I' >*••• 
 
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THE 
 
 DOMESDAY BOOK 
 
 KENT. 
 
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 translation, Jiotcs, an*> Slpprnbtjc. 
 
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 v THE EEV. LAMBERT BLACKWELL LARKING, M.A., 
 
 J LATE VICAR OF RTARSH, KENT. 
 
 i 
 
 A 
 
 1 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 JAMES TOOVEY, 177, PICCADILLY. 
 
 MDCCCLXIX. 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 
 
 LAMBERT BLACKWELL LARKING, to whom the reader is indebted for this magnificent edition 
 of the ‘Domesday oe Kext,’ was born at Clare Honse, East Mailing, on the 2nd of February, 1797. He 
 was the eldest son of John Larking and of Dorothy, daughter of Sir Charles Style, Baronet, of Wateringbury, 
 in the county of Kent. His mother was allied to the noble family of the Wingfields, and his ancestors on both 
 sides had long been settled in the county, of which his father was Deputy-Lieutenant, and served the office of 
 High Sheriff in 1808. 
 
 After receiving the rudiments of his education at Parson’s Green, under the care of a Mr. Pearson, young 
 Larking was sent to Eton as an oppidan. Here he laid the foundation of those critical habits and that refined 
 scholarship for which he was distinguished through life. Erom Eton he removed to Brasenose College, Oxford, 
 in 1816. In 1820 he obtained a second class in Classics, took his degree of B.A. in the same year, and that of 
 M.A. in 1823. 
 
 After a short visit to the Continent in company with Mr. Lowther, Mr. Larking returned to England, 
 and was ordained by Archbishop Howley to the Curacy of East Peckham, near Tunbridge. By his Hector, 
 the Eev. George Moore, Registrar of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, he was permitted to have access 
 to the wills and muniments in Mr. Moore’s keeping. It was thus that Mr. Larking acquired that taste for 
 Archaeological pursuits which in him amounted almost to a passion. Here also he gained that minute 
 acquaintance with the local traditions and the genealogical history of his native county in which he was 
 unrivalled. His researches, thus auspiciously commenced, were soon extended to other fields of inquiry. In 
 the prosecution of his favourite study every nook and corner was duly searched,—every sculptured stone and 
 storied window carefully examined. This is not the language of eulogy. Those who knew him well can bear 
 witness to its literal accuracy. His application was unwearied, his patience inexhaustible. It was characteristic 
 of him to spare no pains in whatever he undertook, to do thoroughly and completely whatever he set himself 
 to do. To the knowledge thus acquired by his local researches was added the examination of the public 
 muniments preserved in the national Record Office and elsewhere. No documents were too obscure, too 
 crabbed, or too antiquated to repel his curiosity, or diminish the ardour of his pursuit. Increase of appetite 
 grew by what it fed on; and his private papers and memoranda bear ample evidence of the wide scope of Iris 
 inquiries, of the judgment by which they were directed, and, above all, of that conscientious desire for extreme 
 accuracy which distinguished him alike in his literary and social converse,—in his moral as well as in his 
 intellectual character. 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 
 
 In the year 1830 Mr. Larking was presented to the Vicarage of Ryarsh, in Kent, by his cousin, the 
 Honourable J. Wingfield Stratford. In 1831 he married Frances, eldest daughter of Sir William Jervis 
 Twysden, Bart., of Roydon Hall. In January 1837 he succeeded to the Vicarage of Burham, in the same 
 county, on the nomination of Charles Milner, Esq., of Preston Hall. Shortly after his removal to Ryarsh, the 
 Surrenden Collection of Manuscripts was submitted to Mr. Barking’s inspection by Sir Edward Dering, a lineal 
 descendant of the Baronet of the same name who was distinguished for his learning and love of antiquarian 
 research in the Long Parliament of Charles I. This collection, formed by Sir Edward in the seventeenth 
 century, and consisting of ancient title-deeds and papers belonging to the Dering family, had been enriched 
 by miscellaneous documents derived from the charter chests of Christ Church and of St. Augustine’s, Canter¬ 
 bury, from the muniments of Cobham and of Dover Castle. Deterred from his first intention of giving to 
 the world a complete and systematic catalogue of the Surrenden Charters, in consequence of the expense, 
 Mr. Larking was obliged to content himself with publishing a selection from them in the Proceedings of the 
 Kentish Archaeological Association and in the * Collectanea Topographical 
 
 Similarity of pursuits procured him the acquaintance of the Rev. Thomas Streatfeild, of Westerham, who 
 was engaged at the same time in collecting materials for a History of Kent. An intimate friendship sprang 
 up between the two scholars, and Mr. Larking has recorded in very warm and affectionate terms the happiness 
 he felt in Mr. Streatfeild’s companionship:— 
 
 “ Our testimony,” he says, “ to his varied qualifications is founded upon our having had the happiness of 
 being associated with him in his archaeological researches for more than a quarter of a century. Many and many 
 a mile have we travelled with him together for the inspection of materials, and many a night have we sat up till 
 early dawn, analysing, attesting, and noting the results of our day’s work. Thousands, literally thousands, of 
 ancient documents have we together minutely inspected, and recorded every useful particle of their contents.”* 
 
 In 1839, whilst Mr. Larking was passing the winter at Malta for the benefit of his health, he employed his 
 leisure hours in transcribing a contemporary report of the lands held by the Knights Hospitallers in England, 
 prepared for the Grand Master by Philip de Thame in the year 1338. This work was arranged for the press 
 some years after, and appeared under the auspices of the Camden Society in 1857. 
 
 On Mr. Barking’s return to England from Malta he took an active interest in the proceedings of the 
 Camden Society, which had been established a few months before. His contributions to its publications, besides 
 the Report already mentioned, consisted of a volume entitled, ‘ Proceedings in the County of Kent,’ relating 
 chiefly to the acts of the Long Parliament, and of the Committee of Religion appointed in the year 1610. This 
 volume, not the least valuable of Mr. Larking s publications, is no less interesting to the general historian 
 than it is to the Kentish antiquarian. The illustrations it affords of the proceedings of Parliament against the 
 ministers of religion in the county of Kent are extremely curious. Not less curious and interesting are the 
 details respecting the private and public life of Sir Edward Dering, who was deemed worthy of a place in Lord 
 Clarendon’s ‘ History of the Rebellion.’ 
 
 On the 19th of September, 1857, in conjunction with Lord Falmouth and the late Marquis Camden, Mr. 
 Larking projected the formation of an Archeological Society for the county of Kent. Of this Society he 
 became the Honorary Secretary, and for five years he devoted himself to its interests with unabated enthusiasm. 
 The success attending its operations is to be attributed in a great measure to his indefatigable zeal and valuable 
 services. His contributions to the Society, marked by his initials, L. B. L., taken in a great measure from the 
 manuscripts of the Derings, were characterized by that care and scrupulous fidelity for which he was always 
 remarkable. The Diary of Sir Roger Twysden, published in the first four volumes of the Society’s Proceedings, 
 may be considered as a supplement to the curious revelations contained in the papers of Sir Edward Derin"-, 
 already mentioned. 
 
 ‘ Archfeologia Cantiana/ vol. iii. p. 138. 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 
 
 vii 
 
 But whilst Mr. Larking thus employed his leisure hours by occasionally contributing to the Kentish Archeo¬ 
 logical and to other publications, it was the most cherished wish of his heart to give to the world an edition of the 
 £ Domesday of Kent,’ worthy the importance of the subject and of the deep interest he felt in the county. lie 
 had proposed that the work should consist of an exact Facsimile of the ancient record now preserved in the 
 national Record Office. The Facsimile was to be followed by an Extension of the Text, by a Translation, 
 Notes, and Illustrations. This was no easy task for a clergyman so assiduously engaged in parochial work as 
 Mr. Larking. To one jealous as he was to a nicety lest a comma or a hairstroke should be mistaken or 
 misplaced—to one whose punctilious exactitude often suggested doubts which on examination proved groundless 
 the labour and anxiety thus imposed on him were immense. A slight misgiving involved the necessity of a 
 journey to town. His judgment could be satisfied with nothing short of ocular demonstration, and that more 
 than once repeated. He had to fear lest an error in the facsimile should reappear in the text, or from the 
 text find its way into the Notes and dissertations, and thus prove the source of interminable confusion. 
 To obviate this evil, to guard against the possibility of mistake, Mr. Larking spared no pains and no personal 
 sacrifice. The result is before the reader; and it may be asserted with confidence that never has a more exact 
 or beautiful transcript of so ancient and so difficult a document, as Domesday, been submitted to the public. 
 
 Then, again, the Illustrations and Notes required for the completion of his work required the use of rare 
 and costly works not generally to be met with except in public libraries. The obscurities in Domesday 
 are so numerous and perplexing, opinions on disputed words and expressions so much divided, that to a 
 man of singular diffidence and modesty like Mr. Larking the labour was as severe, as its results, in his 
 judgment, too often appeared unsatisfactory. No one, indeed, was better fitted for such a work by his training, 
 by his long acquaintance -with documents relating to Kent, by his wonderful local knowledge of the county. 
 But year after year slipped away, until death surprised him at his unfinished task. The loss is, unhappily, 
 irreparable. His place cannot be supplied. Nor is it likely that any one will be found in whom so many 
 favourable circmnstances will again concur for editing and illustrating the earliest and most difficult record 
 connected with Kentish history. 
 
 Fortunately, at the time of his death, the greatest portion of the work had been prepared or completed, and 
 a large portion of it was already in type. The Facsimile, the Extension, and the Notes had passed through the 
 press; the Appendix had reached to page 8*. For the remaining portion Mr. Larking had collected various 
 memoranda and quotations, undoubtedly intended to have been worked up into a more complete form. Some 
 of these were jotted down on loose fragments of paper, without any notice of their mutual connection. 
 Others consisted of little more than hints conveyed in a few disjointed words, intelligible only to their author. 
 In this state of the work it was deemed advisable to preserve as faithfully as possible Mr. Larking’s labours in 
 the condition in which he had left them, without any attempt to supply the deficiencies. Care has been 
 
 taken to verify and correct the quotations, and, wherever a word or expression has been added, to enclose it 
 
 within parentheses. This liberty has rarely been used, and never except where the condition of the manuscript 
 rendered such additions indispensable. 
 
 The Tables at the close of the volume, especially where Mr. Larking has identified the ancient with the 
 modern Names of Places, will be esteemed of the highest value, as containing the results of his extended and 
 careful observations. So far, therefore, those who are interested in the local history of Kent may consider 
 themselves as especially fortunate in possessing so much valuable material for the ancient topography of 
 the county. 
 
 With the exception of a quotation from Sir F. Palgrave’s ‘ History of Normandy,’ which it has been deemed 
 
 right to retain, no portion of the Preface had been committed to paper. Had his life been spared, it is 
 
 probable that Mr. Larking would have given a general survey of the whole work, embodying in it the best and 
 maturest fruits of his researches. Such a critical examination of Domesday is much to be desired, and would 
 have been specially valuable as coming from one like Mr. Larking, who combined extensive local knowledge 
 
INTBODTJCTOBY NOTICE. 
 
 viii 
 
 witli unwearied industry, and great critical sagacity. But in tile absence of all memoranda upon which such a 
 Preface should be founded, still more of any knowledge of Mr. Barking’s intentions and views, it has not been 
 thought right to supplement the work with details and theories which, however useful, might not have accorded 
 with Mr. Barking’s wishes or opinions. 
 
 It would be unjust to conclude these remarks without some allusion to the services rendered by those who 
 have been engaged in the typographical execution and superintendence of the work. To Mr. Smallfield, in 
 particular, the gratitude of a11 fr! ™ds of Mr ' Larkin S is due - His lon S acquaint™ 08 with the author, and his 
 intimate knowledge of Mr. Barking’s intentions and wishes, were of the greatest value in bringing this work to 
 such a state of perfection as that in which it now appears. Obscure memoranda and half-expressed suggestions, 
 unintelligible to others, were by the means of Mr. Smallfield made clear and legible. 
 
 No small praise is also due to Mr. Netlierclift for his exact and beautiful Facsimile. But it may be more 
 satisfactory to this able artist to know that Mr. Larking left a memorandum among his papers indicating the 
 high opinion which he entertained of Mr. Netherclift’s services. In a slip of paper preserved among a number 
 of brief memoranda, intended for the Preface, Mr. Larking writes as follows:—“ I cannot close this Preface 
 without my tribute of thanks to Mr. Netherclift for the admirable manner in which he has executed the Pacsimile 
 of the Becord. Por beauty, correctness, and fidelity to the original, it will fearlessly compete even with the 
 zincographs of Sir H. James. It is no small merit that Mr. Netherclift’s transcripts were completed at least two 
 years before Sir H. James’s scientific discoveries were made. There was no labour of competition, but the honest 
 efforts for truth of a talented and zealous artist. Had a prize been offered to test the comparative merits of 
 Lithography and Photography by competition, it is impossible that happier fruits could have been obtained than 
 these two Facsimiles of Sir H. James and Mr. Netherclift. Competition the most ardent could not have effected 
 better results than we have in these independent works. To ascribe the palm would be presumptuous in me; 
 this is the province of the reading public. But Mr. Netherclift may feel as gratified as I am at the fruits of his 
 labours, and fear nothing of a rival art either on the score of excellence or expense. If the number of impres¬ 
 sions be less limited than in our case, he can produce transcripts even cheaper.” 
 
 Though the work must ever want its author’s last touches and revision, and not only Mr. Barking’s friends 
 but all who are interested in the antiquities of Kent must lament the loss of his matured researches, it is 
 confidently anticipated that this Domesday of Kent will remain a lasting monument of the care and ability of 
 its lamented author, and be deemed not unworthy of the favour of those who have encouraged and aided its 
 publication. 
 
NOT E. 
 
 There is no more true or graphic description of the process of the Survey than that given by Sir Francis 
 Palgrave in his ‘ History of Normandy and England.’ 
 
 “ Soon afterwards you might see in every city and good town in England, save and except the bishopric, the three 
 northern counties, and London, a worshipful company, such, for example, as proceeded to the West,— Kemigius, Bishop of 
 Lincoln, the founder of the Cathedral, Walter Gifford, Earl of Buckingham, Henry de Ferrars, and Adam, the brother 
 of Eudo Dapifer. 
 
 “ These Commissioners began their proceedings by holding a Court, at which, with the exception of the Diocesan, all 
 the members of the Hundred Moot were required to attend. 
 
 “ ‘ Come forward, Gerefa, Sheriff, you the Lieutenant of the Earl, you the Thanes of the Shire, you the Priests of 
 1 each and every Parish Church, you the Ecevcs and Villains of each and every Township,—come forward, and declare 
 1 upon the halidome the truth of the matters into which our Lord the King commands us to inquire, and give your answer 
 1 to each and every question as we ask. 
 
 ‘ What is the name of your township, be it city, borough, thorp, haim, or bye? 
 
 ‘ Who was the Lord thereof, Archbishop, Bishop, Abbot, Earl, or Thane, in the days of good King Edward ; 
 
 ‘ for of Harold the law knows nothing ? 
 
 ‘How many thanes,—how many commcndated,—how many freemen,—how many sokemen,—how many bur- 
 ‘ gcsscs,—how many churls,—how many cottagers,—how many thralls ? 
 
 ‘ How many hides of land be therein ? 
 
 ‘ How many plough-lands in demesne ? 
 
 ‘ How many acres of wood,—how many of meadow,—how many of pasture,—[how many mills,]*—how many 
 ‘fisheries,—[how many pannage hogs]? 
 
 ‘ How much hath been added,—how much taken away ? 
 
 ‘ How much worth in good King Edward’s time,—how much when King William gave it,—and how much now ? 
 
 ‘ What hath each freeman,—what each solceman,—how many oxen,—how many cows,—how many sheep,— 
 ‘ how many swine ?’ 
 
 “With some slight variation as to the points of inquiry, this valuation of land and capital was taken throughout the 
 whole length and breadth of England, save and except the Metropolis and the four northern shires. The Commissioners 
 made their several circuits, and the information which they collected was reduced into writing and transmitted to the 
 King. It was afterwards methodized and abstracted, and fairly transcribed in the great volumes of Domesday, and depo¬ 
 sited in the Eoyal Treasury at Winchester, amongst the other Muniments of the Eealm. It still exists, fresh and perfect 
 as when the scribe put pen to parchment, the oldest cadastre, or survey of a kingdom, now existing in the world. The 
 
 i> 
 
 * The clauses in -brackets are not in Palgrave; they are my 
 
 addition.—L. B. L. 
 
NOTE. 
 
 colophon, ‘ anno millesimo ociogesimo sexto ab incarnaiione Domini , mgesimo , vei'o, regni Willelmi, facta est ista desciiptio , 
 attests the date of the great Becord, and the diligence, as well as the skill, of those by whom it was completed. 
 
 “ In the entries of the names of places the inaccuracies and corruptions show that the writers were not well acquainted 
 with the Anglo-Saxon terminology, though, in the more familiar designations of persons, fewer errors are observed. 
 
 “ The caligraphy betrays an Italian hand, and leads to the supposition that it was under the inspection and direction 
 of the lettered Lanfranc that the work was compiled. Great force is given to this supposition from the circumstance that 
 in Domesday wo first find those abbreviations, afterwards so common in our legal documents, but which, in fact, are 
 derived from the Tyronian notes of the Bomans, until then unknown in England. 
 
 “ The formation of this Survey occasioned universal discontent; such an inquiry had never been made before; the 
 English considered it as an invasion almost of their natural rights. It was a shame, they said, that a King should direct 
 such a prying into each man’s means,—a shame even to tell of such a tyranny. Yet there was more of temper than of 
 sound reason in this discontent. With whatever acts of oppression William may be charged, in this case there was none. 
 The danegelt, the tax of six shillings upon every plough-land, was both a lawful and a needful impost, and the first and 
 main intent of the Survey was to make a full and fair assessment of the charge. The unsettled state of affair's during the 
 latter years of the Confessor’s reign, the misfortunes attending the Conquest, and the transfer of land to the new proprietors, 
 might all be sufficient causes for such investigations; but, even if the kingdom had continued in entire tranquillity, it 
 would have been equally required. So long as the land remained untilled no danegelt was payable; but when the plough 
 had been driven over it, then it became liable to the charge; and it is most probable that in many cases the assessment 
 had been neglected or evaded. This, on the other hand, was counterbalanced by the lands which had become wasted by 
 the misfortunes of the Conquest; and, whilst the Domesday Survey secured the rights of the Crown, it also ensured a fan- 
 apportionment of the burthen amongst those by whom it was to be contributed. The inquiry was made by the royal 
 officers and ministers; but the repartition was made by the people. The English taxed themselves.” 
 
 See Palgrave, ‘History of Normandy and England,’ ed. 1864, vol. iii. pp. 573-576, ss. 10 and IT. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 FACSIMILE—TWENTY-EIGHT PLATES. 
 
 EXTENSION. 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 NOTES .. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 TABULAR VIEW OF MANORS, ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED 
 NAMES OF PLACES, ANCIENT AND MODERN 
 
 INDEX TO HUNDREDS, MANORS, ETC., WITH REFERENCES TO HASTED 
 

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 cu-qa fiu uefrere fe quo uolurr? b<?hcc& Wree 
 qd’uaf’. Vm. lol'. 
 
 ^J-fd-e cnal^eirto/ in p ltmedemr. dmudIblm deepo. 
 T^a. e .Vn. W. Ibi.euna or cast,. u$xfy<:\. aepn. 
 Valutr'j ua^.^CVt • fotl iilurer temnrY.R. 6 .^pocurtr 
 feitBprere quo uolutr'. 
 
 O dbtiu^paflrjbmre tof in IcUnytfton dmuK fobn 
 de qjo.iia.e I n ^ mo. e. i. cx/.j\\\. uilh cu.i-W 
 
 -^.i-fb*uobmr'.i.<ar Ibi.V.ac pa.Stlua.V.poibylin 
 inolin hp-p&J- fd£yd ■ dvajAitf. b^cxljc (Iluanouo 
 <bmc LftyuJ.tit.fjb.Xcrcu a) ualeb.Ix.fof.TdoSo 
 Ipoc Vi i. fbt*. $ muarirlbo Tenuit'.llR.X .y pocunrff 
 umere cu naka quo uolurr: 
 
 a2»artf tet/ de epb hmiiffohn in fernin^eba. 
 -$a.e. III. oar- 1 n driio flTirfi.«/ cuutio uiHbji i. coc! 
 
 7<j.fqx«rlbi dim# mofhhP.v.fdinf.ytin. dc po.Stlua 
 V. por^ f^copro ifWlQm xen toat^ 7 dim# wqf 
 in £# utUa. ntutq- ie ejineraure apud f^. Jtrc 
 ■nxu ualurB l mi\&yrn-Ol.l$. £fian xenuir.TK.-E. 
 
 7 p£Turc fe- uen»® quo udurc- 
 
 JffiS' W'Seepo ^a l. p I f scXp. pidndfebn fg 
 
 ' u. cap (bi funt cu.\..vMoynii.\)oriy<j. 
 
 feruifyuna. acyiitd pu. S ilua Vi i i . po-dyptsh .bensf. 
 
 Valutr .in. hf-yrn Vi. 1#. Vtxan xenutr fub be?n.ko. 
 
 pnutp^deEiefdin^ W-fe RNiN6Fb) Xp.iii. uujif 
 fe de{^. Vra. el.«• a/ Itn fane m. Vi.bouefdt.ii. utdif 
 yuubori-lbi uiimoK he.x-f£y<j,u-Jc p.paflua 
 c. outl?. Stlua -pc. fxrrt/ypenu.heJ. R^cVfoSe flua 
 bm qcf udC. Vm. fbt.dam cr> ualuir.m-liby’ni 
 
 Xt. fol^- kepinc^ Tenure.ypotutc (e uqtere quo uclurt'. 
 "T^jnfcb^lE^de fof to/ T aRf KT be epo-^dim’’fobn 
 1 cdejE - . Tpt. c ■ t. catty juL In dfuo.C una.y im-uittt 
 cu. lui.bo^tbvr.i.car.lbi-in.a!S fn.yn-molmi'hejwitt. 
 {cd'.Silua .in • porc.^,pc\}c , 'h&i^p cb pjriouo^onoe^i 
 qd'uaT-pc. dena/Yotu <n uatuiiyuab. c. (of. Alujxc- 
 -cenurer' de f^e- E. 
 
 ’ Jf n utlla br ilde • X • i. manepu deepo.p>dim 
 
 idUn fe Tja- < ■ ca ty dim#. Ik. V. uttti7 O-boiX 
 7un mora de-jw. foI#.|bt. j n. ac pn yi■ Peru 7 , 
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 xenurr^e p^e f ■ 
 
 Xnfcfnalb 7 ten ^ epc li ctiTwC - ^ p uno^m^ 
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
C^ENtfe- 
 
 tit. cap r _. ___ 
 
 7 V/j- pn. Wi jpxfa.e .J f&ua. uv pcf^Letlrc^pi 
 - f?./»ru> epi -tanr (Hue 3eu(b? <r>. crXuafe .Vla/IeaT 
 
 tfet fumr. uu. \opiy an mM beM fat. 
 
 nouo 
 
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 dono cyi ram ftW 3 e tfbi S). cjXiiat. 
 ualutr. tin .li£>. 7 in .vi.life’. Gebet'be&pri'ctsnuir. 
 vperure (e ueitere cu l?acxja cjuo uolutr. 
 
 {eh AnfcljcaU?ren be epe t ne&ch dxm& foiin-lfaz 
 un car- 7 ifei zirtbn\ofJ vu i- utHi cu.Vtt>criTirifc.i.<ap 
 tin .i. moUh i>ef ^CV- fd’.ypc. ac pa-Stlua .V. pert/, 
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 | fde dtifdiratlfTen deepo vne&ck and foirn- Vja.e 
 in.caf. hi <£»£> cjfe un&Go/‘.y<Ju\. tuHl dt.tt.capfbt 
 un refuuT.7Vn1.ac jm.7A.nf mc& de.V.fottS’-Silua- 
 TXT. pcf/Yitu cp ualuir.iiii-Ii^^c.(oli£ 
 AluuapJ?Tenure de liejaftc. T).tm. manefta. 
 lunr in ,p unc «n | H Intlfll 
 
 ^Jyc^Kcr 7 Yran -cei/^eepe loi & Hf& T^a.eftC»» 
 car.Jn^nuj.e unaT/jyo ,.utHi cu.m.WdlnrP;?cv. 
 cap 
 
 yjooo. &-fa. Sdua.. $x • tvp/ Y udfc fiM. 
 
 ' 4cAoepf fecepSpCVin-uDym 0Xtt.\£.7am 
 C|iu xsrv -jvdA spx^&. hoc m fedeffir.K.l. 
 ^.^c.folir-r .7 m^.1111. fctinf. A^f lenuir. 
 IpKnfartP--W de epc laoc. cjdTe dejffepttno-fblm. 
 ,/tia.e. Jnlnme una cap 7 v. utHl at. 1. car 
 
 yAm\£.yuri rn<?& de.^C.&t. lK11.ee/7utflefUur 
 
 pi. Siliu.m. pep/.YlLE.tiak# Ix-fct'.^Oo 
 
 pecep .'tnedy’ -m. 1111.life. An (clnl "Sepoys E.Tenure". 
 
 & jMopfpn t Wde epc Wiocenfi pW>.'«C 3 l , C 6 C -. 
 ^p.u. (blu^uno UU50 (edejrfe.Tja. V. cap IifStme 
 una car77»/«' 1 * 1 ^ yu.\u.\?ot& hvtr.tm. cap 1{> V 
 filtU. C- per/YE..E 7 ualcfe .jjc . IS.jCSo pecep/cmlife. 
 ymxrtccL.ytvrn cjut-ten yedd'.^cu-bt. Bp*:t cittr 
 -tenure'Se paje.t. ^ —•-* 
 
 la 
 
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 Wlencstuci T i w£ 
 
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 % 3 .e 
 
 al^eix 7 “ten’ de epc f^ccKfc'Ui uno (olin le de|H^. 
 
 T^a-e'- I n yinoX urul caj ^7 aimf&.ypc. attti 
 
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 Icl^. Silua. in. per/TR.£. ualefe .tin. ItfeScSefec^.^ 
 in. life^w.c.(els’, jlluuardTenure be paje.£. 
 nulp de lid^iti^.-rer/de epc CtRE gf ci -. 
 ^p.ti.leltnriedej^'. Tja.e Jn^nTejunr.i 1.oaf! 
 
 y uilh cu.nu. t?<n^Tfetir.<ci 11. act. Jt 1 .mi .leyui. 
 yan wohn'be.pt.ftfc.ypc.JjZjm.yfilaa.pc.yon/ 
 
 "T^R.£ rual^ ^cvi. itby pofc^xu.l&y m jWV.IS. 
 7 Wtri cjui Tej/pedA. ^ooc-V-life-Todn xenutc^ef^c.L 
 luffed rei/'be ep Sv&caab ^ unc folin Qr 
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 cu.i.koiiZ line', uu. <ar. Ifet .vi.fgj*ut. 7 ^c.aSpti. 
 StUu.^. yaf^X *R.£. uaUfe 7 pejlftiu.'life. 
 
 7 m^e -X-ltfe- Yell tenure"Se f^re. £• 
 
 to/ de epc ^tAiE^zb -^mtc GUn fe dejd’- 
 
 k>nt;*»u-caf 
 
 Iti.^m.(efut.Tuna pxlh.Yun inoltn ix toc. den.Tunafilua. 
 
 d^vx^ord'T £. uAefe. <Jn i • Iffe^pefl.^vt. Ufe -7 m.pcta. IS. 
 Godne. tenutt' ft^e. £. 
 
 ^ctflr^^eroftEn^ Ugel Ttr.^.Vtt. feUnffe^#- _ 
 
 ^ Yta- e |n ^nte (unr.ui. cp.y^oXh uiltf o*.y\mdoofo 
 
 f^gem-cpY^ijcfeoxx.Jvmd^^caJ de qr^.an^uiH'y.x. 
 Snlua..IxxV. perefl/m ett uaIdfe.YR.t. ^X^.lS.Sc^^*0aJp.- 
 jtVi-lS.J m.^cctuiYV cjA GeillrSten. Kuut^eTcne 
 Wiaf cp-teJ m teuua (la/appciar. Vt. IS A A ype zenee 
 beboc manepo/pxu-1&. 6 yyci afer eenurr ^eft^e.t. 
 ^^,-n(cliraI rofrerf'^e'epj.CR^^.^din/ Colinfe1>ef&. 
 
 -paZ. J ■n'bmo.e.t. caf.7Vtt.udll cu.Vt. WSliftr 
 1ml car. Ibt qcd&ryvmn ac ytv.ym.zc paftut^'- 
 Y.R. A-7peprualtS .uu.IS7 tn.iti. IS. Uuncxcntirciic^c. 
 ~Tfde XtiTdi tolP-ccn^e ep alia -Cibttt. f dm/ Glmfe 3ej^ 
 ’-%yxx ]^' 2 >nZ>.e-unacaf.7 Vii.mlfi cii.V. 
 
 hire.t• cafftbi-i. mettn 'Secjclu-^ertyV- (erui.Stlua• vtt.pfd. 
 Yfl-Ey 7 pojferltalutc. mi. \£.j°nr / uii&. fbeXXnob ede. 
 
 b/W-tj^W.u. cn PfL.B.yw funt'inutio.fh. Aluunftenarc 
 
 Jh btftUDLO Icr r T^e Sv5Tb f ( €. 1 t 4 GaCMVlC 1 -r VH fr 
 
 yi liftacenfts ren'be. ep/ batecTi (?p.EHV rg-,^p.ii. Gluts 
 fc dej^Tpa.^ Jn^molunr.ti.£aT^ 7 i ^Xnii.taSiliTte' 
 
 mi. car7tni."fe«n^7i-cfl^7 v.Tefut.lfei/iut. weS be.\pce-fdt. 
 ye>Cc.u. P&yn.y^.sfc ydSpL-tjpJSkxa..pe. yord 
 tji. 11. Gltnf Y.R.T. )W- u. da-Vnu Txnutrd9qwl^7aLu 
 Bpxt- 7 111 in uno.Y.hXy yo^^ju^MjAft Vttt.lS. 
 
 7 mo^o, appctanc'.pctt.tS. 
 
 J^awie -cen’decpc Al'f’G - bXr une (bltnyfanf fedefiktfa, 
 
 0 OducAr.\nbruo (unr-u. car.yptl. it. uitu cu -^x\Soop( 
 bm .pc 1. caf. Ifei .jk. ferut ypoc u. id pn.SduaX.fot^ 
 YR.£.iulefe.yci.lS 5 ^dcfa^rlj<u.lffe .7 m -^.ttfe' 
 
 A tuug^Tenure dgpgtyg. ' 
 
 if iLuiftarafei ' n< 
 
 (elm r ^ ^ 
 
 cM.ti.tA/b. i")*.ii.ui|. iwi.>•>■■ t»c pn.etuia* "Ke. pcnc. 
 YR.E.ual^.c.G£. 5 cde ifeay/iiu-litym.C.fot- AnCchd 
 Tenure'ber xeap- 9 - 
 
 wjnrr-atccfr be Scuuat xen beepo lc -€- . ^ dun' Glin (e be|A. 
 
 tm.cap ln'bnto(unr.u.cai^>«.utHlcu.ii.Q 3 c 
 
 linr.ti.Gif'.'. Ifet.u.ftfut7 ^•^^■Stuta.j’C.pn^TJeyge- 
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 ‘^ 6 fl«*f Ojeru OftWf.n uru> fclw 
 
 fedej^'.Tia.e.v.car. In'bmc.e.t.cafy'^ii.Ywi bnf.m. 
 Gaf.lbMi.rmt1.7Vm. ac fa.Sdua.G. fon/ 
 YR.£.7po{t.7-mobc.*uab .Vu-iS. V)--■ 
 
 lane tpa ren nep 
 
 Jp 1 / y ——~ vvv. wyaiiv La 
 
 .u.ftifui. manentf. (ocbutn^Aluuari- 
 
 ~1 f& Wittfreri' "bceyo -G &A.1 ■ ■ 
 £ dim S' fclrn fed^.Tpa.e 
 
 7 
 
 In dmc.euna cap 
 
 ’Vut.rtittt cu.t. &/pbw$yuu.coc.J\ .moltn'b^.X'fol^. 
 
