERICA. 233 rewards due to his inventive c-enius, of which he B ° ° K himfcl: had been cruell; ] colony itfelf acquired new 1 u it re by the acceffibo of fip many inhabitants, of a different rank and cha- cr from mofc of thole who had hitherto migra- ted to America, and many of the mod ijlu&riqus families in the Spanim fettlements are cefcended from the perfons who at that time accompanied Don Diego Columbus °. No benefit accrued to the unhappy natives from this change of governors. Don Diego was not only authorifed by a royal edict to continue the rcPc.Yt'unUntGS, or distribution of Indians ; but the particular number which he might grant to every perfon, according to his rank in the colony, was fpecified. He availed himfelf of that permiffion; and foon after he landed at St. Domingo, he divided fuch Indians as were ftill unappropriated, among his relations and attendants p . o The next care of the new governor was to com- Pear! finery ply with an induction which he received from the king, about fettling a colony in Cubagua, a fin il ifiand which Columbus had ddcovered in his third voyage. Though this barren fpot hardly yielded fubfiftence to its wretched inhabitants, fuch quan- tities of thole oyfters which produce pearls were Oviedo, lib. iii. c. i. p Recopilacion de Leyes, lib. vi. tit. 8. 1. 1, 2. Herrera, dec, 1. lib. vii. c. 10. found J 5 c 9 . 054 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ^u K f° unc * on ' ts coa ^5 tnat ^ did not long'efcape the inquifitive avarice of the Spaniards, and became a place of confiderable refort. Large fortunes were acquired by the fifhery of pearls, which was car- ried on with extraordinary ardour. The Indians, efpeciaily thofe from the Lucayo iflands, were compelled to dive for them; and this dangerous and unhealthy employment was an additional cala- mity, which contributed not a little to the extinc- tion of that devoted race q . »g*8 New voy- About this period, Juan Diaz de Solis and Pinzon let out, in conjunction, upon a fecond voyage. They flood directly fouth, towards the equinoctial line, which Pinzon had formerly croffed, and advanced as far as the fortieth degree of fouthern latitude. They were aftonimed to fir.d that the continent of America ilretched, on their right hand, through all this van: extent of ocean; They landed in different places, to take poflefilon in name of their fovereign ; but though the Coun- try appeared to be extremely fertile and inviting, their force was fo fmall, having been fitted out rather for diicovery than making fettlements, that they left no colony behind them. Their voyage ierved, however, to give the Spaniards more exalted and adequate ideas with refpect to the dimenlions of this new quarter of the globe r . commodities, defended only by naked favages> might be feized by the firlt bold invader-, objects fo lingular and alluring, rouzed a wonderful ipirit of enterprife among the Spaniards, who ruined with ardour into this new path that was opened to wealth and dillinclion. While this fpirit continued warm and vigorous, every attempt eirher towards difcovery or conqueft was applauded, and adven- turers engaged in it with emulation. The pa for new undertakings, which characterifes the age of difcovery in the latter part of the fifteenth an J. beginning of the fixteenth century, would alone have been fufficient to prevent the Spaniards from . flopping fhort in their career. But circumftances peculiar to Hifpaniola at this juncture, concurred with it in extending their navigation and con- quers. The rigorous treatment of the inhabitants of that ifland having almofl: extirpated the race, many of the Spanifh planters, as I have already obferved, finding it impomble to carry on their works with the fame vigour and profit, were ob- liged to look out for fettlements in fome country whofe people were not yet wafted by opprefilon. Others, with the inconfiderate levity natural to men upon whom wealth pours in with a Hidden flow, had fquandered, in thoughtlefs prodigality, what they acquired with eafe, and were driven by necefiity to embark in the moil defperate fchemes, in order to retrieve their affairs. From all thefe caufes, when Don Diego Columbus propofed to 5 conquer 15". HISTORY OF AMERICA; 241 conquer the ifland of Cuba, and to eltablifli a B ° ° K colony there, many perfons of chief diftinction in Hifpaniola engaged with alacrity in the meafure. He gave the command of the troops deftined for that fervice to Diego Velafquez, one of his father's companions in his fecond voyage, and who, hav- ing been long fettled in Hifpaniola, had acquired an ample fortune, with fuch reputation for pro- bity and prudence, that he feemed to be well qualified for conducting an expedition of import- ance. Three hundred men were deemed fufficient for the conqueft of an ifland above feven hundred miles in length, and filled with inhabitants. But they were of the fame unwarlike character with the people of Hifpaniola. They were not only inti- midated by the appearance of their new enemies, but unprepared to refifl them. For though^ from the time that the Spaniards took pofTefllon of the adjacent ifland, there was reafon to expect: a de- fcent on their territories, none of the fmall com- munities into which Cuba was divided, had either made any proviflon for its own defence, or had formed any concert for their common fafety. The only obltruction the Spaniards met with was from Hatuey, a cazique, who had fled from Hifpaniola, and taken poflefiion of the eaftern extremity of Cuba. He flood upon the defenfive at their firfl: landing, and endeavoured to drive them back to their fhips. His feeble troops, however, were foon broken and difperfed ; and he himfelf being Vol. I. R taken 242 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °_o K taken prifoner, Velafquez, according tc^ the bar- u— v ) barous maxim of the Spaniards, confidercd him as l)lt ' a five who had taken arms againlt his matter, and condemned him to the flames. When Hatuey was fattened to the Hake, a Francifcan friar labour- ing to convert him, promifed him immediate ad- mittance into the joys of heaven, if he would em- brace the Chriftian faith. " Are there any Spa- niards," fays he, after fome paufe, " in that region of blifs which you dcicribe r" " Yes," replied the monk, tc but only fuch as are worthy and good." " The bed of them," returned the indignant eazique, <; have neither worth nor good- nefs ; I will not go to a place where I may meet with one of that accurfed race \" This dreadful example of vengeance (truck the people or Cuba with fuch terror, that they fcarcely gave any oppo- fition to the progrefs of their invaders j and Ve- lafquez, without the lofs of a man, annexed this extenfive and fertile ifland to the Spanifh mo- narchy y . Diicoveryof The facility with which this important conqueft Florida. was corr) p] etet ] j f er ved as an incitement to other undertakings. Juan Ponce de Leon, having ac- quired both fame and wealth by the reduction of Puerto Rico, was impatient to engage in fome x B. de l •— * and ready to follow him through every danger. A ,s ' 3 ' thouiand Indians attended them to carry their pro- vifions-, and to complete their warlike array, they took with them feVeral of thole fierce dogs, which were no lefs formidable than deftruftive to their naked enemies. Balboa fet out upon this important expedition Difawe* i ii- the Soulh on the firfl: of September, about the time that the Sea. periodical rains began to abate. He proceeded by fea, and without any difficulty, to the territories of a cazique whole friendfhip he had gained ; but no fooner did he begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obitacle which he had reafon to apprehend, from the nature of the territory, or the difpofition of its inhabitants. Some of the caziques, at his approach, fled to the mountains with all their people, and carried off or deftroyed whatever could afford fub- fiitence to his troops. Others collected their fub- jecls, in order to oppofe his progreis, and he quick- ly perceived what an arduous undertaking it was, to conduct fuch a bodv of men through hoftile na- tions, acrols fwamps and rivers, and woods, which had never been patted but by flraggling Indians. But by fliaring in every hardfhip with the meaneft folJier, by appearing the foremoft to meet every danger, by promifing confidently to his troops the enjoyment of honour and riches fuperior to what had i 5 o HISTORY OF AMERICA. rook, had b een a trained by the moft fuccefcful of their i_ -„- _} countrymen, he infpircd ihem with fuch enthuii- ifi ' 3- allic refolutiom, that they followed him without murmuring. When they had penetrated a good way into the mountains, a powerful cazique ap- peared in a narrow pais, with a numerous body of his fu jects to obitruct their progre is. But men who had furmounted io many obltacles, delpifed the oppofuion of fuch feeble enemies. They at- tacked them with impetuofuy, r.nd having diiper- fed them with much eaie and great flaughter, con- tinued their march. Though their guides had re- prefented the breadth of the iflhmus to be only a journey of fix days they had already lpent twenty- five in forcing their way through the woods and mountains. Many of them were ready to fink un- der fuch uninterrupted fatigue in that fultry cli- mate, feveral were ieized with the diieales peculiar to the country, and all became impatient to reach the period of their labours and fufferings. At length the Indians allured them, that from the top of the next mountain they fhould difcover the ocean which was the object of their wifhes. When, with infinite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of that deep afcent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the fummir, that he might be the firlt who fhould enjoy a ipectacle which he had io long dcfircd. As ibon as he be- ! Id the South Sea ftretching in endlefs profpecT: below him, he fell on his knees, and lifting up his hands to Heaven, returned thanks to God, who '5'. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 251 had conducted him to a difcoverv fo beneficial to B ° it ° K his country, an i fo honourable to himfeif. His followers, obferving his tranfports of joy, ruGied forward to join in his wonder, exultation and gra- titude. They held on their courfe to the more with great alacrity, when Balboa advancing up to the middle in the waves with his buckler and {word, took polfcfTion of that ocean in the name of the king his mafter, and vowed to defend it, with thefe arms, againft all his enemies c . That part of the greatPacific or Southern ocean, which Balboa firft discovered, ftill retains the name of the Gulf of St. Michael, which he gave to ir, and is fituated to the ealt of Panama. From feve- ral of the petty princes, who governed in the dif- tricls adjacent to that gulf, he extorted provifior.s and gold by force of arms. Others lent them to him voluntarily. To thefe acceptable prefents, fome of the caziques added a considerable quan- tity ot pearls •, and he learned from them, with much Satisfaction, that pearl oyfters abounded in the lea which he had newly difcovered. Together with the acquifition of this wealth, He receive* which ferved to loothe and encourage his folios ers, concerning he received accounts which confirmed his Sanguine LTcolh"" hopes of future and more e::teniive benefits from t, ''• c Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. c. i, &c. Gomara, c. 62, &c. P. Ma:t)r, decad, p. 205, cvc. the *5»3- 252 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ° ni K the expedition. All the people on the coaft of the South Sea concurred in informing him that there was a mighty and opulent kingdom fituated at a confiderable diftance towards the fjuth-eaft, r he inhabitants of which had tame animals to tarry their burdens. In order to give them an idea of thefe, they drew upon the fand the figure of the Llamas or iheep, afterwards found in Peru, which the Peruvians had taught to perform fuch iervices as they defcribed. As the Llama, in its form, nearly refembles a camel, a beafl: of burden deem- ed peculiar to Afia, this circumftance, in conjunc- tion with the dikovery of the pearls, another noted production of that country, tended to confirm the Spaniards in their miftaken theory wich refpect to the vicinity of the New World to the Haft In- dies d . obliged to b ut tn0U oh the information which Balboa re- mum. & ceived from the people on the coaft, as well as his own conjectures and hopes, rendered him extreme- ly impatient to vifit this unknown country, his prudence reftrained him from attempting to invade it with an handful of men, exhaufled by fatigue, and weakened by difeafes*. He determined to lead back his followers, at prefent, to their fettle- ment at Santa Maria in Darien, and to return next feafon with a force more adequate to fuch an ardu- ous enterprize. In order to acquire a more exten-. * Hcrrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 2. • Sec NOTE XXIV. five HISTORY OF AMERICA. 253 five knowledge of the ifthmus, he marched back B m ° K by a different route, which he found to be no lefs v^- v - J dangerous and difficult than that which he had for- merly taken. But to men elated with fuccefs, and animated with hope, nothing is infurmountable. Balboa returned to Santa Maria, from which he *$**• had been ablent four months, with greater glory and more treafure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expedition in the New World. None of Bdboa's officers diftinguifhed himfelf more in this fervice than Francifco Pizarro, or afiifted with greater courage and ardour in opening a commu- nication with thofe countries, in which he after- wards acted fuch an illuftrious part f . Balboa's firlt care was to fend information to PeAariu Spain of the important difcovery which he had 1"°™" of made-, and to demand a reinforcement of a thou- anen * fand men, in order to attempt the conquelt of that opulent country, concerning which he had received fuch inviting intelligence. The firft account of the difcovery of the New World hardly occafioned greater joy, than the unexpected tidings, that a paflage was at laft found to the great fouthern ocean. The communication with the Eaft: Indies, by a courfe to the weftward of the line of demar- cation, drawn by the Pope, feemed now to be cer- tain. The van: wealth which flowed into Portugal from its fettlements and conquefts in that countrv, f Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 3—6. Gotnara, c. 64. P. Martyr, dec. p. 229, &c. excited Itfi HISTORY OF AMERICA. * exci; ed the envy and called forth the emulation of other ftates. Ferdinand hoped now to come in for a {hire in this lucrative commerce, and in his ea- gerneis to obtain it, was willing to make an effort beyond what Balboa required. Bur even in this exertion, his jealous policy, as well as the fatal antipathy of Fonfeca, now bifhop of Burgos, to every man of merit who diflinguimed himfelf in the New World, were confpicuous. Notwith- ftanding Balboa's recent fervices, which marked him out as the moft proper prrfon to finifh than great undertaking which he had begun, Ferdinand was fo ungenerous as to oveilook thefe, and to ap- point Fedrarias Davila governor of Darien. He gave him the command of fifteen flout vefTels, and twelve hundred ibiciers. Thefe were fitted out at the public expence, with a liberality which Ferdi- nand had never difplayed in any former armament deftined f -r the New World ; and fuch was the ar- dour of the Spanilh gentlemen to follow a leader who was about to conduct them to a country, where, as fame reported, they had only to throw their nets into the lea and draw out gold ', that fifteen hundred embarked on board the fleet, and ir" they had not been retrained, a much greater number would have engaged in the fervice h . l'i dp. arias reached the gulf of Darien without any remarkable accident, and immediately lent E f ; i'ruT.