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 m .\&. T ftoAo/tm • V6- Gjtain tm urtfdz peyr. £. 
 
 nfctnxlF-ten*'Sc erb C&ocT , Vta€-: i punc {bhty 7 uno nt/je 
 <e clej^. -£}a.e )nW> mcbilc. fed. in. uiKt^uu.btni' 
 ill fuirc' 
 
 "T. ft. E ^ 7 pcifi ualctac. C. ^1X7 m .Vi. Itf. Aiuuirrrenurtr' 
 
 banc tpi be p^t. € ‘ay . 
 
 ma.minoc-tett'ie epX CetSrbX.^ .mi. foluiffebep(. 
 ■fpj,e • ^C- car. In dtuo funt.11 n.TtfV. uittl cu.Vi .bc^ f ijt 
 Vi- car. (bt pxkA.Jpcu femi.7 it. molim 'Se.jyctuj.foliS’r/n. 
 War Silua. ^cl. porcX a. £. uM .yx-l&./poftrxvi. 
 lit. Ifbdtf .'TOC tilt- Ilf. 
 
 llfde Gi{U&c 0 mn Ae epo <d>CfrW 47 ^b t mt# folinftdefft. 
 XpX.v: In Amo.z.i.car-yun. uitfl ai. 1. cap lbt ftltu/ 
 
 V. povc- T. ft.£ .7 pojb." ualeb . t^.fof. mbbo.^t . fcTit. 
 Stepne bwj-a tenutr btpt^e- f. 
 uov nepcf toerlxa -cerf de epc SENvliHag^ p uno folin 
 ^7 dm? ft dejrf. -rpj.e? Jnbrue fttnr. 11.caK77cc.u1H1 
 
 cu. u .car. Ibi yc£ujyc .ferui .y'Vi- ac pa.jyoc. at pajkirjr 
 $ tUu. .Vm. per/ " 1 . ft. E. ualef. Vi 11. lif .^pojlPci • ItS". 
 ITIc>SoT<Jtl I - IxB. Dcmbe tenurr' de 2.rcfuepe, 
 
 nfa^d 7 be Hcuedzen’de epo BacfcbX. Jm 6kvh1£i1o £ 
 
 ^.11. {blrnffe-dejrf. -fpa.e .Vm. «tr. In dme func.nr^Xfcti- 
 uiffi cu.V'iii.'Wrd’ font. Vi 11. ca/^dxtn 1%, Ibi.^cit. dejm. 
 y'UllXq'ul y'un woEX.7 filua.J^- pore? 
 
 T* L\ .£ ■7p‘ftrudleb. fC.\Ao. iVlodo^ftu iX$. Jcnfcbiltemircr 
 
 Jfi Iest'Vc eUsfoKA JmUor.oc^cskI^ - 
 
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 jn dmo funr'. in.caAy'^CCx- uittl cu.ii.bcrX' 
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 iono u&.jocim- fcltb^rii.^en. taiart^ 
 
 Tuitnf " 5 t Gciuino amrrte. 
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 J Tja.e.ui. ca/. Indinojuntr,11.77V. uittl cu.uXorXhnt' 
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 dena Xe.7ic.fdf. ^duA/^ Vm. pbtt/ 7 una aepn. 
 
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 Vluric renurt' be AXnoA cite. 
 
 I^aimd tW epo uno {olxn ftddd’. tja.X 
 
 mi.tarln dmc fu.nc. u -7 7&- uiHi cu.V.find’^rrtr.m.caX 
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 ~J)ifie Ikadat^een de epo /\vumn corn xenatc'. 
 
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 da ten'ole c^o CglcA -.^.m. fotmf ter defa- Xy^Je: 
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 V. cap-Ibt^ad^-^iin.feroi. 7tm mo tin dc .v.(bUd’. 
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 -■ ^/c-lblid'. 
 

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 {lV5o-^C • t q ai recbtgciu i. li£. 
 b 0 ioc ca efKin marm figiftja u& .on. <b£ Aenouo 
 . Jtono epi. ^ 
 
 I n marm (ua jmmit&'cpf in G.uttatu' Rcueceftre'm. 
 
 7 baozi' cjuf uAemr. t. dena/. 
 
 In pcefiV-Vuiubt&t que tufts'aS Wo} _pane^ 
 
 - 7 Gc^urn fdibudeman tenure - . \l\oi>omn iEunnulf^peupi- 
 1 fde kbl ten d&epo Glinffc'iefjf! 
 
 *r|a.<£ •^tii. capIn dvu> func.m. car.yjfo nn.uitftcu 
 . W& bmr A?i. <arydirm?( Ibi .#c. fem.T^w.ac 
 fti. Ibi fday /. tnolin *&.%.fol./pijcaru **• ill. R& 
 y 7 !nJjXePfe p*faia-.cc.ouxbr.'T'-&-i- uaL^.^cit. lt£. 
 ypoft- Vn-tlfc tTIo&o/xO • Ita 
 l^anCT^a-Ttriuc^.T^liE. Godum Rtf carb.ytoli.^.u.codn. 
 
 dba ua /de epoj CotiHTjC-1. (oltriy bimitf. 
 
 .1* ca^r<ijni^Jn dmo (one- u- cafi/V. uiifi bfitV ' 
 dimi^ car lk.im.fcru;. 7 on.ac ^t.Si( ua .-v;W 
 A- R t* .-7 noft/ualunr'.#i. fed". TTlodcr'ini. Ir#. 
 
 , Ricar$ deFotiebr ltje cjA kr iniua-Leuua^uai’.Vii• f<dd 
 —gv l-uum Tenure be l cum no comtte. 
 
 j fde Abd. -cerf &e qx> B-febetci. ditnjft folin CedefA. 
 
 T^a. erdm/car jn dnto.edtm cxf-7 uif uitJTcadiivar: 
 yu-boyA. \bi-t- mol .m-fe.V.fot/ 
 
 ^^uiritcnun:i t >' 
 
 YR^poR-Aulurt.^. R. mo^o.^O- fol& J # EssILcK. 
 
 _1^ adu^p fil ?Tutatei -rer/berep& d^t£tft%_puno Rm IV 
 bej*d: ifee dun tdr/ibicf fur^&buc. 4 AW.acTj£'- 
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 ac pti-T^H £^ 7 pop/uaiutt'.,\*l - G^-lTloolo."iiu -1$- 
 l)onef tenure ^>c- Sepalbo. 
 xL ril^cn^Ve: froueceRf-ten* ^ dmfGltn 
 
 1 - «p [n dino. i una ca/ 711 . uiHi aim ■ 
 
 fepuif-’R R.£ . Udleb pi xafSxxScfc.fllobo^ 
 
 pel. (olt^ Gorin' ■cmine - Goduuio. 
 
 jmulP 7 t>e V)dllin^' -ten’ Se; epo Clwf ^p <lm/{o{in 
 fc <3ep.ija.^ Jn'Snio dmid’ca.fyn- udft^c. 
 
 ac ■pn jpaftuju.c. omuft..E ypofl .niaVix»c.(ot. 
 
 5uo fp5 -mnu^r de' p^e -f • /ttui*ic 70 rtij , «c. 
 
 Jf fde fyvidpten de efb b^oHtr^.iu. uujiftV 
 
 lapy 7 it/ e inbmoyv i- uitfr dl-i bo$> 
 brrc- 1 . caf^ Iti .<ji. ac.yu. T 5 ..f- 7 poftr uai’. L.f Ji8. 
 tlloba- \K‘ iol’. Oruuajd' 1 Tenure de - £ ■ 
 
 O liotei/ de epo in ea^ baborw-.i. uuju ?ifa.i?dun 
 caf- In *mo mcbtl. Vt.tl.E-ypoji.Tin uat.^x*. W- 
 
 1 fde ojo icn dg epo-C oliMGEs.^ Patn - / Glm fecbffi- 
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 1. a. tyytf • ualuir. .xv. Q,te.irUaor W . 
 
 JliwTOn^Sf«iO*U«iiN.^aimiS Un gmuKteme 
 (gii^-Vya.g-i. gif-Titi.e cu.C’-tulivf-yi. gfc 
 lit; wft/ualui-c .JC. QM6, TRoSo?joov. folS. 
 
 
 Z^' y\yyca-r-7j? c - yui.bdua.jc. porVTfalina^^Tii. 
 
 <£map. ta.E^pofV.uale^ .On. 
 
 Ofuuarft xenurer <Je pme. £. 
 
 T^/ 1 7 Vl™ devfc-tw&r. n. lt .GWrede^.4.V.n. T , 
 ar.Ji.imo.ruffaai v u - moW&r II 
 
 m.car-]nAmo cuffi cu.,../ lt,> 7nII 
 
 ^un molm der- On..folid: Silua. ini. ca-i-fe^o/y.^. 
 
 -A.£.7f4'.uaiu>r.«„.i 1 t.«*K.«uf 
 De'ifkf Wmrquoi’IrajuSe-port feranaitofuuar^ V. 
 
 , 71 .^ foW vui! W 7 J lmi S(. r<) f 
 ailUraf 4*te« 
 
 Jv-*7' j pj & g» -te. i>.ui. rolinrre 
 
 depr.Yp,* ym.caf! Ind™ w.in.c^/^l mr. utffi 
 di-u.. W hrfe.^.caf. fenf 7„„ 
 
 tim Vs/xvi .&IK 7 <nn. den! dem pjluB. 
 
 unl>e: 2pauq* ^xrna boef. ‘Ji. acf-cen^- Silua. im.prn*^ 
 
 _ Ya-t'ual^.xom. 1^-Xjo 7 c -ti£. TD obo.jcix-hfc 
 
 lT { fe y r BW-ran’inirao 
 
 Y)a.g.nil. car- m^nic.e uia-Tpr uith ca.ti. Cdf.\bi 
 pZ&a, ~J v. (cfui . S ttua. 00 c. ifforci T^R. £. ualgfc . On -t# . 
 
 _J J»(tVc.R. ITlodoVoti. l^.yrani piir' . 7 C• ti^- ButriWnure 
 1 (He eps Ten m dmo 5 ‘ t’elli H < 3 &6 - ^puno tucro [de p^e. £. 
 ie dcj^-Tra-i-cap 7 dimit^. [n<lino niclnl.irniri.i.tor^’ 
 
 Ibi ectfe.Silua. n. porV 
 
 I.M. u Ai&'JpC- (of.7pc.(V7modo.* / pcl.(oU^-4lpar'Tcnuic^c'|^e'.£. 
 
 ~~Jfdg eppTen^jtimc ficHHCG .^-n. felmf frdej^.Tpi g.Oj. ca/ 
 
 / [n Jmo fune.^i.y’^cco'.uitti cu-im-bo^ bfre 1 . Vu-caf! 
 
 Ibt^ccKi^Vi-ftrunyun moLw de-jcoc om.dena/yVna. 
 ralinabg-TCOc-d^^dimu^ pifcafia-tm. dej. be pafkiia, 
 
 3 d,, den - Silua- Oi- porcv'diwi^’. /teumetenurtje-pene-f. 
 
 Y- R.£. ual^.^Cu-UD.^7pojl/^ii.li^.fHoSo.^Cii. li^/rain 
 -Ypcfef jcUm V)ugo be monjoim^r/- ua^.V-foV- 
 
 ■^) in- cnanepia epi Baioc’. tktibc^J^ nnulpaS ^ii-ma. 
 anr\u\y$e>co\&bd[-cen d& epo baftftC S ^ p uno GUn 
 itji. c&X- \ribriio.edtmt^ cA.\.~7yc■ uitli 
 bnr-u.td.r- lbi^ocPa^7^iii. {b*ui-7.xui- <^c pci .Svlua. 
 nii.poyc-T^a.r. uale^-0t.liV.^7pofl. im.li^-lTlobcr , 
 
 C. rd^. A.^r'-Tenure'be raje- £. / DoKaff)£S(oRb 
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 ^ rTa-g.^Ci • ca/Inbwo func-.li- cary'^xxrvt.uiHi- diyxx.u- 
 ax’ bt Ttyz- caf. Ibi jxdkyurffin- cjuibarr^l* ^ann. 
 
 Ibt or ?ipaxcafcy u. nwlmi de'.l - GlSr7u. lalmr dg^ 
 jXXXMi- denary 7 !”- pifcan/ de- in 1 .R^-jZx^x --1 
 J»n.pajlxiid-^.ccc. ou$y&?oQCi.&mm Situa.rp^?. 
 
 
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 O^caieenuiedlu^?-. .cdcp^e-E. 
 
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 vi- fol^j yiy.^enap- |^OCii;xKlU*‘ k '*vv— 
 
 A-bfcuo UcecaikunciSS JirmlluHmlibef^ter^: 
 
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 i! t 44K&fHfe'7 in Cmtra® antunnenfi be ^5 
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 ptl 
 
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 f.. - -..r* -.-». Lnm« 4 i N sy~ mm 1 i-l 13 1 *1 ~. / 1(1 
 
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 |n dn\o (unc.iii.caf.7u. uitti ca-ccoc^dtorK Vnc'.mi.c*f-1tx.Vnj. 
 fating ai-rcu parte- noiie felinp Ae.poe. lol^- pifcana^i'i- 
 
 Aetf. Silua^e-i». fofc lVi • u. py$jp • 
 
 T^H.fc .- 7 ^o^. y ud{urt.X-ld). TTloAo^C-tlK 
 
 TL^-naml-cen^ de bug dimi£ iuy ydimiti lura^.^xamxt^de^C. 
 
 A^eleln? tenure' dv^eopXJiykjidh- 1- cap.T*.R.£ 
 
 Uq) ej-ucuften Ae Vuicpne BlaebctntWESTbNS - .fela.ot'eman 
 
 tenu rc'T^tf.E.p^airniSio iotin feAejS’. -f’-pi.t. u . cap! 
 
 In Amo funr'iti ,7un uiHi cu^y.Wni’«*.i.cap. Jhi ecc& 
 -Tun fepxuf. _ 7 
 
 _4.L£.uaUV.iiii.l^y^ 0 |lr.* / iu , li^. IDcJto.yi. \&. 
 JitfrbiMp z&fmlflafefc'fa&otiiend'unfohn dimib* 
 un^tnin^Tanto feAefi£ 7|a.e. m. tap Jbi.jcuu.fccVi 
 Viffr.m.tap. Ttl.£. tialeo-nn. 
 
 1 ^/ egenter/ Ae ^uqone"un ui^u min^ejc^ve^oTnen^, 
 
 ^ unc iu^o le Ae^S’. hue jccl^i -cenuep, T^n-C. u < 3 py(ti .Z 
 ox. in. horkX. H.£. uat^ -pcoc. $.J pojtTw-io^JH t&o*' 
 ‘~P\_et^a > -W de bwpne? in a^rnatel'ai hoxS<d&. 
 fjjxta paptC un? ruqi •Vt? Gaifrenurt'. 
 
 Va^ualtmr. <<■ W. Jh Ln< 
 
 ^ ocytfi-ce n Ae fluoon^ pe5Tl l i Of ^. SWfn tenure. 
 
 ^ Au<^ fe dtfd.'i’fz.z-pni. cap. In^nie 
 
 {lmc-iu. 7 '7CV1- uitti cu.^n. torA^ Kitc .Oi |. cap- 
 jln-U.^celefial^/it. moiim 1 >e. Oi. <ic p 0 - 
 
 Siltu.pct.por^ 
 
 4 R. f. uale& pc.li^ pejirfe. fot^. rnaSo.* 7 cim- 1 ^. 
 be tj^o m ten 5 " fLaAull^)^ curtdpine^. n i • Aenaf-^ar 
 Aiuifitme iumr/7uaA -pCO. GliS. 
 
 "j fAe l^ucpi Ten4imiA’ (him. ad"dd^Xzc-venuxede! 
 p^e. £. fine 'KilXa.^p Airnta Gtm feAe|H! T|a.e. 111 . 
 cap. Ifn un utttf cu.mi. marf. nul/a ibi cap’ 
 
 Vn molin'Aenap. 7 ^.ac pa. 
 
 JfA^ xW SeU -€€ .'fui^iftenure ie f. 
 
 Tpunofolm le Ae^. 7ja*e j n'Smo. e una. cap^7j i. 
 
 uilfi cuuno boyd! V)nP. 1 ■ cap! tljuiii.^opci* 
 
 tpp 4 R, A. uate&.t^c. <pcS£. 
 
 p|e bucp ten’ una qua- ]h UtVOCgCtlCC 
 ctz5p tcnurc^e p^c-£. fineloalU.jp unoGlin iV 
 Ae^-T]^-4s?.tap- Ibi.^ni.uiHi cu.m.txTti'firlr.ii. 
 ca)4 41 £/7pojt. ,/ tulutcMn-I id. Tn^oipr.li^- 
 "Tpfe 1) ugo 4ti Aimi4folm mllWefcl? ieRomen^. 
 
 7-ranw fe-Se^- Tfa- »"■ 7% ^f 2165, 
 
 rtuep/xenent' fnrof. mi. cap. SM'/ualurcr.pC- • 
 
 1 fAe baqo tenpin ipfu CPattfli nd- 
 
 ^uff iu^u.-^Tantn ieae^. 7 ] 3 -e.n. rpp. ltailunf 
 ^.foctJi cu.^iu^<mbM',u.c^ g , 
 
 —Ipfer liu^o T«n^ VtwoS -cenurrAe 
 
 yene • £.7 to fe^ppno folm. rnodo^dimxdi o. 
 
 ia ibrti^imfioTic.e-Tcap. In Amo fun7 
 
 7 u. cap-7^ l - mttf cu.^i- tor^ V>nc .Cn . cap. 
 
 it. F&.jg.tou'-y™- r^ 11 / 4 ®^-^- 
 
 7* Vm-dc t». Silui.^d. W*. 
 
 7 m- tn^o.-v*'. us. 
 
 Iris bum-ten dtmiS >u^ q#Tentar.«.f«d)i 
 7 in W.i■ .ST cS. un. t^.V^uiW 
 
 / ; /frnif.V.BliK 
 
.i .—, ■ , .- . 
 
 ~7 Vni- utth cu.,xt WY (rmr- tut- caf^ jbi. it- 
 /un -molin' de.jscc. Amy poccm- B& thi.jtf 
 /be- V?i. yore- / 
 
 *YR.E- uAefe . Cn j. life.ypofir /;• fol$. tTlota-Vn.lif?. 
 jp\ tnck ~cerf be In ugtme n ofCToN C. ]k SiqT 'fH^S^; 
 leuuiT?renuwAe-ye^'i-y^Amd>ioio[m 
 Aefx- Tp- e. in - cap. jn Ymo fumr.'u. 
 tuw cu.C’i. t<niYVnr:,t ■csit^'A'irr^. Ibieccth- 
 
 yiwrndm be.jocv.clen.7pX Hit•£ pn.Sllua. 
 
 •• Yfi.£. uaW^l.foty 7 Jjtfjtrsa. VAcbo’lpc.ffl- 
 
 * MiwJm. iu^i be Viuqpne- fednil ibi ep 
 _ pfe hu^o t erf.iii. iurg^7^tmi^ mis^l^r 
 qLUf-tenuq^iii.ffjcISi de-paie^. 
 
 Iti -m infuitt's tir dimict c3.f ca.ltt-borcfc 
 S/jfcy uattinr (ep> ■ pc. 
 
 tit’s W de buotrne. m. tuga/dimi#itmja m 
 Cfll t lCgfrife Hfr. In aiic xfu’mj cf gto • (oclw. Y|a e. 111. caj^ 
 Tbi m- 11 . CS^vcibnio^pcV .mill aia^-koiYtnir.in. 
 capydim. Itn.Y. ccdfe.y^- jx*. Situa. Gi.-porc- 
 
 X adulP fit? RacarSi Tetf’^clnujzme' limits’ Qm 
 171 Rochiri^cl' qY Imfccrenurc-Aeif^sS.^bmi^ 
 
 {ohnkbeffi.~(pi.e.U.ca-1(t m.^cn. uitK 1-mcuna 
 
 carp'duntf. fcefilua.‘'i.poifcl 
 TR.E. uale£>. I. tcY^peJfc.'^W.GY. 
 
 alp-ten Jm Sibil H GfS *& • 
 
 ftuo {ecfcl-t^uepdcfl^.tw'/^uno luqr^imfedejY. 
 T^a ;.In briio.e ana.cu-iin.uittiC^un 
 molin be-pCX. Aeri-JJC. cLC 
 
 Y & I . lUlefc • ^ci - &t'.“ r po(tr.'aOC. fot. ID obo/jxX. {o\ 8 . 
 
 uejo^e manneuile'xen-cte'liu^ jt 4- £^Relffisl&. 
 -&£^fta 4 4 & £T- l \/ln^ Tenure'ke' pap. £.^.n. foltnftY 
 dejY. *Ija.& vni. catkin driio {une.-fi.7Xt. uiHi cu 
 JXV- bjyA'hvt-.c. of. Itn pcdUy'^n. {^i.Txw.ac 
 
 fbi.T.R.f.uald? xf^^oMiu.r^m^/orn. di#: 
 
 ^_nffhY’ ~ceni>e U luj^.t- uuju qYwnurr ine^liuri^ 
 un joci^S dviffi-t.y^urioiu^ieAeft-^.m.cctif. 
 \bi-e CU uno u\%7\ 1 • box&ry un rrwlin 'be-jCCvi.Aevt 
 
 7 Cm- ac^.T.R.t.jm uaf.^l- C>f. 
 
 JX^r^r ^coc -ren tiu^one'. 1 - iu^ii c^renurcun jodfeff 
 
 ^ 7 ^ 7 Tamo Aeft. jbi.e «na G&cutmoboi&.^iui.ac 
 yci-X&£.yfr\ uxt.tfcc.foltf. 
 
 ^ illf^r 3 rcnAe In ugone un iiuju j-Mlt iMGEBRlOf 
 ^•cenun: qda steyegv.f. vat^uaiunr.iui.(Vlf. 
 
 -fill lbi jnit nec.e. 
 
 is U'.kw les--.'. ; .. - . - 
 
 Wnfc buiro c>e rwyTrcfetc ten vl’^ctt C •TDallirue'ttnurC’ 
 
 -O.ui.ioTinffe Atf£- _, 
 
 ~Aa-e.1. car-~ 7 ibi.ex n bpto-J$Cyc.beya tint/. 1 • <-*a^ U > 1 ^ 
 eccU.Jim.rnoli m 7 be™ ill) . lt^. 7 ^ 1 ' R/1' 11 - ^cn .^i 111. a 
 
 -T. R.£- ud&yciAi&'f '- ti^ ■ IDoio .*' Vm • • 
 
 Tjple tiU50 -van WVCWbWC ? Befi^tentirr 
 
 n ~r. 1 ni> - -.? -qaalnif.e evr^iuifiijne. 
 
 1 U- * 1-1 |— M«-.C. 
 
 J ©e Fr 0 ^el^e'^.ten , lnei^^riuonif^xyiuifioneliu^zn^. 
 ■tEii 1 ^ 1 ® V) U^d .jnm -aSf.jnjna |ua iuuifitnie.y'uat. 11. 
 
 lerui cu. 111 •cat'. I . 
 
 "Totu Y. Fi - £ • uMb.ja i.iS.y pop/i 11 -1&- in .* m i- l&- 
 
 cjct lie liufjo tnc dunfionC' iua. 
 
 ~lnr Aiuiftore tianc ejt ut? (odiS -cmejii. . acf 
 
 ^ute -tenure ic •€. 
 
 Jfmic^l')unS’~ccn ti" Viu^p una ^ar» Jacma. que nictnl 
 riecyeAJui. necaiullu n) laomr. fal. e mt Auufijne lua-Tpit' 
 < 3 e <triit7 |^if. Alittim -remit 
 
 Bna^tnariy te > ^tfer , 2>clnuymc'ufi Tnolm.- 7 rec{i'. 4 Wiui.Gt'. 
 Yf^crfh ^ 0 "cwt Je bugeme? ^tfW^V’liitiirtTemirr'de ^-^e. £. 
 y^punotclm le-dejS’. T^a.^.n. cujr |btjum.m.utHi7^-'eMit>(a. • 
 / l!R.£. uat^.jxi. {tft .j poft ..- JC\ 7 . Ill ryox . fof. 
 
 ~ | | 4 ‘^ ■ isSlilltf icCT'. I tl &fRI S j^’-t’ ilsl h lbV 
 
 Jpfe buop-om CjoAyic be>Wipxdfzenun-AeyapS . 
 
 7 ^> .vi 1. folinf -ec "m^/. Qmp/dini^.^dim u^t>. 
 
 /cjgi alia ^atf.e tjerdiuifone [70^’. 7 ta 4 «jn\qirf ^aiorenfis. 
 Tja-e.^a?. caf. jn dnic lune. , uy 7 ^c>oci. uitft' cu-pc. 
 
 Infre.^C. ^c^Jvm.iq'uiTii. ■rndiint'Sc.Vn. Q,i^t. 
 y$ C. do -pa. Silua be.'xcd. +xrp£ 
 
 Y Fl■ £/uatt^.pcc.Ii^ yjxjir/ <7ut.ld?-]Tlo&or'pC<Ji. li^. 
 
 ~J|ti YurfS do ceref? Tcn^jemina. de hu^one. i.uii&a. 
 
 qua unlo^STenuirde-t^.f. Valour. 
 
 ten dirmY iu^u in "ftptt} b£M€—|H 
 qY-renufc/ricpTian'^-j^ .{yjj?A.nA iucp IrdejY. Iti /t«Y 
 ft. uiHi cu Aim^caf. Valunr {emgyu^C. c. denari’ 
 
 ■ jH ■ Xl If 5 ^ ■ ^ FGT fe tff^ ' S -^^r 
 
 V1U30 "c^n fjaj-tenure^dtry^e-F.-^puno 
 
 fclm *0a.e. 11. cafi J n dmo. ^una-Tm ruQf 
 
 at.ini.Wflit. l.£af.7il?iurT 7 {S|*uup. 7 
 
 YR.£.iuI^ • Jpf • folt&y poJt.Tw . rdt 1 . IlL-Sc /uu-YiK. 
 
 Jffde'tiu^r tiv dimiY film bWM&faM- 'Xpa..e.i-caf. 
 Herman tenure Ae^.£.7^-^im feA^- 
 Un.uu- uitti tiro. 1. capWfilua de. V. 
 
 YRi. uaitn rio/sxx.te 
 
 b^o.idmi'biaaf.^(}ui ar i 7 n.f erul .-7^^Sa_ 
 
 ' ^ P‘ -emit higone &oHlw-ti;Ki'. 
 
 Nc r?f Win ft li# ^ 
 
 «ryn W»ttna.^. (ulK C £i. liu . vJr,K. 
 
Ctertk- 
 
 14 
 
 Ifei eah.7 <?m- feruiTiiliu .<)iii ■ yrt^. 
 
 . 'llIL£-uali&.im. frfi 11 -tife. fTloio ^o- CiUi 1 . 
 
 I ^ cpweufTCn^ ile hugone OfrlKtpalf. Xlpefcoc rsrnlrt 
 it yey&E. ~7& uno lolin iVXcfeX Yja.& 4\. «i< jn Wo efr 
 omi. cai^iw 0 fc^/^C.ic po-^filua/ 
 
 llxfii.aat^.X. pofk/:*>?• lot. lAoXWi i i.t&. 
 
 BpaX^ ~mn bim% (otin una uttfja-mtrP ^ 
 
 b?V fo^ncnut^^e-j^e- E.~^-Tantojer^c^. -^,e'.0. < a.|‘. 
 in<3nio fuTTr. tiy 7 ,£WC1. \xr$ brnr.ni.cap. Ibt tmftfuuf. 
 
 -'~ 1 - -/zxcsd- tYloAoSua. iifc/txy. Gst. 
 t-una<t~" - * ^- ^ 
 
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 llE. oateXX*;. 
 
 / A&uc krunaXena cju^ucurt'mfaHe manepo 43 a. 
 
 ^ t}ugo ten dimT% iolin 
 
 ^Inob-renutcbcrja^er. £ TJ ^y i h iko {edcftt. 
 
 llem. WiMLt-teisimi« 4 <«»bf 4 ^Mrtr. 
 
 ' l£AR&? 1>e T^ebrtgtr -ten Ai lU - lH6CS. 7At1>fec 
 •xmuTCbt -p^e.£y7-j^7ni XtspX fe^.ii ■ foltnH ^a-ejcci. 
 C3^- JnSnio-e unzpriim&uy'XVi -uittt cu #ii.WX 
 bnr. lf>t. n .tpcdjp.yjM. felly'll■-mdimde-jocv. 
 
 foliX.Tnif. pifcarip it rntUe ^{cyaruxpnt Im^uttfcV^c irW 
 
 fan- V.aT priz/Stlua. c-X. pore 7 . 
 
 TK.f.y-poft^uat utr. ^XXX 1 . IX>. THoXo/^oC.ttX* eocji'rpL 
 tufbna.e apaxima. jH-^Vg& gSfaH l^W 
 
 I fXe W &CRn)cltKOC « Alrertenurciep^eX. 
 
 ^ urw Glm ^.e. hi i. <afjn Xmo 
 
 u.&t/./4. uit& cu.Vm.bofX' Xfrc.^. ca.f.\bi. 2 Ciufepii. 
 ic (4. folii.7 mt.de \ 
 
 ~7un rnoltn dc.v.roLi. 7 , 
 / hR.£* ualX?- nu.tiX/ r pofl. 
 
 11 . ac fa. Silua- ^.pojp’. 
 o. iolra- Uloio.’duuli?. 
 
 ( ejeta homo de' huaonf-ylrtihi.u. borif.Yed 
 iM. VaW fep/uaX.^c.fef.^ /Xu>. 
 
 iTloSc^zer/ cjXa borno Xe'X) 
 
 Xracef.tm.fbltX'. Salute lep^yi - .-.. 7 W4/ . 
 
 ^|^pie bti^p -rerun Wo un iiumy'Xmi&’ jHl^6£b&l6H- 
 m"t £ ‘ ^€&iT , g . Go^Tenure 3e-piger.fc’. Jk-etn uifuitff 
 at.I- caf.Jih. <4111. zc pa. 
 
 A.A.X ^tuiSo . 20C. ldtV7po(l/3C. jdX • ItloSo.*^^. foTA 
 |r» ec^ XuriS’ e(X una mT^a-^r m Sut^rbfif. tpuaze^ 
 
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 raM^.uRA.uatt^ ^.^enj7j^-"Avni. tnobo.’Xn. ibl^- 
 
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 X] j. at coo uicecom W b&pxip'im 
 
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 - 7 ^: 1 . utUi ca.iTCC.Xtn^ bnc.X.caf. Ibiecd&yvnXerui. 
 "yxm molin . Policy 7 J?C-aTT^uilX. lbi.XC.de 
 
 Tfilua.pooc.jW ^ Jfu&exl 
 
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 y^ct. acpu.7Vfttua/c.pon:^ / 
 
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 Jn-^-i—U wbR-Fi'. 
 
 I y& ccrnief-car Mf i W f- GodutrPcom -zenute^Mi. 
 foltnfffrXej^ -icyrn. tr pav-iii.ftan Jn'bmo fu-mr.ni. 
 
 7 ^x: vit. aifii dx .< 7 . XorX" fW .yxc. cap, lbi^oXa 7 ^ 011 . 
 
 M.^n.tnofmi ck.<?n.fol^^ii.'Wuty^oc^t.a^fn- 
 Silua. cc.forci 
 
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 /tC- oic/xyC.iifc. . 
 
 «gy ga£ 
 
 f yfc kaimo W St€V> 6 cy .florman xcnurric- peje .£. 
 ^ 7 -a'y'ni fe Xej^p unoG>lm."Xi%. e • tin. capX^u.u^ 
 birctm• tt. ‘ 1 * '“ r.— *—>.. 
 
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 jn ipfo # /X-uiHi cu .pci Out.lxntt ^ 
 
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 una pifana feruie^ baUjp.y'u.ferai- 
 Siluula- faruA ^cUufura. 
 
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 Kouecej 1 ^. c|u^ j'e&le&^c im^enap 
 ~J\zcc> Hid Sememe fakltr m Hcuuetonc unacfueoJo 
 
 ulefl.pCC^Ht. |>enj£' &£&y]jjJ A bZ' (Minf'^Ult^emnne' 
 
 tati mllmue^e.^.^/^T^/^^ia^rreaen^ 
 
 folinf <2e miSWronvr |**n mlleueone-poccm. f enje cAfa^. 
 ykvcr\\b\A .y Lvut. Qli% ^^ablo^v^tfmue folinf. • 
 
 ”7^e VtifVpc-folinf fa&eS %iopr af SI ifoecone; auefa. 
 
 / lioc a? flrntrjoftf.tn/Sen^.cju^it?tfixer' Y.R.E.fiaa" 
 t>un£f refhficA^ 
 
 Toe 
 
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 kbi, juplni&i Tarrr filu^ uriSejpceurtc' .pet. 2>enjjj arm. 
 
 CbENf. 
 
 ' 
 
EXTEN 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 D OUERE, Tempore regis Edwarih, 
 reddebat xvm libras, de quibus 
 denariis habebat rex E. duas partes, 
 et comes Goduinus terciam. Contra hoc, 
 
 5 habebant canonici de sancto Martino medietatem aliam. 
 
 regi . 
 
 Burgenses dederunt xx l1 naues A una uice m anno acl xv 
 dies, et in una quaque naui erant homines xx t! et unus. Hoc 
 faciebant pro eo quod eis perdonauerat saccam et socam. 
 
 Quando missatici regis ueniebant ibi, dabant pro 
 10 caballo transducendo m 68 denarios in hieme, et n 03 in 
 
 estate. Burgenses uero inueniebant stiremannum et unum 
 alium adiutorem. Et si plus opus esset, de pecunia eius 
 conducebatar. A festimtate Sancti Miohaelis usque ad 
 i.e. pax 
 
 festum Sancti Andree, treuua regis erat in uilla. Si quis 
 is earn infregisset, inde propositus regis accipiebat com- 
 munem emendationem. Quicunque manens in uilla 
 assiduus reddebat regi consuetudinem, quietus erat 
 de theloneo per totam Angliam. Omnes ho consuetudi- 
 nes erant ibi, quando Willelmus rex in Angliam uenit. 
 
 20 In ipso primo aduentu eius in Angliam, fuit ipsa uilla 
 
 combusta, et ideo precium eius non potuit computaii quantum 
 ualebat quando episcopus baiocensis earn recepit. Modo 
 appreciatur XL libris, et tamen propositus inde reddit liiii ot 
 libras: Regi quidem xx ti im OT libras de denariis qui sunt XX tt in 
 25 ora, comiti uero xxx‘“ libras ad numerum. 
 
 In Douere sunt xxix mansuvo, de quibus rex perdidit consue¬ 
 tudinem. De his habet Robertus de romenel duas, 
 
 Radulfus de curbespine, in. Willelmus filius Tedaldi, I. 
 Willelmus filius Ogeri, i. Willelmus filius Tedoldi ct Robertus 
 30 niger, vi. Willelmus filius Goisfridi, m. in quibus erat 
 gihalla burgensium. Hugo de montfort, I domum. 
 
 Durandus, I. Rannulfus de columbels, I. Wadardus, vi. 
 
 Filius Modberti unam. Et hi omnes de his domibus reuo- 
 
 et datorem 
 
 cant episcopum baiocensem ad protectorem et liberatorem. 
 
 35 D e ilia masura quam tenet Rannulfus de columbels quo 
 i.e. utlagcE 
 
 fuit cuiusdam exulis, concordant quod dimidia terra est 
 
 loripes 
 
 regis, et Rannulfus ipse habet utrunque. Hunfridus 
 tenet i masuram, de qua erat forisfactura dimidia 
 regis. Rogerus de Ostreham fecit quandam domum super 
 40 aquam regis, et tenuit hue usque consuetudinem regis. Nec 
 domus fuit ibi T. R. E. In introitu portus de Douere 
 est unum molendinum quod omnes pene naues confringit 
 per magnam turbationem mans, et maximum damnum fa- 
 cit regi et hominibus, et non fuit ibi T. R. E. De hoc dicit 
 45 nepos Herberti, quod episcopus baiocensis concessit ilium 
 fieri auunculo suo Herberto filio Iuonis. 
 
CHENTII. 
 
 II as infra scriptas leges regis concordant homines 
 de im° r lestis: hoc est, Boruuar lest, et Estrelest, 
 et Linuuartlest, et Wiuuartlest. Si quis fecerit 
 sepem vel fossatum pro quo strictior fiat pnhlica 
 5 uia regis, ant arborem stantem extra uiam intra pro- 
 strauerit, et inde ramum vel frondem portauerit, 
 pro una quaque harum forisfacturarum soluet regi c sohdos. 
 
 Et si ahierit domum non appx - ehensus vel diuadi- 
 atus, tamen minister regis eum sequetur, et C solidis 
 10 emendabit. De gribrige uero si quis earn fecerit et calum- 
 in calle 
 
 niatus A aut diuadiatus fuerit, viii libris regi emenda¬ 
 bit : Sin autem; quietus erit erga regem, non erga 
 dominum cuius homo fuerit. De aliis forisfacturis sicuti 
 de gribrige, sed per c solidos emendabit. Has forisfac- 
 15 turas habet rex super ornnes alodiarios totius comitatus 
 de chent, et super homines ipsorum. Et quando moritur 
 alodiarius, rex inde habet releuationem terras, 
 
 excepta terra Sanctje Trinitatis, et Sancti Augustini, et Sancti Mar¬ 
 tini : et Exceptis his, Godric de Burnes, et Godric 
 20 carlesone, et Alnod tilt, et Esber biga, et Siret de 
 cilleham, et Turgis, et Norman, et Azor. Super istos 
 habet rex forisfacturam de capitibus eorum tantummodo. 
 
 Et de terris eorum habet releuamen, qui habent suam sacam 
 et socam. Et de his terris, scilicet Goslaches, et Boche- 
 25 land, et alium Bocheland, et tercium Bocheland, et Herste, 
 i iugum de Ora, et i iugum de Herte, 
 
 Scbildricheham, Macheheue, Ernulfitone, Osla- 
 chintone, Piria, et alia Piria, Brulege, Ospringes, 
 
 Hortone, habet rex has forisfacturas, Handsocam, 
 
 30 Gribrige, Foristel. De adulterio uero per totum chent 
 habet rex hominem, et archiepiscopus mulierem; excepta 
 terra Sanctte Trinitatis, et Sancti Augustini, et Sancti Martini, de 
 quibus rex nichil habet. De latrone qui iudicatus est ad 
 mortem, habet rex medietatem pecunias eius. Et qui exulem re 
 35 ceperit sine licentia regis, inde habet rex forisfacturam. 
 cild 
 
 De terris supra nominatis Alnodi et similium eius, habet rex 
 custodiam Vi diebus, apud cantuariam, vel apud sanuuic, 
 et ibi habent de rege cibum et potum. Si non habuerint, sine 
 forisfactura recedunt. Si fuerint premoniti ut conueniant 
 40 ad sciram, ibunt usque ad pinnedennam, non longius. Et si 
 non uenerint, de hac forisfactura et de abis omnibus rex 
 c sohdos habebit; excepta Gribrige quee viii libris emendatur ; 
 et de callibus sicut superius scriptum est. 
 
 In Linuuartlest, in briseuuei, habet rex consuetudinem, scilicet 
 45 ii caretas et n sticas anguillarum pro uno Ineuuardo. Et in 
 
 terra sophis habet xii denarios pro uno Ineuuardo. Et de uno jugo 
 de Northburg xii denarios, aut unum Ineuuardum. Et de dena 
 xvm denarios. Et de Gara unum Ineuuardum. He teme iacent in Wi 
 et homines de his terris custodiebant regem apud cantuariam, 
 so et apud Sanuuic per hi dies, si rex illuc uenisset. 
 
GHENT!!. 
 
 In lest de Sudtone, et in lest de Ailesford, habuerunt 
 isti sacham et socam: Brixi cilt. Adelold de Elteham. 
 
 hor 
 
 Anschil de Becheham. Azor de lesneis. Aluuinus. 
 
 Wluuardus wit. Ordinc de hortone. Esbern de 
 cillesfelle. Leuenot de Sudtone. Eduuard de Estan. 
 
 Vlestan et Leuric de Otrinberge. Osuuard de Nord- 
 tone. Edid de Aisiholte. Alret de Ellinges. 
 
 TERRA CANONICORUM SANCTI MARTINI DE DOVRE. 
 
 N Lest de Estrede, habebant canonici de sancto 
 Martino, T.R.E. xxi solin In hundredo de Comely 
 
 et in hundredo de Beusberge. In lest de Linuuarlet 
 habebant in solins, iinum in Estret hundredo, alium in 
 Belissolt hundredo, et tercium in Blachebom hundredo. 
 
 T.R.E. erant prebend® communes, et reddebant lxi libras 
 15 inter totum. Modo sunt dims® per singulos, per episcopum Baiocensem. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Radulfus de Sancto Sansone tenet i Manerium in prebenda, Cerlen- 
 tone uocatur, et defendit se pro i° solin. Ibi habet m uillanos 
 et mi bordarios cum i caruca. Inter totum ualet lxx solidos. T.R.E. 
 20 c solidos. Leuuinus tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 In eadem uilla tenet Willelmus filius Ogerii i solin. Et ibi habet 
 
 i uillanum et vn bordarios cum dimidia caruca. Et I molinum de XL solidis. 
 Ibi quidam francigena habet I carucam. Isdem Willelmus tenet i monasterium 
 in Douere de episcopo, et reddit ei xi solidos. Canonici calumniantur. 
 
 25 Hoc totum ualet vi libras. T.R.E. xii libras. Sired tenuit. 
 
 In Bochelande tenet Aluin i solin. Et ibi habet vi uillanos 
 
 et x bordarios cum i caruca et dimidia. Inter totum ualet nil libras. 
 T.R.E. c solidos. Iste idem tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 In Gocistone tenet Ulric I iugum. Et ibi habet ii uillanos 
 
 30 et i bordarium cum I caruca. Ad banc terram pertinent xxv acr® terr® 
 in Comeli hundredo. Et ibi sunt v bordarii cum dimidia caruca. 
 
 Inter totum ualet xx solidos. T.R.E. x solidos. Elric tenuit in 
 
 ^fprebenda. 
 
 IN HOC EODEM IIVNDREDO IACET SANCTA MARGARITA. 
 
 Ibi habet Sired i solin. Et i carucam in dominio. Et vi bordarios. 
 
 35 cum mi seruis. Valet c solidos. T.R.E. mi libras. Pater eiusdem 
 Sired tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 Ibidem tenet Radulfus i solin. Et habet I carucam in dominio. 
 Et vii bordarios. Valet lx et ix solidos et n denarios. T.R.E. 
 mi libras. Alric tenuit in prebenda similiter. 
 
 40 Ibidem tenet Aired I solin. Et habet in dominio i carucam. 
 
 Et ii uillanos et n bordarios cum dimidia caruca. Valet lx solidos. T.R.E. 
 xx solidos. Pater huius tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 Ibidem tenet Robertus niger i solin. Et habet ibi m uillanos 
 
 et vi bordarios cum I caruca. Valet xxx solidos. T.RE. xx solidos. 
 45 Esmellt tenuit, capellanus R.E. 
 
 Ibidem tenet Walterus I solin. Et ibi habet m uillanos et v bordarios 
 
 cum i caruca et dimidia. Valet lx solidos. T.R.E. lxx solidos. 
 Sigar tenuit in prebenda. 
 
CHENTII. 
 
 5 
 
 Ibidem tenet Turbatus dimidium solin. Et ibi habet n uillanos et i bordarium 
 cum dimidia caruca. Et isdem Robertus habet dimidium solin in Coenilai hvndredo. 
 
 Et ibi dimidiam carucam in dominio. Et v bordarios. Inter totum ualet m libras. 
 
 T.R.E. mi libras. Goldstan tenuit. 
 
 5 Ibidem tenet Eduuine dimidium solin, et adliuc xxv acras terras. 
 
 In dominio habet dimidiam carucam. Et I uillanum cum dimidia caruca. IN CORNELAI HVNDREDO. 
 habet isdem Eduuinus quater xx et v acras. Et ibi I uillanum cum I caruca. 
 
 Valet in libras. T.R.E. mi libras. Ipsemet tenuit T.R.E. De hac 
 prebenda sumpsit episcopus Baiocensis vm acras, et dedit Alan clerico suo. 
 
 10 Modo habet Vlric de Oxenford. IN CORNELAI HVNDREDO. 
 arcTiidiaconus 
 
 Xn Addelam, tenet Anschitil i solin. Et ibi habet in dominio ii Caracas 
 cum vi bordariis. Hanc terram tenuit Stigandus archiepiscopus. 
 
 Huic eidem Anschitillo dedit episcopus baiocensis l acras terra ad Delam, 
 et alias l acras apud sanctam Margaritam, ubi habet i uillanum 
 is et dimidiam carucam. Hse c acras erant de prebendis ut testificantur. 
 
 Inter totum ualet vm libras. T.R.E. vn libras. IN BEVSBERG HVNDREDO. 
 
 In Sibertesuualt, tenet Willelmus pictavensis dimidium solin 
 et xii acras, et in Addelam dimidium solin xn acras minus. Et ibi 
 habet ii uillanos et in bordarios cum I caruca et dimidia. Totum hoc ualet 
 20 lv solidos. T.R.E. nn libras. IN CORNELAI HVNDREDO. 
 
 In Addelam, tenet Adeloldus m uirgatas. Et ibi habet m uillanos 
 
 et vm bordarios cum i caruca. Valet et ualuit semper lx solidos. Istemet 
 
 tenuit T.R.E. IN BEVSBERG HVNDREDO ET IN CORNELAI HVNDREDO. 
 
 In Addelam, tenet abbas Sancti Augustini I solin. Et ibi habet ra uillanos 
 25 et vn bordarios cum i caruca et dimidia. Valet xxx solidos. T.R.E. xl solidos. 
 
 Antecessor eius tenuit in prebenda similiter. 
 
 In Addelam, tenet Willelmus filius Tedaldi dimidium solin et dimidium 
 iugum. Et ibi habet in dominio i carucam. Et ii uillanos et n bordarios. Valet 
 filius Sired 
 
 lx solidos. T.R.E. xl solidos. Derinc tenuit. 
 
 30 In Sibertesuualt, tenet Sigar i iugum et dimidium. Et ibi habet 
 
 in dominio dimidiam carucam. Et ii uillanos et i bordarium. Valet xxv solidos. 
 
 T.R.E. xxxv solidos. Pater ipsius tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 Nigellus medicus apud sanctam Margaritam tenet I iugum 
 
 et dimidium. Et ibi habet i uillanum cum n bobus. Valet xx solidos. T.R.E. 
 
 35 xxv solidos. Spirites tenuit in prebenda. IN BEVSBERG HVNDREDO. 
 
 In Ferlingelai, tenet Willelmus filius Gaufridi i solin. Et ibi habet 
 in dominio i carucam. Et un uillanos cum i caruca. Valet nn libras. T.R.E. 
 vi libras. Sired tenuit in prebenda. 
 
 In Hicham, tenet Balduinus i solin. Et ibi habet mi uillanos et v 
 40 bordarios cum n caracis. Valet nn libras. T.R.E. c solidos. Eduinus tenuit. 
 
 In Bocheland tenet Godricus i solin. Et ibi habet n Caracas in dominio. 
 
 Et m uillanos et mi bordarios cum i caraca. Et una eecclesia Valet vi libras. 
 
 T.R.E. vm libras. 
 
 In Sibertesuuald, tenet Vlstan filius Vluuin i solin. Et ibi habet dimidiam carucam. 
 
 45 et iii uillapos et ix bordarios cum i caruca. T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Modo lx solidos. 
 
 Pater eius tenuit. 
 
6 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 I N CIYITATE CANTY ARIA, habuit Rex Edwardus 
 l et i burgenses redclentes gablum. Et alios cc et xii 
 super quos habebat sacam et socam. Et in molendina de XL solidis. 
 Modo burgenses gablum reddentes sunt xix. De xxxn obDS 
 5 aliis qui fuerant; sunt uastati xi in fossato ciuitatis, 
 
 et archiepiscopus habet ex eis vn, et abbas Sancti Augustini alios xiin 
 pro excambio castelli. Et adhuc sunt cc et xu burgenses, super 
 
 hi 
 
 quos habet rex sacam et socam. Et molendina reddentia c et viii solidos. 
 
 Et theloneum reddens lxyiii solidos. Ibi vin aerie prati qua; 
 
 10 solebant esse legatorum regis, modo reddunt de censu xv solidos. 
 
 Et mille acne silvo infructuoso de qua exeunt xxmi or H-rimo 
 
 solidi. Inter totum, T.R.E. ualuit li libras. Et tantundem quando uicecomes 
 recepit. Et modo l libris appreciatur. Tamen, qui tenet nunc reddit xxx 
 libras arsas et pensatas, et xxmi libras ad numerum. Super hoc omnia 
 is habet uicecomes c et x solidos. 
 
 Duas domos duorum burgensium, unam foris, aliam intra ciuitatem, quidam 
 
 monachus occlesio cantuariensis abstulit. Ha; erant posito in calle 
 Burgenses habuertmt xly mansuras extra ciuitatem, de quibus 
 
 ipsi habebant gablum et consuetudinem; rex autem habebat sacam et socam. 
 20 Ipsi quoque burgenses habebant de rege xxx hi acras terra; 
 
 in gildam suam. Has domos et hanc terrain tenet Rannulfus de Colum- 
 bels. Habet etiam quater xx acras terra; super hoc, quas tenebant 
 bm-genses in aloclia de rege. Tenet quoque v acras terra; 
 qua; iuste pertinent uni occlesio. De his omnibus reuocat 
 25 isdem Rannulfus ad protectorem episcopum Baiocensem. 
 
 de Curbespine habet nn mansuras in ciuitatc, 
 
 quas tenuit quodam concubina heraldi, de quibus est saca 
 
 et soca regis, sed usque nunc non habuit. 
 
 baiocensi 
 
 Radulfus tenet alias xi masuras de episcopo in ipsa ciuitate, 
 
 30 que fuerunt Sbern biga, et reddunt xi solidos et n denarios et i obolum. 
 
 Per totam ciuitatem cantuario habet rex sacam et socam, excepta 
 
 ten a occlesio Sanctas Trinitatis, et Sancti Augustini, et Eddcuo re°"ino et Alnod 
 
 cild, et Esber biga, et Siret de Cilleham. 
 
 Concordatum est de rectis callibus qua; habent per ciuitatem 
 35 introitum et exitum, quicunque in illis forisfecerit, regi 
 emendabit. Similiter de callibus rectis extra ciuitatem, 
 usque ad unam leugam et m perticas et m pedes. Si quis ergo 
 infra has publicas uias intus ciuitatem vel extra foderit, 
 vel palum fixerit, sequitur Blum propositus regis ubicunque abierit, 
 
 40 et emendam accipiet ad opus regis. 
 
 Archiepiscopus calumniatur forisfacturam in uiis extra ciuitatem utraque parte 
 ubi terra sua est. Quidam propositus, Brumannus nomine, T.R.E. cepit consue- 
 tudines de extraneis mercatoribus in terra Sanctas Trinitatis et Sancti Augustini, 
 
 Qui, postea, T.R.A. ante archiepiscopum Lanfrancum et episcopum baiocensem reco°-- 
 45 novit se iniuste accepisse, et, Sacramento facto, iuravit quod ipso occlesio 
 
 suas consuotudines quietas habuennt R.E. tempore. Et exinde utreque occlesio 
 in sua ten a habueiunt consuetudines suas, iudicio baronum regis qui placitum tenuerunt. 
 
 C episcopu 
 iuitas Rovecestre, T.R.E, ualebat c solidos. Quando A re 
 
 Modo ualet xx libras; tamen ille qui tenet reddit xl libras. 
 
 episcopus 
 
 recepit, similiter. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 ITEM POSSESSIO SANCTI MARTINI. 
 
 D E communitate Sancti Martini habent simul m canonici 
 unum solin et xvi acras; id est Sired, Godric, et Seuuen. 
 
 In hac terra sunt nn or uillani et ix bordarii cum una caruca. Reddun 
 ; xxii solidos. De Lest Limwarlet. unum solinum in Blache- 
 burne hundredo. Et ibi sunt ix uillani cum n carucis. Reddunt xvi solidos 
 et vm denarios. In Stret himdredo iacet unum solin de Stanetdeste. 
 
 Ibi vn uillani habent n carucas et dimidiam. Et vii bordarii. Et unum pratum. 
 xvi solidos et vm denarios. In Bilesold hundredo, unum solinum de 
 > Stanestede. ibi sunt vii uillani et vii bordarii. Et habent iiu carucas. 
 
 Et reddunt xx solidos n denariis minus. Ad ista m a solina sunt 
 
 v den®. Et vi uillani et v bordarii. Et reddunt ix solidos m denariis 
 
 minus, habent m carucas et dimidiam. In Brensete paululum tell-®. 
 
 sunt ii uillani et m bordarii, et habent dimidiam carucam. Reddunt L denarios. 
 
 1 Ilia nn or solina supradicta habent canonici Sancti Martini in commu¬ 
 nitate inter nemus et planum. T.R.E. ualebant x libras, modo similiter. 
 
 Terra Nordeuuode et Terra Ripe, et Terra Brandet reddunt xx solidos 
 et vi denarios ad Sanctum Martinum, in elemosina. 
 
 In inland Sancti Martini manent vii bordarii cum dimidia caruca. Reddunt 
 Ibi est unus rusticus 
 
 nx solidos ad calciamenta canonicorum. Sancta Margarita reddit vm libras. 
 Tlieloneum de doure, T.R.E. ualebat vm libras, modo xxtt libras. 
 
 Tres ®cclesi® apud Doueram reddunt xxxvi solidos et vm denarios. 
 
 De pastura Medrecliue et de hortis douere exeunt ix solidi 
 
 et ini denarii. Vna pastura in Sibertesuualt. xvi denarios reddit. 
 
 Sanctus Martinus habet x molendina et dimidium. reddunt vn libras. T.R.E. 
 tantundem reddiderunt. Modo appreciantur xn libris, sed non ad proficuum 
 canonicorum. Sub illis molinis manent vm homines. Apud 
 scortebroc una pastura. reddit ii solidos. 
 
 De hac communitate habet archiepiscopus, singulis annis, lv solidos. 
 
 Ibi sunt vi homines cum i caruca et dimidia. 
 
 In communi terra Sancti Martini sunt cccc 1 ® acr® et dimidia, qu® 
 hunt ii solinos et dimidium. H®c terra nunquam reddidit aliquid consue- 
 tudinis vel scoti, quia xxmi solini h®c omnia adquietant. 
 
 Apud Ripam sunt c acr® qu® se adquietant ubi T.R.E. se 
 
 adquietabant. Apud Nordeude sunt l acr®, et c apud Brand, 
 
 que adquietant se ubi et superiora. In hac terra sunt in uillani 
 
 et ix bordarii. habent i carucam et dimidiam. Hec omnia, si canonici ha- 
 
 berent sicuti ius esset, ualerent illis lx libras singulis annis; 
 
 modo non habent nisi xlvii libras et vr solidos, et mi denarios. 
 
 Rannulfus de Columbels aufert eis unum pratum. Rotbertus de rome- 
 nel aufert eis, singulis annis, xx denarios, et unam salinam, et unam 
 piscariam. Herbertus filius Iuonis dedit episcopo baiocensi markam ami 
 
 molinum molinum 
 
 pro uno molino eorum, nolentibus illis. Lanbertus unum. Wadard unum. 
 Radulfus de curbespine unum. 
 
 A 
 
 -cAlnod, per uiolentiam Heraldi, abstulit Sancto Martino Merclesham 
 et Hauochesten, pro quibus dedit canonicis iniquam commutationem. 
 
 Modo tenet Robertus de Romenel quod ei canonici calum- 
 niantur semper. 
 
 IIIC ANNOTANTUR TENENTES TERRAS IN CHENT. 
 
 Comes Eustachius. 
 
 I. Hex Willelmvs. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 II. Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, 
 
 IX. 
 
 III. et Monachi et homines eius. 
 
 X. 
 
 IV. Episcopus Rofecestrensis. 
 
 XI. 
 
 V. Episcopus Baiocensis. 
 
 XII. 
 
 VI. Abbatia de Batailge. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 VII. Abbatia Sancti Augustini. 
 
 
 reddunt 
 
8 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 TERRA REGIS. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE SVDTONE. IN ACHESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 R ex WILLELMVS tenet Tarentefort. 
 
 Pro uno solino et tlimidio se defendit. Terra est xl 
 a carucarum. In dominio sunt n Caracas. Et cxlii uillani 
 
 cum x bordariis habent Lin carucas. Ibi sunt m servi. Et i molendinum. 
 
 Prati xxii acras. Pasturte xl acrae. De silua yiii denas 
 parutE, et m magnae. Ibi n hedae, id est n° portus. 
 
 uicecomes 
 
 T.R.E. ualuit lx libras, et tantundem quando Haimo recepit. 
 
 10 Modo appreciatur ab anglis lx libris; pnepositus uero francigena, 
 qui tenet ad firmam, dicit quia ualet quater xx li libras et x libras. 
 
 Ipse tamen reddit de isto manerio lxx libras pensatas, et cxi 
 
 solidos de denariis xx t! in ora, et vn libras et xxvi denarios ad numerum. 
 
 Super hasc reddit uicecomiti C solidos. 
 
 15 T_T omines de hundredo testificantur, quod de isto Manerio regis 
 
 ablatum est unum pratum, et unum alnetum, et unum molendinum, et xx t! acrae 
 teme, et adliuc tantum prati quantum pertinet ad x acras terra;, 
 que omnia erant in firma regis E. dum uiueret. Hecc ualent xx 1 ' 
 
 solidos. Dicunt autem quod Osuuard tunc uicecomes pnestitit ea 
 
 ^cius. 
 
 20 Alestan prasposito Lundonias. Et modo tenent heltus dapifer et nepos. 
 rriestantur quoque quod Hagelei de isto manerio ablata est, 
 
 quee se defenclit pro dimidio solin. Ilanc terram tenebat uicecomes, 
 et quando uicecomitatum amittebat, in firma regis remanebat. 
 
 Ita permansit et post mortem RE. Modo tenet Hugo de 
 25 port cum Lira acris terras plus. Totum hoc ualet xv libras. 
 
 De eodem Manerio regis adhuc sunt ablata; vi acras terns, 
 uicecomes 
 
 et quaedam silua, quas isdem Osuuardus posuit extra Manerium 
 per quoddam uaclimonium XL solidorum. 
 
 yEcclesiam huius Manerii tenet episcopus de Rouecestre, et ualet lx solidos. 
 
 30 Extra banc simt adliuc ibi in aecclesiolas. 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORD. IN LAVROCIIESFEL HVNDREDO. 
 
 R ex W. tenet Elesford. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra 
 
 est xv carucarum. In dominio sunt in carucas. Et xl uillani cum 
 v bordariis habent xv carucas. Ibi vm serui. Et i molendinum xl 
 35 denariorum. Et xlhi acras prati. Silua t.xx porcorum. 
 
 uicecomes 
 
 Inter totum ualebat. T.R.E. xv libras. Et tantundem quando Haimo recepit. 
 modo ualet xx libras. Tamen reddit xxxi libras. Et uicecomes inde habet 
 in libras. De hoc Manerio tenet Ansgotus juxta rouecestre 
 tantum terra; quod appreciatur vn libris. 
 
 40 Episcopus etiam de Rouecestre, pro excambio terre in qua castellum 
 
 sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod xvn em solidos et ira or denarios ualet. 
 
 dimidio 
 
 IN LEST DE MIDDELTVNE IN MIDDELTVN HVNDREDO. 
 
 J^ cx W. tenet Middeltvne. Pro quater xx li solins se 
 
 defendit. Extra hos, sunt in dominio ira solins. Et ibi iii 
 45 carucee in dominio. In hoc Manerio ccc H et ix uillani cum t.xxtiit bordariis. 
 habent clxvh carucas. Ibi sunt vi molendina de xxx solidis. 
 
 Et xvm im acras prati. Ibi xxvn salina: de xxvii solidis. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 Ibi xxxii piscarise do xxti solidis et vm dcnariis. Do theloneo 
 xl solidi. De pastura xin solidi et mi denarii. Silua ccxx porcorum. 
 Et homines de Walto reddunt L solidos pro Ineuuardo et aueris. 
 
 In hoc Manerio sunt x servi. Inter totum. T.R.E.-ualebat cc libras 
 
 uicecomes 
 
 ad numerum. Et tantundem quando Haimo recepit. Et modo similiter. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Hugo de port vm solins et unum iugum, 
 
 qui T.R.E. erant, cum aliis solins, in consuetudine. Ibi habet in carucas 
 
 in dominio. 
 
 Hmc terra quam tenet Hugo de port ualet xx libras qu® computantur in cc Us libris 
 totius Manerii MiddeltJj'N. qui tenet reddit cxl libras ad ignem 
 et ad pensam, et insuper xv libras et vi solidos n denariis minus ad nu- 
 uicecomiti 
 
 mcrum. Haimoni dat pr®positus xn libras. 
 
 De silua regis habet Wadardus tantum quod reddit xvi denarios per annum. 
 
 Et dimidiam denam tenet quam T.R.E. quidam uillanus tenuit. Et Ahiold 
 cild duas partes cuidam uillano per uim abstulit. 
 
 iEcclesias et decimas hujus Manerii tenet abbas Sancti Augustini. Et xl 
 solidi de mi solins regis exeunt ei. 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWAELET. IN FAVRESHANT HYNDREDO. 
 ex W. tenet Favresiiaxt. Pro vn solins se defendit. Terra est 
 
 xvn carucarum. In dominio sunt 11“. Ibi xxx uillani cum XL bordariis 
 habent xxim carucas. Ibi v serui. Et i molinus de xx solidis. Et ii° acr® 
 prati. Silua c porcorum. Et de pastura siliue xxxi solidi et n denarii. 
 Mercatum de mi libris. Et n” salin® de hi solidis et n denariis. Et in 
 
 de xx denariis 
 
 cantuaria ciuitate m e< hag® A ad hoc Manerium pertinent. In totis ualentiis. 
 T.R.E. ualebat lx libras v solidis minus. Et post, lx libras. Modo ualet 
 quater xx 1 ' lioras. 
 