>, d c. I. lib. x. c. 14. h Ibid. dc<. 1. lib. x. c. 6, 7. P. Martyr, uec. p. 177. 296. fome HISTORY OF AMERICA. 255 fome of his principal officers afriore, to inform B ° ° K Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commiilion, v. — v— — ' to be governor of the colony. To their aftonifh- ment, they found Balboa, of whofe great exploits they had heard fo much, and of whofe opulence they had formed fuch high ideas, clad in a canvas jacket, and wearing coarie hempen fandals ufcd only by the meanell peaf.mts, employed together with fome Indians, in thatching his own hut with reeds. Even in this fimple garb, which corre- fponded fo ill with the expectations and wifhes of his newguefts, Balboa received them with dignity. The fame of his difcoveries had drawn fo many adventurers from the iilands, that he could now mufter four hundred and fifty men. At the head of thofe daring veterans, he was more than a match for the forces which Pedrarias brought with him. But though his troops murmured loudly at the in- juftice of the king in fuperieding their commander, and complained that ltrangers would now reap the fruits of their toil and fuccefs, Balboa fubmitted with implicit obedience to the will of his fovereign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his character '. Notwithstanding this moderation to which ™ en&on between Pedrarias owed the peaceable pofieffion of his so- hini an he had then been guilty. Balboa felt lenfibly the mortification of being fubjected to trial and to pu- nifhment in a place where he had fo lately occupied the firft flation. Pedrarias could not conceal his jealoufy of his fuperior merit j fo that the refent- ment of the one, and the envy of the other, g-ve rife to diiTenfions extremely detrimental to the co- lony. It was threatened with a calamity ftill more J"'y- fatal. Pedrarias had landed in Darien at a molt unlucky time of the year, about the middle of the rainy fcafon, in that part of the torrid zone where the clouds pour down fuch torrents as are unknown in more temperate climates k . The village or Santa Maria was feated in a rich plain, environed with marfhes and woods. The conftitution of Euro- peans was unable to witbftand thepeltilential influ- ence of fuch a fituation, in a climate naturally fo noxious, and at a feafon fo peculiarly unhealthy. A violent and destructive malady carried off many of the foldiers who accompanied Pedrarias. An extreme fcarcity of provifions augmented this dif- trefs, as it rendered it impolfible to find proper re- frefhment for the fick, or the necelTary fullenance for the healthy : . In the fpace of a month, above fix hundred perfons periflied in the utmolt mifery. Dejection and defpair fpread through the colony. Many principal perfons folicited their difmiiTion, k Richard Ilifl. Naturc-1'e, de I'Air, torn. i. p. 204. I Hcrrcra, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 14. F. Martyr, deep. 27J. 2 and HISTORY OF AMERICA. 257 and were glad to relipquifh all their hopes of B o ° k wealth, in order to efcape from that pernicious re- < — v—t gion. Pedrarias endeavoured to divert thofe who remained from brooding over their misfortunes, by finding them employment. With this view, he fent feveral detachments into the interior parts of the country, to levy gold among the natives, and to fearch for the mines in which it was produced. Thofe rapacious adventurers, more attentive to prefent gain than to the means cf facilitating their future progrefs, plundered without diftinction wherever they marched. Regardlefs of the alli- ances which Balboa had made with feveral of the caziques, they ftripped them of every thing va- luable, and treated them, as well as their fubjecls, with the utmoft infolcnce and cruelty. By their tyranny and exactions, which Pedrarias, either from want of authority or of inclination, did not retrain, all the country from the gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was defclated, and the Spa- niards were inconfiderately deprived of the advan- tages which they might have derived from the friendfhip of the natives, in extending their con- quefts to the South Sea. Balboa, who law with concern that fuch ill-judged proceedings retarded the execution of his favourite fcheme, fent violent remonftrances to Spain againft the imprudent go- vernment of Pedrarias, which had ruined a happy and flourifhing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, ace u fed him of having deceived the king, by magnifying his own exploits, as well as by a falfe Vol. I. S representation 258 HISTORY OF AMERICA. reprefentation of the opulence and value of the country m . book boa. vid nrpro- Ferdinand became fenfible at length of his im- Bai- prudence in fuperfeding the moll active and expe- rienced officer he had in the New World, and, by way of compensation to Balboa, appointed him Jldelantado^ or Lieutenant-governor of the countries upon the South Sea, with very extenfive privileges and authority. At the fame time he enjoined Pe- drarias to fupport Balbca in all his operations, and to confult with him concerning every meafure »5»5« which he himfelf purfued. But to effect fuch a fudden tranfition from inveterate enmity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's power. Pedra- rias continued to treat his rival with neglect j and Balboa's fortune being exhaufl.ed by the payment of his fine, and other exactions of Pedrarias, he could not make fuitable preparations for taking poffeffion of his new government. At length, by the interpofitions and exhortations of the bifhop of Darien, they were brought to a reconciliation ; and, in order to cement this union more firmly, Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in marriage 1516. to Balboa. The firll effect of their concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make feveral fmall incurfions into the country. Thefe he conducted with fuch prudence, as added to the reputation m Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. I j. dec. 2. c. 1, &C Go- ma: P. Mamr, dec, 3. c. 10. Relation de B. de las Cafas, p. 1 2. which HISTORY OF AMERICA. 259 which he had already acquired. Many adventurers B reforred to him, and, with the countenance and aid of Pedrarias, he began to prepare for his ex- pedition to the South Sea. In order to accomplifh this, it was necefiary to build vefTels capable of conveying his troops to thofe provinces which he purpofed to invade. After furmounting many 15-7. obstacles, and enduring a variety of thofe hardships which were the portion of the conquerors of Ame- rica, he at length finifhed four fmall brigan tines. In thefe, with three hundred chofen men, a force fuperior to that with which Pizarro afterwards un- dertook the lame expedition, he was ready to fail towards Peru, when he received an unexpected meffage from Pedrarias n . As his reconciliation with Balboa had never been cordial, the progrefs which he made revived his ancient enmity, and added to its rancour. He dreaded the profperity and elevation of a man whom he had injured fo deeply. Pie fufpected that fuccefs would encou- rage him to aim at independence upon his jurifdic- tion •, and fo violently did the paflions of hatred, fear, and jealoufy, operate upon his mind, that, in order to gratify his vengeance, he fcrupled not to defeat an enterprife of the greateft moment to his country. Under pretexts which were falfe, but plaufible, he defired Balboa to poftpone his voyage for a Inort time, and to repair to Acla, in order that he micrht have an interview with him. * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. i. c. 3. Lib, ii. c. 11. 13. 21. S 2 Bal' ., 260 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ni ° K Balboa, with the unfufpicious confidence of a man «— « v ' confcious of no crime, inftantly obeyed the fum- mons ; but as foon as he entered the place, he was arretted by order of Pedrarias, whole impatience to iatiate his revenge did not iuffer him to languifh long in confinement. Judges were immediately appointed to proceed to his trial. An accufation of difioyalty to the king, and of an intention to re- volt againft the governor, was preferred againft him. Sentence of death was pronounced •, and though the judges who paffed it, kconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias continued inexorable •, and the Spaniards beheld, with aftonifliment and lbrrow, the public execution of a man whom they univerfally deem- ed more capable than any who had borne com- mand in America, of forming and accomplishing, great defigns °. Upon his death, the expedition which he had planned was rclinquifhed. Pedra- rias, notwithstanding the violence and injuftice of his proceedings, was not only fcreened from pu- nifliment by the powerful patronage of the bifliop of Burgos and other courtiers, but continued in power. Soon after, he obtained permifTion to re- move the colony from its unwholefome (tation at Santa Maria to Panama, on the oppofite fide of the ifthmus ; and though it did not gain much in point of healthfulnefs by the change, the commo- dious fituution of this new fettlement contributed ° Herrcra, dec. z. lib. ii. c. 21,22. greatly HISTORY OF AMERICA. 261 greatly to facilitate the fubfequent conquefb of the B ° ° K Spaniards in the vaft countries fituated upon the u— ■ v— -> Southern Ocean p . During thefe tranfactions in Darien, the hiftory is*?- c . . New dilco- or which it was proper to carry on in an uninter- veries. rupted tenour, feveral important events occurred with refpect to the difcovery, the conqueft, and government of other provinces in the New World. Ferdinand was fo intent upon opening a commu- nication with the Molucca or Spice lfiands by the weft, that, in the year one thoufand five hundred and fifteen, he fitted out two mips at his own ex- pence, in order to attempt fuch a voyage, and gave the command of them to Juan Diaz de Solis, who was deemed one of the moft fkilful navigators in Spain. He ftood along the coaft of South Ame- rica, and, on the firft of January one thoufand five hundred and fixteen, entered a river, which he called Janeiro, where an extenfive commerce is now carried on. From thence he proceeded to a fpacious bay, which he fuppofed to be the entrance into a ftrait that communicated with the Indian ocean ; but upon advancing farther, he found it to be the mouth of Rio de Plata, one of the vaft rivers by which the fouthern continent of America is watered. In endeavouring to make a defcent in this country, De Solis and feveral of his crew were fiain by the natives, who, in fight of the fhips, cue p Hcrrcra, dec. 2. lib. iv, c. 1. S 3 their J 5'7- 262 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °iif° K ^ ie * r b oc ^ es m pieces, roafted and devoured them. Difcouraged with the lofs of their commander, and terrified at this (hocking fpectacle, the Surviving Spaniards fet fail for Europe, without aiming at any farther difcovery q . Though this attempt proved abortive, it was not without benefit. It turned the attention of ingenious men to this courfe of navigation, and prepared the way for a 1 fortunate voyage, in which, a few years pofterior to this period, the great delign that Ferdinand had in view was accomplished. he Though the Spaniards were thus actively em* ...... H aioia. ployed in extending their ditcovc-itrs and iettle- ments in Amerin, they 11 ill conliclered Hifpaniola as their principal colony, and the feat or govern- ment. Don Diego Columbu? wanted neither in- clination nor abilities to have rendered the mem- bers of this colony, who were mod immediately under his jurifdiction, profperous and happy. But he was circun.fcnDcd in all his operations by the iufpicious policy of Ferdinand, who on every oc- calion, and under pretexts the mod frivolous, re- trenched his privileges, and encouraged die trea- furer, the judges, and other fubordinate officers, to counteract his meafures, and to difpute his au- thority. The moft valuable prerogative which the governor poflefTed, was that of diltriburing Indians among the Spaniards fettled in the ifland. The rcra, dec. 2. i;b. i. c. -. i p. 317. 7 rigorous HISTORY OF AMERICA. 263 rigorous fervitude of thofe unhappy men having book been but litt'e mitigated by all the regulations in i — ' their favour, the power of parcelling out fuch ne- ceffary inftruments of labour at pleafure, fecured to tht governor great influence in the colony. In order to frrip him of this, Ferdinand created a new office, with the power of difti ibuting the Indians, and beftowed it upon Rodrigo Albuquerque, a re- lation of Zapua, his confidential minifter. Mor- tified with the injuftice, as well as indignity, of this invafion upon his rights, in a point fo effentUk Don Diego could no longer remain in a place whe.e his power and confequence were almoil annihilated.. He repaired to Spain with the vain hopes of ob- taining redrefs r . Albuquerque entered upon his office with all the rapacity of ?n indigent adven- turer, impatient to amafs wealth. He began with taking the exact number of Indians in the ifland, and found, that from fixty thoufand, who, in the year one thoufand five hundred and eight, furvived after all their fufferings, they were now reduced to fourteen thoufand. Thefe he threw into fcpa- rate divifions or lots, and bellowed them upon fuch as were willing to pu: chafe them at the high- eft price. By this arbitrary diftribution, feveral of the natives were removed from their original habitations, many were taken from their ancient matters, and all of them fubjected to heavier bur- dens 3 and to more intolerable labour, in order to ' Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 5. lib, x. c. 12. S 4 reimburle 264 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B m? K ^Jmburfe their new proprietors. Thofe additional t~— v ' calamities completed the mifery, and haftened on 15 " the extinction, of this wretched and innocent race of men '. Controverfy The violence of thefe proceedings, together to th/ti'eat- w * tn tne fatal confequences which attended them, infant. the not on ty excite d complaints among fuch as thought themfelves aggrieved, but touched the hearts of all who retained any fentiments of huma- nity. From the time that Ecclefiaftics were fent as inftructors into America, they perceived that the rigour with which their countrymen treated the natives, rendered their miniftry altogether fruitlefs. The mifificnaries, in conformity to the mild fpirit of that religion which they were em- ployed to publifh, early remonftrated againft the maxims of the planters with refpect to the Ameri- cans, and condemned the repcrtimientos, or diftri- buttons, by which they were given up as flaves to their conquerors, as no lefs contrary to natural juftice and the precepts of Chriftianity, than to found policy. The Dominicans, to whom the in- ftruetion of the Americans was originally commit- ted, were moil vehement in testifying againit the repar timientcs. In the year one thou fa nd five hundred and eleven, Montefino, one of their mod eminent preachers, inveighed againit this pracl in the great church at St. Domingo, with ail the impctuofity of popular eloquence. Don D.. s Herrcra, dec. I, lib. x. c. \z. Columbu:^ III. 15*7' HISTORY OF AMERICA. ib$ Columbus, the principal officers of the colony, B and all the laymen who had been his hearers, complained of the monk to his fuperiors; but they, inftead of condemning, applauded his doctrine, as equally pious and feafonable. The Francilcans, influenced by the fpirit of oppofition and rivalfhip which fubfifts between the two orders, difcovered ibme inclination to take part with the laity, and to efpoufe the defence of the repartimicntos. But as they could not with decency give their avowed approbation to a fyftem of oppreffion, fo repug- nant to the fpirit of religion, they endeavoured to palliate what they could not juftify, and alleged, jn excufe for the conduct of their countrymen, that it was impofiible to carry on any improve- ment in the colony, unlefs the Spaniards pofftfied fuch dominion over the natives, that they could compel them to labour'. The Dominicans, regardlefs of fuch political Contrary and interested confiderations, would not relax in concerning any degree the rigour of their fentiments, and ^'"P 011 "* even refufed to abfolve, or admit to the facra- ments, fuch of their countrymen as held the na- tives in fervitude". Both parties applied to the king for his deciiion in a matter of fuch import- ance. Ferdinand empowered a committee of his privy-council, afi'ifted by fome of the mod emi- * Herrera, dec. i. lib. viii. c II. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6, ¥•97- u Oyiedo, lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97. ncry; 266 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u? K nent civ ^i ans ar) d divines in Spain, to*hear the t—~ v 1 deputies Tent from Hifpanioja, in fupport of their refpe to poflTefs this high authority, appeared to Zapata, * 517 ' and other minifiers of the late king, a meafure fo wild and dangerous, that they refufed to ifiue the difpatches neceffary for carrying it into execution. But Ximenes was not of a temper patiently to brook oppofition to any of his fchemes. He fent for the refractory minillers, and addreffed them in fuch a tone, that in the utmoft confirmation they obeyed his orders f . The fuperintendents, with their afibciate Zuazo, and Las Cafas, failed for St. Domingo. Upon their arrival, the firft act of their authority was to fet at liberty all the Indians who had been granted to the Spanilh courtiers, or to any perfon not refiding in America. This, to- gether with the information which had been re- ceived from Spain concerning the object of the commifTion, fpread a general alarm. The cblonifts concluded that they were to be deprived at once of the hands with which they carried on their la- bour, and that, of coniequence, ruin was unavoid- able. But the fathers of St. Jerome proceeded with fuch caution and prudence, as foon difiipated all their fears. They difcovered, in every ftep of their conduct, a knowledge of the world, and of affairs, which is feldom acquired in a cloifter •, and difplayed a moderation and gentlenefs flill more rare among perfons trained up in the folitude and auflerity of a monadic life. Their ears were open f Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 6. to HISTORY OF AMERICA. 273 to information from every quarter, they compared B ° ° K the different accounts which they received, and, «— -v— J alter a mature confederation of the whole, they ' 5l7 ' were fully fatisfied that the ftate of the colony ren- dered it impOilible to adopt the plan propofed by Las Cafas, and recommended by the cardinal. They plainly perceived that the Spaniards fettled in America were fo few in number, that they could neither work the mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the country, that they de- pended for both upon the labour of the natives, and, if deprived of it, they muft inftantly relinquish their conquefts, or give up all the advantages which they derived from them ; that no allure- ment was fo powerful as to furmount the natural averfion of the Indians to any laborious effort, and that nothing but the authority of a matter could compel them to work ; and if they were not kept conftantly under the eye and difcipline of a fu- perior, lb great was their natural Jiftleffnefs and indifference, that they would neither attend to religious inftruction, nor obferve thofe rites of Chriftianuy which they had been already taught. Upon all thofe accounts, the fuperintendents found it neceffary to tolerate the repartimientos % and to fuffer the Indians to remain under fubjec- tion to their Spanifh matters. They ufed their utmoft endeavours, however, to prevent the fatal effects of this ettablifhment, and to fecure the In- dians the confclation of the belt treatment compa- tible with a ftate of fervitude. For this purpofe* Vol. I, T they i 7 4 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °vi° K t ^ ie y rev i ve d former regulations, they pref,ribed *— -v — ' new ones, they neglected no circumftance that I5,? ' tended to mitigate the rigour of thr yoke ; and by their authority, their example, and their ex- hortations, they laboured to inlpire their country- men with fentiments of equity and gentlencls, to- wards the unhappy people upon whofe induftry they depended. Zuazo, in his department, feconded the endeavours of the iuperintendents. He reformed the courts of judice, in fuch a man- ner as to render their decifions equitable as well as expeditious, and introduced various regulations which greatly improved the interior police of the colony. The fatisfaclion which his conduct, and that of the fuperintendents gave, was now univer- fal among the Spaniards fettled in the New World, and all admired the boldnefs of Ximenes, in hav- ing departed from the ordinary path of bufinefs in forming his plan, as well as his fagacity, in pitch- ing upon perfons, whole wifdom, moderation, and difinterefltdnels, rendered them worthy of this high truft b. Las cafes L AS Casas alone was diflattsrled. The pruden- with them, tial confiderations which influenced the fuperin- tendents, made no imprefiion upon him. He regarded their idea of accommodating their con- duct to the ftate of the colony, as the maxim of an unhallowed timid policy, which tolerated what « Hcrrera, dec. 2. lib, ii. c. 15. Remcf :.cmr. lib. ii. c. 14, 15, 16. V. .'.j HISTORY OF AMERICA. 27s was uniuft, becaufe it was beneficial. He con- E ° o k j in. tended, that the Indians were by nature free, and, \ ,— «j as their protector, he required the fuperintendents 15 ' 7 ' not to bereave them of the common privilege of humanity. They received his moft virulent re- montfrances without emorion, but adhered firmly to their own fyftcih. The Spanifh planters did not bear with him fo patiently, and were ready to tear him in pieces for infilling in a requisition fo odious to them. Las Cafas, in order to fcreen himlelf from their rage, found it neceffary to take Ihelter in a convent •, and perceiving that all his efforts in America were fruitlefs, he foon fet out for Europe, with a fixed refolution not to abandon the protec- tion of a people whom he deemed to be cruelly opprelfed h . Had Ximenes retained that vigour of mind with Hisnegod. which he ufually applied to bulinefs, Las Cafas the mini- mult have met with no very gracious reception charklv. upon his return to Spain. But he found the car- dinal languiihing under a mortal dillemper, and preparing to refign his authority to the young king, who was daily expected from the Low Coun- tries. Charles arrived, took pofTcffion of the go- vernment, and, by the death of Ximenes, loft a minirtcr, whofe abilities, and integrity intitled him to direct his affairs. Many of the Flemifli nobility had accompanied their fovereign to Spain. From h Htrrcra, dec 2. lib. ii. c. 16. T 2 that 2-6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. e o o k that warm predilection to his countrymen,which was natural at his age, he confulted them with refpect to ail the tranfactions in his new kingdom, and they, with an indikreet eagernefs, intruded them- fclves into every bufinefs, and leized almrft every department of adminiftration \ The direction of American affairs was an object too alluring to efcape their attention. Las Cafas obferved their growing influence, and though projectors are ufu- ally too fanguine to conduct their fchemes with much dexterity, he poiTefTed a buftling indefati- gable activity, which fometimes accomplishes its p^rpofes with greater luccefs, than the moll ex- quifite difcernment and addrefs. He courted the Flemifh minifters with afliduity. He reprefentcd to them the abfurdity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with refpect to the government of Ame- rica, and particularly the defects of that arrange- ment which Ximenes had introduced. The me- mory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The fuperior virtue and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of thtir envy. They fondly wifhed to have a plaufible pretext for condemning the meafures, both of the monarch and of the mi- .er, and of reflecting lbme difcredit on their po- litical wifdom. The friends of Don Diego Co- lumbus, as well as the Spanifh courtiers, who had been diffatisfied with the cardinal's adminiftration, joined Las Cafas in cenfuring the fcheme of fend- ing lupenntendents to America. This union of fo h Hift. cf Charles V. vol. ii. p. 43. * many HISTORY OF AMERICA. 277 many interests ar d pafTions was irrefiftihle j and, in B ° ° K coniequence of it, tnt fathers of St. Jerome, and v— * r ^ j their arToci ate Zuazo, were recalled. Roderigo de I5 ' 7 ' Figueroa, a lawyer of fome eminence, was appomt- cd chief judge of the ifland, and received instruc- tions, in compliance with the request of Las Cafas, to examine once more, with the utmoft attention, the point in controverfy between him and the people of the colony, with refped to the treatment of the natives •, and in the mean time to do every thing in his power to alleviate their fuffcrings, and prevent the extinction of the race '. This was all that the zeal of Las Cafas could Scheme of In; j.ying procure, at that juncture, in favour of the Indians, the' colonies The impoflibility of carrying on any improvement groea. in America, unlefs the Spanifh planters could com- mand the labour of the natives, was an infuperable objection to his plan of treating them as free fub- jects. In order to provide fome remedy for this, without which he found it was in vain to mention his icheme, Las Cafas propofed to purchafe a fuf- ficient number of negroes from the Portuguefe fectlements on the coaft of Africa, and to tranf- port them to America, in order that they might be employed as flaves in working the mines and cul- tivating the ground. One of the first advantages which the Portuguefe had derived from their dif- coveries in Africa, arofe from the trade in flaves. » Herrera, dec. 2. lib. if. c. 16. 19, 21, lib. iii. c. 7, 8. T 3 Various 278 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book Various circumstances concurred in reviving this in. . & * v ■ odious commerce, which had long been abolifhed ,5 ' 7 ' in Europe, and which is no lefs repugnant to the feelings of humanity, than to the principles of re- ligion. As early as the year one thoufand rive hundred and three, a few negroe (laves had been fent into the New World k . In the year one thou- fand five hundred and eleven, Ferdinand permitted the importation of them in greater numbers '. They were found to be a more robutt and hardy race than the natives of America. They were more capable of enduring fatigue, more patient under fervitude, and the labour of one negro was com- puted to be equal to that of four Indians ''. Car- dinal Ximenes, however, when lblicired to en- courage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the propofition, becaufe he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to flavery, while he was confulting about the means of reftoring liberty to another". But Las Cafas, from the inconfiltency natural to men who hurry with headlong imperuo- fity towards a favourite point, was incapable of making this diftinction. While he contended ear- neftly for the liberty of the people born in one quarter of the globe, he laboured to enflave the inhabitants of another region; and in the warmth of his zeal to fave the Americans from the yoke, pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to im- k Herrera, dec. I. lib. v. c. l z. ' Ibid. lib. viii. c. 9. a Ibid. lib. ix. c. 5. n Ibid. uec. 2. lib. ii. c. 8. pofe HISTORY OF AMERICA. 279 pofe one ftili heavier upon the Africans. Unfor- B tunately tor the latter, Las Cafas's plan was adopt- ed. Charles granted a patent to one of his Flemifh favourites, containing an exclufive right of im- porting four thoufand negroes into America. He fold his patent to fome Genoefe merchants for tweuy-five thoufand ducats, and they were the rirlt who brought into a regular form that com- merce for Qav.es between Africa and America, which has fince been carried on to fuch an amaz- ing extent". But the Genoefe merchants, conducting their T 5'&' . . P !-« Cafas operations, at firil, with the rapacity of mono- propofes polifts, demanded fuch an high price for negroes, bo^re"! to that the number imported into Hifpaniola made 'P* 1 " 08 * no great change upon the flate of the colony. Las Cafas, whole zeal was no lefs inventive than indefatigable, had recourfe to another expedient for the relief of the Indians. He obferved, that mod of the perfons who had fettled hitherto in America, were foldiers and lailors employed in the difcovery or conqueft of the country •, the younger fons of noble families, allured by the profpect of acquiring fudden wealth , or defperate adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes foced to abandon their native land. Initead of fuch men, who were diffolute, rapacious, and incapable of that fober perlevering indultry which is requifite in forming Herrera, dec, 1. lib. ii. c. 20. T 4 new 2&o ISTORY OF AMERICA. i o K new colonies, he propoied to fupply the ne\ fettle- ments in Hifpaniola and the other idands with a i5 ' 7 ' iufficient number of labourers and hufbandmen, who fhould be allured by fuitablc premiums to re- move thither. Thefe, as they were accuftomed to fatigl/c, would be able to perform the work, to which the Indians, from the feeblenefs of their constitution, were unequal, and might In on be- come ufeful and opulent citizens. But though Hifpaniola flood much in need of a recruit of in- habitants, having been vificed at this time with the fmall-pox, which fwcpt off many of the natives, and though Las Caias h.ici the countenance of the Flemifh minilters, this icheme was defeated by the bilhop of Burgos, who thwarted all his projects p . Forms the l as Casas now defpaired of procuring any re- idea of a r r ° ' new colony, lief for the Indians in tliofe places where the Spa- niards were already fettle i. The evil was become fo inveterate there, as not to admit of a cure. Buc fuch dilcoveries were daily making in the conti- nent, as gave an high idea both of its extent and populoufnefs. In all thofe vafl regions there was but one feeble colony planted j and except a fmsll )t on the ifthmus of Darien, the natives Hill oc- cupied the whole country. This opened a new and mure ample Held for the humanity and zeal of Las Caias, who flattered himielf thar lie might prevent a pernicious fyflem from being introduced there, • atigh he had failed of fuccefs in his attempts to v IIcr:era, de< 2, l.b. ii. c. 21. overturn HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2 &r overturn it, where it was already eftablimed. Full ■ ° o k . * in. of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccu- v. \ -j pied country, ftretching along the ica-coaft from I5 ' 7 ' the gulf of Paria to the WtfteTil frontier of that province now known by the name of Santa Mar- tha. He proposed to fettle there with a colony compofed of hufbandmen, labourers, and ecclcfi- aftics. He engaged, in the fpace cf two years, to civilize ten thoufand of the natives, and to inOruct them fo thoroughly in the arts of focial life, that, from the fruits of their induftry, an annual revenue of filteeii thoufand ducats mould anle to the kino-. In ten years he expected that his improvements would be fo far advanced, as to yield annually ilxty thoufand ducats. He ftipulated, that no failor or foldier mould ever be permitted to fettle in this diftrict; and that no Spaniard mould enter it without his permiftion. He even projected to clothe the people whom he took along with him in fome peculiar garment, which did not relemble the Spanifh drefs, that they might appear to the na- tives to be a different race of men from thole who had broughc fo many calamities upon their coun- try'. From this fcheme, of which I have traced only the great lines, it is manifeft that Las Cafas had formed ideas concerning the method of treat- ing the Indians, fimilar to thole by which the Je- fuics afterwards carried on their great operations in another part of the fame continent. He fuppofed * Herrer3, dec. 2. lib. iv. c. 2. that J 5 J : 282 HISTORY OF AMERICA. E ^i? K f ^ at: t ^ ie E l,ro P eans > by availing themfelve% of that alcendant which they pofTeiTcd in confequence of their fuperior progrefs in fcience and improvement, might gradually form the minds of the Americans to relifh thole comforts of which they were deiii- tute, might train them to the arts of civil life, and render them capable of its functions. favourably But to the bifhop of Burgos and the council of tecejved. ... . n the Indies this project appeared not only chimerical, but dangerous in a high degree. They deemed the faculties of the Americans to be naturally lb limited, and their indolence fo excefnve, that any attempt to inrtruc.t or improve them would befruit- lefs. They contended, that it would be extreme- ly imprudent to give the command of a country extending above a thouland miles along the coaff, to a fanciful, prefumptuous enthufiaft, a ftranger to the affairs of the world, and unacquainted with the arts of government. Las Cafas, far from be- ing dilcouraged with a rep u He, which he had rea- fon to expect, had recourfe once more to the Fle- mifh favourites, who zealoufly patronized his fcheme, merely becaufe it had been rejected by the Spanifh miniiters. They prevailed with their matter, who had lately been railed to the Imperial dignity, to refer the confideration of this meafure to a lelect number of his privy-counfellors ; and as Las Cafas excepted againlt the members of the council of the Indies, as partial and interefted, they were all excluded. The decifion of mea chofen by HISTORY OF AMERICA. 