 C 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 TERRA ARCHIEPISCOPI CAN TVARIENSIS. 
 
 I N CIYITATE CANTVARIA habet archiepiscopus xir bur- 
 genses. Et xxxn mansuras quas tenent clerici de uilla 
 
 in gildam suam. Et reddunt xxxv solidos. Et unum molendinum de v solidis. 
 SandwicE iacet in suo proprio hundredo. Hoc burgum tenet 
 archiepiscopus, et est de uestitu monachorum, et reddit simile 
 seraitium regi sicut Dovere. Et hoc testificantur homines 
 de isto burgo. quod antequam rex Edwardus dedisset ilium Sanctje Trinitati, 
 mortis 
 
 reddebat regi xv libras. Tempore A R.E. non erat ad firmam. 
 
 Quando recepit archiepiscopus, reddebat xl libras de firma et xl 
 de 
 
 milia A allecibus ad uictum monachorum. In anno quo facta 
 sanuuic 
 
 est heec descriptio, reddidit A i libram de firma, et alleces 
 sicut prius. T.R.E. erant ibi ccc et vn mansune hos- 
 
 octoginta 
 
 pitatm. modo sunt plus lxxvi. id est, simul ccc lxxx iii. 
 
 « IN ACHESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 -A.rchiepiscopus cantuariensis tenet in dominio TARENT. Pro n solins 
 se defendit. Terra est. In dominio est una caruca. Et xxn uillani 
 cum vii cotariis habent vn carucas. Ibi vi serui. Et n molendina de l solidis. 
 
 Ad hoc Manerium pertinent v burgenses in rouecestre. reddunt vi solidos et vm denarios. 
 Ibi vm aerie prati. Silua xx porcorum. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualuit 
 xmi libras. Quando recepit, x libras, modo xv libras et x solidos. Tamen qui 
 
 tenet Manerium reddit xvm libras. .. 
 
 I solins 
 
 pse archiepiscopus tenet Otefort in dominio. Pro vm A se defendit. Terra est 
 xlii carucarum. In dominio sunt vi carucas. Ibi c et unus uillans cum xvm 
 bordariis habent xlv carucas. Ibi vm serui. Et vi molini de lxxii 
 solidis. Et l aerie prati. Silua cl porcorum. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenent iii teigni i solin et dimidium. Et ibi habent in dominio 
 iii carucas. Et xvi uillanos cum xi bordariis habentes mi carucas. Ibi v serui. 
 
 Et ii molendina de xxrni solidis. Et xxvui acras prati. Silua xxx porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E., et post, ualebat Modo 
 
 appreciatur dominium archiepiscopi lx libris. Teignorum xii libris. Ricardus de 
 Tonebrige quod in sua leuga tenet appreciatin' x libris. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Soxdresse. Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt m caruca;. Et xxvii uillani cum ix 
 bordariis habent vm carucas. Ibi vm serui. Et iii molendina et dimidium de 
 i.e. vi d 
 
 XIII solidis et dimidio. Ibi vm acne prati. Silua lx porcorum. Ibi mcclesia. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat xn libras. Quando recepit, xvi libras. Et modo 
 xvm libras. Tamen reddit xxm libras, et unum militem in servitio archiepiscopi. 
 
 IN HELMESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Bix. Pro m bua solins se defendebat T.R.E. et modo pro n obus - 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n caruca:. Et xli uillani cum xv bordariis 
 habent x carucas. Ibi mcclesia. Et iii molendina de xlviii solidis. Et vm acne 
 prati. Silua c porcorum. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E., et post, ualebat xii libras. 
 
 Et modo xx libras. Et tamen reddit xxx libras, et vm solidos. 
 
 IN LITELAI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Eriiede. Pro mi solins se defendit. Terra est vm 
 carucarum. In dominio sunt W. Et xxvii uillani cum n bordariis habent vm carucas. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 11 
 
 Ibi ascclesia. Et hi molendina tie l solidis et vi denariis. Ibi v serai. 
 
 Et x acne prati. Silua xl porcorum. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat 
 xii libras. Et tantundem quando recepit, Modo xvi libras. Et tamen rcddit 
 xxi libras. 
 
 5 IN LEST DE ELESFORT. IN LAYROCHESFEL HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio Metlinges. Pro n solins 
 se defendit. Terra est vii carucarum. In dominio sunt in caracee. Et xxxviii 
 uillani cum xn bordariis habent v Caracas. Ibi jecclesia. Et v serui. Et n 
 molendina de x solidis. Et xxi acne prati. Silua lx porcorum. In totis 
 10 ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat ix libras. Similiter quando recepit. Et modo tantundem. 
 Et tamen redclit xv libras. IN TOLLENTREV HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio N ORFLVET. Pro vi solins 
 defendebat se T.R.E. Et modo pro v. Terra est xiiii carucarum. In dominio sunt 
 n®. Et xxxvi uillani habent x Caracas. Ibi tecclesia. Et vii serui. 
 is Et i molinus de x solidis, cum una piscaria. Et xx acne prati. Silua 
 
 xx porcorum. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, 
 xn libras. Et modo xxvn libras. Et tamen reddit xxxvu libras et x solidos. 
 Ricardus de tonebrige quod tenet in sua leuga de hoc Manerio ualet 
 
 ^fxxx solidos. 
 
 IN BROTEHAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 20 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Broteham. Pro vm solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xx carucarum. In dominio sunt m Caracas. Et lxxvi uillani 
 cum xviii bordariis habent xnn Caracas. Ibi ascclesia. Et x serai. 
 
 Et hi molendina de xv solidis. Et ix cm aerie prati. Silua, quando fractificat, 
 quingentorum porcorum. 
 
 25 De hoc Manerio tenet Willelmus dispensator i solin. Et ibi habet i carucam 
 in dominio. Et n uillanos cum dimidia caruca. 
 
 De eodem Manerio tenet Goisfridus de archiepiscopo I solin. Et ibi habet I carucam. 
 
 Et vi uillanos cum i bordario habentes n Caracas. 
 
 De ipso Manerio tenet Farman i iugum et dimidium de archiepiscopo. Et ibi habet 
 30 m Caracas. Et vi uillanos cum xn cotariis habentes ii carucas. Ibi x serui. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat hoc Manerium xv libras. Et post, xvi 
 libras. Modo appreciatin' dominium archiepiscopi xxiiii libris. Et tamen reddit 
 xxxv libras. Militum, xi libris. Ricardus de Tonebrige 
 quod tenet in sua leuga appreciatur xv libris. 
 
 35 IN MEDDESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet MEDDESTANE. Pro x solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xxx carucarum. In dominio sunt hi carucce. Et xxv uillani cum 
 xxi bordariis habent xxv carucas. Ibi acclesia. Et x serui. Et v molini 
 de xxxvi solidis et vm denariis. Ibi n piscariie de cclxx anguillis. 
 
 40 Ibi x aerie prati. Silua xxx porcorum. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenent de archiepiscopo iii milites mi solins. Et ibi 
 habent m Caracas et dimidiam in dominio. Et xxxii uillanos cum x bordariis 
 habentes vi carucas. Et x seruos. Et habent i molinum de v solidis. Et xiii 
 acras prati. Et n piscarias et dimidiam de CLXXX anguillis. Et ii salinas. 
 
 45 Siluam xxm porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat hoc Manerium xiiii libras. Quando recepit, 
 xn libras. Et modo dominium archiepiscopi ualet xx libras. Militum, xv 
 libras et x solidos. Monachi cantuarienses habent omni anno de 
 duobus hominibus huius Manerii xx solidos. 
 
CITENTII. 
 
 IN CETEHAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Gelingeham. Pro vi solins se 'defendit. 
 
 Terra est xv carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucee. Et xlii uillani cum 
 xvi bordariis habent xv carucas. Ibi secclesia. Et in serui. Et iii pis- 
 5 carise de xlii solidis et viii denariis. Et i molinus de xvi 
 
 solidis et viii denariis. Et xnn. aerie prati. Silua xx porcorum. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet quidam francigena terram ad I carucam. Et ibi habet 
 ii bordarios. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualebat hoc Manerium xv libras. 
 Quando recepit, xn libras. Et modo xxm libras. Et tamen reddit 
 10 xxvi libras xii denariis minus. Quod tenet francigena xl solidos. 
 
 IN ROCVLF HVNDREDO. 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Rocvlf. Pro viii solins se 
 defendit. Terra est xxx carucarum. In dominio sunt hi carucse. 
 
 Et quater xx 1 ' et x uillani cum xxv bordariis habent xxvii carucas. 
 is Ibi secclesia. Et I molinus de xxv denariis. Et xxxm aerse prati. 
 
 Silua xx porcorum. Et v salime de lxiiii denariis. Et una 
 piscaria. In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualuit hoc Manerium xim 
 libras. Quando recepit, similiter. Et modo xxxv libras. Super hsec 
 habet archiepiscopus vn libras et vn solidos. 
 
 20 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Nortone in dominio. Pro xni so¬ 
 lins se defendit. Terra est xxvi carucarum. In dominio sunt ii” 
 carucse. Et quater xx 1 ' et xii uillani cum xl bordariis habent lix 
 carucas et dimidiam. Ibi secclesia. Et x acne prati. Silua l porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualuit hoc Manerium xxnn libras 
 25 et v solidos. Et post, tantundem. Et modo reddit archiepiscopo l libras 
 et xnn solidos et ii denarios. Et archidiacono xx solidos. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Vitalis de archiepiscopo in solins 
 et unum iugum et xii acras terrse. Et ibi habet v carucas. Et xxix 
 bordarios. Et v seruos. Et vii salinas de xxv solidis et mi denariis. 
 so Ibi est secclesia. Et una parua dena silvse. Inter totum ualet 
 xnn libras et vi solidos et vi denarios. 
 
 IN BOROWARTLEST. IN P 1 TEHAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Piteham. Pro vn solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est ad xx carucas. In dominio sunt in carucse. Et xxxu 
 as uillani cum xxi bordariis habent xix carucas. Ibi ii secclesia;. 
 
 Ibi ii° serui. Et xni aerse prati. Silua xx porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis. T.R.E. ualuit hoc Manerium xvii libras 
 
 et vi solidos et hi denarios. Et post, tantundem. Et modo ualet xx libras. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenent Godefridus et Nigellus de archiepiscopo 
 40 unum solin et dimidium et iugum. Et ibi habent mi carucas. 
 
 Et nil uillanos cum viii bordariis habentes in carucas. Inter totum 
 ualet ix libras. De his habent monachi vm solidos per annum. 
 
 IN ESTVRSETE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Estvrsete in dominio. Pro vn so- 
 45 lins se defendit. Terra est xx carucarum. In dominio sunt nil carucse. 
 
 Et xvii uillani cum quater xx 45 et hi bordariis habent xvi carucas. 
 iEcclesia. Et 
 
 Ibi A xii molins de ini libris et v solidis. Et c acra: prati. Silua 
 L porcorum. Ad hoc Manerium pertinuerunt T.R.E. in ciuitate 
 li i masurse. Et modo non sunt nisi xxv, quia alia; 
 n 
 
 so sunt destructse I noua hospitatione archiepiscopi. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 13 
 
 In totis ualentiis: T.R.E., et post, ualebat xxim libras et xn solidos, et vi 
 denarios, Modo, ualet xl libras. 
 
 De hoc Manerio habent v homines archiepiscopi unum solin et vi iuga. 
 
 Et ibi habent v carucas et dimidiam in dominio. Et vra uillanos cum xxvi 
 5 bordariis habentes n carucas. Et m molendina. Et xxim acras prati. Silua x 
 porcorum. Inter totum, ualet ix libras. 
 
 De ipso Manerio tenet Haimo uicecomes dimidium solin de archiepiscopo. Et ibi habet 
 ii carucas. cum v bordariis. Et uno seruo. Et n molendina de xv solidis. Valet 
 
 c solidos. 
 
 IN BERIiAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 10 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio BVRNES. Pro vi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est l carucarura. In dominio sunt v carries. Et LXim uillani cum Liii bl,s 
 bordariis habent xxx carucas et dimidiam. Ibi acclesia. Et n molendina de viii solidis 
 et vi denariis. Et xx acras prati. Silua xv porcorum. De herbagio xxvn 
 denarii. In totis ualentiis: T.R.E., et post, ualebat xx li libras, modo, xxx libras. 
 
 is IN BOLTVN HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio BOLTVNE. Pro v solins et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n carucas. Et xxxi uillanus 
 cum xxxi bordariis habentes xv carucas. Ibi mi acras prati. Et piscaria 
 de x denariis. Salina de xvi denariis. Silua xlv porcorum. In 
 20 totis ualentiis: T.R.E., et post, ualebat xv libras et xvi solidos et m denarios 
 et i obolum. Modo, ualet xxx libras et xvi solidos et iii denarios et i obolum. 
 
 IN CALE HELLE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio ClEERlNGES. Pro vm solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xl carucarum. In dominio est unum solin. Et ibi mi carucas et dimidia. Ibi xxvi 
 25 uillani cum xxvn bordariis habent xxvn carucas. Ibi xn serui. Et unus 
 molinus de xl denariis. Ibi xxv acras prati. Silua xxvi porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat xxim libras. Quando recepit, tantundem. 
 
 Modo, appreciatur xxxim libris. Et tamen reddit lx libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio PLVCHELEI. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 30 Terra est xii carucarum. In dominio n carucas et dimidia. Et xvi uillani cum vii 
 bordariis habent xi carucas. Ibi vm serui. Et xn acras prati et dimidia. Silua 
 cxl porcorum. Inter totum: T.R.E. ualebat xii libras. Quando recepit, 
 vm libras. Et modo, xv libras. Et tamen reddit xx libras. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTREI. IN WINGEHAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 35 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet WlNGEHAM in dominio. Pro xl solins se 
 
 defendebat T.R.E. Et modo pro xxxv. Terra est In dominio sunt 
 vm carucas. Et quater xx li et v uillani cum xx bordariis habentes lvii 
 carucas. Ibi vm serui. Et ii molendina de xxxim solidis. Silua v 
 porcorum. Et ii 1 " siluula ad clausuram. In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat 
 40 lxxvii libras. Quando recepit, similiter. Et modo, c libras. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Willelmus de arris i solin In Fletes. Et ibi habet in 
 
 dominio i carucam. Et mi uillanos. Et unum militem. cum i caruca. Et unam piscariam. 
 
 cum salina de xxx denariis. Totum ualet xl solidos. 
 
 De ipso Manerio tenent v homines archiepiscopi v solins et dimidium et m a iuga. 
 
 45 Et ibi habent in dominio vm carucas. Et xxn bordarios. Et viii seruos. Inter totum, 
 ualet xxi libras. 
 
 IN LINGEBRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio MERSEHAM. Pro vi solins se defendebat 
 T.R.E. Et modo pro m. Terra est xu carucarum. In dominio sunt m caruca. 
 so Et xxxix uillani cum ix bordariis habentes xvi carucas. Ibi acclesia. Et ii molendina 
 de v solidis. Et n salina de v solidis. Et xiri acra prati. Silua xxx porcorum. 
 
 D 
 
14 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat, et post, x libras. Modo, xx libras. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. IN BELICOLT HVNDREDO. 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Aldintone in dominio. Pro xxr solin se 
 defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pro xv solins. Terra c caracarum. In dominio sunt xm 
 ' 5 carucae. Et ducenti uillani, x minus, cum l bordariis babent lxx carucas. 
 
 Ibi cEcdesia. Et xm serui. Et m molendina de xvi solidis. Et m piscario 
 de xxi denariis. Ibi clxx acrae prati. Silua lx porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat nxn libras. Et tantundem quando recepit. 
 
 Modo, reddit c libras et xx solidos. 
 
 10 Ip se archiepiscopus tenet uillam quae uocatur Sanctus Martinus, et pertinet ad 
 Estursete, et iacet in ipso hundredo, et defendit se pro uno solin et dimidio. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n carucae et xxxvi bordarii. 
 
 Ad hanc terram pertinent vn burgenses in cantuaria, reddentes 
 
 viii solidos et mi denarios. Ibi v molendina de xx solidis. Et parua silua. 
 
 15 In hac uilla tenet Radulfus dimidium solin de archiepiscopo. Et ibi habet 
 
 ii carucas in dominio. Et v uillanos cum m bordariis habentes n carucas et dimidiam. 
 T.R.E. ualebat vii libras, dimidium solin Sancti Martini, et aliud dimidium solin, 
 ualebant semper mi libras. 
 
 In ROMENEL sunt quater xx et v burgenses qui pertinent ad Aldinton, 
 
 20 Manerium archiepiscopi, et ualuerunt, et modo ualent domino, vi libras. 
 
 D e ipso Manerio Aldinton iacet in Limes dimidium iugum et dimidia 
 uirga. Archiepiscopus tenet in dominio. Et ibi habet i carucam. Et unum uillanum 
 cum xvm bordariis habentes i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi sunt vii presbyteri qui 
 reddunt vii libras et v solidos. Terra est n carucarum. Ualet et ualuit xn libras. 
 
 25 Et tamen reddit xv libras. 
 
 Do eodem manerio tenet comes de Ow Estotinghes pro i Manerio. 
 
 Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pTo ruio solin tantum. 
 
 Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt n 16 . Et xxvii uillani cum xm bordariis 
 habentes vn carucas. Et i molinum de xxv denariis. Ibi fecclesia. Et xx acne prati. 
 30 Silua x porcorum. Et vm serui. T.R.E., et post, ualebat vm libras. Modo, x libras. 
 
 IN MONIBERGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet in dominio Leminges. Pro vii solids se defendit. 
 
 Terra est lx carucarum. In dominio sunt iiu. Et c et unus uillanus cum xvi bordariis 
 habentes lv carucas. Ibi aecclesia. Et x serui. Et i molinus de xxx denariis. 
 
 35 Et i piscaria de xl anguillis. Et xxx acrae prati. Silua c porcorum. 
 
 Ibi pertinent vi burgenses in Hede. T.R.E. ualebat xxim libras. 
 
 Et postea, xl libras. Et modo, similiter. Et tamen reddit lx libras. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenent m homines archiepiscopi n solins et dimidium, et dimidium 
 iugum. Et ibi habent v carucas in dominio. Et xx uillanos cum xvi bordariis 
 40 habentes v carucas et dimidiam. Et i seruum. Et u molinos de vn solidis et vi denariis. 
 Et xl acras prati. Silua xi porcorum. Ibi n aecclesiae. Inter totum, ualet xi libras. 
 
 IN SELEBRIST HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Newedene. Pro imo solin se defendit. Terra est 
 Ibi sunt xxv uillani cum mi bordariis habentes v carucas. Ibi est mer- 
 45 catum de xl solidis, v denariis minus. Silua xl porcorum. Inter totum: 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Quando recepit, xii libras. Et modo, x libras. Et tamen 
 propositus reddit xvm libras et x solidos. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 TERRA MILITVM EIUS. IN ACHESTAN IIVNDREDO. 
 _A_nsgotus tenet de archiepiscopo FORNINGEHAM. 
 
 Pro uno solino se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt 
 
 n" carucse. Et xm uillani cum v bordariis habentes hi carucas et dimidiam. 
 
 5 Ibi vi acrfe prati. Silua xx porcorum. Et Ricardus de Tonebrige 
 de eadem silua tantundem habet in sua leuua. T.R.E. ualebat 
 hoc Manerium vii libras. Et modo, xi libras. De his habent monachi 
 cantuarienses rai libras ad uestitum suum, et 
 
 Radulfus filius Vnspac tenet Elesford de archiepiscopo. 
 
 10 Pro vi solins se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt 
 
 v Caracas. Et xxix uillani cum ix bordariis habent xv carucas. Ibi 
 ii secclesise. Et ix serui. Et n molendina de xliii solidis. Et xxix acrae 
 prati. Silua xx porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xvi libras. Et modo, ualet 
 xx libras. De hoc Manerio tenet Ricardus de Tonebrige tantum 
 15 siluai unde exire possunt xx porci. Et I molinum de v solidis. 
 
 Et unam piscariam, in sua leuua. 
 
 Mulgerius tenet de archiepiscopo m iuga in Orpinton. 
 
 Et pro t'anto se defendebat extra Orpinton. T.R.E. Modo sunt 
 ii iuga intra Orpinton, et terbium extra. Terra est In dominio 
 20 i caruca. Et nn uillani cum i bordario, et mi seruis, et dimidia caruca. Et iii 
 acree prati. Et silua xi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Quando 
 recepit, xx solidos. Et modo, l solidos. 
 
 JbLaimo uicecomes tenet de archiepiscopo Briestede. Pro uno 
 
 solin et dimidio se defendit. Terra est x carucarum. In dominio sunt ii®. 
 
 25 Et xxim uillani cum xvi bordariis habent xn carucas. Ibi aocclesia. Et xv 
 serui. Et n molendina de xxim solidis. Silua quater xx porcorum. Et de 
 herbagio ix solidi et vi denarii. Inter totum: T.R.E. ualebat 
 
 x libras. Et tantundem quando recepit. Et modo, xvn libras. Hoc Manerium tenuit 
 Alnod abbas de archiepiscopo cantuariensi. 
 
 30 Comes de Ow tenet de archiepiscopo Olecvmbe. Pro n 
 et dimidio 
 
 solins A se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pro n tantum. Terra est ix carucarum. In dominio 
 sunt n Caracas. Et xxm uillani cum vm bordariis habent vii carucas. 
 
 Ibi ascclesia. Et unum molendinum de nn solidis. Et vm acne prati. Silua 
 quater xx porcorum. Inter totum : T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, 
 
 35 vm libras. Modo, xi libras. Hoc Manerium tenuit Alfer de archiepiscopo. 
 
 IN HAIBORNE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Radulfus filius turaldi tenet Boltone de archiepiscopo. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit, et iacet in vi solins de Holinge- 
 borne. Terra est i caracal et dimidiee. In dominio est una caruca. Et m uillani 
 40 cum ri bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi ascclesia. Et n acne prati. Et silua 
 xvi porcorum. Inter totum, ualet et ualuit semper xl solidos. 
 
 IN FAVERSHANT HVNDREDO. 
 iAicardus homo archiepiscopi tenet de eo Levelant. Pro uno solin 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio i caruca. Et n uillani cum i bordario 
 45 habent i carucam. Silua v porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat xxx solidos. 
 
 T ^fmodo xx solidos. 
 
 Isdem Ricardus tenet de archiepiscopo. IN BOLTONE HVNDREDO 
 Gravenel. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 
 In dominio est i caruca. Et vm uillani cum x bordariis habent ii carucas. 
 
 Ibi v serai. Et x acree prati.. Et mi salime de mi solidis. T.R.E., 
 so et post, ualuit c solidos. modo, vi libras. De his habent monachi cantuarienses 
 
 ^fxx solidos. 
 
CHSNTH. 
 
 IN CALEHELLE HVNDREUO. 
 
 Grodefridus dapifer tenet de archiepiscopo Leriiam. Pro n solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est In dorninio sunt n carucEe. Et xv uillani 
 
 cum n bordariis habent mi carucas. lbi mi serui. Et vi acne prati. Et I molinus 
 
 de vn solidis. Et silua de x porcis. Inter totum, ualet viii libras. Et tamen 
 
 reddit xn libras et x solidos. 
 
 IN THERHAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 Isdem Godefridus tenet de archiepiscopo, in Scape, dimidium solin. Terra est 
 In dorninio i caruca cum n bordariis. Et im serui. T.R.E., et post, 
 ualuit xxx solidos. Modo, im libras. Et tamen reddit c solidos. 
 
 IN ESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Osbernus filius Letardi tenet I iugum 
 
 de archiepiscopo in BOCOLAND. Et ibi liabet in dorninio i carucam. Et ualet x solidos. 
 
 Willelmus folet tenet de archiepiscopo Flenguessam. Pro dimidio solin 
 se defendit. Ibi habet vi uillanos cum i caruca et dimidia. 
 
 Isdem Willelmus tenet Estenberge de archiepiscopo. Et pro dimidio solin se 
 
 defendit. Et ibi habet xn uillanos cum i caruca et dimidia. ^fxxx solidos. 
 
 He terree ualebant, T.R.E. XL solidos. Quando archiepiscopus recepit, x solidos. Modo, 
 
 IN HEN HVNDREDO. 
 
 Hugo de Montfort tenet de archiepiscopo 
 
 Salteode. Pro vn solins se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pro m solins. 
 
 Terra est xv carucarum. In dorninio sunt n carucce. Et xxxiii uillani cum xn bordariis 
 habentes ix carucas et dimidiam. Ibi tecclesia. Et n serui. Et ix molendina de xx 
 solidis. Et xxxirr acrse prati. Silua quater xx h porcorum. 
 
 Ad hoc Manerium pertinent ccxxv burgenses in Burgo hedce. 
 
 Inter burgum et Manerium ualebat T.R.E. xvi libras. Quando recepit, vm libras. 
 
 Modo, inter totum, xxix libras et vi solidos et im denarios. 
 
 IN ESTRA 1 TES HVNDREDO 
 
 Willelmus de Eddesham tenet de archiepiscopo Berewic pro uno Manerio. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est hi carucarum. In dorninio sunt n. Et ix 
 uillani cum ix bordariis habent i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi xvui acras prati. Et Silua 
 xx porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, vn 
 libras. Et tamen reddit xi libras. 
 
 IN LAMPORT HVNDREDO. 
 
 Hobertus de Romenel tenet de archiepiscopo Lamport. 
 
 Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendit. Terra est vi carucarum. In dorninio sunt ii“. 
 
 Et xxix uillani cum ix bordariis habent ix carucas. Ibi vn salinte 
 de vni solidis et ix denariis. 
 
 Ad hoc Manerium pertinent xxi burgenses qui sunt in Romenel, de 
 quibus habet archiepiscopus in forisfacturas. latrocinium, pacem 
 fractam, foristellum. Rex uero habet omne seruitium ab eis. Et ipsi 
 habent omnes consuetuclines, et alias forisfacturas pro seruitio ma¬ 
 ils, et sunt in manu regis. T.R.E., et post, ualuit x libras. Et modo, xvi libras. 
 
 Av illelmus tenet de archiepiscopo Tilemanestone. Pro uno solin se 
 se defendit. In dorninio sunt n carucee, et v bordarii. 
 
 Olim xx solidos. modo, ualet xxx solidos. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 17 
 
 III. 
 
 TERRA MONACIIORUM ARCHIEPISCOPI. IN IIELMESTREl HVNDREDO. 
 
 k rchiepiscopus cantuariensis tenet Orpintvx. Pro hi solins se defendebat 
 
 ijk T.R.E. Et modo, pro n solins et dimidio. Terra est In dominio sunt 
 n® carucas. Et xlvi uillani cum xxv bordariis habentes xxui carucas. Ibi in 
 molendina de xvi solidis et ini denariis. Et x acres prati. Et v® deme siluie de l 
 porcis. In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat xv libras. Quando recepit, viii libras. 
 
 Et modo, xxv libras. Et tamen reddit xxvm libras. Ibi sunt n“ mcclesim. 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORD. IN LITEFELLE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Xpse archiepiscopus tenet Peciieiiam. Pro vi solins se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, 
 
 10 pro v solins et uno iugo. Terra est x carucarum. In dominio sunt n 10 . Et xvi uillani 
 
 fecclesia. Et 
 
 cum xiTiT bordariis habent nn carucas et dimidiam. Ibi A x serui. Et I molendinum. Et vi 
 acrte prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 De terra liuius Manerii tenet unus homo archiepiscopi dimidium solin. Et cum his vi solins 
 geldabat T.R.E. quamuis non pertineret Manerio, nisi de scoto, quia libera terra erat. 
 
 15 De eadem Manerio tenet Ricardus de Tonebrige n solins et unum iugum. Et ibi habet 
 xxvii uillanos habentes vii carucas. Et siluam x porcorum. Et totum ualet mi libras. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat Manerium xn libras. Quando recepit archiepiscopus, vm libras. Et modo, quod 
 habet ualet viii libras. IN AIHORDE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Xpse archiepiscopus tenet HOLINGEBORDE. Pro vi solins se defendit. Terra est 
 20 xxuii carucarum. In dominio sunt n“. Et lxi uillanus cum xvi bordariis habent xxin 
 
 carucas. Ibi fecclesia. Et xu serui. Et n molendina. Et vm acne prati. Silua xl porcorum. 
 Inter totum: T.R.E., et post, ualebat xx libras. Et modo, ualet xxx libras. 
 
 Huic Manerio adiacet dimidius solin, quidem nunquam reddidit scot. Hunc 
 
 tenet episcopus baiocensis de archiepiscopo ad gablum. IN TOLLENTREV HVNDREDO. 
 
 25 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Mepeham. Pro x solins se defendebat T.R.E. modo, pro vn. 
 
 Terra est xxx carucarum. In dominio sunt mi. Et xxv uillani cum i,xxi bordariis 
 habent xxv carucas. Ibi fecclesia. Et xvn serui. Et xvi acrte prati. Silua 
 x porcorum. In totis ualentiis: T.R.E. ualebat xv libras et x solidos. Quando 
 recepit, xv libras. Modo, xxvi libras. Ricardus de Tonebrige habet 
 30 in sua leuga quod ualet xvm solidos et vi denarios. Siluam xx porcorum. 
 
 40 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Ferlaga. IN MEDESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro vi solins se defendit. Terra est xxvi carucarum. In dominio sunt mi. Et xxx 1 " v 
 uillani cum lvi bordariis habent xxx carucas. Ibi fecclesia. Et m molendina de 
 xxvii solidis et viii denariis. Ibi vm serui. Et vi piscarie de mille 
 cc anguillis. Ibi xn acrte prati. Silua cxv porcorum. 
 
 De terra huius Manerii tenet Godefridus in feuo dimidium solin. Et ibi habet ii 
 
 carucas. Et vii uillanos cum x bordariis habentes hi carucas. Et mi seruos. Et i molendinum 
 
 de xx denariis. Et mi acras prati. Et Siluam xxx porcorum. 
 
 Totum Manerium, T.R.E. ualebat xvi libras. Et post, tantundem. Et modo, xxii libras. 
 
 Quod abel modo tenet, vi libras. Quod Godefridus, ix libras. Quod Ricardus 
 in sua leuga, nn libras. IN ESSAMELS HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Clive. Pro hi solins et dimidio se defendit. Terra est 
 vi carucarum. In dominio est una caruca et dimidia. Et xx uillani cum xvm bordariis 
 habent v carucas et dimidiam. Ibi fecclesia. Et n serui. Et xxxvi acrte prati. 
 
 Silua de xn denariis. T.R.E. ualebat totum Manerium vi libras. Et post, vn libras. 
 
 IN BOROWART LEST. IN TANET HVNDREDO. mocl ° ™ llbl ’ aS ' 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Monocstvne. T.R.E. pro xx solins 
 
 se defendebat. Et modo, pro xvm. Terra est xxxi carucarum. In dominio sunt nn. 
 Et quater xx fi et rx uillani cum xxi bordariis habent xxvii carucas. Ibi 
 ii tecclesife. Et unum molendinum de x solidis. Ibi noua piscaria. Et una 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 salina de xv denariis. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 In totis ualentiis: ualebat, T.R.E., et post, xx libras. Et modo, xl libras. 
 