283 by recommendation of the Flemings, was perfect- B ly conformable to their fentiments. They warmly approved of Las Caias's plan •, and gave orders for carrying it into execution, but reftri&ed the terri- tory allotted him to three hundred miles along the coaft of Cumaoa, allowing him, however, to ex- tend it as far as he pleafed towards the interior pare of the country r . This determination did not pafs uncenfured. a foiemn deliberation Almoft every perlbn who had been in the Well In- concerning , . , , . , ,- , , the mode of dies exclaimed again it it, and lupporced their opi- treating dw nion (6 confidently, and with fuch plaufible rea- n ians * fons, as made it advifable to paufe and to review the fubjeel: mere deliberately. Charles himfelf, though accuftomed, at this early period of his life, to adopt the fentiments of his minifters, with fuch fubmifiSve deference as did not promife that decL five vigour of mind which diilinguilhed his riper years, could not help fufpecling that the eagernefs with which the Hemings took part in every affair relating to America, flowed from fome improper motive, and began to difcover an inclination to ex- amine in perfon into the Mate of the queftion con- cerning the character of the Americans, and the proper manner of treating them. An opportunity r, neio# of making this inquiry, with great advantage, foon occurred. Quevedo, the biihop of Darien, who had accompanied Pedrarias to the continent in the r Gomara Hift. Gcncr. c. 77. Herrera, dec. 2, lib. iv. c. 3. Oviedo, lib. xix. c. 5. year *;':. 284 HISTORY OF AMERICA. year one thoufand five hundred and thirteen, hap- pened to land a* Barcelona, where ihe court then refided. It was quickly known, that his frnti- ments concerning the talents and difpofition or" the Indians differed from thofe of Las Cafas ; and Charles naturally concluded, that by confronting two refpectable perfons, who, during their refi- dence in America, had full le:!i.re to obferve the manners cf the people whom they pretended to de- scribe, he might be able codilcover which of them had formed his opinion with the greater difcern- ment and accuracy. A day For this folemn audience was appointed. The en peror appeared with extraordinary pomp, and took his feat on a throne in the great hall of the paUce. His principal courtiers attended. Don Diego Columbus, admiral or es, was fum- mon.d to be prefent. The bifhop of Darien was called upon firit to deliver his opinion. He, in a fhort difcourfe, lamented the fatal defolation of America, by the extinction of (o many of its inha- bitants-, he acknowledged that this mult be im- puted, in fbnae degree, to the excefiive rigour and inconfiderate proceedings of the Spaniards; but declared, that all the people of the New World, whom he had feen either in the continent or in the iflands, appeared to him to be a race of men mark- ed out, by the inferiority of their talents, fur fer- nd whom it would be impoffible to in- . :, unlefs they were kept under the Ijl 7 . HISTORY OF AMERICA. 285 the continual infpection of a matter. Las Cafas, B ° m K ar great length, and with more fervour, defended his own fyftem. He rejected with indignation the idea that any race of men was born to fervitude, as irreligious and inhumane. He aflerted, that the faculties of the Americans were not naturally defpi- cable, but unimproved ; that they were capable of receiving instruction in the principles of religion, as well as of acquiring the induftry and arts which would qualify them for the various offices of fuciai life; that the mildnefs and timidity of their na- ture rendered them fo fubmiffive and docile, that they might be led and formed with a gentle hand. He profeffed, that his intentions in propofing the fcheme now under confideration were pure and dif- interefted ; and though, from the accomplifhment of his defigns, ineftimable benefits would refult to the crown of Caftile, he never had claimed, nor ever would receive any recompence on that ac- count. Charles, after hearing both, and confulting Thefcheme with his minifters, did not think himfelf fufficiently a PF r nedVfl informed to eftablifh any general arrangement with ,SI °* refpect to the (late of the Indians ; but as he had perfect, confidence in the integrity of Las Cafas, and as even the bilhop of Darien admitted his fcheme to be of fuch importance, that a trial mould be made of its effects, he iffued a patent, granting him the diftrict in Cumana formerly mentioned, with 286 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °n?. K w '^ ^ power to eflablifh a colony there accord- *-— s/-— » ing to his own plan s . 1517. Hisprepara- Las Casas pufhed on the preparations for his tions tor ... . «ecuiingit. voyage with his ufual ardour. But, either from his own inexperience in the conduct of affairs, or from the fecret oppofition of the Spanifh nobility, who univerially dreaded the fuccefsof an inilitution that might rob them of the induftrious and ufeful hands which cultivated their eftates, his progrefs in engaging hufbandn;en and labourers was ex- tremely flow, and he could not prevail on more than two hundred to accompany him to Cumana. Departs for Nothi ng, however, could damn his zeal. With America, * ' T wUhTrmi- tms flc>n ^ er tram > hardly fufficient to take poflfef- i»b\f ob- fjon of fuch a vaft territory, and altogether une- qual to any attempt towards civilizing its inhabit- ants, he fet fail. The firft place at which he touched was the ifland of Puerto Rico. There he received an account of a new obftacle to the execu- tion of his fcheme, more infuperable than any he had hitherto encountered. When he left America in rhe year one thouland five hundred and fixteen, the Spaniards had little intercourie with any part of the continent, except the countries adjacent to the gulf of Darien. But as every ipecies of inter- nal induftry began to (ta^nate in Hifnaniola, when, by the rapid decreafe of the natives, the Spaniards 8 Hcrrcra, dec. 2. lib. ■ > . C. y .. Arqeifo'a Annale* d'Aragon, 74. 97. Remual Hilt. Uencr. lib. ii. c. 19, zo. were HISTORY OF AMERICA. 287 were deprived of thofe hands with which they had B ° ° K hitherto carried on their operations, this prompted v. — , — -» them to try various expedients for fupplying that I5 7 " lols. Coniiderable numbers of negroes were im- ported ; bur, on account of their exorbitant price, many of the planters could not afford to purchafe them. In order to procure flaves at an eafierrate, fome of thele fitted out veflels to cruize along the coaft of the continent. In places where they found themielves inferior in ftrength, they traded with the natives, and gave European toys in exchange for the plates of gold worn by them as ornaments; but, wherever they could lurprife or overpower the Indians, they carried them off by force, and fold them as (laves in Hifpaniola c . In thofe pre- datory excurfions, the mod atrocious acts of vio- lence and cruelty were committed. The Spanifh name was held in deteftation all over the conti- nent. Whenever any (hips appeared, the inhabit- ants either fled to the woods, or rufhed down to the more in arms, to repel thofe hated difturbers of their tranquillity. They forced fome parties of the Spaniards to retreat with precipitation ; they cut off others •, and in the violence of their reient- ment againft the whole nation, they murdered two Dominican mifiionaries, whofe zeal had prompted them to fettle in the province of Cumana a . This outrage againft perfons revered for their fanctity, excited fuch indignation among the people of Hii- t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 3. u Ovicdo Hilt. lib. xix. c. 3. paniola, $ 238 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK III. J517. paniola > who, notwithftanding all their licentious and cruel proceedings, were pofieffed with a won- derful zeal tor religion, and a fuperliitious refpect for its minifters, that they determined to inflict ex- emplary punifhment, not only upon the perpetra- tors of that crime, but upon the whole race. With this view, they gave the command of five fhips and three hundred men to Diego Ocampo, with orders to lay Wafte the country of Cumana with fire and fword, and to tranfport all the inhabitants as (laves to Hiipaniola. This armament Las Cafas found at Puerto Rico, in its way to the continent; and as Ocampo refuied to defer his voyage, he imme- diately perceived that it would be impoffible to attempt the execution of his pacific plan in a country deitined to be the feat of war and defla- tion *. isth A F ni. ] N order to provide againft the effecls of this Labours to . , ': 'jac unfortunate incident, he let fail directly for St. Domingo, leaving his followers cantoned out among the planters in Puerto Rico. From many concurring caufes, the reception which Las Cafas met with in Hifpar.iola was very unfavourable. In his negociatior.s for the relief of the Indians, he had cenfured the conduct of his countrymen fettled there wirh fuch honeft feveriry, as rendered him univerlally odious to them. They confidered their own rum as the inevitable conference of his fuc- cels. They wrre now elated with hope of receiv- * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ix. c. 8, 9, ing HISTORY OF AMERICA. 289 sng a large recruit of flaves from Cumana, which m mult be relinquifhed if Las Cafas were affifted in ' ■j — ' . . . J 5 l 7« fettling his projected colony there. Figueroa, in confequence of the inftructions he had received in Spain, had made an experiment concerning the ca- pacity of the Indians, which was reprefented asde- cifive againft the fyftem of Las Cafas. He collect- ed in Hifpaniola a good number of the natives, and fettled them in two villages, leaving them at per feci: liberty, and with the uncontrouled direc- tion of their own actions. But that people, ac« cuftomed to a mode of life extremely different, in- capable of aiTuming new habits at once, and de- jected with their own misfortunes as well as thofe of their country, exerted fo little induftry in culti- vating the ground, appeared fo devoid of folicitude or forefight in providing for their own wants, and were fuch ft rangers to arrangement in conducting their affairs, that the Spaniards pronounced them incapable of being formed to live like men in fa- cial life, and confidered them as children, who fhould be kept under the perpetual tutelage of perfons fuperior to themfelves in wifdom and fa- gacity y . Notwithstanding all thofe circumftances, Final mif- which alienated the people to whom Las Cafas hisfchenwi, applied from himfelf and from his meafures, he by his activity and perfeverance, by fome concef- y Herrera, der. 2. lib. x. c. $. Vol. I. U (ions. 290 HISTORY OF AMERICA. ° |I ° K fions, and many threats, obtained at length a fmall hi. j 5 i 7 . body of troops to protect him and his colony at their firfl landing. But upon his return to Puerto Rico, he found that the difeafes of the climate had been fatal to feveral of his people ; and that others having got employment in that ifland, refufed to follow him. With the handful that remained, he let fail and landed in Cumana. Ocampo had exe- cuted his commiflion in that province with fuch. barbarous rage, having maffacred many of the in- habitants, fent others in chains to Hifpaniola, and forced the reft to fly for fhelter to the woods, that the people of a fmall colony, which he had planted at a place which he named Toledo, were ready to perifh for want in a defolate country. There, however, Las Cafas was obliged to fix his refi- dence, though deferted both by the troops ap- pointed to protect him, and by thofe under the command of Ocampo, who forefaw and dreaded the calamities to which he muft be expofed in that wretched ftation. He made the bed provifion in his power for the fafety and fubfiltence of his fol- lowers •, but as his utmoll efforts availed little to- wards fecuring either the one or the other, he re- turned to Hifpaniola, in order to folicit more effec- tual aid for the preien ...ion or men, who from con- fidence in him had ventured into a poft of lo much danger. Soon after his departure, the natives, having difcovered the feeble and defencelefs ftate of the Spaniards, allembled fecretly, attacked them with the fury natural to men exafperated by many 5 injuries, Jpj. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 291 Injuries, cut off a good number, and compelled B ° { ° K the reft to fly in the utmoft confirmation to the ifland ofCubagua. The fmall colony fettled there, on account of the pearl fifhery, catching the panic with which their countrymen had been leized, abandoned the ifland, and not a Spaniard remain- ed in any part of the continent, or adjacent i (lands, from the gulf of Paria to the borders of Darien. Aftonifhed at fuch a fucceffion of difafters, Las Calas was afhamed to fliew his face after this fatal termination of all his fplendid fchemes. He fhut himfelf up in the convent of the Dominicans at St. Domingo, and foon after affumed the habit of that order '. Though the expulfion of the colony from Cu- mana happened in the year one* thoufand five hun- dred and twenty-one, I have chofen to trr.ee the progrefs of Las Cafas's negotiations from their firft rife to their final iffue without interruption. His fyftem was the objedt of long and attentive diicuf- fion ; and though his efforts in behalf of the op- preffed Americans, partly from his own rafhnefs and imprudence, and partly from the malevolent oppofition of his adverfaries, were not attended with that fuccefs which he prcmifed with too fan- guine confidence, great praife is due to his humane z Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 5, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 3, 1, 5. Oviedo, Hlff. lib. xix, c. 5. Gomara, c. 77. Davila Paoilla, lib.