 .pse archiepiscopus tenet Gecham. 
 
 IN DVNEHAMFORT HVNDREDO 
 
 Pro irn solins se defendit. Terra est xii carucarum. In dominio sunt m. 
 
 Et xxix uillani, cum lx cotariis, habent xvi Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi eecclesia. 
 
 Et irn molendina de c solidis. Et xxxv acree pratL Et Silua xxx porcorum. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualebat: T.R.E., et post, xxii libras. Modo, xxxu libras. 
 
 De terra hums Manerii tenet Willelmus homo suus tantum quod ualet vn libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet NORDEVDE. IN CANTVARIE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio i caruca et dimidia. 
 
 Et vn uillani cum xxvi bordariis habent n Caracas. Iluic Manerio pertinent 
 in ciuitate cantuaria c burgenses m minus, reddentes 
 viii libras et nn sohdos. Ibi vm molendina de lxxi solidis. Et xxim 
 acree prati. Silua xxx porcorum. Inter totum ualet, et ualuit xvn libras. 
 
 In eodem BOROWART LEST iacet paruum burgum nomine 
 Seseltre, quod proprie pertinet coquinee archiepiscopi. Quidam nomine 
 Blize tenet de monachis. In dominio est una caruca. Et xlviii 
 
 cum gablo 
 
 bordarii cum i caruca. Ibi eecclesia. Et vm piscariee de xxv solidis. 
 Silua x porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xxv solidos. 
 
 IN WIWARLET LEST. IN FAVRESHANT HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Prestetone. Pro uno sohn se defendit. 
 
 Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio sunt m. Et xm uillani cum xnn bordariis 
 habent iii Caracas. Ibi eecclesia. Et i seruus. Et i molendinum sine censu. Et una 
 piscaria de ccl anguillis. Ibi n acree prati. Silua v porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit x libras. Modo, xv libras. 
 
 IN FELEBERG IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro iiii solins se defendit. Terra est xim carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. 
 
 Et lx uillani, cum xv cotariis, habent xv Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi eecclesia. Et i seruus. 
 Et v molendina et dimidium de lxx solidis. Et xxx acree prati. Et silua xxv 
 porcorum. T.R.E., et quando recepit, ualuit xii libras, Modo, xxv libras. 
 
 Et tamen reddit xxx libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Godmersham. Pro vm solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xii carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. Et lx uillani, cum vm cotariis, 
 habent xvii Caracas. Ibi eecclesia. Et n serai. Et i molendinum de xxv solidis. 
 
 Et xii acree prati. Silua xl porcorum. T.R.E., et quando recepit, ualuit 
 xii libras. Modo, xx libras. Et tamen reddit xxx libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Certh. Pro m solins IN CERT IIVNDREDO. 
 
 se defendit. Terra est xn carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. Et xxxvi uillani, cum 
 xi cotariis, habent xxn Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi v serai. Et n molendina de vi 
 solidis. Et salina de vi denariis. Et xxvn acree prati. Et Silua c porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et quando recepit, ualuit xii libras. Modo, xx libras. Et tamen reddit 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet. IN CALEHELLE HVNDREDO. ^fxxvn libras. 
 Litelcert. T.R.E. se defendebat pro iii solins. Et modo, pro n liidis et dimidia. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n®. Et xix uillani cum v bordariis habent 
 vn carucas. Ibi it molendina de v solidis et x denariis. Et xi acree prati. Et silua 
 xv porcorum. 
 
 De terra hujus Manerii tenet Willelmus, de archiepiscopo, dimidium solin, et ibi habet 
 in dominio i carucam, cum nn seruis. Et x acras prati. Et siluam xx porcorum. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualebat, T.R.E., et post, c solidos. Modo, viii libras et vm solidos 
 et nn denarios. Quod Willelmus tenet, appreciatur xl solidis. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 19 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Welle. T.R.E. se defendebat pro vn solins. 
 
 Et modo, pro v. Terra est xvm carucarnm. In dominio sunt mi. Et quater xx° 
 et unus uillanus cum v bordariis habent xji Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi vn serai. 
 
 Et unum molendinum de xxx denariis. Et xx acrse prati. Silua quater xx porcorum. 
 s T.R.E. ualebat xvn libras et xi solidos et rai denaiios. Quando recepit, 
 tantundem. Modo, xxmi libras et mi denarios. Et tamen reddit xl libras. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTKEIA. IN ESTREI IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Estrei. Pro vn solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt m caructc. Et Lxxn uillani 
 10 cum xxii bordariis habent xxmi Caracas. Ibi I molinus et dimidi us 
 de xxx solidis. Et m salinas de mi solidis. Et xvm acrae prati. 
 
 Silua x porcorum. 
 
 Et in Getinge tenent monachi cantuarienses dimidium solin, 
 
 et unum iugum, et v acras. Et ibi habent vi uillanos cum ii carucis et dimidia. 
 
 15 Inter totum: T.R.E., et post, ualebat xxvi libras et x solidos 
 et mi denaiios et i ferding. Modo, xxxvi libras et x solidos 
 et mi denarios et i ferding. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet EDESHAM. Pro xvu solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio ii carucse sunt et dimidia. Et c uillani cum 
 20 xrm bordariis habent xxxvi Caracas. Ibi xm acrse prati. Et m serai. 
 
 Silua ad clausuram. 
 
 De terra huius Manerii tenent ii milites de archiepiscopo m solins. Et ibi 
 habent in dominio nn carucas. Et xvm uillani cum v bordariis habent i carucam. 
 Totum Manerium, T.R.E. ualebat xl libras. Quando recepit, similiter. 
 
 25 Modo, reddit xlvi libras et xxvi solidos et mi denarios. Et archiepiscopo 
 c solidos de Garsumnne. 
 
 Quod milites tenent ualet xi libras. Et tamen reddunt xm libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Weraiiorne. IN HAME IiVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est I caruca. 
 
 30 Et vi uillani cum hi bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi xii acrse prati. Et silua 
 vi porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat xx solidos. Et modo, lx solidos. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. IN BLACHEBORNE HYNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Apeldres. T.R.E. se defendebat pro ii solins. 
 
 Et modo, pro uno. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt m caruca:. Et xxxvn 
 35 uillani cum xli bordariis habent xi carucas. Ibi tccclesia. Et vi piscarise 
 de in solidis et mi denariis. Ibi n acras prati. Et silua vi porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat vi libras. Modo, xvi libras et xvii solidos. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet IN HYNDEEDO DE WI. VI denanos ' 
 
 unum Manerium quod se defendebat pro uno solin. T.R.E., et modo, pro dimidio. 
 
 -to Terra ii carucarum. In dominio est una. Et m uillani cum mi bordariis habent 
 ii cai-ucas et dimidiam. Ibi ascclesia. Et i molinus de n solidis. Et n serui. 
 
 Et vii acrse prati. Silua x porcorum. T.R.E., et post, l solidos. modo nn libras. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet Asmeslant. IN MARESCO DE ROMENEL. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est m carucarum. Ibi sunt xxi uillanus 
 45 habentes vn carucas. Valet et ualuit semper mi solidos. 
 
 De hac terra habet Willelmus folet i iugum. Et ualet ei per annum x solidos. 
 
 Sandwic, suprascriptum est, pertinet ad dominium monachorum. 
 
20 
 
 CHENTEL 
 
 HIT. 
 
 TERRA EPISCOPI ROVECESTRE. 
 
 E piscopus Rofensis tenet Svdfleta. Pro vi solins se 
 
 clefendit. Terra est xm carucarum. In dominio est una caruca. 
 cum ix bordariis habentes xn Caracas. Ibi vn serai. Et xx acree 
 Silua x porcorum. Modo se defendit pro v solins. Ibi est eecclesia. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xi libras. Modo, xxi libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xxiiii libras, et unciam auri. ^fappreciatur xx solidis. 
 
 De isto Manerio est in Tonebrige tantum de silva et de terra quod 
 
 Et xxv uillani 
 prati. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Estanes. T.R.E. se defendebat pro vi solins. Et modo, 
 
 10 pro iiii solins. Terra est xi carucarum. In dominio sunt II®. Et xx uillani 
 
 ta 
 
 cum xii bordariis habcnt xi carucas. Ibi eecclesia. Et mi serai. Et lxxii”’ 
 aerie prati. Et unum molendinum de vi solidis et vm denariis. Et raia piscaria 
 de m solidis et iiii denariis. Silua lx porcorum. T.R.E., et post, 
 ualebat xm libras. Et modo, xvi libras. Et tamen reddit xx libras, 
 is et unam unciam auri, et unum Marsum. Ricardus de Tonebrige 
 tenet de isto Manerio tantum siluee quod ualet xv solidos. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Fachesham. Pro ii solins se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et xv uillani cum m bordariis 
 habent iiii carucas. Ibi eecclesia. Et hi serui. Et n molini de xv 
 20 solidis. Et mi acne prati. Silua xxx porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ua¬ 
 lebat vii libras. Modo, vm libras. 
 
 -j- presbyter 
 
 JLsdem episcopus tenet Langafel, et Anschitillus de eo. Pro uno 
 
 solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et ix uillani 
 cum vii bordariis habent n carucas. Valuit lxx solidos. Et modo, c solidos. 
 
 25 Isdem episcopus tenet Bhonlei. Pro vi IN BRONLEI IiVNDREDO. 
 
 solins se defendebat. T.R.E. Et modo, pro tribus. Terra est xm carucarum. In dominio 
 sunt n“ carucie. Et xxx uillani cum xxvi bordariis habent xi carucas. 
 
 Ibi i molendinum de iiii solidis. Et n aerie prati. Silua c porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xn libras et x solidos. Modo, xvm 
 so libras. Et tamen reddit xxi libras n 03 solidos minus. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Oldeiiam. Pro vi solins se defendebat. T.R.E. 
 
 Et modo, pro tribus. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt 11“ Et xvm uillani 
 cum xvi bordai’iis habent vi Caracas. Ibi vi serui. Et 1 piscaria. 
 
 Et lx aerie prati. Silua xx porcorum. Ibi eecclesia. T.R.E., et post, 
 
 35 ualuit vm libras. Modo, xn libras. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Mellingetes. Pro m solins se defendebat 
 
 T.R.E. Et modo, pro uno et dimidio. Terra est in carucarum. In dominio est 
 
 una. Et v uillani cum vi bordariis habent n carucas. Ibi eecclesia. 
 
 Et unum molendinum de n solidis. Silua xx porcorum. T.R.E., et post, 
 
 40 ualuit xl solidos. Et modo, im libras. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Totesclive. T.R.E. pro m solins se 
 
 defendebat. Et modo, pro imo solin. Terra est in carucarum. In dominio est unum 
 solin. Et una caruca ibi. Et x uillani cum n carucis. Ibi eecclesia. 
 
 Et 1 seruus. Et n 05 acrai prati. Et Silua x porcorum. T.R.E., et post, 
 
 45 ualuit lx solidos. Et modo, vii libras. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Esnoilakd. T.E.E. se defendebat pro vi solins. 
 
 Et modo, pro m bn9 . Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucee. Et x 
 uillani cum vi bordariis habent vi carucas. Ibi eecclesia. Et v serui. 
 
 Et hi molendini de xl solidis. Et xxx acne prati. Silua mi porcorum. 
 
 50 T.R.E., et post, ualebat vi libras, modo, ix libras. 
 
CIIENTH. 
 
 21 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet Coclestane. IN ESSAMELE HYNDREDO. 
 
 Pro ii solins et dimidio se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pro n bus tantum. Terra est 
 vi carucarum. In dominio sunt n‘ c . Et xv uillani cum ix bordariis habent v carucas. 
 
 Ibi ecclesia. Et ii send. Et i molinus de xxx denariis. Et xx aerie prati. 
 
 5 T.R.E., et post, ualebat hit libras et x solidos. Et modo, x libras et x solidos. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet DAOTTONE. Pro n solins se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, 
 pro dimidio solin. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et vi uillani habent 
 ibi i carucam. Ibi ecclesia. Et nri serai. Et mi acre prati. Silua xv porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat c solidos. Et modo, vn libras et xv solidos. 
 
 10 Isdem episcopus tenet Hallenges. T.R.E. se defendebat pro vi solins. Et modo, 
 pro n bua et dimidio. Terra est vn carucaram. In dominio sunt m caruce. Et xv uillani 
 cum ix bordariis habent vi carucas. Ibi ecclesia. Et ii serai. Et xxx‘“ acre prati. 
 
 ^fualdt vn solidos. 
 
 Et silua v porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat vn libras. Modo, xvi libras. Quod Ricardus tenet in sua leuua 
 
 is Isdem episcopus tenet Frandesberie. Pro x solins se defendebat T.R.E. 
 
 Et modo, pro vn. Terra est xv carucarum. In dominio sunt v caracse. Et xl uillani cum 
 xxvin bordariis habent xi carucas. Ibi ecclesia. Et ix serai. Et unus molinus de 
 xn solidis. Et xl acre prati. Silua v porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat vrn 
 libras. Et modo, xxv libras. Quod Ricardus tenet in sua leuua ualet x solidos. 
 
 20 Isdem episcopus tenet Borchetelle. IN HYNDREDO DE ROVECESTRE. 
 
 T.R.E. pro ii solins se defendebat. Et modo, pro uno solin et dimidio. Terra est mi 
 carucarum. In dominio sunt ii“ caruce. Et vi uillani cum m caracis. Ibi l acre prati. 
 
 Et ii molini de xx‘‘ solidis. T.R.E., et post, ualebat vi libras. Et modo, 
 x libras. 
 
 25 In Rovecestre habuit episcopus, et habet adhuc, quater xx li mansuras 
 terre, que pertinent ad Frandesberie et Borestele, propria eius maneria. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebant m libras, modo, ualent vm libras. Et tamen 
 per annum reddunt xi libras et xin solidos et ini denarios. 
 
 Isdem episcopus tenet ESTOCIIES. T.R.E. se defendebat IN HOW HVNDREDO. 
 
 so pro v solins. Et modo, pro tribus. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt n caruce. 
 
 Et x uillani cum v bordariis habent mi carucas. Ibi ecclesia. Et mi or serui. 
 
 Et mi acre prati. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet vm libras et xx li denarios. 
 
 Et tamen reddit qui tenet xni libras et xx denarios. 
 
 Hoc Manerium fuit, et est, de episcopatu rofensi; sed Goduinus 
 35 comes, T.R.E. emit illud de duobus hominibus qui eum tenebant 
 de episcopo, et, eo ignorante, facta est hec uenditio. 
 
 Postmodum, uero, regnante W. rege, diratiocinavit 
 
 illud Lanfrancus archiepiscopus contra baiocensem episcopum; et 
 
 inde est modo saisita rofensis ecclesia. 
 
22 
 
 CHENTIL 
 
 TERRA EPISCOPI BAIOCENSIS. 
 
 IN LEST DE SVDTONE. IN ACHESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 D e episcopo Baiocensi tenet Hugo de Forth Hagelei. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n 
 Caracas. Et xini uillani cum hi bordariis habent nn carucas. Ibi m serai. Et xn 
 acne prati. Et unum molendinum de xx solidis. Et una dena silva de v porcis. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualet modo xv libras de xx*‘ in ora. 
 
 In hoc Manerio tenet unus homo xx t! acras terras ualentes per annum v solidos, Vluret 
 uocatur, nec pertinet ad ilium Manerium, neque potuit habere dominum prater regem. 
 
 10 Helto tenet SviNESCAMP de episcopo. Pro x solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xmi carucanun. In dominio sunt in. Et xxxm uillani cum hi bordariis 
 habent xni carucas. Ibi unus miles. Et x serui. Et xl acne prati. Silua 
 m porcoram. Et v piscaria de xxx denariis. Et vi 1 ® que seruit ad hallam. 
 
 Et una Heda de v solidis et im denariis. De silua huius Manerii tenet 
 15 Ricardus in sua leuua quod ualet im solidos. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualebat xx libras. Et modo, ualet xxxii libras. 
 
 JAadulfus filius Turaldi tenet de episcopo Erclei. Pro uno solin se 
 defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n“ caruca. Et ix uillani, cum vi 
 cotariis, habent in Caracas. Ibi in send. Et silua x porcorum. 
 
 20 Totum Manerium ualebat hi libras. Et modo, c solidos. Quadam mulier tenuit. 
 Hadulfus tenet de episcopo Eddintone. Pro dimidio solin. 
 
 Terra est i caruca. Et ibi est, cum nn bordariis, et n serais. Et ibi i molin 
 de xxin solidis. Totum Manerium appreciatur nil libris. T.R.E. parum ualebat. 
 
 Lestan tenuit de rege E. Et, post mortem eius uertit se ad 
 cilt 
 
 25 Alnod. Et modo est in calumpnia. 
 
 -A-nsgotus de Rouecestre tenet de episcopo, Mapledescam. Pro di¬ 
 midio solin. Terra est In dominio est i caraca. cum uno uillano et nn 
 bordariis, et nn serais. Ibi una acra prati. Et silua vm porcorum, et xvi 
 denariorum plus. Valuit nn libras. Et modo, cx solidos. 
 
 30 Eustan tenuit de rege E. 
 
 •Adam filius ILuberti tenet de episcopo Redlege. Pro uno solin se 
 defendit. Terra est In dommio sunt n caruca. Et vi uillani cum v bordariis 
 habent n carucas. Ibi v serui. Et dimidia acra prati. Et una dena silua 
 Manerium 
 
 quam tenet Ricardus de Tonebrige. Valuit A in libras. Et modo, nn libras 
 35 et x solidos. Siuuard tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hugo de Port tenet de episcopo Eisse. Pro tribus solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et xn uillani cum vm bordariis 
 habent in carucas. Ibi quidam miles habens vm inter seraos et ancillas. 
 
 Et terram ad unam caracam. Prater hoc, habet Hugo duos homines tenentes 
 40 dimidium solin, qui poterant T.R.E. ire quolibet sine licentia. 
 
 Vna terra vocatur Didele, et alia Soninges. Terra est ibi ad unam caracam. 
 
 Et appreciatur xx solidis. Totum Manerium appreciabatur vn libris. Et modo, similiter. 
 Quod Ricardus tenet de Tonebrige xl solidis appreciatur. Rex habet 
 inde n " 8 denas qua appreciantur vm solidis. Godric tenuit 
 45 de rege E. 
 
 vJToisfridus de Ros tenet Lolingestone. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et mi uillani, cum uno cotario, habent 
 n carucas. Ibi vn serui. Et vi acra pastura. Silua xx porcorum. 
 
 Quando recepit, ualebat lx solidos. Et modo, c solidos. Rex habet in manu sua 
 so quod ualet x solidos. Brixe cilt tenuit de rege E. 
 
CHENTII. 
 
 De episcopo tenet Malgerius LOLINGESTONE. Pro dimidio solin 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una earuca. Et in uillani 
 cum vi bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi v aerie prati. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualebat lx solidos. modo, lxx solidos. De isto Manerio habet 
 5 Hex quod ualet x solidos. Bruning tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Xsdem Malgerius tenet in Ferlingeham dimidium iugum terra;. 
 
 Terra est in bourn. Ibi sunt n boues, cum uno bordario. Et ii acne prati. 
 
 \ aluit et ualet xv solidos. Brunesune tenuit, et potuit 
 cum terra sua uertere se quo uoluit. De hoc Manerio tenet rex 
 10 quod ualet vin solidos. 
 
 Isdem Malgerius tenet in PlNNEDENE dimidium solin de episcopo. 
 
 Terra est vii bourn. Ibi est una caruca, cum vi uillanis. Et vi acne prati. 
 
 \ aluit et ualet xvi solidos. Aluret tenuit T.R.E., et potuit 
 se uertere quo voluit. 
 
 15 Osbernus pastforeire tenet in Lolingeston dimidium solin 
 
 de episcopo. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et in uillani cum i bordario, 
 et i serao, habent i carucam. Ibi v acne prati. Silua v porcorum. Et unus 
 molinus de xv solidis, et cl anguillis. Ilex habet siluam pro novo 
 dono episcopi, et ualet in solidos. Totum Manerium ualebat lx solidos. Modo, 
 
 20 lxxvii solidos. Seuuart sot tenuit T.R.E, et potuit se 
 uertere cum terra sua quo uoluit. 
 
 "Wadardus tenet de episcopo dimidium solin in FERNINGEHAM. 
 
 Terra est m carucarum. In dominio sunt ii® earucae. cum uno uillano, et ii cotariis, 
 et v seruis. Ibi dimidium molendinum de v solins. Et mi acne prati. Silua 
 v porcorum. Excepto isto dimidio solin tenet Wadardus dimidium iugum 
 in eadem villa quod nunquam se quietauit apud regem. Inter 
 totum: ualuit mi libras. Et modo, vi libras. Estan tenuit T.R.E. 
 et potuit se uertere quo uoluit. 
 
 Xsdem Wadardus tenet de episcopo Maplescamp. Pro dimidio solin se 
 30 defendit. Terra est ii carucarum. Ibi sunt, cum i uillano et mi bordariis, et v 
 seruis. Et una acra et dimidia prati. Silua vm porcorum, et xvi denariorum. 
 Valuit in libras. Et modo, vi libras. Vltanus tenuit sub Heraldo. 
 
 Ernulfus de Hesding tenet FERNINGEHAM. Pro m iugis 
 se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Ibi sunt modo vi boues, cum n uillanis 
 35 et m bordariis. Ibi unum molendinum de x solidis. Et vm acra; prati. Pastura 
 c ouibus. Silua x porcorum et xtttt denariorum. Rex habet de silua 
 huius Manerii quod ualet vm solidos. Totum Manerium ualuit hi libras. Et modo, 
 xl solidos. Dering tenuit, et potuit se uertere quo uoluit. 
 
 Amschitillus de ros tenet TARENT de episcopo. Pro dimidio solin 
 40 se defendit. Terra est I caruca; et dimidia;. In dominio est una. Et mi uillani 
 cum mi bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi iii acra; prati. Et ii molini de xviii 
 solidis. Silua hi porcorum. Rex habet de isto Manerio, pro nouo dono episcopi, 
 quod ualet x denarios. Totum Manerium ualuit et ualet c solidos. Aluric 
 tenuit de rege E. 
 
 45 In eadem uilla habet isdem A i manerium de episcopo. Pro dimidio 
 
 solin se defendit. Terra est i caruca; et dimidiie. Ibi v uillani et v bordarii. 
 
 Et unum molendinum de xx solidis. Ibi iii acne prati. Et i seruus. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualuit lx solidos. Et modo, t.xx solidos. Osiert 
 tenuit de rege E. 
 
 so Isdem Anschitillus tenet de episcopo Hortune. Pro uno solin se 
 
 ^fdefendit. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 Terra est m carucarum. Et ibi sunt mi bordarii. Et unum molendinum de v solidis. 
 Et vi acras prati. Ibi mcclesia est. Et silua m porcorum. Rex habet pro nouo 
 dono episcopi tantum silute de isto Manerio quod ualet v solidos. Totum Manerium 
 ualuit mi libras. Et modo, vi libras. Godel de Brixi tenuit, 
 
 5 et potuit se uertere cum hac terra quo uoluit. 
 
 Xsdem Anscliitillus tenet de episcopo in eodem Manerio dimidium solin. Terra est 
 unius carucee. Et ibi est in dominio. Et vm uillani cum vi bordariis liabent i carucam. 
 
 Ibi i molinus de xv solidis. Et ix acne prati. Silua v porcorum. 
 
 solidos. 
 
 Totum Manerium ualuit xl solidos. Et modo, lx a Ording tenuit de rege. 
 
 10 Xsdem Anscliitillus tenet de episcopo in eodem Manerio unum solin. Terra est 
 m carucarum. In dominio est una caruca. Et vm uillani cum n carucis. Ibi 
 unus seruus. Et viri acne prati. Et dimidium molendinum de v solidis. Silua 
 xv porcorum. Totum Manerium ualuit nn libras. Et modo, c solidos. 
 Aluuardus tenuit de heraldo. Hsec mi” maneria 
 is sunt modo pro uno Manerio. LITELAI IIVNDHEDO. 
 
 XXobertus Latinn tenet de episcopo LoiSNES. Terra est xvii 
 carucarum. In dominio est una. Et lx uillani cum m bordariis habent xv 
 carucas. Ibi ii serui. Et in cotarii. Et in piscarim de nn solidis. 
 
 Et xxx acne prati. Silua xx porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xc libras. 
 
 20 Quando episeopus recepit, xvni libras. Et modo, xxn libras. Et tamen 
 qui tenet reddit xxx libras. Hoc Manerium se defendebat T.R.E. 
 pro x solins. Et modo, pro nn solins. Azor tenuit. 
 
 _A_nsgotus tenet de episcopo Hov, quod se defendit pro uno solin. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et v uillani cum i caruca 
 25 et dimidia. Et unum molendinum de x solidis. Ibi n cotarii. Et unus seruus. 
 Et xn acrm prati. Silua m porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Quando 
 recepit, tantundem. Et modo, nn libras. Anschil de rege E. tenuit. 
 
 Abb as Sancti Augustini tenet de episcopo baiocensi Plumestede. 
 
 Pro n solins et uno iugo se defendit. Terra v carucarum. In dominio est 
 30 una caruca. Et xvii uillani cum in bordariis habent nn carucas. Ibi 
 silua v porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, vm libras. 
 
 Et modo, tantundem. Et tamen qui tenet reddit xn libras. Brixi cilt 
 tenuit de l-ego E. IN HELMESTKEI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Mm gerius tenet de episcopo Rochelei. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 35 Terra est In dominio est una caruca et dimidia. Et x uillani 
 cum x bordariis habent n carucas et dimidiam. Ibi I molinus de xn 
 solidis. Silua hi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Quando recepit, 
 in libras. Et modo, c solidos. Aluuard tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Ernulfus de hesding tenet de episcopo ClRESFEL. 
 
 'io Pro ii solins se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n caructe. 
 
 Et xx uillani cum nn bordariis habent vm carucas. Ibi mi serui. 
 
 Et unus molinus de x solidis. Et x acne prati. Et silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xvi libras. Et post, xn libras. Et modo, xxv libras. 
 
 Et tamen qui tenet reddit xxxv libras. Tochi tenuit de rege E. 
 
 io Adam filius huberti tenet de episcopo SUDORAL Pro uno solin se 
 defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n carucee. Et xun uillani 
 
 cum i bordario habent im carucas. Ibi vi serui. Et x acne prati. 
 
 Silua x porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vi libras. Et post, nn libras. 
 
 Et modo, x libras. Toli tenuit de rege E. 
 
 50 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo WlCHEHAM. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
CIIENTIL 
 
 2 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n caracce. Et xxim uillani habent mi carucas. 
 Ibi xm serai, Et una iccclesia. Et unus molinus de xx denariis. Et una silua 
 de x porcis. T.R.E. ualebat vni libras. Et post, vi libras. Et modo, xm libras, 
 filius carle 
 
 Godric tenuit de rege E. 
 
 5 Groisfridus de ros tenet de episcopo Lasela. Pro yn solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt hi Caracas. Et xxxi uillanus cum xrin bordariis 
 habent xvi carucas. Ibi x serai. Et una piscaria de qua ter xx (i anguillis, et x. 
 
 Silua lxxv porcorum. Totum Manerium ualebat T.R.E. xxx libras. Quando recepit, 
 xvi libras. Et modo, xxim libras, quod Goisfridus tenet. Ricardus de Tone- 
 10 brige quod tenet in leuua sua, appreciatur vi libris. Quod rex tenet 
 de hoc manerio, xxn solidis. Brixi cilt tenuit de rege E. 
 
 .Ajischitil de ros tenet de episcopo Craie. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est I caraca. Et vn uillani cum vi bordariis habent 
 unam carucam. Ibi mcclesia. Et una acra prati. Et rri acrae pastura. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat mi libras. Et modo m libras. Leuric tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Xsdem Anschitillus tenet de episcopo aliam Craie. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est una caraca. Et vn uillani cum v bordariis 
 habent i carucam. Ibi i molinus de xlii denariis. Et v serai. Silua vn porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit mi libras. Et modo, hi libras. ^fde Alnod cilt. 
 
 20 Hae duee terra fuerunt ii Maneria T.ll.E. Et modo sunt in uno Manerio. Aluuinus tenuit 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE SVDTONE. IN GRENYIZ HVNDREDO. 
 
 Episcopus Lisiacencis tenet de episcopo baiocensi, Grenviz. Pro ii solins 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt ii caracte. Et xxim uillani habent 
 mi carucas. Et mi bordarii. Et i cotarius. Et v serai. Ibi mi molendina de lxx solidis. 
 25 Et xxit aerie prati. Et xl acra pastura. Et Silua x porcorum. 
 
 comes 
 
 Hi ii solins. T.R.E. fuerunt n Maneria. Unum tenuit Ileroldus; et alium 
 
 simul 
 
 Brixi. Et modo sunt in uno. T.R.E., et post, A ualebant viii libras. 
 
 Et modo, appreciantur xii libris. 
 
 uicecomes 
 
 Haimo tenet de episcopo ALTEHAM. Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendit. Terra 
 30 est xii carucarum. In dominio sunt ii Caracas. Et xlii uillani cum xii bordariis 
 habent xi carucas. Ibi ix serai. Et xxii acra prati. Silua l porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xvi libras. Quando recepit, xii libras. Et modo, xx libras. 
 
 Aluuoldus tenuit de rege. 
 
 Filius Turaldi de Rouecestre tenet de episcopo WlTENEMERS. Pro uno 
 35 solin se defendit. Terra est rm carucarum. In dominio sunt n“ carucas. Et xi uillani, 
 cum ii cotariis, habent n carucas. Ibi mi acra prati. Silua xv porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Quando recepit, mi libras. Et modo c solidos. Anscliil 
 tenuit de rege E. 
 
 "Walterius de Douuai tenet de episcopo Lee. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 40 Terra est nn carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucse. Et xi uillani, cum ii cotariis, 
 
 habent ii Caracas. Ibi ii serai. Et v aerie prati. Silua x porcorum. ^"de rege. 
 
 T.R.E., et quando episcopus recepit, ualebat m libras. Modo c solidos. Aluuinus tenuit 
 
 Willelmus filius Ogerii tenet de episcopo Cerletone. Pro imo solin 
 se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio est i caraca. Et xm uillani habent iii 
 45 carucas. Ibi H serai. Et vm acra prati. Silua v porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet vn libras. Hanc terrain tenuerunt 
 de rege ii fratres pro n b,ls maneriis. Goduin et Aluuard. 
 
 Isdem Willelmus tenet de episcopo Crai. IN IIELMESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caraca. 
 
 50 Et vm uillani cum i caraca et dimidia. Et mi cotarii. Et i molinus de x solidis. 
 
20 CHENTH. 
 
 Ibi unus seraus. Et silua vi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat nn libras. Et post, 
 hi libras. Modo, mi libras. Goduinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Anschitillus tenet de episcopo Croctune. Pro uno solin et uno iugo 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio nichil est. sed in uillani et nn bordarii 
 5 ibi sunt. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat c solidos. Et modo, vi libras. Aluuinus tenuit 
 hanc terram de rege E. pro duobus Maneriis. 
 
 Grislebertus maminot tenet de episcopo Codeham. Pro mi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est x carucarum. In dominio sunt nn. Et xv uillani cum vi bordariis habent 
 10 vi carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et xi serui. Et n molini de xrm solidis et n 
 denariis. Silua xl porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xx libras. Et post, xvi 
 libras. Modo, xxim libras. 
 
 Isdem Gislebertus tenet de episcopo Chestan. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et im uillani cum i caruca. Ibi silva 
 is v porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat lx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Sberne biga tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hugo nepos herberti tenet de episcopo SENTLINGE. Pro uno solin 
 
 et dimidio se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n carucas. Et xx uillani 
 
 cum n carucis. Ibi lecclesia. Et ix serui. Et vi acne prati. Et xx aerie pastime. 
 
 20 Silua vin porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. Et post, vi libras. 
 
 Modo, vm libras. Bonde tenuit de archiepiscopo. 
 
 Ansgotus de Rouecestre tenet de episcopo Baoheham. IN BRVNLEI IIVNDREDO. 
 Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt n. Et xxn 
 uillani cum vm bordariis habent vm carucas et dimidiam. Ibi xii acne prati. 
 
 23 Et mi serui. Et uuum molendinum. Et silua lx porcorum. /fde rege E. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat ix libras. Modo, xiii libras. Anschil tenuit 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORD. IN LAYROCHESFEL IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Adam tenet de episcopo Leleburne. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio sunt m carucse. Et xvi uillani cum n bordariis 
 30 habent vii carucas. Ibi lecclesia. Et x serui. Et unus molinus de vh solidis. 
 
 Et xii acrai prati. Silua l porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. 
 
 Quando recepit, vii libras. Modo, vm libras. Ricardus de Tonebrige 
 tenet in sua leuua quod ualet xxnn solidos. Rex tenet, pro nouo 
 dono episcopi, quod valet xxiiii solidos et ii denarios. Hoc Manerium tenuit 
 33 Turgis de Goduino comite. 
 
 Anschitil tenet de episcopo ELENTUN. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est hi carucarum. In dominio sunt H. Et xv uillani cum ii bordariis habent 
 i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi lecclesia. Et n serui. Et dimidius molinus. Et una 
 dena de xv solidis. Silua vhi porcorum. Et una acra prati. 
 
 40 T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Quando recepit, lx solidos. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Vluric tenuit de Alnod cilt. 
 
 uicecomes 
 
 Haimo tenet de episcopo DiCTVNE. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 
 iiii carucarum. In dominio sunt n re . Et xx uillani cum v bordariis habent m Caracas. 
 
 Ibi lecclesia. Et vi serui. Et unus molinus de x solidis. Et vm acne prati. 
 
 45 Et xxxv acne pastune. Silua vi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vm 
 libras. Quando recepit, c solidos. Modo, vm libras. Sbern tenuit 
 de rege E. 
 
 "Vitalis tenet de episcopo SiFLETONE. Pro m iugis se defendit. 
 
 Terra est I caracie. In dominio i caruca et dimidia. Et vi uillani cum uno 
 so bordario habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi vi serui. Et i molinus de x 
 
 ^fsolidis. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 27 
 
 Ibi x acrte prati, et xxx acres pasturee. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xl solidos. Quando recepit, nu libras. Modo, 
 terrain 
 
 c solidos. Hanc A tenuerunt T.RE. duo homines in para- 
 gio. Leuuinus et Yluuinus; et potuerunt cum terra sua 
 se uertere quo uoluerunt. 
 
 Radulfus filius Turoldi tenet de episcopo Aiglessa. Pro hi iugis 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et vir uillani cum xim 
 bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi i seruus. Et xr acrte prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 T.RE., et post, ualebat rn libras. Modo, im libras. 
 
 Ricardus quod tenet in sua leuua, xv denarios. Rex, vi solidos 
 
 et v denarios, pro nouo dono episcopi. Et in Rouecestre habuit episcopus 
 
 sua 
 
 in domos de xxxi denariis, quas cepit de isto Manerio in A manu. 
 
 Hoc Manerium tenuit Alnod cilt. 
 
 -tlugo de port tenet de episcopo PELLESORDE. Pro dimidio 
 
 solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et unus uillanus 
 
 cum inr bordariis habent m boues. Ibi tecclesia. Et n serai. 
 
 Et v acrte prati. Et una acra pastime. T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. 
 
 Quando recepit, xxx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Godric tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo RlESCE. Pro n solins et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. Et x uillani cum 
 n bordariis habent in Caracas. Ibi tecclesia. Et x serai. Et i molinus 
 de x solidis. Et ix acrte prati. Silua v porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat 
 vni libras. Quando recepit, c solidos. Modo, vr libras. Aluric 
 tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo OFEHAM. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est in carucarum. In dominio nicliil. Ibi vi uillani cum i bordario 
 habent n Caracas. Ibi i molinus de l denariis. Et in serai. Et nn 
 acrte prati. Silua x porcorum. T.RE. ualebat xl solidos. Quando 
 recepit, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. Godric tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Rannulfus de columbels tenet de episcopo Essedene. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. 
 
 Et xix uillani cum hi bordariis habent in Caracas. Ibi in serui. 
 
 Et vni acrte prati. T.RE. ualebat m libras. Quando recepit, nn libras, 
 comes 
 
 Modo, v libras. Leuuinus tenuit. 
 
 Rotbertus latinus tenet ad firmam de rege Totintune, 
 de nouo dono episcopi baiocensis. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est 
 unius caruca; et dimidite. In dominio est una. Et iu ea uillani cum ix bordariis 
 habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi nn serai. Et v acrte prati. Silua u porcorum. 
 T.RE. ualebat xxx solidos. Quando recepit, xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 Ylnod tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet in Totintune, ad firmam de rege, i iugum ; 
 et istud est de nouo dono episcopi baiocensis. Et ibi nil est nisi n m acrte 
 prati. Valet et valuit semper x solidos. Goduinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Radii If us filius Turaldi tenet de episcopo EDDINTUNE. Pro n solins 
 et dimidio. 
 
 se defendit A . Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt ii“. Et vi uillani cum 
 ix bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi tecclesia. Et x serai. Et n molini 
 de xi solidis et n denariis. Et xn acrte prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat vm libras. Quando recepit, c solidos. Modo, vi libras. 
 
 Agelred tenuit de rege E. 
 
8 
 
 GHENT!!. 
 
 Hadulfus filius Turoldi tenet de 
 
 episcopo 
 
 IN TOLLENTREV IIVNDREDO. 
 
 MELETVNE. Pro uno solin et m iugis se defendit. Terra est mi 
 
 carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xxi uillanus cum n bordariis habent n carucas. 
 
 Ibi tecclesia. Et i molinus de xlix denariis. Et heda de xx solidis. 
 
 5 Et hi serui. T.R.E. ualebat irn libras, et post, iii libras. Modo, 
 yi libras. Ricardus quod tenet in sua leuua, v solidos in una silua. 
 
 Xsdem Radulfns tenet de episcopo ^fLeuuinus comes tenuit. 
 
 Leijesdvne. Pro n solins et dimidio et dimidio iugo se defendit. 
 
 Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. Et xvn uillani cum nn bordariis 
 10 habent v carucas. Ibi eecclesia. Et i seraus. Et iii aerie prati et dimidia. 
 
 Silua xx 1 ' porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vi libras. Et post, c solidos. 
 
 Modo, vm libras. Ricardus quod habet in sua leuua, xx denarios. 
 
 Episcopus tenet in sua manu intra ciuitatem Rouecestre mi 
 
 domos ad hoc Manerium pertinentes, de quibus habet ix solidos et x denarios. 
 
 Pro n solins et uno iugo se defendit. Terra est nn carucarum. In dominio 
 est una. Et mi uillani cum vm seruis habent n boues. Ibi mcclesia. 
 
 Et i heda. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, tantundem. Modo, 
 xi libras. Hoc Manerium fuerat iii" Maneria. T.R.E. Leuric, et Vluuinus, 
 
 20 et Goduinus tenuerunt. Nunc est in unum. 
 
 Wadardus tenet de episcopo Notestede. Pro u solins se 
 
 defendit. Terra est ii carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ibi mi bordarii. Et mcclesi 
 Et nn serui. Silua m porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat irn libras. 
 
 Quando recepit, iii libras. Modo, v libras. Vlstan tenuit de rege E. 
 
 25 .Anschitillus tenet de episcopo Ofeiiam. IN LAVROCHESFEL IIVNDREDO. 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et vi 
 uillani cum n bordariis habent i caracam. Ibi nn serui. Et i molinus 
 de x solidis. Et vn acne prati. Silua x porcorum. Et in ciuitate 
 Rouecestre i domus reddens xxx denarios. T.R.E. ualebat Manerium 
 30 c solidos. Quando recepit, nn libras. Modo, mi libras et ix solidos. 
 
 Ricardus de Tonebrige quod tenet xi solidos ualet. Vluric 
 tenuit de Alnod cilt. 
 
 Radulfus de Curbespine tenet de episcopo Berlinge. 
 
 Pro vi solins se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. 
 
 35 Et x uillani cum xnn bordariis habent vi carucas. Ibi axclesia. Et vi 
 serui. Et i molinus de x solidis, et ccc et xxx anguillis. Et piscaria 
 de lx anguillis. Ibi xn acr® prati. Et pastura l animalibus. 
 
 Silua xl porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xn libras. Quando recepit, 
 vi libras. Modo xn libras. Sbern biga tenuit de rege E. 
 
 40 Xsdem Radulfus tenet de episcopo Boriiam. Pro vi solins se 
 
 defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt n. Et xv uillani cum 
 xx bordariis habent vi carucas. Ibi ®cclesia. Et vn serui. Et i molinus 
 de vi solidis. Et x acr® prati. Silua xx porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et quando recepit, tantundem. Modo, xn libras. 
 
 45 Episcopus de Rouecestre habet domos de hoc Manerio; et ualent vn solidos. 
 
 comes 
 
 Hoc Manerium tenuit Leuuinus. 
 
 IN LITEFELLE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Oorbinus tenet de episcopo Pecheham. Pro n solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xn uillani habent v carucas. 
 Et vm bordarii. Et v serui. Et iii acrae prati. Silua x porcorum. T.R.E., 
 50 et post, ualebat xn libras. Modo, vm libras. Rex habet de hoc Manerio 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 29 
 
 comes 
 
 tres denas, ubi manent mi uillani, et ualent xl solidos. Leuuinus tenuit. 
 
 Hicardus de Tonebrige tenet de episcopo FIaslow. Pro vi solins se defendit. 
 Terra est xii carucarum. In dominio sunt in. Et xlvii uillani cum xv bordariis 
 habent xv carucas. Ibi secclesia. Et x serui. Et n molini de xr solidis. 
 
 5 Et xii piscariee de vn solidis et vi denariis. Et xii aerte prati. Silua lx 
 
 porcorum. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xxx libras. Eddeua tenuit de rege E. 
 
 filius Turoldi tenet de episcopo dimidium solin in EsTOCIHXGE- 
 
 BEEGE. T.RE. tenuerunt n liberi homines. Et modo, similiter. Et ualet xx solidos. 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORD. 
 
 IX WACHELESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 10 Jtlicardus de Tonebrige tenet de episcopo Tivebele. Pro uno iugo se 
 
 defendit. Terra est I carucas. Et ibi est in dominio. Et ascclesia. Et Silua n porcorum. 
 Valet et ualuit semper xv solidos. Eddeua tenuit do rege. 
 
 Hugo nepos Herberti tenet de episcopo 
 
 IN AIFIORDE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Haeiaedesham. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio 
 i 5 xvm uillani cum x bordariis habent nn carucas. Ibi ascclesia. 
 
 Et xi serui. Et n molini de xi solidis et vi denariis. Et vii acne prati. 
 
 Silua xv porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, vrn libras. 
 
 Modo, x libras. Osuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo Feeebvene. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 20 Terra est n carucarum. In dominio im uillani cum I caruca et dimidia. 
 
 Et n molini de XL denariis. T.R.E. ualebat nn libras. Post, et modo, in libras. 
 
 comite 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit de Goduuino. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo i iugum liberie terras in Selesbvexe. 
 
 Et ibi habet dimidiam carucam. cum i bordario. Et v seruis. Et una acra prati et dimidia. 
 25 Valet et ualuit semper xx solidos. Aluuinus tenuit de Goduino comite. 
 
 Isdem Hugo, et Adeloldus camerarius, tenent de episcopo Feedenestede. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est m carucarum. In dominio in uillani 
 
 habent vii boues. Ibi ascclesia. Et n acne prati et dimidia. Et silua n porcorum. 
 
 Valet et ualuit semper xx solidos. Leuuinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 30 Adel old tenet de episcopo Esledes. Pro in solins se defendit. Terra est 
 xn carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucas. Et xxvm uillani cum vin bordariis 
 habent vii carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et xvm serui. Ibi n arpendi uineas. 
 
 Et vin acne prati. Silua xx porcorum. Et v molini uillanorum. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xvi libras. Similiter, quando recepit. Modo, xx libras. 
 
 comes 
 
 as Et tamen reddit xxv libras. Leuuinus tenuit. 
 
 De hoc Manerio habet abbas Sancti Augustini dimidium solin, quod ualet x solidos, 
 pro excambio parchi episcopi baiocensis. Comes de Ow habet nn denas 
 de isto Manerio, qua: ualent xx solidos. 
 
 •10 se defendit. Terra est hi carucarum et dimidias. In dominio sunt n”. Et vn uillani cum v 
 
 bordariis habent I carucam et dimidiam. Ibi ascclesia. Et nn serui. Et vi aerie prati. Et i molinus 
 de nn solidis et n denariis. Silua x porcorum. T.RE., et post, ualuit ini libras. 
 
 Modo, vn libras. Goduuinus et Aluuinus tenuerunt de rege E. pro u bl15 Maneriis. 
 
 Isdem Ansgot tenet de episcopo STOCHINGEBEEGE. Pro n solins se defendit. 
 is Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et v uillani cum ix bordariis habent n 
 
 carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et n serui. Et i molinus de Lxmi denariis. Silua xv porcorum. 
 T.RE., et post, ualuit nn libras. Modo, vi libras. Elueua tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hugo de Port tenet Alnoitone. Pro in solins se defendit. Terra est 
 
 vin carucarum. In dominio sunt ii caruca;. Et xvm uillani cum vi bordariis habent 
 
 50 vi carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et vm serui. Et n molini et dimidius de xvn 
 
 ^fsolidis. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 Ibi v acrse prati. Silua XL porcorum. T.RE. ualebat ix libras. Et tantundem 
 quando recepit. Modo, x libras. Et tamen reddit xn libras. 
 
 Huic Manerio adiacent m mansiones terre in Ilouecestre, 
 et reddunt v solidos per annum. Osuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Adam filius Huberti tenet de episcopo SvdtONE. Pro mi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est vii carucarum. In dominio sunt n ffi . Et xvm uillani cum v bordariis 
 habent rra Caracas. Ibi ascclesia. Et mi acrtc prati. Et i molinus. 
 
 Silua L porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xii libras. Quando recepit, x libras. 
 
 comes 
 
 Modo, xim libras. Et tamen reddit xvm libras. Leuuinus tenuit. 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo Certh. Pro m solins se defendit. Terra est 
 vm carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xx uillani cum v bordariis habent 
 vi carucas. Ibi tecclesia. Et vm serai. Et vi aero prati. Silua l porcorum. 
 
 Ibi m arpendi uineas. Et parcus siluaticarum bestiarum. 
 
 cilt 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xn libras. Alnod tenuit. 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo SUDTONE. Pro imo solin et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt ii°\ Et xv uillani 
 cum ix bordariis habent mi Caracas. Ibi eecclesia. Et x serai. Et vm acne 
 prati. Silua l porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualebat x libras. 
 
 de rege E. 
 
 Modo, xn libras. Et tamen reddit xvm libras. Leuenot tenuit 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo Bogelei. Pro n solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est n carucarum et dimidiae. In dominio est una caraca. Et n uillani cum 
 n bordariis habent dimidiam carucam, Ibi accclesia. Et mi serui. Et i molinus 
 de y solidis. Et vi acra prati. Silua xx porcorum. 
 
 De isto Manerio habet unus homo Adam unum solin, et uoeatur Merlea. 
 
 Et ibi habet i carucam. Et nn uillanos cum i caruca. Et mcclesiam. Et n 
 seruos. Et siluam mi porcorum. /Turgis tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Totum Manerium T.E.E. ualebat yi libras. Et post, tantundem. Modo, yn libras. 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo Laugvelei. Pro uno solin et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio sunt if. Et vn uillani enm 
 v bordariis habent in carucas. Ibi accclesia. Et vn serui. Et m acne prati. 
 
 Silua xxv porcorum. T.RE. ualebat lx solidos. Quando recepit, 
 
 L solidos. Modo, ix solidos. Turgis tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo Otbikgedene. Pro dimidio solin 
 se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et n niliani cum mi 
 bordariis habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi n serui. Et nna acra prati. Silua 
 v porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit x solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 Huic Manerio pertinent n mansure terra in cantuaria de xn 
 denariis. Aluuardus tenuit de rege E. hoc Manerium. 
 
 Isdem Adam tenet de episcopo Est Serve. p r0 dimidio solin se 
 defendit. Terra est i carncse. Et ibi est in dominio. cum uno uillano et uno 
 bordario. Et v seruis. Ibi nn acra prati. Silua nn porcomm. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, nalet xx solidos. Godric tenuit 
 
 "Willelmus filius Roberti tenet de episcopo ^ 
 
 West Selve. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est in carucarum 
 et dimidim. In dominio snnt if. Et quidam Prancigena, cum x nillanis 
 et i bordario habent i carucam ot dimidiam. Ibi v serui. Et r acra prati. 
 
 Et unus molinus de XV denariis. Silua xv porcomm. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet nn libras. Ecldid tenuit 
 de rege E. Huic Manerio pertinebat in cantuaria, T.R.E., 
 una domus reddens xxv denarios. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 31 
 
 Hugo nepos Herberti tenet tie episcopo Boltone. Pro uno solin 
 se defenclit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio nichil. sed v uillani 
 habent i carucam ibi. Et n acras prati. Silua xx porcorum. Ibi ascclesia. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat vnr libras. Modo, vi libras 
 eomite 
 
 5 Aluuinus tenuit de Goduino. 
 
 Xsdem Hugo tenet de episcopo Godeselle. Pro nno solin se 
 
 defendit. Terra est rr carucarum. In dominio est una. Et v uillani habent i carucam 
 et dimidiam. Ibi tecclesia. Et n serui. Et n acras prati. Et silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, et modo, ualet mi libras. Eduuinus tenuit 
 10 de rege E.; et potuit ire cum terra sua quo uoluit. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo WlNCHELESMERE. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est i carucse. Et ibi est in dominio. 
 cum m serais. Et secclesia. Et silua v porcorum. Et, T.R.E., in can- 
 tuaria iii domus pertinebant huic manerio, reddentes xx denarios. 
 is Totum: T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, et modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Vluiet tenuit de rege E.; et potuit ire quo libuit. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo Estselve. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i caracee. Et ibi est in dominio. cum i uilla.no et uno 
 
 bordario. Et n serais. Ibi mi acne prati. Et silua mi porcorum. 
 
 20 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xl solidos. Vluiet tenuit de rege E. 
 
 (jToisfridus de Bos tenet de episcopo OTEHAM. Pro uno solin et uno iugo se 
 defendit. Terra est ii carucarum et dimidige. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum iii 
 bordariis habent i caracam. Ibi lecclesia. Et n serui. Et i molinus de v solidis. 
 
 Et iii acras prati. Silua viu porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat irn libras. Quando 
 23 recepit, m libras. Modo, mi libras. Aluuinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hotbertus Latinus tenet ad firmam Herbretitov. Adeloldus 
 tenuit de episcopo. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio 
 
 est una caruca. Et ii uillani cum I bordario habent ii animalia. Et ibi mi acras 
 et modo, 
 
 prati. T.R.E., et post, A ualet lx solidos. Et tamen est ad firmam pro mi libris. 
 comite 
 
 30 Aluricus tenuit de Goduino. 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet ad firmam Brunfelle. Adeloldus tenuit de episcopo. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt 11“ carucos. Et v uillani 
 cum x bordariis habent i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi i molinus de vi solidis 
 et vm denariis. Et pastura de xv solidis. Ibi xii serui. Et viii acras 
 33 prati. Silua xx porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit mi libras. Modo, c solidos. 
 comite 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit de Goduino. Huic Manerio pertinet qiuedam libera 
 terra ad iii boues, et ualet v solidos. 
 
 Hadulfus curbespine tenet de episcopo TURNEHAM. Pro ill solins 
 se defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xvi uillani cum xvm 
 40 bordariis habent irn Caracas. Ibi lecclesia. Et vi serui. Et i molinus de vi 
 solidis. Et mi acras prati. Silua xl porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat x libras. Modo, xn libras. Et tamen reddit xmi. 
 
 Sbern biga tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Radulfus tenet de episcopo FEREBVRNE. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 45 Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et n uillani cum i bordario. Et ii 
 
 serai. Et una acra prati et dimidia. Silua vi porcorum. T.R.E., et post, 
 et modo, ualet xxx solidos. Sbern biga tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Otlo tenet de episcopo GeLXNGEHAM. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est I Caracas. In dominio sunt n"’. Et vi bordarii habent dimidiam carucam. 
 so Ibi i molinus de xvi solidis et vii denariis. Et xm acras prati. Et vm acree 
 
 ^fpasturge. 
 
OHENTII. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Quando recepit, xxx solidos Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 Rotbertus Latinus tenet ad firmam de episcopo IN C'ETEHAM IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Ceteham. Pro yi solins se defendit. Terra est xvi carucarum. In dominio 
 sunt iii. Et xxxm uillani cum nil bordariis liabent x carucas. Ibi 
 tecclesia. Et xv serai Et i motions de xxxn denariis. Et xx acne prati. 
 
 Et piscarife vi de xii denariis. Silua i porei. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xii libras. Modo, xv libras. Et tamen reddit 
 
 comes 
 
 xxxv libras. Goduinus tenuit. 
 
 IN LEST DE EILESFORD. 
 
 IN ROVECESTRE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Filius Willelmi tahum tenet de episcopo Delce. Pro uno solin 
 et uno iugo se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. 
 Et v uillani habent n carucas. Ibi xii acne prati. Silua i porci. 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit iii libras. Et modo, lxx solidos. 
 
 Godricus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Et ibi sunt in dominio. Et cum uno uillano 
 et v bordariis. Et vi serais. Ibi xn acne prati. Et lx acne pastunc. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet c solidos. Osuuardus tenet de rege E. 
 
 .sdem Ansgotus tenet de episcopo Stoches. 
 
 IN HOY HYNDREDO. 
 
 Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Et ibi sunt in dominio. cum 
 vn bordariis. Ibi una piscaria de n solidis. T.R.E., et post, 
 ualuit c solidos. Modo, cx solidos. Anschil tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Ipse episcopus Baiocensis tenet in dominio HOV. 
 
 Pro l solins se defendebat T.R.E. Et modo, pro xxxm bu8 . Terra est l carucarum. 
 
 In dominio sunt mi. Et c uillani, m minus, cum lxi cotariis, habent 
 xliii carucas. Ibi vi gecclesiaj. Et xii serui. Et xxxii acne prati. 
 
 Silua xxx porcorum. 
 
 Totum Manerium, T.R.E., ualebat lx libras. Quando episcopus recepit, similiter. 
 
 Et modo, tantundem. Et tamen qui cum tenet reddit c et xm libras. 
 
 Huic Manerio pertinebant ix domus in Rouecestre ciuitate, et vi solidos 
 reddebant, nec ablatce sunt. Hoc Manerium tenuit Goduinus comes. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Ricardus de Tonebrige dimidium solin. 
 
 Et siluam xx porcorum. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xl solidos. 
 
 Adam filius Huberti tenet de eodem Manerio unum solin et unum iugum, de episcopo. 
 
 Et ibi habet unus homo eius in dominio dimidiam carucam. Et mi uillanos cum dimidia caruca. 
 Et uno cotario. Valet et ualuit xxx solidos. 
 
 Anschitil de Ros tenet de ipso Manerio iii solins. Et ibi habet in dominio 
 i carucam. Et v uillani, cum xii cotariis, habent I carucam et dimidiam. Ibi v serui. 
 
 Et unus molinus de x solidis. Et xii acne prati. Et n piscarife de v solidis. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat vi libras. Modo, vi libras et v solidos. 
 
 _A.dam tenet.de episcopo i iugum in Pinpa. IN TVIFERDE IiVNDREDO. 
 
 Terra est Ibi habet dimidiam carucam cum n seruis. Et nn acras prati. 
 
 Et dimidiam piscariam sine censu. Silua vi porcorum. ^fxx solidos. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat vi solidos. Et post, v solidos. Modo, x solidos. Et tamen reddit 
 Godricus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 de Columbels tenet de episcopo Ferlaga. Pro uno solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est un carucarum. Rannulfus non tenet nisi m a iuga. Et ibi 
 habet in dominio i carucam. Et x uillanos. cum mi cotariis. habent in carucas. 
 Ibi eccclesia. Et vii serai. Et i molinus de v solidis. Et x acne prati. Silua 
 
 xv porcorum. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet vn libras. Alnodus tenuit. 
 De isto solin tenet Raynerus i iugum, de episcopo, in Manerio Pinpe. 
 
 de rege. 
 
CHENTII. 
 
 3 
 
 Et ibi habet i carucam. cum ix serais. Et hi acras prati. Siluam nil porcorum. 
 
 et post, 
 
 cilt 
 
 T.R.E., A ualebat xx solidos. Modo, XL solidos. Alnod tenuit de rege E. 
 Haimo tenet de episcopo NEDESTEDE. Pro m solins se defendit. Terra est 
 
 vi carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xrai uillani habent v Caracas. Ibi .-ecclcsia, 
 5 Et xim serui. Et n molini de xim solidis. Et piscaria de n solidis. 
 
 Et vn acne prati. Silua xxxv porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vra libras. 
 
 Et post, vi libras. Modo, vm libras et v solidos. Norman tenuit de rege E. 
 
 De isto Manerio habet episcopus xxx solidos, pro n hagas. 
 
 Juadulfus filius Turaldi tenet Otringeberge. Pro n 1 ™ 8 
 10 solins se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt n“. Et vi uillani 
 cum viii bordariis habent hi carucas. Ibi tecclesia. Et n molini de m solidis. 
 
 Et ii® acras prati. Et piscaria de xxx anguillis. Silua n porcorum. 
 
 I.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. Modo, vi libras. Leueua tenuit 
 
 de rege E. Huic Manerio adjacent nn hagas in ciuitate reddentes hi solidos. 
 
 » H ugo de Braiboue tenet de episcopo Otrinberge. Pro ii solins 
 
 se defendit. Terra est rai carucarum. In dominio est una. Et rx uillani cum mi 
 bordariis habent n Caracas. Ibi m serui. Et I molinus de xvi denariis. 
 
 Et in acrse prati. Silua n porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit ini libras. 
 
 Modo, c solidos. Godil tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Txdeloldus tenuit de episcopo TESTAN. Et Robertas modo tenet ad firm am. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n“ carucas et dimidia. 
 
 Et vn uillani cum m bordariis habent I carucam. Ibi xn serui. Et i molinus 
 de in solidis. Et vm acras prati. Silua xx porcorum. {le retre E 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, lx solidos. Modo, c solidos. Eduuardus tenu 
 25 Hanc terram tenuerunt m fratres T.R.E. pro tribus Maneriis. Nunc est in unum. 
 
 Isdem Adeloldus tenuit de episcopo BENEDESTEDE. Et Robertas tenet ad firmam. 
 
 Pro uno iugo se defendit. Terra est Is dominio est i caraca. cum v seruis. 
 
 Et una acra prati. Silua vi porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xx solidos. 
 
 cilt. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos. Godricus tenuit de Alnodo 
 
 IN MEDESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 so Jltannulfus de columbels tenet de episcopo Bermelie. Pro uno iugo 
 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. cum v seruis. Et nn acne 
 
 prati. Silua in porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xv solidos. Quando recepit, xx solidos. 
 Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 
 35 dominio sunt m Caracas. Et xlvii uillani cum xi bordariis habent xvi carucas. 
 Ibi in molini de xxxvi solidis et viii denariis. Et xvi serui. Et xx 
 acrse prati. Silua l porcorum. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xxv libras. 
 
 cilt 
 
 Modo, xxx libras. Et tamen Robertas reddit lv libras. Alnod tenuit. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Helto dimidium solin. Et ibi habet I carucam. cum uno 
 -io bordario. Et i franc Et n acras prati. Et siluam vi porcorum. Et ualet xl solidos. 
 
 Jtadulfus filius Turaldi tenet de episcopo 
 
 Litelbroteiiam. Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendit. Terra est 
 
 In dominio est i caruca. Et mi uillani cum mi bordariis habent ii carucas. Ibi 
 
 ii serui. Et n molini de mi solidis. Et n acrse prati. Silua v porcorum. 
 
 45 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. Modo, lx solidos et liiii denarios. 
 
 Ricardus de Tonebrige liabet in sua leuua quod ualet xiii solidos. 
 
 Et Siluam l porcorum. Et Rex habet de eodem Manerio quod ualet xvi denarios. 
 Hanc terram T.R.E. tenuerunt Goduinus et Eduinus pro n bus Maneriis. 
 
 _A_dam tenet de episcopo Celca. Pro hi solins se defendit. Terra est 
 50 vn carucarum. In dominio sunt n". Et xim uillani cum vi bordariis habent 
 v carucas. Ibi secclesia. Et un serui. Et unus molinus de v solidis. 
 
 K Et xvi acrse prati. T.R.E. ualebat vn libras. Et post, 
 
 ^ c solidos. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 tenet 
 
 Moclo, x libras. Et tamen qui A reddit xim libras. 
 
 l)e hoc Manerio est in manu regis quod ualet vn solid os, de nouo 
 
 dono episcopi. 
 
 In manu sua retinuit episcopus, in Ciuitate Rouecestre, m 
 hagas quae ualent l denarios. 
 
 Iu Exesse est una hida que iuste ad hoc Manerium pertinet. 
 Goduin filius Dudeman tenuit. Modo tenet Rannulfus peurel. 
 
 C 
 
 JLsdem Adam tenet de episcopo He a HAM. Pro v solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xn carucarum. In dominio sunt iii carucse. Et xxiiii uillani cum 
 xii bordariis habent vi Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi xx serai. Et xxx aerie 
 prati. Ibi aecclesia. Et i molinus de x solidis. Et piscaria de in solidis. 
 
 Et, in Exesse, pastura cc ouibus. T.R.E. ualebat xn libras. 
 
 Et post, vi libras. Modo, xv libras. 
 
 Hanc terram tenuerant T.R.E. Goduin filius carli, et Toli, pro n Maneriis. 
 
 y i n 
 
 Xsdem Adam tenet de episcopo, A COLINGE, i soliu et dimidium. Terra est 
 i carucae et dimidiae. In dominio sunt n carucae. Et v uillani habent 
 dimidiam carucam. Ibi mi serui. Et vn acrae prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. Modo, im libras. 
 
 Ricardus de Tonebrige quod habet in sua leuua ualet vii solidos. 
 
 Vluuinus tenuit de Leuuino comite. 
 
 Xsdem Adam tenet de episcopo Biciielei. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est dimidiae carucae. In dominio est dimidia caruca. Et unus uillanus cum dimidia caruca. 
 
 Leuuino comite. 
 