- i. c. 97. Remifal Hift. Gen. lib. xi. c. 22, 23. U 2 activity, 292 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B °u? K a & lv ' lt Y-> which gave rife to various regulations which were of lbme benefit to that unhappy people. I return now to the hiftory of the Spanish difco- veries, as they occur in the order of time \ 1517. New dif- coveries to Diego Velasquez, who conquered Cuba in the Zdt the y ear one tnou ^ an d fi ve hundred and eleven, ftill retained the government of that ifland, as the de- puty of Don Diego Columbus, though he icldom acknowledged his fuperior, and aimed at rendering his own authority altogether independent b . Under his prudent administration, Cuba became one of the mod flourifhing of the Spanifh fettlements. The fame of this allured many perfons from ihe other colonies thither, in hopes of finding either fome permanent eftablifhment, or fome employ- ment for their activity. As Cuba lay to the weft of all the ifhnds occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean, which ftretches beyond it towards that quarter, had not hitherto been explored, thefe cir- cumftances naturally invited the inhabitants to at- tempt new difcoveries. An expedition for this pur- pole, in which activity and refolution might con- duct to fudden wealth, was more fuited to the ge- nius of the age, than the patient induflry requifite in clearing ground, and manufacturing fugar. Jn- fligated by this fpirit, feveral officers, who had fervtxi under Pedrarias in Darien, entered into an aficciation to undertake a voyage of dilcovery. a Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. C. 5. p. 329. b Ibid. lib. ii. C. 19. 6 They HISTORY OF AMERICA. 293 They perfuaded Francifco Hernandez Cordova, an B ° ° K opulent planter in Cuba, and a man of diftinguifh- v— ^— -» ed courage, to join with them in the adventure, and chofe him to be their commander. Velafquez not only approved of the defign, but affifted in carrying it on. As the veterans from Darien were extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced money for purchafing three fmall vefTels, and fur- nifhing them with every thing requifite either for traffic or for war. A hundred and ten men em- barked on board of them, and failed from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of February one thoufand five hundred and feventeen. By the advice of their chief pilot, Antonio Alaminos, who had ferved under the firft admiral Columbus, they flood di- rectly weft, relying on the opinion of that great navigator, who uniformly maintained that a weft- erly courfe would lead to the mod important dif- coveries. > On the twenty firfl: day after their departure from St. Jago, they faw land, which proved to be Cape Catocbe^ the eaftern point of that large pe- ninlula projecting from the continent of America, which (till retains its original name of Yucatan. As Yucatan, they approached the fhore, five canoes came off full of people decently clad in cotton garments ; an aftonifhingfpectacle to the Spaniards, who had found every other part of America pofTefTed by naked favages. Cordova endeavoured by fmall prefents to gain the good -will of thefe people. U 3 They, 294 HISTORY OF AMERICA. K They, though amazed at the ftrange objects now preiented for the firlt time to cheir view, invited the Spaniards to vifit their habitations, with an appearance of cordiality. They landed accord- ingly, and as they advanced into the country, they obferved with new wonder fome large houies built with ftone. But they foon found that, if the people of Yucatan had made progrels in improvement be- yond their countrymen, they were likewife more artful and warlike. For though the cazique re- ceived Cordova with many tokens of friendfhip, he had polled a confiderable body of his fubje&s in ambufh behind a thicket, who, upon a fignal given by him, ruined out and attacked the Spa- niards with great boldnefs, and fome degree of martial order. At the firft flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniards were wounded •, but the Indians were (truck with fuch terror by the fudden explofion of the fire-arms, and fo furprifed at the execution done by them, by the crofs-bows, and by the other weapons of their new enemies, that 15*0. they fled precipitately. Cordova quitted a coun- try where he had met with fuch a fierce reception, carrying off two priibners, together with the orna- ments of a fmall temple, which he plundered in his retreat. He continued his courfe towards the weft with- out lofing fight of the coaft, and on the fixteenth. Cwnpeachy. day arrived at Campeachy. There the natives re- ived cc 1520. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 295 ceived them more hofpttably ; but the Spaniards B ° ° K were much furprifed, that on all the extenfive coaft along which they had failed, and which they ima- gined to be a large ifland, they had not obferved any river c . As their water began to fail, they ad- vanced, in hopes of finding a fupply ; and at length they difcovered the mouth of a river at Fotonchan, fome leagues beyond Campeachy. Cordova landed all his troops in order to pro- tect the failors while employed in filling the cafks; but notwithstanding this precaution, the natives rumed down upon them with fuch fury, and in fuch numbers, that forty-feven of the Spaniards were killed upon the fpot, and one man only of the whole body efcaped unhurt. Their commander, though wounded in twelve different places, di- rected the retreat with prefence of mind equal to the courage with which he had led them on in the engagement, and with much difficulty they regain- ed their fhips. After this fatal repulfe, nothing remained but to haflen back to Cuba with their fhattered forces. In their paffage thither they fuf- fered the moil exquifite diftrefs for want of water, that men wounded and fickly, (hut up in fmalj veffels, and expofed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be fuppofed to endure. Some of them, fink- ing under thefe calamities, died by the way j Cor- c See NOTE XXVI. U 4 dova, 296 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK landed in Cuba 1 ' dova, their commander, expired foon after they j 5 20. v.yge of Notwithstanding the difaftrous conclufion of tinjalva, this expedition, it contributed rather to animate than to damp a fpirit of enterprize among the Spaniards. They had difcovered an extenlive country, fituated at do great diftance from Cuba, fertile in appearance, and poilefled by a people far fuperior in improvement to any hitherto known in America. Though they had carried on little com- mercial intercom!', with the natives, they had brought off ibme ornaments of gold, not confider- able in value, but of lingular fabric. Thefe cir- cumftances, related with the exaggeration natural to men drfirous of heightening the merit of their own exploits, were more than fufficient to excite romantic hopes and expectations. Great numbers offered to engage in a new expedition. Velafquez, lblicitous to diilinguiih himfclf by Ibme fervice lb meritorious, as might entitle him to claim the go- vernment of Cuba independent of- the admiral, not; only encouraged their ardour, but at his own ex- pence fitted out four fhips for the voyage. Two hundred and forty volunteers, among whom were feveral perfons of rank and fortune, embarked in this enterprifc. The command of it was given to A Henera, ;!cc. 2. lib. ii. c. 17, 18. Hiflor. Verdadera de la Canquifla dc la L\ueva Efpana por Perml Diaz del C.flillo, cap. 1— 7* Oviedo, lib. xvi:. c. 3. Gomara, c. 52. P. Martyr de Jn.'ulis nupcr invcuL, n. 5:^. Juan. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 207 Juan de GrijaWa, a young man of known merit B ° ° K and courage, with inftructions to obferve with at- <- - % — -J tention the nature of the countries which he mould ,Si0 ' difcover, to barter for gold, and if circumitances were inviting, to fettle a colony in fome proper ftation. He failed from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of April one thoufand five hundred and «5 lg « eighreen. The pilot Alaminos held the fame Differs courfe as in the former voyage ; but the violence of the currents carrying the (hips to the fouth, the firft land which they made was the ifland of Cozu- piel, to the trad of Yucatan. As all the inhabic- Mi v 3« ants fled to the woods and mountains at the ap- proach of the Spaniards, they made no long ftay there, and, without any remarkable occurrence, they reached Potonchan on the oppofite fide of the peninfula. The defire of avenging their country- men who had been flain there, concurred with their ideas of good policy, in prompting them to land, that they might chaftife the Indians of that diftrict with fuch exemplary rigour, as would ftrike terror into all the people around them. But though they difembarked all their troops, and carried afhore fome ficid-pieces, the Indians fought with fuch courage, that the Spaniards gained the victory with difficulty, and were con- firmed in their opinion, that the inhabitants of this country would prove more formidable enemies than any they had met with in other parts of America. From Potonchan, they continued their voyage to- wards the weft, keeping as near as poflible to the fhore, 2r,8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B 'in K ^ ore > aru * calling anchor every evening? from 1 — «, — ' dread of the dangerous accidents to which they might be expofed in an unknown Tea. During the day, their eyes were turned continually towards land, with a mixture of furprife and wonder at the beauty of the country, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many villages were fcattered along the coaft, in which they could di- flinguifh houfes of ftone that appeared white and lofty at a diftance. In the warmth of their admira- tion, they fancied thefe to be cities adorned with towers and pinnacles ; and one of the ibldiers hap- pening to remark that this country refembled Spain in its appearance, Grijalva, with univerfal np- plaufe, called it New Spain, the name which ftill diftinguimes this extenfive and opulent province of June 9. the Spanifh empire in America. They landed in a T*ba'co. river which the natives called Tabafcc, and the fame of their victory at Potonchan having reached thh place, the cacique not only received them ami- cably, but beftowed prelents upon them of luch value, as confirmed the high ideas which the Spa- niards had formed with refpect to the wealth and fertility of the country. Thefe ideas were railed flill higher by what occurred at the place where they next touched. This was confiderably to the weft of Tabafco, in the province fince known by Gjsxica. t h e name f Guaxaca. '1 here they were received with refpect paid to fuperior beings. The people perfumed them as they landed with incenfe of gum copal, and preienced to them as offerings the choiceft HISTORY OF AMERICA. 299 choiceft. delicacies of their country. They were B ° ° K extremely fonel ol trading with their new vifitants, 1 , — » and in fix days the Spaniards obtained ornaments ,;>l8 " of gold, of curious workmanfhip, to the value of fifteen thouiand peibs, in exchange for European toys of fmall price. The two priloners whom Cor- dova had brought from Yucatan, had hitbertq ferved as interpreters ; but as they did not under- ftand the language of this country, the Spaniards learned from the natives by figns, that they vvere fubjecls of a great monarch called Montezuma, whofe dominion extended over that and many other provinces. Leaving this place, with which he had fo much reafon to be pleafed, Grijalva continued his courfe towards the well. He landed j'jnei^ on a fmall ifland, which he named the Ifle of Sa- crifices, becaufe there the Spaniards beheld, for the firft time, the horrid fpeclacle of human vic- tims, which the barbarous fuperftition of the na- tives offered to their gods. He touched at another fmall ifland, which he called St. Juan de Ulua. st.juands Ulua From this place he difpatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velafquez, with a full ac- count of the important difcoveries which he had made, and with all the treafure that he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. After the departure of Alvarado, he hjmfelf, with the remaining vefiels, proceeded along the coaft as far as the river Panuco, the country ftill appearing to be well peopled, fertile, and opulent. Several 300 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B ^u K Several of Grijalva's officers contended, that <— -v — ' it was not enough to have difcovered thofe delight- ReaUisVor ful regions, or to have performed, at their different iTmbiw" 1 landing-places, the empty ceremony of taking pof- theK. feffion of them for the crown of Caftile, and that their glory was incomplete, unlefs they planted a colony in fome proper ftation, which might not only fecure the Spanifh nation a footing in the country, but, with the reinforcements which they were certain of receiving, might gradually fubject the whole to the dominion of their fovereign. But the fquadron had now been above five months at fea •, the greater! part of their provifions was ex- haufted, and what remained of their ftores ib much corrupted by the heat of the climate, as to be almoft unfit for ufe ; they had loft fome men by death •, others were fickly ; the country was crowd- ed with people who feemed to be intelligent as well as brave j and they were under the government of one powerful monarch, who could bring them to ail againft their invaders with united force. To plant a colony under fo many circumflances of difad vantage, appeared a fcheme too perilous to be attempted. Grijaiva, though poffeffed both of ambition and courage, was deftitute of the fuperior talents capable of forming or executing fuch a great plan. He judged it more prudent to return to Cuba, having fulfilled the purpofeof his voyage, and accomplished all that the armament which he commanded enabled him to perform. He returned to St. Jago de Cuba, on the twenty-fixth of Octo- ber, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 301 ber, from which he had taken his departure about book fix months before e . t-^-^-^j 1518. This was the longeft as well as the moft fuc- Pernio™ _ _ for another cefsful voyage which the Spaniards had hitherto expedition, made in the New World. They had difcovered that Yucatan was not an ifland as they had fup- pofed, but part of the great continent of America. From Potonchan they had purfued their courfe for many hundred miles along a coaft formerly unex» plored, ftretching at firft towards the weft, and then turning to the north; all the country which they had difcovered appeared to be no lets va- luable than extenfive. As foon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velafquez, transported with fuccefs fo far beyond his moft fanguine expectations, im- mediately difpatched a perfon of confidence to carry this important intelligence to Spain, to ex- hibit the rich productions of the countries which had been difcovered by his means, and to folicic fuch an increafe of authority as might enable and encourage him to attempt the conqueft of them. Without waiting for the return of his mefienger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whom he was be- come fo jealous or diftruftful that he refolved no longer to employ him, he began to prepare fuch a powerful armament, as might prove equal to an enterprile of fo much danger and importance. e Herrera, dec. 11. lib. iii. c. 1, 2. 9,. 10. Bernal Diaz, c. 8. 17. Oviedo Hill. lib. .xvii. c. 9. 