 Et n bordarii. Ibi I molinus de v solidis. Vluuinus tenuit de 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit x solidos. Modo, xv solidos. 
 
 IN ESSAMELE HVNDREDO. 
 Pro uno solin se 
 
 Hadulfus filius Turaldi tenet de episcopo Arclei. 
 
 defendit. Terra est dimidiae carucae. Et ibidem sunt adhuc xxx acrae terrae. 
 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et vi uillani habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi xii 
 acrae prati. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. Modo, mi libras, 
 comite 
 
 Hvnef tenuit de Heraldo. 
 
 Ansgotus de Rouecestre tenet Haxeitest. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucae. In dominio est una caruca. Et n uillani. cum im 
 serais. T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. Quando recepit, xxx solidos. Modo, 
 
 comite 
 
 xl solidos. Goduinus tenuit de Goduino. 
 
 Emulfus de Ilesding tenet de episcopo Clive. Pro dimidio solin 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio dimidia caruca. Et n uillani. Et x 
 acrae prati. Et pastura c ouium. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xxx solidos. 
 
 Duo fratres tenuerunt de rege E, Aluric et Ordric. 
 
 Isdem Ernulfus tenet de episcopo Hadone. Pro ni iugis se 
 
 defendit. Terra est i carucae. Et ibi est in dominio. Et vi uillani cum i bordario 
 habent I carucam. Ibi vi acrae prati. T.R.E., et post, ualuit L solidos. 
 
 Modo, lx solidos. Osuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Odo tenet de episcopo, in eadem Hadone, i iugum. Terra est dimidiae 
 carucae. In dominio nichil est. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xx solidos. 
 
 Isdem Odo tenet de episcopo Colixges. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est dimidiae carucae. Ibi est. cum uno bordario. Et mi acrae prati. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. God /*E. 
 
 yy Ztenuit de rege 
 
 -IJLelto tenet de episcopo MELESTVN. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucae. Et ibi est. cum v uillanis. Et i acra prati. 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit x solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 unit 
 
 Vluuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE MIDDELTONE. 
 
 IN MILDETONE HVNDREDO. 
 
CKENTH. 
 
 85 
 
 Hugo de port tenet de episcopo TVNESTELLE. Pro m solins 
 
 et dimidio se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucse. 
 
 Et ix uillani cum i caruca. Et ix semi. Silua x porcorum. Et salina de xu 
 denariis. T.R.E., et post, ualebat vn libras. Modo, viii libras. 
 
 5 Osuuard tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Xsdem Hugo tenet de episcopo CEKCE. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est 11 
 carucarum. In dominio est una. Et cum v bordariis. Et uno seruo. Et uno molino de 
 vi libras 
 
 vi solidis et vm denariis. Valet xxx solidos. Osuuardus tenuit. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo Tangas. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est 
 10 hi carucarum. In dominio sunt n“. Et v uillani cum i caruca. Ibi sccclesia. Et mi serui. 
 Et unus molinus de vm solidis. Silua mi porcorum. ^tenuit. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit vn libras. Modo, x libras et x solidos. Osuuardus 
 De istis solins quos Hugo de port habet, tenuit Osuuardus v 
 ad gablum ; Et hi solins, et unum iugum et dimidium, quos abstulit 
 is uillanis regis. 
 
 IN BORWART LEST. IN BRIGE IIVNDREDO. 
 jAicardus filius Willelmi tenet de episcopo Borne. Pro vi solins se 
 defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt iii carucse. Et xltiii uillani 
 cum iii bordariis habent x Caracas. Ibi secclesia. Et unus seruus. Et m mo- 
 lini de xvi solidis et vm denariis. Piscaria de vi denariis. Pastura 
 20 unde araverunt extranei homines vi acras terras. Silua mi porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xvm libras. Quando recepit, x libras. Modo, xix libras. 
 
 Xsdem II. tenet de episcopo 
 Stepedoxe. Osuuard 
 tenebat T. R.E. Et tunc se defendebat 
 pro i solin, dimidio iugo minus. 
 
 Terra est ii carucarum. In dominio est. 
 cum i seruo. Et v bordariis. 
 
 Valet xxx solidos. 
 
 Ipse episcopus Baiocensis tenet in dominio Haedes. Pro n solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum n carucis. Ibi 
 secclesia. Et v serui. Silua xx porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vii libras. 
 
 25 Et post, c solidos. Modo, vii libras. Et tamen reddit x libras. Eduinus tenuit 
 
 /*de rege E. 
 
 JLsdem episcopus tenet in dominio Stellinges. Pro uno iugo 
 
 se defendit. Terra I caruca; et dimidise. In dominio nichil est nisi I bordarius. 
 
 Ibi secclesia. Silua n porcorum. 
 
 r.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, et modo, xl solidos. Alret tenuit de rege E. 
 
 30 Isdem episcopus tenet A dominio BvENES. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est vi' carucarum. 
 In dominio sunt n m . Et xxv uillani cum mi bordariis habent vn carucas. 
 
 Ibi fecclesia. Et vi serui. Et i molinus de xxxvni denariis. Et una 
 salina de xxx denariis. Et dimidia piscaria mi denariorum. De pastura 
 xl denarii. Silua vi porcorum et dimidii. ^^Leuinc tenuit de rege E. 
 
 35 T.R.E. ualebat xu libras. Et post, vii libras. Modo, xn libras. Et tamen 
 reddit xvm libras. Quando Hugo de monfort tenuit, ualebat v solidos. 
 
 Heec iii“ maneria episcopi Baiocensis tenet Rannulfus ad firmam. 
 
 Hannulfus de columbels tenet de episcopo Hardes. Pro uno solin 
 se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio est dimidia caruca. Et ix uillani 
 habent n Caracas. Ibi secclesia. Et vm serai. Et xm acra prati. Silua 
 mi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat vi libras. Et post, im libras. Modo, 
 c solidos. Azor tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN DONAMESFORD HVNDREDO. 
 Ipse episcopus tenet in dominio Wiciieiiam. Pro mi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xi carucarum. In dominio sunt 11“ carucse. Et xxxvi uillani, cum xxx^ii 
 cotariis, habent ix carucas. Ibi secclesia. Et unus presbyter qui dat XL solidos per annum. 
 Ibi unus parcus. Et n molini de l solidis. Et ii” salinse de 
 xxxn denariis. Et iii piscarise de mi solidis. Et xxxii aerse 
 prati. Pastura ad ccc oues, et ad xxxi animalia. Silua quater xx li 
 porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xxv libras. Quando recepit, xx libras. Modo, 
 xxx libras. Huic Manerio pertinent in cantuaria iii masurse, reddentes 
 to . biga 
 
 vi solidos et vm denarios. Hoc Manerium tenuit Aluredus... de rege E. 
 
 Adhuc iacet ad hunc Manerium dimidium solin liberse terra, 
 

 CHENTH. 
 
 quam Sired tenuit de Alured biga. Et modo tenet Goisfridus 
 
 filius mal® terra; de episcopo baiocensi. Et ualet et semper ualuit lx solidos. 
 
 In HTJNDRET et in Ciuitate cantuariensi habet Adam 
 filius huberti, de episcopo, mi domos, et 11“ foris ciuitatem 
 
 5 qu® reddunt viii solidos. 
 
 IN EODEM HYNDREDO 
 
 H aimo Vicecomes tenet de episcopo LA.TINTONE. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucee et dimidi®. In dominies est una caraca. cum n bordariis. 
 Ibi paruum nemus de xn acris pastur®. T.R.E., et post, et modo, 
 ualet hi libras. 
 
 10 Isdem Haimo tenet de episcopo dimidium solin. Et est terra nn carucarum. 
 
 In dominio sunt n“ came®. Et xi bordarii cum in carucis. Et xvi acr® silu® 
 minut®. T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, vi libras. Et modo, ix libras. 
 
 Has terras T.R.E. tenuerunt burgenses cantuarie, et usque ad episcopum 
 baiocensem, qui ab eis cepit. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. 
 
 IN FYLCHESTAN HYNDREDO. 
 
 W illelmus de Arcis tenet Fvlchestan. 
 
 T.R.E. se defendebat pro xl solins. Et modo, pro xxxix. 
 
 Terra est c et xx l! carucarum. In dominio sunt xim caruc®. Et cc fi et ix" t ' ni 
 uillani. Et quater xx et m bordarii. Inter omnes habent xlv carucas. 
 
 20 Ibi v fficclesi®, de quibus habet Archiepiscopus lv solidos. Ibi in 
 serai. Et vii molini de ix libris et xii solidis. Ibi c acr® 
 prati. Silua xl porcorum. Hoc Manerium tenuit Goduinus comes. 
 
 D e hoc manerio tenet Hugo filius Willelmi ix solins de terra 
 uillanorum. Et ibi habet in dominio irn carucas et dimidiam. Et xxx 
 25 viii uillanos cum xvn bordariis qui habent xvi carucas. Ibi 
 
 iii ®cclesi®. Et unus molinus et dimidius de xvi solidis et v denariis. 
 
 Et una salina de xxx denariis. Silua vi porcorum. Valet xx libras. 
 
 Walterus de Appeuile tenet de hoc Manerio m iuga et xii acras terr®. 
 
 Et ibi habet i carucam in dominio. Et iii uillanos cum i bordario. Valet xxx solidos. 
 Aluredus tenet i solinum, et xl acras terr®. Et ibi habet in dominio n carucas. 
 cum vi bordariis. Et xii acras prati. Valet im libras. 
 
 Walterus filius Engelberti tenet dimidium solin, et XL acras. Et ibi habet 
 in dominio i carucam. cum vn bordariis. Et v acras prati. Valet xxx solidos. 
 
 Wesman tenet I solin. Et ibi habet in dominio i carucam. Et ii uillanos cum 
 bordariis habentes i carucam et dimidiam. Valet mi libras. 
 
 dapifer tenet I solin et I iugum, et vi acras terr®. Et ibi habet 
 
 dominio i carucam. cum xi bordariis. Valet L solidos. 
 
 tenet dimidium solin. Et ibi habet in dominio I carucam. cum 
 riis. Et iii acras prati. Valet xx solidos. 
 
 cum mi 
 
 Bemardus de Sancto Audoeno mi solins. Et ibi habet in dominio iii 
 arucas. Et vi uillani cum xi bordariis habent ii carucas. Ibi im serui. 
 
 It ii molini de xxim solidis. Et xx acr® prati. Silua n porcorum. 
 
 >e una dena, et de terra qu® data est ab his solins ad firmam, 
 xeunt iii libr®. Inter totum, valet ix libras. 
 
 laldricus tenet dimidium solin. Et ibi habet i carucam. Et ii uillanos 
 
 urn vi bordariis. habent i carucam. Et unum molinum de xxx denariis. Valet xxx solidos. 
 
 
 
 acardus tenet Lvm acras terr®. Et ibi habet i carucam. cum v bordariis. Valet x solidos 
 
 Totum Fulcbestan, T.B.E., ualebat c et x libras. Quando recepit, 5n. 
 
 libras. Modo, quod habet in dominio ualet c libras. Quod milites tenent supradicti 
 
 /^sinuil ualet xlv libras 
 et x solidos. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 37 
 
 IN HONINBERG HYNDREDO. 
 
 Episcopus baiocensis tenet in dominio Alham. Pro yi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est xxim carucarum. In dominio sunt v carucse. Et xli uillanus 
 cum viii bordariis habent xvin carucas. Ibi lecclesia. Et vin serui. 
 
 5 Et ii molini de vi solidis. Et xxvm aerie prati. Silua c porcorum. 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xxx libras. Modo, xl. Et tamen reddit l libras. 
 Hoc manerium tenuit Edericus de rege E. 
 
 ’ TAT T>r»T7'TATTY17AT T_T\ 
 
 IN ROYINDEN HYNDREDO. 
 
 -A-dam filius huberti tenet de episcopo I denam de dimidio iugo, quae 
 remansit extra diuisionem hugonis de montfort, et iacuit in 
 10 Belice. Ibi habet n uillanos, cum dimidia caruca. Valet et ualuit hoc semper x solidos. 
 
 tenet de episcopo, In Bochelande, 
 
 IN STOTINGES HYNDREDO. 
 
 dimidium solin. Et ibi habet in dominio i carucam. cum uno uillano. Terra est n carucarum. 
 T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. Quando recepit, xxx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 IN ESTREA LEST. 
 
 IN ESTRE HYNDREDO. 
 
 15 Jtvadulfus de curbespine tenet de episcopo unum iugum in Berfrestone. 
 Ibi una paupercula mulier reddens iii denarios et unum obolum. 
 
 Valet et ualuit semper x solidos hoc iugum. 
 
 JLiannulfus de Columbels tenet ibi unum iugum, quod in Hordes esco- 
 tavit, et nunc usque scotum regis non scotavit. 
 
 20 Adeloldus tenuit de episcopo Eswalt. Pro ni solins se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et vi uillani cum n bordariis habent in 
 
 carucas. Ibi ii serui. Et siluula ad clausuram. T.R.E. ualebat ix libras. Modo, xv. 
 Alnod cit tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Osbemus filius Letardi tenet de episcopo i solin in Selinge. Ibi habet unum 
 25 uillanum reddentem n solidos. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, et modo, xxx solidos. 
 Aluuinus tenuit T.R.E. 
 
 Isdem Osbemus tenet de episcopo Popeselle. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n carucas. Et unus uillanus cum mi bordariis habent 
 
 dimidiam carucam. Ilanc terrain tenuerant n° liberi homines de rege E. 
 
 30 Quidam miles eius tenet dimidium iugum. Et ibi habet i carucam in dominio. 
 
 Totum: T.R.E. ualuit lx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Hadulfus de Curbespine tenet 
 
 IN BEVSBERGE HYNDREDO. 
 
 dimidium iugum in Popessale. Et ibi habet hi boues. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit mi solidos. modo, viii solidos. Vluric tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Fulbertus tenuit de episcopo Berham. Pro vi 
 
 IN BERHAM HYNDREDO. 
 
 35 
 
 solins se defendit. Terra est xxxii carucarum. In dominio sunt m carucas. 
 
 Et lii uillani cum xx cotariis habent xviii Caracas. Ibi lecclesia. Et unus 
 molinus de xx solidos et mi denariis. Ibi xxv piscarias de xxxv 
 solidis, mi denariis minus. De auera, id est servitium, lx solidi. De 
 40 herbagio xxvi solidi. Et xx aerie prati. De pasnagio cl porci. 
 
 De isto Manerio dedit episcopus unam bereuuicham Herbertin filio Iuonis, quae 
 uocatur Huham. Et ibi habet I carucam in dominio. Et xn uillanos cum ix carucis. 
 Et xx acras prati. 
 
 De eodem quoque Manerio dedit episcopus Osbemo paisforere I solin. Et n molinos 
 45 de L solidis. Et ibi est in dominio i caruca. Et mi uillani cum I caruca. 
 
 Totum Berham, T.R.E. ualebat xl libras. Quando episcopus recepit, similiter. 
 
 Et tamen reddebat ei c libras. 
 
 Modo, per se, Berham ualet xl libras. Et Hucham, x libras. Et hoc quod Osbemus 
 habet, vi libras. Et terra cuiusdam Rannulfi militis ualet xl solidos. 
 
 50 Hoc manerium tenuit Stigandus archiepiscopus; sed non erat de archiepiscopatu ; 
 
 ^fsed fuit de dominica firma regis E. 
 
38 
 
 CHENTIi. 
 
 "Vitalis de episcopo tenet SoANECLiVE. IN WITENESTAPLE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est i Caracas et dimidiee. In dominio est i caruca. cum 
 vm cotariis qui reddunt mi solidos et vi denarios. Silua xx porcoram. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xxi solidos. Quando vitalis recepit, xii solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 Snoth 
 
 5 Eduuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Vitalis tenet de episcopo i iugum in eodem hundredo. Et ibi habet dimidiam carucam 
 in dominio. cum iin bordariis reddentibus vi solidos. Terra est dimidiee Caracas. Silua x porcorum. 
 T.RE., et post, ualuit x solidos. Modo, xx solidos. Vlsi tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN LESTA DE WIWARLET. IN FAVKESHANT IIVNDREDO. 
 
 10 _A_dam tenet de episcopo Ore. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est iin carucarum. 
 
 In dominio est una. Et x uillani et x bordariis habent n carucas. Ibi dimidia eecclesia. 
 
 Et unus molinus de xxii solidis. Et n® piscarite sine censu. Et i salina 
 de xxvm denariis. Silua yi porcoram. T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Et post, lx 
 solidos. Modo, c solidos. Turgis tenuit de rege E. 
 
 is Isdem adam tenet de episcopo STANEFELLE. Pro n solins se defendit. Terra est 
 mi carucarum. In dominio est i caraca Et x uillani habent n carucas. Ibi tecclesia. 
 
 Et vi serui. Et n acne prati. Silua lx porcoram. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. 
 
 comite 
 
 Et post, xl solidos. Modo, c solidos. Turgis tenuit de Goduino. 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 40 
 
 Hugo de portli tenet de episcopo NORTONE. Pro im solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est nn carucarum. In dominio sunt m caraca. Et xvm uillani cum vi bordariis 
 habent v carucas. Ibi hi acclesia. Et in molini sine censu. Et ii piscaria 
 de xh denariis. Silua xl porcoram. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. Et post, vi libras. Modo, xn libras. 
 
 Osuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 ° IN FELEBERGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Fulbertus tenet de episcopo ClLLEHAM. Pro v solins se defendit. Terra est xx 
 carucarum. In dominio sunt ii caruca. Et xxxvm uillani, cum xn cotariis, habent xn 
 et dimidius 
 
 carucas. Ibi acclesia. Et vi molini A de yi libris et vm solidis. Et n® pisca- 
 ria de xvn denariis. Et pastura de xvm solidis et vn denariis. 
 
 In cantuaria ciuitate xm masura pertinent huic Manerio, reddentes xv 
 solidos. Et ix acra prati. Silua quater xx porcoram. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xl libras. Et post, xxx libras. Modo, xxx libras similiter. 
 
 Et tarnen reddebat episcopo baiocensi quater xx libras et xl solidos. 
 
 Sired tenuit de rege E. 
 
 ° IN FAVRESI-IANT IIVNDREDO. 
 
 H ugo nepos Herberti tenet de episcopo OSPRESTGES. Pro vn solins et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est xx carucarum. In dominio non sunt caruca. 
 
 Ibi xxix uillani cum vi bordariis habent xi carucas. Ibi acclesia. Et i molinus 
 de xi solidis et vm denariis. Et piscaria de x denariis. Et salina de mi 
 denariis. Et xm acra prati. Silua de quater xx porcis. 
 
 De terra huius Manerii tenet Herbertus dimidium solin et m uirgas. Et ibi habet in 
 dominio i carucam. Et i uillanum cum x bordariis habentes i carucam. 
 
 Hicardus de maris tenet dimidium solin de hoc Manerio. Et ibi habet vi uillanos 
 et i bordarium cum I caruca. Et quidam Turstinus tenet I iugum quod reddit v solidos. 
 Totum Manerium, T.R.E., ualebat xx libras. Quando herbertus recepit, xv libras. 
 Modo, xx libras. Huic Manerio pertinet in cantuaria i masura 
 45 de xxx denariis. Hoc manerium tenuit. 
 
 Amsfridus tenet de episcopo CiLDRESHAM. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 m carucarum. In dominio est una. Et nn uillani cum n bordariis habent i carucam 
 et dimidiam. Ibi v serui. Et n aerie prati. Silua est; sed nil reddit. 
 
 De hoc manerio tenet quidam miles terram ad i carucam. Inter totum: T.R.E. 
 so ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xl solidos. Modo, nn libras. 
 
OHENTH. 
 
 Isclem Ansfridus tenet de episcopo ERNOLTUN. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est in carucarum. In dominio est una. Et vm uillani cum ri carucis 
 et dimidia. Ibi n salince. 
 
 Et in civitate cantuaria i masura de xxi denariis. 
 
 5 T.RE. ualebat im libras. Et post, xl solidos. Modo, c solidos. PIoc Manerium 
 Buraod de rege E. tenuit. De isto Manerio tenet Eannulfus 
 x acras, quce iaccnt iuxta civitatem, et reddebant xlii denarios T.E.E. 
 
 Xsdem Ansfridus tenet de episcopo MACIIEHEVET. Pro uno iugo se 
 defendit. Terra est dimidice carucce. Ibi sunt n uillani reddentes L denarios. 
 
 10 T.E.E., ualebat l denarios. Modo, ualet lx denarios. Seuuold tenuit T.RE. 
 
 Isdem Ansfridus tenet de episcopo BADLESMERE. Pro uno solin 
 se defendit. Terra est ir carucarum et dimidice. In dominio est una. Et x uillani 
 habent i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi cecclesia. Et n serui. Et piscaria de xn 
 denariis. Silua mi porcorum. T.E.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, lx solidos. 
 
 15 Modo, im libras. Hoc Manerium reclamat abbas Sancti Augustini, 
 
 quia habuit T.E.E. Et hundredum attestantur ei: Sed filius liominis dicit 
 patrem suum se posse uertere ubi uoluerit: et hoc non annuunt monachi. 
 
 Xsdem Ansfridus tenet de episcopo Perie. Pro uno iugo se defendebat. 
 
 Ibi est unus bordarius reddens v denarios. T.E.E. et post, et modo, ualet xvi solidos. 
 
 20 Wlui tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Ansfridus tenet de episcopo PERIE. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est i carucce. Ibi m bordarii. Et una masura in civitate de xvi 
 
 ^fde rege E. 
 
 denariis. T.E.E. et post, et modo, valet xxini solidos. Yluena tenuit 
 
 25 Osbernus tenet de episcopo BOCIIELAND. Pro in iugis se defendit. 
 
 Terra est I carucce. In dominio est una. Et hi uillani cum n bordariis habent 
 dimidiam carucam. Ibi vm serui. /fSeuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat mi libras. Et post, m libras. Et modo, lxx solidos. 
 
 Isdem Osbernus tenet unum iugum de episcopo in eodem Manerio. Et pro i iugo 
 30 se defendit. T.E.E. ualebat xx solidos. Et post, et modo, ualet x solidos. 
 
 Leuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hugo de porth tenet de episcopo Herste. Pro m b ” iugis 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucce. In dominio est. cum n bordariis et n seruis. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, ualuit x solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 35 Osuuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Adam tenet de episcopo unum iugum in Ore. Et pro i iugo 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucce. Hanc tenent mi uillani modo ad 
 firmam. Et reddunt xx solidos. Et tantundem semper ualuit. Ibi cecclesia est. 
 Leuuold tenuit de rege E. 
 
 ■lo XXerfridus tenet Trevelai. Pro hi solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio est una. Et xxmi uillani cum v 
 bordariis habent vi carucas et dimidiam. Ibi cecclesia. Et v serui. 
 
 Silua xx porcorum. Et in civitate, m hage de xxxii 
 denariis. T.E.E. ualebat vn libras. Et post, vi libras. 
 
 45 Modo, vm libras. Ylnod tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Herbertus tenuit de episcopo NORDESLINGE. Terra est 
 
 i carucce. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Ibi ii bordarii reddunt 
 
 ii solidos. T.E.E., et post, ualuit xx solidos. Modo, xxv solidos. 
 
 Turgod tenuit T.E.E. 
 
 50 Hcec n° Maneria tenuit Herbertus filius Iuonis de episcopo Baiocensi. 
 
 39 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 1 urstinus de girunde tenet, in Bochelande, i iugum, de episcopo. Et pro 
 i iugo se defendit. Ibi est unus uillanus reddens vi solidos. Valet et naluit 
 semper xii solidos. Turgot tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Ro gems filius Anschitil tenet de episcopo ESLINGES. Pro imo solin 
 
 5 se defendit. Terra est I carucie. Ibi est in dominio. Et unus bordarius habet dimidiam 
 carucam. Ibi eecclcsia. Et i molinus de x solidis. Et n acree prati. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Vnlot tenuit de rege E.; et potuit ire quo uoluit cum terra. 
 
 Ftilbe rtus tenet de episcopo ESLINGES. Pro y solins se defendebat T.R.E. 
 
 io Et modo, pro ii bus . Et sic fecit postquam episcopus dedit Manerium hugoni filio fulberti. 
 Terra est vr carucarum. In dominio sunt n Caracas. Et xxx ta uillani liabent hi 
 Caracas. Ibi tecclesia. Et xxviii serai. Et i molinus de x solidis. Silua 
 xxx porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et quando recepit, vi libras. 
 
 Modo, mi libras. Et tamen episcopus liabuit vm libras. Sired tenuit de rege E. 
 
 is Isdem Fulbertus tenet de episcopo DodEHAM. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra 
 est. In dominio est una caruca. Et xvn uillani cum x bordariis 
 
 habent n Caracas. Ibi Eecclesia. Et vi send. Et dimidia piscaria de ccc 
 allecibus. Et in cantuaria ciuitate v hagie de vii solidis et x denariis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Episcopus misit ad firmain pro x libris. Quando ful- 
 20 bertus recepit, vi libras. Et modo, similiter. Sired tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Ricardus tenet de episcopo RONGOSTOXE. Pro uno solin se 
 
 defendit. Terra est. Ibi n uillani habent ii carucas. Et reddunt vr solidos. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xl solidos. Vluiet tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN FERLEBERGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 25 tenet de episcopo Hortoxe. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est i Caracas. Ibi est in dominio. Et xii uillani liabent dimidiam carucam. 
 Ibi i seruus. Et ii molini de una marka argenti. Et vm aerie prati. 
 
 Et c acne siluee minutic. T.R.E. ualebat xl. 
 
 xxx solidos. Modo, c solidos. Godricus tenu.ge E. 
 
 Adam tenet de episcopo Faxxe. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 IN 
 
 VNDREDO. 
 
 se defendit. Teira est I caracte et dimidice. In dominio sunt ii carucie. Et m uillani. 
 Et m serai. Et ascclesia. Et xm acne prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat im libras, post, xx solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 Hugo de Montfort tenet inde quod ualet xx solidos. 
 
 tenet de episcopo Berchvelle. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est i carucie. Ibi est in dominio. Et m uillani. Et hi 
 serui. Et unus molinus de xl denariis. Et x aerie prati. Et unum alnetum. 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Werelin tenuit de rege. 
 
 •lo Isdem Wadardus tenet de episcopo Cvmbe. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum v bordariis 
 habent i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi xim acree prati. Silua v porcorum. 
 T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, l solidos. Modo, im libras, et ser- 
 uitium unius militis. Leuret de rochinge tenuit de rege E. 
 
 45 Radulfus de curbespine tenet de episcopo Betmoxtestvx. 
 
 Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est vi carucarum. In dominio sunt n*. 
 
 Et xii uillani cum i bordario habent hi carucas. Ibi xxxiii acne prati. 
 
 Et silua xl porcorum. De isto Manerio tenet Hugo de montfort, 
 inter siluam et pasturam, quod ualebat T.R.E. vi libras. Et post, 
 so et modo, tantundem. Ailricus tenuit de rege E. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 41 
 
 -Axleloldus tenuit de episcopo Dene. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. 
 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et ini bordarii. Et n serui. Et una acra prati. Et silua 
 vir porcorum. De isto solino tenet Radulfus de curbespine i iugum , 
 
 et dimidium, quod ualet et ualuit semper x solidos. Adeloldus habuit dimidium 
 5 solin et dimidium jugum. Et, T.R.E., ualebat xl solidos. Et post, xx solidos. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos. time terra est in manu regis. Hanc terram tenuerunt 
 Vlnod, et Waua, et Aluuard, et Vlueron, de rege E. Et erat dis- 
 partita in tribus locis. 
 
 IN CALEHEYE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Badulfus de curbespine tenet Piyentone de feudo episcopi; et Hugo 
 io de eo. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio est una et dimidia. 
 
 Et vii uillani cum vn bordariis habent m carucas et dimidiam. Ibi Eecclesia. Et ix serui. 
 
 Et unus molinus de lv denariis. Et xx acrte prati. Silua lx porcorum. 
 
 biga 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. Et post, c solidos. Modo, vi libras. Sbern tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Radulfus tenet m denas, qum remanserunt extra diuisionem Hugonis 
 15 de montfort, de pistinges Manerio. Et ibi est unum iugum terra, et una uirga. 
 
 Et ibi sunt hi uillani. Valet et ualuit semper xv solidos. 
 
 IN FERLIBERG IiVNDEEDO. 
 
 Herfridus tenet de feudo episcopi ESSAMELESFORD. Pro dimidio solin 
 
 se defendit. Terra est I carucas. In dominio est i caruca. Et hi uillani cum I bordario habent 
 I carucam. Ibi iii serui. Et vm acra prati. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, 
 
 20 xl solidos. Modo, lx solidos. Alrec tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Osbertus tenet de Willelmo filio Taum Aldelose. IN BILISSOLD HYNDREDO. 
 
 Ibi iacet dimidium solin. Terra est ii carucarum. In dominio est una caruca. Et hi 
 uillani habent dimidiam carucam. T.R.E. ualebat xxx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos. Htec terra est de feudo episcopi baiocensis ; et remansit foris 
 25 diuisionem suam. Godric tenuit de rege E. cum Bradebvrne Manerio. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. IN OXENA 1 HVNDREDO. 
 
 Osbernus paisforer tenet de episcopo Palestrei. Pro iii iugis se defendit. 
 
 Terra est ii carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix bordarii habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi eecclesia. 
 Et ii serui. Et x acra prati. Et v piscariee de xii denariis. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 presbyter 
 
 30 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. Modo, lx solidos. Eduui tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTREI. IN BEVSBERGE HYNDREDO. 
 
 Isdem Osbernus tenet de episcopo xii acras teme, quee ualent per annum mi solidos. 
 
 Hugo de porth tenet de episcopo Pesinges et Pikam. Pro ii solins 
 se defendunt. Terra est In dominio n Caracas et dimidia. Et vi uillani cum xiiii 
 35 bordariis habent I carucam. T.R.E. ualebant C solidos. Et post, nichil. Modo, vi libras. 
 
 Lefstan, et Leuuin, et Eluret, et Sired, et alii ii, tenuerunt T.R.E.; 
 et poterant ire quolibet cum tends suis. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. IN NEVCERCE. 
 Episcopus Baiocensis tenet in dominio BlLSVlTONE. Pro mi solins 
 se defendit. Terra est xv carucarum. In dominio sunt v. Et xlvii uillani cum 
 40 xxvii bordariis habent xiiii carucas. Ibi Eecclesia. Et x salinas de c denariis. 
 
 Et x acras prati. Silua l porcorum. Et n re piscarise de v denariis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et post, xxx libras. Modo, l libras. Et tamen reddit 
 
 cilt 
 
 de firma lxx libras. Alnold tenuit. In hoc Manerio misit episcopus m ea 
 denas quas remanserant extra diuisionem comitis de Ow. 
 
 45 Hotbertus de Romenel tenet de episcopo IN LANTPORT HVNDREDO. 
 
 Afettvne. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est m carucarum. In dominio est una. 
 
 Et ix uillani cum hi bordariis habent iii carucas et dimidiam. Ibi ii serui. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, l solidos. Modo, im libras. 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet de episcopo in Maresco dimidium solin, et pro tanto se defendit. 
 
 50 Terra est n carucarum. Ibi xi uillani cum n bordariis habent m carucas. Et piscariam 
 
 I /de ii solidis. 
 
 sdem Robertas habet l burgenses in burgo de Romenel. Et de eis 
 habet rex omne seruitium. Et sunt quieti, pro seruitio maris, ab omni consuetudine prater 
 tribus, latrocinio, pace infracta et forstel. 
 