20. Gomara, c. 49. But 3 oz HISTORY OF AMERK r as the expedition upon which Velafquez ntent, terminated in conqueits of greater 15 '*' n . than whit the Spaniards had hitherto teved, and led thetn to the knowledge of a pie, who, if c> ch i'uch of the Ame- ricans as were then known, may be confidered as h ; tiled ■, it is proper to paufe before we proceed to the hifh different from thofe which we have already related, in order to take a view of the l^ate of the New World when fir I contemplate the policy nners of 1 . Itivated tribes, that copied all the pa-:s of it, with wbic Spa- r ird were a: this time acquainted. i/Pu/'lvkM and afcertain their boundaries as far as thefe are deter- mined by the ocean, it leaves us in ignorance with rc- fpe^t to their interior ftate. Ab'we two centuries and a half have elapled fince the Europeans failed round the fouthcrn promontory of Africa, and have traded in molt of its ports ; but, in a confideraMe part of that great con- tinent, they have done little more than furvey its coalts, and mark its capes and harbours. Its interior regions are in a great meafure unknown. The ancients, who had a very imperfect knovvledge of its coafb, except where they arc wafh'.d by the Mediterranean or Red Sea, were accullomed to penetrate into its inland provinces, and, if we may rely on the tcllimony of Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, had explored many parts of it now al- together unknown. Unlefs both modes of dilcovery be 3 united, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 3r r united, the geographical knowlcJgc of the earth muft re- main incomplete and inaccurate. NOTE VIII. p. 29. 'T H E notion of the ancients concerning fuch an ex- ceflive dc rec of heat in the torrid zone, as rendered it uninhabitable, and their perfifting in this error long after th< g in to have fomc commercial intercourfe \v> _ral parts of India lying within the tropics, muft appear fo fingular and abfurd, that it may not be unac- ceptable to fome of my readers to produce evidence of their holding this opinion, and to account for the apparent inconfiftence of their theory with their experience, Ci- cero, who had beftowed attention upon every part of philofophy known to the ancients, feems to have believed that the torrid zone was uninhabitable, and, of confe- quence, that there could be no intercourfe between the northern and fouthern temperate zones. He introduces Africanus thus addrefling the younger Scipio : " You fee this earth encompafled, and as it were bound in by certain zones, of which two, at the greatefc diftance from each other, and fuftaining the oppofite poles of heaven, are frozen with perpetual cold j the middle one, and the largeft of all, is burnt with the heat of the fun ; two are habitable, the people in the fouthern one are antipodes to us, with whom we have no connection." S omnium Sci- pionis, c. 6. Geminus, a Greek philofopher, contem- porary with Cicero, delivers the fame doctrine, not in a popular work, but in his Eura.yoo'yr] u? (pxinfAtvy.^ a trea- tife purely fcicntific. " When we fpeak," fays he, " of the fouthern temperate zone, and its inhabitants, and concerning thofe who are called antipodes, it ■muft be al- ways understood, that we have no certain knowledge or X ± information 312 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. information concerning the fouthern temperate, zone, whether it be inhabited or not. But from the fpherical figure of the earth, and the courfe which the fun holds between the tropics, we conclude that there is another zone, fituated to thefouth, which enjoys the fame degree of temperature with the northern one which wc inhabit." Cap. xiii. p. 31. ap. Petavii Opus de Doftr. Tempor. in quo Uranologium live Syftemata var. Auolorum. Amff. 1705. vol. iii. The opinion of Pliny the naturalift, with refpect to both thefe points, was the fame : " There are five divinons of the earth, which are called zones. All that portion which lies near to the two oppofite poles is opprefled with vehement cold, and eternal froft. There, unbleft with the alpect of milder ftars, perpetual darknefs reigns, or at the utmoft a feeble light reflected from fur- rounding fnows. The middle of the earth, in which is the orbit of the fun, is fcorched .:nd burnt up with flames and fiery vapoiu . Between thefe torrid and frozen dif- tric~ls lie two other portions of the earth, which arc tem- perate ; but, on account of the burning region interpofed, there can be no communication between them. Thus Heaven has deprived us of three parts of the earth." Lib. ii. c. 68. Strabo delivers his opinion to the fame effect, in terms no lefs explicit : " The portion of the earth which lies near the ecuutor, in the torrid zone, is ren- dered uninhabitable by heat." Lib. ii. p. 154. To thefe I might add the authority of many other refpectablc philofophert and hiltorians of antiquity. In order to explain the fenfe in which this doctrine was generally received, we may oblerve, that Parmenides, as we are informed by Strabo, was the firft who divided the earth into five zones, and he extended the limits of the zone which he fuppofed to be uninhabitable on account of heat, beyond the tropics. Ariilotle, as we learn like- wife NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. wife from Strabo, fixed the boundaries of the different zones in the fame manner as they are defined by modern geographers. But the progrefs of difcovery having gra- dually demonstrated that feveral regions of the earth which lay within the tropics were not only habitable, but popu- lous and fertile, this induced later geographers to circum- scribe the limits of the torrid zone. It is not eafy to af- certain with precifion the boundaries which they allotted to it. From a paflage in Strabo, who, as far as I know, is the only author of antiquity from whom we receive any hint concerning this fubject, I mould conje&ure, that thofe who calculated according to the meafurement of the earth by Eratofthenes, fuppofed the torrid zone to com- prehend near fixteen degrees, about eight on each iide of the equator ■> whereas fuch as followed the computation of Pofidonius allotted about twenty-four degrees, or fome- what more than twelve degrees on each fide of the equator to the torrid zone. Strabo, lib. ii. p. 151. According to the former opinion, about two-thirds of that portion of the earth which lies between the tropics was confidered as habitable j according to the latter, about one half of it. With this reftriclion, the doctrine of the ancients con- cerning the torrid zone appears lefs abfurd ; and we cm conceive the reafon of their aflerting this zone to be unin- habitable, even after they had opened a communication with feveral places within the tropics. When men of fcience fpoke of the torrid zone, they confidered it as it was limited by the definition of geographers to fixteen, or at the utmoft to twenty-four degrees j and as they knew almoft nothing of the countries nearer to the equator, they might frill fuppofe them to be uninhabitable. In loofe and popular difcourfe, the name of the torrid zone continued to be given to all that portion of the earth which lies within the tropics. Cicero feems to have been unac- quainted with thofe ideas of the later geographers, and adhering 3 r 3 ^14 n;otes and illustrations. adhering to the divifion of Parmenides, defcribes the tor- rid zone as the largeft of the five. Some of the ancients rejected the notion concerning the intolerable heat of the torrid zone as a popular error. This, we are told by Plutarch, was the fentiment of Pythagoras, and we learn from Strabo, that Eratofthenes and Polybius had adopted the fame opinion, lib. ii. 154. Ptolemy feems to have paid no regard to the ancient doctrine and opinions con- cerning the torrid zone. NOTE IX. p. 52. HP H E court of inquifition, which effectually checks a fpirit of liberal inquiry, and of literary improve- ment, wherever it is eftablifhed, was firft introduced into Portugal by John III. who began hi: reign A. D. 1521. NOTE X. p. 6r. A N inftance of this is related by Hackluyt, upon the authority of the Portuguefe hifrorian Garcia de Re- fende. Some Englifh merchants having refolved to open a trade with the coafl of Guinea, John II. of Portugal difpatched ambailadors to Edward IV., in order to lay before him the right which he had acquired by the Pope's bull to the dominion of that country, and to requelt of him to prohibit his fubjecls to profecute their intended voyage. Edward was fo much fatisfied with the exclu- five title of the Portuguefe, that he ifliied his orders in the terms which they defired. Hackluyt, Navigations, Voy- ages, and Traffics of the Englifh, vol. ii. part ii. p. 2. NOTE NOTES AND illLSTRATIONS. 315 NOTE XI. p. 73. 'THE time of Colli birth may be nearly afcer- tained by rhe Foil win ircumftances. It appears from the fragn ht f a ^cr, addref.ed by him to Ferdi- nand and [fal D. 150, that he had, at that time, been engaged forty years in a fea-f;.ring life. In another letter, he informs them, that he went to fea at the age of fourteen ; from thofe facts it follows, that ne was born A. D. 1447. -k^ c °f Chrift. Colum 1 u c , by his fon Don Ferdinand. Churchill's Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 484, 485. NOTE XII. p. 81. 'T 4 H E fpherical figure of the earth was known to the ancient geographers. They invented the method, flill in ufe, of computing the longitude and latitude of different places. According to their doctrine, the equa- tor, or imaginary line which encompaffes the earth, con- tained three hundred and fixty decrees ; thefe they divided into twenty -four parts, or hours, each equal to fifteen degrees. The country of the Seres or Since ^ being the fartheft part of India known to the ancients, was fup- pofed, by Marinus Tyrius, the moft eminent of the an- cient geographers before Ptolemy, to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the caft of the firft meridian, pafiing through the Fortunate Iflands. Ptolemaei Geogr. lib. i. c. 11. If this fuppofition was well-founded the country of the Seres, or China, was only nine hours, or one hundred and thirty-five degrees weft from the Fortunate or Canary Iflands ; and the na- vigation, in that direction, was much fhorter than by the courfe 316 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. courfe which rhe Portuguefe were purfuing. Marco Polo, in his travels, had defcribed countries, particularly the ifland of Cipango or Zipangri, fuppofed to be Japan, considerably to the eaft of any part of Afia known to the ancients. Marcus Paulus de Region. Oriental, lib. ii. c. 70. lib. iii. c. 2. Of courfe, this country, as it ex- tended further to the eaft, was ftill nearer to the Canary Iflands. The conclufions of Columbus, though drawn from inaccurate obfervations, werejuft. If the fuppofi- tions of Marinus had been well founded, and if the coun- tries, which Marco Polo vifited, had been fituatcd to the eaft of thofe whofe longitude Marinus had ascertained, the proper and neareft courfe to the Eaft Indies muft have been to fteer directly weft. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 2. A more extenfive knowledge of the globe has now difco- vered the great error of Marinus, in fuppofing China to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees eaft from the Canary Iflands, and that even Ptolemy was miftaken, when he reduced the longitude of China to twelve hours, or one hundred and eighty degrees. The longitude of the weftern frontier of that vaft empire is fcven hours, or one hundred and fifteen degrees from the meridian of the Canary Iflands. But Columbus followed the Iia;ht which his age afforded, and relied upon the authority of writers, who were, at that time, regarded as the inftructors and guides of mankind in the fcience of geography. NOTE XIII. p. 106. A S the Portuguefe, in making their difcovci ies, did not depart far from the coaft of Africa, they con- cluded that birds, whofe flight they obferved with great attention, did not venture to any confiderable diftance fiom land. In the infancy of navigation, it was not known. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 317 known, that birds often ftretch their flight to an immenfe diftance from any fhore. In failing towards the Weft- Indian iflands, birds are often feen at the diftance of two hundred leagues from the neareft coaft. Sloan's Nat. Hift. of Jamaica, vol. i. p. 30. Catefby faw an owl at fea, when the (hip was fix hundred leagues diftant from land. Nat. Hift. of Carolina, pref. p. 7. Hift. Natu- relle de M. BufTon, torn. xvi. p. 32. From which it appears, that this indication of hnd, on which Columbus feems to have relied with fome confidence, was extremely uncertain. This obfervation is confirmed by Captain Cook, the moft extenfive and experienced navigator of any age or nation. " No one yet knows (fays he) to what diftance any of the oceanic birds go to fea ; for my own part, I do not believe that there is one in the whole tribe that can be relied on in pointing out the vicinity of land." Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i. p. 275. NOTE XIV. p. 119. TN a letter of the admiral's to Ferdinand and Ifabella, he defcribes one of the harbours in Cuba, with all the enthufiaftic admiration of a difcoverer. — " I difcovered a river which a galley might eafily enter - 3 the beauty of it induced me to found, and I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having proceeded a confiderable way up the river, every thing invited me to fettle there. The beauty of the river, the clearnefs of the water, through which I could fee the fandy bottom, the multitude of palm-trees of different kinds, the talleft and fineft I had feen, and an infinite number of other large and flourifhing trees, the birds, and the verdure of the plains, are fo wonderfully beautiful, that this country excels all others as far as the day furpaffes the night in brightnefs and fplendour, fo that I often faid, that it would be in vain for 318 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. for me to attempt to give your highnefles a full account of it, for neither my tongue nor my pen could come up to the truth ; and indeed I am fo much amazed at the fight of fuch beauty, that I know not how to defcribe it." Life of Columbus, c. 30. NOTE XV. p. 124. ^Tr 1 H E account which Columbus gives of the humanity and orderly behaviour of the natives on this occaiion is very ftrilcing. M The king (fays he, in a letter to Ferdinand and Ifabclla) having been informed of our misfortune, exprefled great grief for our lofs, and im- mediately fent aboard all the people in the place in many large canoes ; we foon unloaded the fhip of every thing that was upon deck, as the king gave us great afliftance : he himfelf, with his brothers and relations, took all pof- fible care that every thing fhould be properly done both aboard and on more. And, from time to time, he fent fome of his relations weeping, to beg of me not to be de- jected, for he would give me all that he had. I can aflure your highnefles, that fo much care would not have been taken in fecuring our effects in any part of Spain, as all our property was put together in one place near his pa- lace, until the houfes which he wanted to prepare for the cuftody of it, were emptied. He immediately placed a guard of armed men, who watched during the whole night, and thofe on fhore lamented as if tiiey had been much interefted in our lofs. The people are fo affection- ate, fo tractable, and fo peaceable, that 1 fwear to your highnefles, that there is not a better race of men, nor a better country in the world. They love their neighbour as themfclves ; their converfatkm is the fvveeteft and mildefl: in the world, cheerful, and always accompanied with a fmile. And although it is true that they go naked, yet NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. yet your highnefTes may be allured that they have many very commendable cuftoms j the king is ferved with great ftate, and his behaviour is fo decent, that it is pleafant to fee him, as it is likewife to obferve the wonderful me- mory which thefe people have, and their defire of know- ing every thing, which leads them to inquire into its caufes and effects. " Life of Columbus, c. 32. It is probable that the Spaniards were indebted for this officious attention, to the opinion which the Indians entertained of them as a fuperior order of beings. NOTE XVI. p. 131. |7 VERY monument of fuch a man as Columbus is valuable. A letter which he wrote to Ferdinand and Ifabella, describing what pafTed on this occafion, exhibits a moft frriking picture of his intrepidity, his humanity, his prudence, his public fpirit, and courtly addrefs. " I would have been lefs concerned for this misfortune, had I alone been in danger, both becaufe my life is a debt that I owe to the Supreme Creator, and becaufe I have at other times been expofed to the moft imminent hazard. But what gave me infinite grief and vexation was, that after it had pleafed our Lord to give me faith to undertake this enterprize, in which I had now been fo fuccefsful, that my opponents would have been convinced, and the glory of your highnefics, and the extent of your territory increafed by me ; jt mould pleafe the Divine Majefty to flop all by my death. All this would have been more to- lerable, had it not been attended with the lofs of thofe men whom I had carried with me, upon promife of the greateft profperity, who feeing themfelves in fuch diftrefs, curfed not only their coming along with me, but that, fear and awe of me, which prevented them from return- ing as tbey often had refolvcd to have done. But befidcs all 3*9 320 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. all this, my forrow was greatly increafed, by recollecting that I had left my two fons at fchool at Cordova, deftitute of friends, in a foreign country, when it could not in all probability be known that I had done fuch fervices as might induce your highnefTes to remember them. And though 1 comforted myfelf with the faith that our Lord would not permit that, which tended fo much to the glory of his church, and which I had brought about with fo much trouble, to remain imperfect, yet I confidered that, on account of my fins, it was his will to deprive me of that glory, which I might have attained in this world. While in this confufed ftate, I thought on the good for- tune which accompanies your highnefles, and imagined, that although I fhould perifh, and the veflel be loft, it was poflible that you might fomehow come to the know- ledge of my voyage, and the fuccefs with which it was attended. For that reafon I wrote upon parchment with the brevity which the fituation required, that I had dif- covered the lands which I promifed, in how many days I had done it, and what courfe I had followed. I men- tioned the goodnefs of the country, the character of the inhabitants, and that your highnefTes fubjecls were left in poflcfllon of all that I had difcovered. Having fealed this writing, I addrcfled it to your highnefles, and promifed a thoufand ducats to any perfon who fhould deliver it fealed, fo that if any foreigners found it, the promifed re- ward might prevail on them not to give the information to another. I then caufed a great cafk to irukbrought to me, and wrapping up the parchment in an oiled cloth, and afterwards in a cake of wax, I put it into the caflc, and having ftopt it well, I cafl it into the fea. All the men believed that it was fome ad"l of devotion. Imagining that this might never chance to be taken up; as the fhips approached nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 32* the firft, and placed it at the top of the poop, Co that if the fhip funk, the cafk remaining above water might be com- mitted to the guidance cf fortune." NOTE XVII. p. 136. C O M E Snanifh authors, with the meannefs of national jealoufy, have endeavoured to detracT: from the glory of Columbus, by infinuating that he was led to the dif- covery of the New World, not by his own inventive or enterprifing genius, but by information which he had re- ceived. According to their account, a veflel having been driven from its courfe by eafterly winds, was carried be- fore them far to the weir, and landed on the coaft of an unknown country, from which it returned with diffi- culty ; the pilot, and three failors, being the only perfons who furvived the diftrefles which the crew fuffered, from want of provifions, and fatigue in this long voyage. In a few days after their arrival, all the four died ; but the pilot having been received into the houfe of Columbus, his intimate friend, difclofed to him, before his death, the il-cret of the difcovery which he had accidentally made, and left him his papers containing a journal of the voyage, which ferved as a guide to Columbus in his undertaking. Gomara, as far as I know, is the firft author who pub- lifhed this ftory, Hift. c. 13. Every circumftance is deftitute of evidence to fupport it. Neither the name of the vefTel nor its defti nation is known. Some pretend that it belonged to one of the fea-port towns in Andalufia, and was failing either to the Canaries, or to Madeira ; others, that it was a Bifcayner in its way to England; others, a Portuguefe fhip trading on the coaft of Guinea. The name of the pilot is alike unknown, as well as that of the port in which he landed on his return. According to fome, it was in Portugal ; according to others, in Ma- Vol. I. Y deira, 322 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. deira, or the Azores. The year in which this voyage was made is no lefs uncertain. Monfon's Nav. Tracts. Churchill, iii. 371. No mention is made of this pilot, or his difcoveries, by And. Bernaldes, or Pet. Martyr, the contemporaries of Columbus. Herrera, with his ufual judgment, pafles over it in filence. Oviedo takes notice of this report, but confiders it as a tale fit only to amufe the vulgar. Hift. lib. ii. c. 2. As Columbus held his courfe directly weft from the Canaries, and never varied it, fome later authors have fugpofed, that this uni- formity is a proof of his being guided by fome previous information. But they do not recollect the principles on which he founded all his hopes of fuccefs, that by holding a wefterly courfe he muff, certainly arrive at thofe regions of the eaft defcribed by the ancients. His firm belief of his ownfyftem led him to take that courfe, and to purfue it without deviation. The Spaniards are not the only people who have called in queftion Columbus's claim to the honour of having difcovered America. Some German authors afcribe this honour to Martin Behaim, their countryman. He was of the noble family of the Behaims of Schwartzbach, ci- tizens of the firft rank in the Imperial town of Nurem- berg. Having ftudied under the celebrated John Muller, better known by the name of Regiomontanus, he acquir- ed fuch knowledge of cofmography, as prompted him to explore thofe regions, the fituation and qualities of which he had been accuftomed to investigate and defcribe. Under the patronage of the Duchefs of Burgundy he re- paired to Lifbon, whither the fame of the Poituguefe dif- coveries invited all the adventurous fpirits of the age. 'There, as we learn from Herman Schedel, of whofe Chrouicon Mandi a German tranflation was printed at Nuremberg A. D. 1493, ^ iS mcTlt as a cofmographer jraifed NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 323 raifed him, in conjunction with Diego Cano, to the command of a fquadron fitted out for difcovery in the year 1483. In that voyage, he is faid to have difcovered the kingdom of Congo. He fettled in the ifland of Fayal, one of the Azores, and was a particular friend of Colum- bus. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. 1. c. 2. Magellan had a terreftrial globe made by Behaim, on which he demon- strated the courfe that he purpofed to hold in fearch of the communication with the South Sea, which he afterwards difcovered. Gomara Hifc. c. 19. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. ii. c. 19. In the year 1492, Behaim vifited his re- lations in Nuremberg, and left with them a map drawn with his own hand, which is ftill preferved among the ar- chives of the family. Thus far the ftory of Martin Be- haim feems to be well authenticated ; but the account of his having difcovered any part of the New World appears to be merely conjectural. In the firft editition, as I had at that time hardly any knowledge of Behaim but what I derived from a frivolous Diflertation de vero Novi Orbis Inventore, publifhed at Francfort, A. D. 17 14, by Jo. Frid. Stuvenius, I was induqed, by the authority of Herrera, to fuppofe that Be- haim was not a native of Germany ; but from more full and accurate information, communicated to me by the learned Dr. John Reinold Forfter, I am now fatisfied that I was miftaken. Dr. Forfter has been likewife fo <)-ood as to favour me with a copy of Behaim's map, as publifhed by Doppelmayer in his Account of the Mathe- maticians and Artifts of Nuremberg. From this map, the imperfection of cofmographical knowledge at that pe- riod is manifeft. Hardly one place is laid down in its true fituation. Nor can I difcover from it any reafon to fuppofe that Behaim had the leaft knowledge of any region- in America. He delineates, indeed, an ifland to which Y 2 he -$24 no;tes and illustrations. he gives the name of St. Brandon. This, it is imagined, may be fome part of Guiana, fuppofed at firft to be an ifland. He places i,t in the lame latitude with the Cape Verd Ifles, and I fufpecl it to be an imaginary ifland which has been admitted into fome ancient maps on no better authority than the legend of the lrifli St. Brandon or Brendan, whofe ftory is fo childifhly fabulous as to be unworthy of any notice, Girald. Cambrienfis ap. Mif- fingham Florilegium Sanctorum, p. 427. The prctcnfions of the Welfh to the difcovcry of Ame- rica feem not to reft on a foundation much more folid. In the twelfth century, according to Powell, a difpute having arifen among the fons of Owen Guyncth, king of North-Wales, concerning the fuccei&on to his crown, Madoc, one of their number, weary of this contention, betook himfelf to fea in quell of a rnore quiet fettlement. He fleered due weft, leaving Ireland to the north, and arrived in an unknown country, which appeared to him fo defirable, that he returned to Wales, and carried thi- ther feveral of his adherents and companions. This is laid to have happened about the year 1 1 70, and after that, he and his colony were heard of no more. But it is to be obfervc J, that Powell, on whofe teftimony the authen- ticity of this ftory refts, publifhed his hiftory above four centuries from the date of the event which he relates. Among a people as rude and as illiterate as the Welfh at that period, the memory of a tranfaclion fo remote mull have been very imperfectly preferved, and would require to be confirmed by fome author of greater credit, and nearer to the a:ra of Madoc's voyage, than Powell. Later antiquaries have indeed appealed to the teftimony of Me- redeth ap Rhees, a Welfh bard, who died A. D. 1477. But he too lived at fuch a diftance of time from the event, that he cannot be confidercd as a witnefs of much more credit NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 325" credit than Powell. Befides, his verfes publifhed by Hakluvt, vol. iii. p. 1. convey no information, but that Madoc, diSSatisfied with his domeftic fituation, employed himfelf in fearching the ocean for new poffeflions. But even if we admit the authenticity of Powell's ftory, it does not follow that the unknown country which Madoc dis- covered by fleering weft, in fuch a courfe as to leave Ire- land to the north, was any part of America. The fkill of the Welfh in the twelfth century was hardly equal to fuch a voyage. If he made any difcovery at all, it is more probable that it was Madeira, or fome other of the weftern ifles. The affinity of the Welfh language with fome dialers fpoken In America, has been mentioned as a circumftance which confirms the truth of Madoc's voy- age. But that has been obferved in fo few inftances, and in fome of thefe the affinity is fo obfeure, or fo fanciful, that no conclufion can be drawn from the cafual refem- blance of a fmall number of words. There is a bird, which, as far as is yet known, is found only on the coafts of South America, from Port Defire to the Straits of Magellan. It is diftinguifhed by the name of Penguin. This word in the Welfh language Signifies JVbhe-head. Almoft all the authors who favour the pretentions of the Welfh to the difcovery of America, mention this as an irrefragable proof of the affinity of the Welfh lan- guage with that fpoken in this region of America. But Mr. Pennant, who has given a Scientific defcription of the Penguin, obferves, that all the birds of this genus have black heads, " fo that we mull reflgn every hope (adds he) founded on this hypothefis of retrieving the Cambrian race in the New World." Philof. TranSact. vol. Iviii. p. 91, &c. Befide this, if the Welfh, towards the clofe of the twelfth century, had fettled in any part of America, fome remains of the Christian doelnne and rites muft have been found among their descendants, when Y 3 they 326 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. they were difcovered about three hundred years poflerior to their migration ; a period fo fhort, that, in the courfe of it, we cannot well fuppofe that all European ideas and arts would be totally forgotten. Lord Lyttelton, in his notes to the fifth book of his Hifrory of Henry II. p. 37 1. has examined what Powell relates concerning the disco- veries made by Madoc, and invalidates the truth of his flory by other arguments of great weight. The pretenfions of the Norwegians to the difcoveryof America, feem to be better founded than thofe of the Germans or Wclih. The inhabitants of Scandinavia were remarkable in the middle ages for the boldnefs and extent of their maritime excurfions. In 874, the Nor- wegians difcovered, and planted a colony in Iceland. In 982, they difcovered Greenland, and eftabliCieu fcttle- ments there. From that, fome of their navigators pro- ceeded towards the weft, and difcovered a country more inviting than thofe horrid regions with which they were acquainted. According to their reprefentation, this country was fandy on the coafts, but in the interior parts level and covered with wood, on which account they gave it the name of Hellc-land, and Mark-land, and having afterwards found fome plants of the vine which bore grapes, they called it Win. land. The credit of this ftory refts, as far as I know, on the authority of the faga, or Chronicle of king Olaus, compofed by Snorro Sturlonides, or Sturlufonsy publifhcd by Perinfkiold at Stockholm A. D. 1697. As Snorro was born in the year 1179, his chronicle might be compiled about two centuries after the event which he relates. His account of the navigation and difcoveries of Biorn, and his companion Lief, is a very rude confufed tale, p. 104. no. 326. It is impof- fible to difcover from him, what part of America it was in which the Norwegians landed. According to his ac- count NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 327 count of the length of the days and night?, it mud have been as far north as the fifty-eighth degree of latitude, on fome part of the coaft of Labradore, approaching near to the entry of Hudfon's Straits. Grapes, certainly, are not the production of that country. Torfeus fuppofcs that there is an error in the text, by rectifying of which, the place where the Norwegians landed may be fuppofed to be fituated in latitude 49°. But neither is that the region of the vine in America. From perufing Snorro's tale, I mould think that the fituation of Newfoundland correfponds beft with that of the country difcovered by the Norwegians. Grapes, however, are not the pro- duction of "that barren ifland. Other conjeaures are mentioned by M, Mallet, Introd. a l'Hift, de Dannem. 175, &c. I am not diffidently acquainted with the lite- rature of the north, to examine them. It feems manifeft, that if the Norwegians did difcover any part of America at that period, their attempts to plant colonies proved unfuccefsful, and all knowledge of it was foon loft, NOTE XVIII. p. 137. pETER MARTYR, ab Angleria, a Milanefe gentle- man, rending at that time in the court of Spain,, whofe letters contain an account of the franfaftions of that period, in the order wherein they occured, defcribcs the fentiments with which he himfelf and his learned cor- respondents were affected, in very linking terms. " Prae laetitia profiluifTe te, vixque a lachrymis prce gaudio tem- per afle, quando literas adfpexifti meas quibus, de antipo- dum orbe latenti haaenus, te certiorem feci, mi fuavit- fime Pomponi, infinuafti. Ex tuis ipfe Uteris colligo, quid fenferis. Senfifti autem, tantique rem fecifti, quanti yirum lumma dodrina infignitum decuit. Quis namque Y 4 cibus 22$ NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. cibus fublimibus pvasftari poteft ingeniis, ifto fuavior ? quod condimentum gratius ? A me facio conjecluram. Beari fentio fpiritus meos, quando accitos alloquor pru- dentes aliquos ex his qui ab ea redeunt provincia. Im- plicent animos pecuniarum cumulis augcndis miferi avari, libidinibus obfcoeni ; noftras nos mentes, poftquam Deo pleni aliquando fuerimus, contemplando, hujufcemodi rerum notitia demulciamus." Epift. 152. Pomponio Lxto. NOTE XIX. p. 151. CO firmly were men of fcience, in that age, perfuadcd that the countries which Columbus had difcovered were connected with the Eaft Indies, that Bernaldes, the Cura de los Palacios, who feems to have been no inconfi- derable proficient in the knowledge of cofmography, con- tends that Cuba was not an ifland, but a part of the con- tinent, and united to the dominions of the Great Khan. This he delivered as his opinion to Columbus himfelf, who was his gueft for fomc time on his return from his fecond voyage ; and he fupports it by feveral arguments, moftly founded on the authority of Sir John Mandeville. MS. penes me. Antonio Gallo, who was fecretary to the magiftracy of Genoa towards the clofe of the fifteenth century, publifhed a fhort account of the navigations and difcoveries of his countryman Columbus, annexed to his Opufcula Hiflorica de rebus populi Genuenfis ; in which he informs us, from letters of Columbus which he him- felf had feen, that it was his opinion, founded upon nau- tical obfervations, that one of the iflands he had difco- vered was diitant only two hours or thirty degrees from Cattigara, which, in the charts of the geographers of that age, was laid down, upon the authority of Ptolemy, lib. vii. c. 3. as the moil cafterly place in Afia. From this NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. this he concluded, that if fome unknown continent did not obftrucf. the navigation, there muft be a fhort and eafy acceis, by holding a weftcrly courfe, to this extreme region of the Eaft. Muratori Scriptores Rer. Italicarum* vol. xxiii. p. 304. NOTE XX. p. 158. TDERNALDES, the Cura or Rector de los Palacios, a contemporary writer, fays, that five hundred of thefe captives were fent to Spain, and fold publicly in Seville as flaves ; but that, by the change of climate, and their inability to bear the fatigue of labour, they all died in a fhort time. MS. penes me. NOTE XXI. p. 172. /~ OLUMBUS feems to have formed fome very lingular opinions concerning the countries which he had now difcovered. The violent fwell and agitation of the wa- ters on the coaft of Trinidad led him to conclude this to be the higheft. part of the terraqueous globe, and he ima- gined that various circumftances concurred in proving that the fea was here vifibly elevated. Having adopted this erroneous principle, the apparent beauty of the coun- try induced him to fall in with a notion of Sir John Man- deville, c. 102. that the terreftrial paradife was the higheft land in the earth ; and he believed that he had been fo fortunate as to difcover this happy abode. Nor ought we to think it ftrange that a perfon of fo much fa- gacity fhould be influenced by the opinion or reports of fuch a fabulous author as Mandeville. Columbus and the other difcoverers were obliged to follow fuch guides as they could find ; and it appears from feveral paflages in the manufcript of Andr. Bernaldes, the friend of Co- lumbus, 3°-9 330 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. lumbus, that no inconfiderablc decree of credit was o-ivcn to the tt-itimony of Mandeville in that age. BcrnalJcs. frequently quotes him, and always with refpecT:. NOTE XXII. p , 185. ]T is remarkable, that neither Gomara norOviedo, the mod ancient Spanim hiflorians of America, nor Her- rera, confider Ojeda, or his companion Vefpucci, as the firft difcoverers of the continent of America. Thcv uni- formly afcribe this honour to Columbus. Some have fup-» pofed that national rcfentment againft Vefpucci, for de- ferring fhe fervice of Spain, and entering info thaf of Portugal, may have prompted thefe writers to conceal the actions which he performed. But Martyr and Benzoni, both Italians, could not be warped by the fame prejudice, Martyr was a contemporary author; he refided in the court of Spain, and had the befr opportunity to be exaclly informed with refpefl to all public tranfactions ; and yet, neither in his Decad c , the firft general hiftory published of the New World, nor in his Epiftles, which contain an account of all the remarkable events ol his time, dees he afcribe to Vefpucci the honour of having firft difco- vered the continent. Benzoni went as an adventurer to America in the year 1541, and refided there a confider* able time. He appears to have been animated with a warm zeal for the honour of Italy, his native countrv, and yet does not mention the exploits and difcoveries of Vefpucci. Herrera, who compiled his general hiftorv of America from the moft authentic records, not only fol- lows thole early writers, but accufes Vefpucci of fiif.lv- ing the dates of both the voyages which he made to the New World, and of confounding the one with the other, in order that he might arrogate to himfelf the glory of having difcovered the continent. Herrera, dec, 1. lib, iv, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 331 iv. c. 2. He auerts, that in a judicial inquiry into this matter by the royal fifcal, it was proved by the teftimony of Ojeda hirnfelf, that he touched at Ilifpaniola when re- turning to Spain from his firft voyage ; whereas Vefpucci gave out that they returned diredtly to Cadiz from the coafr. of Paria, and touched at Hifpaniola only in their fc- cond voyage ; and that he had finifhed the voyage in five months ; whereas, according' to Vefpucci's account, he had employed feventeen months in performing it. Viag- gio primo de Am. Vefpucci, p. 36. Viag. fee undo, p. 45. Herrera gives a more full account of this inqueft in another part of his book, and to the fame efFect. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 5. Columbus was in Hif* paniola when Ojeda arrived there, and had by that time come to an agreement with Roldan, who oppofed Ojeda's attempt to excite a new infurre&ion, and, of confe- quence, his voyage mud have been pofterior to that ot the admiral. Life of Columbus, c. 84. According to Vefpucci's account, lie fet out on his fjrft voyage, May ic, 1497. Y* a &* P r i mo ? P- °- At that time Columbus was in the court of Spain preparing for his voyage, and fecms to have enjoyed a confiderable degree of favour. The af- fairs of the New World were at this juncture under the direction of Antonio Torres, a friend of Columbus. It is not probable, that at that period a commiilion would be granted to another perfon, to anticipate the admiral, by undertaking a voyage which he hirnfelf intended to perform. Fonfeca, who patronized Ojeda, and granted the licence for his voyage, was not recalled to court, and reinitiated in the direction of Indian affairs, until the death of prince John, which happened September 1497, ^* Martyr, Ep. 182. feveral months pofterior to the time at which Vefpucci pretends to have fet out upon his voyage. A life of Vefpucci was publifhed at Florence by the Abate Bandini, A. D. 1745, 4to. It is a work of no merit, written, 332 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. written with little judgment, and lefs candour. He con- tends for his countryman's title to the difcovery of the continent with all the blind zeal of national partiality, but produces no new evidence to fupport it. We learn from him, that Vefpucci's account of his voyage was publifhed as early as the year 151 o, and probably fooner. Vita di Am. Velp. p. 52. At what time the name of America came to be firit given to the New World, is not certain. NOTE XXIII. p. 236. 'TT H E form employed on this occafion ferved as a mo- del to the Spaniards in all their fubfequent conquefts in America. It is fo extraordinary in its nature, and gives us fuch an idea of the proceedings of the Spaniards, and the principles upon which they founded their right to the extenfive dominions which they acquired in the New World, that it well merits the attention of the reader. ** I Alonfo de Ojeda, fervant of the molt high and power- ful kings of Caftile and Leon, the conquerors of bar- barous nations, their meffenger and captain, notify to you and declare, in as ample form as I am capable, that God our Lord, who is one and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, of whom you and we, and all the men who have been or (hall be in the world, are defcended. But as it has come to pal's, through the number of generations during more than five thoufand years, that they have been difperfed into differ- ent parts of the world, and are divided into various king- doms and provinces, becaufe one country was not able to contain them, nor could they have found in one the means of fubfiftence and prefervation ; therefore God our Lord gave the charge of all thofc people to one man, named St. Peter, whom he conftituted the lord and head 3 of NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 333 of all the human race, that all men, in whatever place they are born, or in whatever faith or place they are edu- cated, nTight vield obedience unto him. He hath fub- jecied the whole world to his jurifdiction, and command- ed him to eftablifh his refidence in Rome, as the moft proper place for the government of the world. He like- wife promifed and gave him power to eftablifh his au- thority in everv other part of the world, and to judge and govern all Chriftians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and all other people, of whatever feet or faith they may be. To him is given the name of Pope, which fignifies ad- mirable, great father and guardian, becaufe he is the father and governor of all men. Thofe who lived in the time of this holy father obeyed and acknowledged him as their lord and king, and the fuperior of the univerfe. The fame has been obferved with refpe£t. to them who, fince his time, have been chofen to the pontificate. Thus it now continues, and will continue to the end oi the world. " Oxe of thefe pontiffs, as lord of the world, hath made a grant of thefe iflands, and of the Tierre Firme of the ocean fen, to the Catholic kings of Caftile, Don Ferdinand and Donna Iiabella, of glorious memory, and their fucccflbrs, our fovereigns, with ail they contain, as is more fully exprefTed in certain deeds palled upon that occafion, which you may fee, if you defire it. Thus his majefty is king and lord of thefe iflands, and of the con- tinent, in virtue of this donation ; and, as king and lord aforefaid, moft of the iflands to which his title has been notified, have recognized his majefty, and now yield obedience and fubje&ion to him as their lord, voluntarily and without refinance ; and inftantly, as foon as they re- ceived information, they obeyed the religious men fent by the king to preach to them, and to inftruct them in our 334 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Our holy faith ; and all thefe, of their own free-will, without any recompence or gratuity, became Chriitians, and continue to be fo } and his majefty having received them gracioufly under his protection, has commanded that they fhould be treated in the fame manner as his other fubje£ts and vaflals. You are bound and obliged to ac~t in the fame manner. Therefore I now entreat and require you to confider attentively what I have de- clared to you ; and that you may more perfectly com- prehend it, that you take fuch time as is reafonable, in order that you may acknowledge the Church as the fu- perior and guide of the univerfe," and likewife the holy father called the Pope, in his own right, and his majefty by his appointment, as king and ibvereign lord of thefe iflands, and of the Tierra Firme ; and that you confent that the forefaid holy fathers mail declare and preach to you the doctrines above mentioned. If you do this, you acH well, and perform that to which you are bound and obliged ; and his majefty, and I in his name, will re- ceive you with love and kindnefs, and will leave you, your wives and children, free and exempt from fervitude, and in the enjoyment of all you poffefs, in the fame man- ner as the inhabitants of the iflands. Befidcs this, his majefty will beftow upon you many privileges, exemp- tions, and rewards. But if you will not comply, or ma- licioufly delay to obey my injunction, then, with the help of God, I will enter your country by force, I will carry on war againft you with the utmoft violence, 1 will fub- jeet you to the yoke of obedience to the church and the king, I will take your wives and children, and will make them flaves, and fell or difpofe of them according to his majefty's pleafure ; I will feize your goods, and do you all the millhief in my power, as rebellious fubjedts, who will not acknowledge or fubmit to their lawful ibvereign. And I proteft, that all the blocdlhed and calamities which fliaJl t NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 335 fhall follow are to be imputed to you, and not to his ma- jefty, or to me, or the gentlemen who ferve under me ; and as I have now made this declaration and requifition unto you, I require the notary here prefent to grant me a certificate of this, fubfcribed in proper form." Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 14. NOTE XXIV. p. 252. •D ALBOA, in his letter to the king, obferves, that of the hundred and ninety men whom he took with him, there were never above eighty fit for fervice at one time. So much did they fufFer from hunger, fa- tigue, and ficknefs. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. viii. c. 16. P. Mart, decad. 226. NOTE XXV. p. 267. ■pONSECA, bifhop of Palencia, the principal director of American affairs, had eight hundred Indians in property ; the commentator Lope de Conchillos, his chief affociate in that department, eleven hundred; and other favourites had different numbers. They fent over- fcers to the iflands, and hired out thofe flaves to the planters. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 14. p. 325. T NOTE XXVI. p. 295. HOUGH America is more plentifully fupplied with water than the other regions of the globe, there is no river or dream of water in Yucatan. This peninfula projects from the continent a hundred leagues, but, where broadeft, does not extend above twenty -five leagues. It is a flat plain, without mountains. The inhabitants 336 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. inhabitants are fupplied with water from pits, and #here- ever they dig them, find it in abundance. It is probable, from all thofe circumflances, that this country was for- merly covered by the fea. Herren-e Defcriptio India? Occidentals, p. 14. Hiftoire Naturelle, par M. de Buffbn, torn. i. p. 593. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. °\ if\[