CIIENTH. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit XL solidos. 
 
 Modo, L solidos. 
 
 comite. 
 de Goduino 
 Alsi tenuit. 
 
 Isdem Robertus tenet de episcopo dimidium solin in Maresco. Et pro tanto se 
 
 defendit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est dimidia caruca. Et xv uillani cum 11 bordariis 
 
 habent m carucas et dimidiam. T.R.E., et post, ualebat xxx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Sex sochmanni tenuerunt T.R.E. _^ 
 
 IN ROYINDENE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet de episcopo Benes’DEXE. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una caruca. Et mi uillani cum ix bordariis habcut n carucas. 
 Ibi silua v porcorum. Et una mcclesia. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xl solidos. 
 
 Modo, l solidos. Osier tenuit de rege E. \DILOVTESBRIGE 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet de episcopo dimidium iugum, et pro tanto se defendit. NUREDO. 
 
 Ibi una uidua manet reddens xni cim denarios per annum. Valet et ua¬ 
 luit semper x solidos. Duo sochmanni tenuerunt T.R.E. sine aulis et dominiis. 
 
 Isdem Rotbertus tenet de episcopo dimidiam denam de Manerio TlTENTONE, 
 quod tenet Hugo de Montfort. Et ibi habet terrain ad dimidiam carucam. 
 
 Et unum uillanum cum m bordariis et dimidia caruca. Et ii“ s piscarias de v solidis. 
 Valet hoc totum, et ualuit, xv solidos. Heec terra est extra diuisionem Hugonis. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTREI. 
 
 IN ESTREI IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Herbertus tenet, ad firmam de rege, RlXGETONE. De feudo est episcopi. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n“ caruca;. Et mi uillani cum vii bordariis 
 habent n carucas et dimidiam. Ibi unus molinus de xl solidis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat viii libras. Quando recepit, c solidos. Modo, vni libras. Et tamen 
 reddit xiii libras. Eduuardus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Ad am tenet, de feudo episcopi, in Hamolde, dimidium iugum. Riculfus 
 tenet de Adam. Et aliud dimidium iugum de AlMOLDE tenet Herbertus, de 
 hugone nepote Herberti. Hoc utrunque ualet xx solidos. 
 
 Hugo tenet Ewelle de episcopo. Pro in solins IN BEVSBERG IIVNDREDO. 
 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et xv uillani cum xii bordariis 
 habent ix carucas. Ibi ii molini de xlvi solidis. Et iiii acraj prati. Silua 
 mi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xu libras. Et post, c solidos. Modo, x libras. 
 
 Et tamen reddit xxr libras et xii solidos. Edricus de Alham tenuit de rege E. 
 
 De isto Manerio tenet Hugo de Montfort xvn acras terras, et unam denam 
 et dimidiam, quod appreciatur vii solidis. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet de episcopo WESCLIVE. Pro ii solins se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio est I caruca. Et xvn uillani habent ii carucas. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat viii libras. Quando recepit, vi libras. Modo, viii libras. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Hugo de montfort ii molinos de xx vm solidis. 
 
 Edricus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 T Hugo 
 
 -Lsdem tenet Soltone de episcopo. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et in uillani cum uno bordario 
 reddunt iiii solidos et vii denarios. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xv libras. Et post, et modo, xxx solidos. In hoc Manerio 
 mansit Godricus. Et tenuit xx li acras de alodio suo. 
 
 Idem Hugo tenet in Dovere unum molinum, qui reddit xlviii 
 ferlingels de frumento, et non pertinet ulli Manerio. 
 
 Ansfridus tenet de feudo episcopi in Leueberge dimidium iugum. Et ibi 
 habet I uillanum et i bordarium. Valet v solidos. Leuuinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 JLbidem mansit quidam Altet, qui tenuit de rege E. ii" 9 acras 
 in alodium; et tenuit eas de Ansfrido. Et appreciatur vi solidis. 
 
 Hadulfus de curbespine tenet Colret de episcopo. Terra est 
 
 In dominio i caruca et dimidia. Et vi uillani cum vii bordariis 
 habent n carucas. Ibi ii serai. Et iiii acne prati. Pro n solins se defendit. 
 T.R.E. ualebat viii libras. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, vi libras. 
 
 Molleue tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Radulfus tenet Ewelle. Pro in solins se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et v uillani cum mi bordariis 
 habent ri carucas. Ibi silua x porcorum. 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet quidam miles i solin de Radulfo. Et ibi habet i carucam. 
 
 jTcum hi bordariis. 
 
CIIENTH. 
 
 T °tum Manerium, T.R.E., nalebat xii libras. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 Et, tamen, quod Radulfus habet, reddit mi libras. Hugo de montfort 
 habet caput manerii. Et ibi v molini et dimidius de vi libris. 
 
 T , t> t i (■ , , , . _ /T Molleue tenuit de rege E. 
 
 -Lsdem Kadultus tenet de episcopo Svanetone. 
 
 Pro II solins se defendit. Terra est In dominio i carnoa. Et n bordarii cum 
 
 dimidia caruca. 
 
 De hac terra tenet Robertas de barbes i solin. Et ibi habet rn uillanos 
 
 cum dimidia caruca. Et quidam Hugo tenet i solin. Et habet ibi i carucam in dominio. 
 
 Et unum bordanum. T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Quando recepit, xxx solidos. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos. Et tamen reddit un libras. Coloen tenuit de rege E. 
 
 lsdem Radulfus tenet de episcopo Apletone. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n carucse. cum yi bordariis. 
 
 I.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 
 Ascored tenuit de rege E. 
 
 ]5 t6net de hug ° ne Brochestele : et est de feudo episcopi. 
 
 Pio uno solin se defendebat. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et n serui. 
 l.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, lx. Modo, xl. Quando herbertus recepit, 
 ni" iuga. Modo n iuga. Vlnod tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Turstinus tinel, et uxor eius, tenent ad firmam de rege W., in leue- 
 20 berge, i iugum et y acras. Et ibi sunt n uillani cum n bordariis. 
 
 Valet et ualuit semper vm solidos. Boche tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTREI. IN ESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ansfridus tenet de episcopo Gollesberge. Pro n solins et hi 
 
 iugis se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt n® carucse. Et xxun or 
 
 uillani. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xii libras. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, ix libras. 
 
 In Sanduuic habet archiepiscopus xxxn masuras ad hoc Manerium 
 pertinentes. Et reddunt xlii solidos et vin denarios. Et Adeluuoldus 
 habet i iugum quod ualet x solidos. 
 
 Hoc Manerium tenuerunt.teigni de rege E.; et m es manebant 
 
 ibi assidui.tenebant inde n os solins in paragio ; 
 
 sed non m . . . . nt ibi. Quando Ansfridus recepit, fecit unum Manerium. 
 
 Turstinus tenet de episcopo CnENOLTONE. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n carucse. cum n bordariis. T.R.E., et post, 
 mi libras. Modo, vn libras. Et tamen reddit vm libras. Eduuardus 
 
 r\ _ _ ^Ttenuit de rege E. 
 
 V/sbertus filius letardi tenet de episcopo Bedesham. 
 
 Pro uno iugo et dimidio se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. 
 cum uno uillano et im bordariis. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. 
 Modo, l solidos. Godesa tenuit de rege E. 
 
 In eodem Manerio tenent de ipso osberno x teigni unum solin et dimidium 
 iugum. Et ibi habent ipsi mi carucas et dimidiam. T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. 
 
 Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 Ansfridus tenet de episcopo Soles. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 In dominio sunt n carucfe. Et vm uillani cum dimidia caruca. 
 
 45 T.RE. ualebat c solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, vi libras. Elmer 
 tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Radulfus filius Roberti tenet de episcopo Hertange. Pro uno solin 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et v uillani cum ii bordariis 
 habent ii carucas. T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 so Eddid tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Osbernus tenet de episcopo i iugum et dimidium in eodem hundredo. 
 ibi habet vn bordarios. 
 
 T.R.E. ualuit x libras. Et post, x solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 Ernold tenuit de rege E. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 IN BEVSBERGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Hugo de montfort tenet de episcopo i solin uacuee terrse extra 
 
 diuisionem suam, et adiacuit N EVEN TONE Manerium, quod habet intra 
 
 suam diuisionem. Et ibi habet i bordarium. Valet et ualuit semper lx solidos. 
 
 5 Wibertus tenet dimidium iugum, 
 
 IN ESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 quod iacuit in gildam de Dovere. Et modo defendit se cum terra Osberti 
 filii Letardi. Et ualet per annum mi solidos. 
 
 Osbernus filius Letardi tenet de episcopo Hama. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est I caruca. cum uno uillano et n bordariis. Et n seruis. 
 
 10 T.R.E. ualebat l solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 Tres teigni tenuerunt de rege E. 
 
 Xsdem osbernus tenet de episcopo ClLLEDENE. Pro uno solin et uno iugo 
 et x acris se defendit. Terra est In dominio nichil modo. sed ix 
 uillani habent ibi n Caracas et dimidiam. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, 
 
 15 xxx solidos. Modo, XL solidos. Goduinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et alii v teigni. Osbernus misit terras eorum in unum Manerium. 
 
 Aluredus tenet de episcopo Midelea. Pro hi iugis et xn acris 
 
 se defendit. Terra est m carucarum. In dominio est una caruca et dimidia. Et v uillani 
 cum ix bordariis habent I carucam. Ibi secclesia. Et x acne prati. Silua x 
 20 porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, XL solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 Godricus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 b IN SVMMERDENE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Hotbertus Latinus tenet vi acras terrse. Et ibi habet dimidiam carucam. Hanc 
 terram tenuit unus sochmannus. Et de nouo dono episcopi, habet, in manu 
 comitis 
 
 regis, de Ricardo filio Gisleberti, x uillanos cum hi carucis. Et siluam 
 25 l porcorum. Et inde reddit Rotbertus de firma vi libras. 
 
 Turstinus tenet de episcopo Ticheteste. Pro uno solin et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est In dominio est i caruca. cum mi bordariis. et 
 Et parua siluula. T.R.E. ualebat nn libras. Et post, xl solidos. Modo, 
 c solidos. Edricus de Alham tenuit de rege E. 
 
 30 Isdem Turstinus tenet de episcopo i iugum in Wanesberge. 
 
 Et ibi sunt ii bordarii. Tochi tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem Turstinus tenet de episcopo i iugum in Ece. Et ibi sunt nn bordarii. 
 
 HcCC ii° iuga, T.R.E., ualebant xv solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, xx solidos. 
 
 Osbertus tenet de episcopo i iugum et x acras in MASSEBERGE. 
 
 35 Et ibi sunt ii uillani cum dimidia caruca. Goduinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Isdem osbertus tenet de episcopo xv acras in ESMETONE. Et ibi 
 manet unus presbyter. Hoc utrunque T.R.E. ualebat xxx solidos. 
 
 Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. Sired tenuit de rege E. 
 
 IN ESTREI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Itadulfus de curbespine tenet de episcopo ii solins in W alwalesere. 
 Terra est In dominio i caruca et dimidia, Et xhii uillani cum ii 
 
 carucis et dimidia. De hac terra habet Robertus dimidium solin. Et unam carucam 
 ibi. T.R.E. ualebat m libras et x solidos. Et post, l solidos. Modo, vn libras. 
 Wluuard tenuit de rege E. 
 
 45 Osbertus filius Letardi tenet de episcopo i iugum in Ece. Et ibi sunt 
 
 m uillani. T.R.E. ualebat xii solidos. Et post, vi solidos. Modo, xvi solidos. 
 Bernoltus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Hadulfus de curbespine tenet de episcopo Essewelle. Pro iii so¬ 
 lins se defendit. Terra est In dominio sunt hi carucEe. Et unus 
 
 so uillanus cum vn bordariis habent dimidiam carucam. Ibi unus seruus. Valet vi libras. 
 Molleue tenuit de rege E. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 45 
 
 Osbercms tenet de episcopo unum Manerium, quod tenuerunt m liberi homines 
 
 de rege E. Pro uno solin et dimidio se defendit. Terra est 
 
 In dominio est una caruca. Et turns uillanus cum uno bordario habet dimidiam carucam. 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet mi libras. 
 
 -Lladulfus de columbers tenet de episcopo SELINGES. Pro imo 
 
 solm et dimidio se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. 
 
 Et iiii uillani cum m bordariis habent dimidiam carucam, et i carucam et dimidiam. 
 T.R.E. ualebat nn libras. Et post, xl solidos. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Yluuic tenuit de rege E. 
 
 de episcopo 
 
 10 JAadulfus de curbespine tenet Danetone. Pro dimidio 
 
 solin se defendit. Terra est iii carucarum. In dominio est una. Et iiii uillani cum 
 ii bordariis habent i carucam. Ibi secclesia. Et nn masurse in cantuaria 
 reddentes vi solidos, unum denarium minus. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, 
 xx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. Molleue tenuit de rege E. 
 
 15 Xsdem Radulfus tenet de episcopo i iugum in Beocieestele, Quod 
 Molleue tenuit de rege E. Et ibi est unus uillanus reddens xxx denarios. 
 
 Radulfus de curbespine tenet XL aeras terras IN BEVSBEKGE IIVNDREDO. 
 
 quas tenuit Molleue de rege E. Et ibi est unus uillanus reddens 
 vi solidos. Et tantum ualet. 
 
 de ualbadon tenet dimidium iugum in IlAMESTEDE, 
 
 quod tenuerunt u liberi homines de rege E. in Bochelande. Et dicit 
 modo Rannulfus, quod episcopus baiocensis dedit cuidam suo fratri. 
 
 Valet x solidos 
 
 Ibi est unus uillanus reddens xxx denarios. 
 
 IN NUNNIBERG HVNDREDO. 
 
 de ros tenet de feudo episcopi Acres, quod tenuerunt 
 
 25 duo fratres. Et quisque habuit liaulam. Modo est pro uno Manerio. Et pro uno 
 solin se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una caruca et dimidia. 
 Et v uillani cum v bordariis habent i carucam. Silua x porcorum. Et eecclesia. 
 T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 uogerius filius Anschitil tenet de 
 
 IN BRICEODE HVNDREDO. 
 
 30 feudo episcopi Hastingelal quod tenuit Vlnod de rege E. 
 
 Et tunc defendebat se pro uno solin. Et modo, pro m iugis ; quia Hugo 
 de montfort tenet aliam partem intra diuisionem suam. 
 
 Terra est iii carucarum. In dominio sunt ii” Et n uillani cum vi bordariis 
 habent i carucam. Ibi mi serui. Et silua i porci. 
 as T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 TERRA /ECCLESI.E DE LABATAILGE. 
 
 tenet 
 
 BBAS Sancti Martini de loco belli Manerium quod uocatur Wr. 
 
 quod T.R.E., et modo, se defendit pro vn solins. Terra est lii carucarum. 
 . In dominio ix carncte sunt. Et cxim uillani cum xxtt bordariis habent 
 
 .VI. 
 
 <to xvn Caracas. Ibi eecclesia. Et vn serui. Et mi molini de xxttt 
 
 solidis et vm denariis. Et cxxxm acrm prati. Et silua ccc porcorum de 
 pasnagio. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat quater xx'* libras et c solidos et vm denarios. Quando recepit, 
 cxxv libras et x solidos de xx' 1 in ora. Modo, c libras ad numerum. 
 
 45 Et Si abbas habuisset sacas et socas, xx libris plus appreciaretur. 
 tenet 
 
 JAadulfus de curbespina A unam denam et unum iugum de terra sochmannorum 
 huius Manerii, reddens de consuetudine vi denarios. Et Adelulfus n a3 partes 
 unius solin, reddens xn denarios. Et Hugo de montfort habet n° iuga, 
 reddens ccc anguillas et ii 08 solidos. Et sacam et socam in T.R.E. reddebant. 
 
 so e xxn hundredis pertinent isti Manerio 
 
 mste pertinent regi. 
 
 saca 
 
 et soca, et omnia forisfactura quEe 
 
40 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 TERRA yECCLESIvE SANCTI AYGVSTINI. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE SYDTONE. IN LTT ET.AT HVNDREDO. 
 
 A BBAS SANCTI A.VGVSTINI habet unum Manerium nomine 
 Plvmstede. quod defendit se pro n solins et uno iugo. 
 
 Terra est In dominio est i caruca. Et xvii uillani, cum 
 
 vi cotariis, habent vi carucas. Ibi silua v porcorum de pasnagio. 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit X libras. Modo, xii libras. Et tamen 
 reddit xim libras et vra solidos et in denarios. 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORT. 
 
 IN HAIHORNE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Lertham, quod se defendit pro v solins et dimidio. 
 
 10 
 
 Terra est xvin carucarum. In dominio sunt n carucie. Et xl uillani cum 
 vii bordariis habent xvi carucas. Ibi i seruus. Et n molini de vi 
 solidis et vni denariis. Et vni acrae prati. Et silua xl porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xxvin libras. Et post, xvi libras. Modo, xxviii libras. 
 
 15 De hoc Manerio tenet Robertus Latinus unum iugum, quod ualet v solidos. 
 
 IN BOROART LEST. 
 
 IN BRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 JLpse abbas tenet BORNE, quod se defendit pro uno solin. Terra est 
 n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum uno bordario habent i caracam 
 Ibi n molini de ix solidis et vi denariis. Et hi acree prati et dimidia. 
 
 20 Silua de v porcis. T.R.E. ualebat c solidos. Et post, xl solidos. 
 
 Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Manerium Lamport. Et ibi est unum solin et unum iugum. 
 
 Et semper quietum fuit, et sine consuetudine. Et unum iugum iacet in alio 
 hundredo quod pertinet isti Manerio. Et lxx burgenses erant in cantua- 
 25 ria ciuitate huic Manerio pertinentes. In hoc Manerio sunt n caruca; et dimidia 
 in dominio. Et xxvni uillani cum Lxm bordariis habent vi carucas. 
 
 Ibi xvii acne prati. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xx libras. Et post, xviii libras. Modo, xxv libras 
 
 et mi solidos. 
 
 IN DVNAMESFORT HVNDREDO. 
 
 30 Ipse abbas tenet Litebvrne, quod se defendit pro vii solins. 
 
 Terra est xn carucarum. In dominio sunt m carucse. Et xxxv uillani 
 cum xim cotariis habent vi et dimidiam. Ibi tecclesia. Et xxxvm acrge prati. 
 
 Silua mi porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat xx v libras. Et post, xx libras. 
 
 Modo, xxxii libras. 
 
 35 De isto Manerio habet episcopus baiocensis in suo parco tantum quod ualet lx solidos. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet War wINTONE. Et dedit ei episcopus baiocensis 
 pro excambio parci sui. Pro dimidio solin et xt.it acris terne se 
 defendit. Terra est i caruca;. Et ibi est in dominio. cum hi cotariis. Et xvi 
 acne prati. T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Et post, xl solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 40 Hoc Manerium tenuit Edricus de Sbern biga. Et modo, tenet Radulfus 
 
 ^fde abbate. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Estthai, IN ESTVEAI HVNDKEDO. 
 
 quod se defendit pro v solins quietis. Terra est xii carucarum. In dominio 
 sunt n caruca;. Et xxxix cum xxxii bordarns habent xn carucas. Ibi 
 a:cclesia. Et x molini de vm libris. Et vn piscarige de v solidis. 
 
 45 Et xxvm acne prati. De pasnagio, xxx porci. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat l solidos. Quando abbas recepit, xlv libras. Modo, 
 l libras. Et tamen reddit Lim libras. IN TANET HVNDRED0 . 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Tanet Manerium, quod se defendit /^ANCIVE MILDREDS, 
 pro XLvm solins. Terra est lxii carucanim. In dominio sunt n. 
 so Et cl uillani cum l bordariis habent Lxm carucas. Ibi mcclesia. Et unus presbyter, 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 47 
 
 qui dat xx solidos per annum. Ibi una salina. Et n’ L ' piscarise 
 de m denariis. Et unus molinus. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat quater xx libras. Quando abbas recepit, xl libras. Modo, c libras. 
 
 De isto Manerio tenent hi milites tantum de terra uillanorum quod ualet 
 5 ix libras, quando pax est in terra. Et ibi habent in carucas. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Cistelet, quod pro xn IN CISTELET IIVNDREDO. 
 
 solins se defendit. Terra est xxx carucarum. In dominio sunt v carucee. Et lxxii 
 uillani cum Lxvm bordariis habent xxxix carucas. Ibi tecclesia de xii solidis. 
 
 Et xnn serui. Ibi l acree prati. Et xlvu salinee de l summis salis. 
 
 10 De pasnagio cxxx porci. T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Et post, 
 xl libras. Modo, lxxviii libras. Ibi sunt in arpenni uineae. 
 
 De isto Manerio tenent nn francigeni milites quod ualet per annum xii libras. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet unum parvum burgum IN FOREWIC HVNDREDO. 
 
 quod uocatur Forewic. Huius burgi n“ partes dedit rex E. sancto 
 
 comitis 
 
 15 augustino. Terciam uero partem, quee fuerat Goduini, episcopus baiocensis 
 concessit eidem sancto, annuente rege W. 
 
 Pro uno se iugo defendit. Ibi fuerunt c masurm teme, nn minus, 
 reddentes xm solidos. Modo sunt Lxxm masuras tantundem reddentes. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualebat c solidos. Modo, xi libras et n solidos. 
 
 20 Ibidem sunt xxmi acne ten-® quas Semper habuit Sanctus Augustinus, 
 ubi fuerunt, et sunt, Vi burgenscs reddentes xxtt solidos. 
 
 In isto burgo tenet archiepiscopus Lanfrancus vn masuras terrse, qum 
 T.R.E. seruiebant Sancto Augustino. Modo, archiepiscopus aufert ei seruitium. 
 
 Iuxta ciuitatem cantuariam habet Sanctus Augustinus 
 25 dimidium solin, quod semper fuit quietum. Et ibi est i caruca in dominio. cum 
 xv bordariis. Et vn acrte prati. Et ibidem sunt nn acne terne quas tenent 
 nn moniales in elemosina de abbate; et reddunt n solidos et unam 
 summam farinse. Totum hoc T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet nn libras. 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWARLET. IN FAVRESHANT HVNDREDO. 
 
 30 Ipse abbas tenet Wirentone, quod pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum i caruca. Ibi ii® 
 acne prati. Et v porci de pasnagio siluee. T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. 
 
 Quando recepit, xl solidos. Modo, nn libras. 
 
 IN WI HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Esmerefel. Et Anschitil de eo. Pro uno solin 
 35 se defendit. Terra est i Caracas. Et ibi est in dominio. cum v bordariis. Et vi acne prati. 
 
 Silua x porcorum. T.R.E., xl solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xx solidos. 
 
 In Darenden tenet Adam de abbate dimidium solin. Terra est dimidi<e 
 carucas. Ibi sunt n serui. Et vn acree prati. Ualet, et semper ualuit, xx solidos. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Setles t GES Manerium IN BOLTONE HVNDREDO. 
 
 40 sine halla; quod se defendit pro vi solins. Terra est xi carucarum. 
 
 Nichil in dominio. Ibi xxx uillani habent x carucas. Ibi eecclesia. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xv libras. Quando recepit, vm libras. Modo, xm libras 
 
 ^”et v solidos. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet dimidium iugum IN CALEHEVE HVNDREDO. 
 
 in Rotinge, quod T.R.E. se defendebat pro dimidio solin. Ibi fuit, et est, 
 
 45 una caruca in dominio. Valet, et ualuit semper, xv solidos. 
 
 IN CERT HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet unum iugum Rapentone. Et Anseredus de eo. 
 
 Et pro uno iugo se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. cum nn 
 bordariis. Ibi xi acree prati. Et quarta pars molini de xv denariis. Et silua 
 x porcorum. Et adhuc habet n iuga, qum de suo dominio dedit ei abbas. 
 
 50 Et ibi n uillanos cum vm bordariis. T.R.E., et post, ualuit m libras. 
 
 ^fhlodo, nn libras. 
 
4.8 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 -Amsfridus tenet de abbate Cheeinchehelle. IN FERLEDERG HVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est i Caracas. In dominio sunt n®. Et vm 
 
 uillani habent I caracam et dimidiam. T.R.E., et post, ualuit xx 1 ' solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 IN LEST DE ESTREA. IN CORNELEST IIVNDREDO. 
 
 5 Ipse abbas tenet NOKBORNE. Pro xxx solins se defendit. 
 
 Terra est Lira carucarum. In dominio sunt m. Et lxxix uillani cum 
 xlii bordariis habent xxxvii carucas. Ibi XL aerie prati. Et silua x 
 porcoram. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat quater xx libras. Quando recepit, xx libras. Modo, lxxvi libras. 
 
 10 De terra uillanorum huius Manerii tenet Oidclard i solin. Et ibi habet 
 n carucas. cum xi bordariis. Valet ini libras. 
 
 r De eadem terra uillanorum tenet Gislebertus n solins, dimidium iugum 
 
 minus. Et ibi habet I carucam. Et ira uillanos cum i caruca. Yalet yi libras. 
 
 Wadardus tenet de isto Manerio in solins, lx acras minus, de terra 
 15 uillanorum. Et ibi habet i caracam. Et vm uillanos cum i caruca. Et n seruos. 
 
 Valet ix libras. Ipse uero nullum seraitium reddit abbati, nisi xxx solidos 
 quos persoluit in anno. 
 
 J/' Odelinus tenet de eadem terra uillanorum I solin. Et ibi habet I caracam. 
 
 ‘ cum hi bordariis. Valet in libras. 
 
 20 j/' Marcherius tenet de eadem terra uillanorum quod ualet vm solidos. 
 
 r Osbertus filius Letardi tenet dimidium solin, et xi acras prati, de terra 
 uillanorum, quod ualet xxv solidos. Ipse reddit abbati xv solidos. 
 j/' Rannulphus de columbers tenet unum iugum. Valet l denarios. 
 j/' Rannulphus de ualbadon tenet unum iugum, et reddit inde l denarios. 
 
 25 77^Item, supradictus Oidelardus tenet de hoc Manerio unum solin, et uocatur 
 / Bevesfel. Et ibi habet n carucas. cum x bordariis. Valet vi libras. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Mvndingeham. Pro duobus solins et dimidio 
 se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. In hoc Manerio terra quam tenent 
 monachi nimquam geldauit. Et Wadardus tenet ibi terram 
 30 qua? T.R.E. semper geldauit. Et illo tempore erat Manerium insimul. 
 
 Modo habent monachi in dominio mi carucas. Et xx bordarios 
 
 cum una caruca. Et unum molinum de xvi solidis. Et siluam mi or porcoram. 
 
 Ibi cccclesia. T.R.E., ualebat xxn libras. Et post, x libras. 
 
 Pars abbatis, xxvi libras. 
 
 35 Wadardus habet in dominio ibi i carucam. Et vm uillanos cum n ,ms 
 bordariis habentibus mi carucas. Valet et ualuit x libras. 
 
 Nullum seraitium inde reddit nisi xxx solidos per annum abbati. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet Seberteswalt. IN BEVSBERG HVNDREDO. 
 
 Pro duobus solins se defendit. Terra est im carucarum. In dominio est una et dimidia. 
 
 40 Et xi uillani cum vi bordariis habent ii carucas et dimidiam. Ibi Eecclesia. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. Quando recepit, XL solidos. Modo, vi libras. 
 
 Et tamen reddit vm libras. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet PLATENOVT. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 
 In dominio nichil. Sed mi uillani cum m bordariis habent 
 45 caracam et dimidiam. Ibi silua minuta. Radulfus de curbespina 
 
 habet xxv acras de hac terra. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xx solidos. 
 
 Tamen appreciatin' xl solidis, eo quod sit ad firm am . 
 
 /IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse abbas tenet PRESTETVNE. Pro v solins IN PRESTETVN 
 
 se defendit. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio sunt n® caraae. Et xx v 
 5 uillani cum xvii bordariis habent ix Caracas. Ibi parua siluula. 
 
 ■hihmiphmhhhr 
 
GHENT!!. 
 
 49 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet Yitalis i solin, et dimidium iugum. Et ibi habct in dominio n carucas. 
 Et xvii bordarios cum dimidia caruca. Totum Manerium, T.R.E., ualebat x libras. 
 
 Quando recepit, vi libras. Modo, ualet xnn libras, quod habet abbas. 
 
 Quod Yitalis tenet, c solidos ualet. 
 
 5 .A-nsfridus tenet de abbate AElvetone. Pro dimidlb. solin et dimidio 
 iugo se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et m 
 
 uillani cum in bobus in caruca. 
 
 Li isto Manerio tenet Ansfridus dimidium solin de dominio monachorum. 
 
 Et reddit inde Sancto Augustino c denarios per annum. 
 
 10 Godessa tenuit in alodium; et dedit inde Sancto Augustino xxv 
 denarios in elemosina, unoquoque anno. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 In Lest et in hundredo de Estrei habet Sanctus Augustinus m uirgas terrEe., 
 Et ibi est in dominio i caruca. cum v bordariis. T.E.E. ualebat x solidos. 
 is Et post, v solidos. Modo, xx solidos. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. 
 
 IN STOTINGES IIVNDIIEDO. 
 
 vTaufridus tenet Bodesiiam de abbate. Pro uno solin se defendit. 
 
 Terra est n carucarum. Et ibi sunt, cum vm bordariis. Silua xv porcorum. 
 T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 -T- ( ^fQuidam uillanus tenuit. 
 
 20 JLpse abbas tenet in Lanport 
 
 ii solins et unum iugum. Terra est vi carucarum. Ibi sunt ix uillani cum 
 mi bordariis habentes vi carucas. Ibi x acrtc prati. Et silua ri porcorum. 
 T.R.E. ualebat vi libras. Et post, mi libras. Modo, vm libras. 
 
 IN LANGEBRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWARLET. 
 
 25 Xpse abbas tenet C'iienetone. T.R.E. se defendebat pro mi solins. 
 Et iacuit in Borciiemeres. Terra est x carucarum. Ibi sunt xxx 
 
 Villani tenuerunt T.R.E. 
 
 uillani habentes x carucas. Ibi axclesia. 
 
 Cum his mi solins habet Sanctus Augustinus i iugum, quietum ab omni 
 scoto regio. Et ibi tantum silute unde exeunt de pasnagio 
 30 xl porci, aut mu denarii et unus obolus. 
 
 Totum hoc T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et post, vm libras. Modo, 
 
 Xpse abbas tenet Bvrwar MARESC. Pro n solins et m iugis 
 
 se defendit. Terra est xn carucarum. In dominio sunt mi. Et xliiii uillani 
 35 cum v bordariis habent x carucas. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xx libras. Et post, x libras. Modo, xxx libras. 
 
 fecyra testificatur quod Bedenesmere fuit Sancti Augustini, 
 
 T.R.E., et de illo qui earn tenebat, habebat abbas sacam et socam. 
 
 TERRA SANCTI PETRI DE GAND. IN GRENVIZ HVNDREDO. 
 
 A 
 
 BBAS de Gand tenet de rege Levesham. Et de rege E. 
 
 40 
 
 .VIII. 
 
 tenuit. Et tunc, et modo, pro n solins se defendit. Terra est xmi carucarum. 
 
 In dominio sunt n' L ' carucee. Et l uillani cum ix bordariis habent xvii carucas. 
 Ibi in serui. Et xi molini, cum gablo rusticorum, vm libras et xn 
 solidos reddentes. De exitu portus xl solidi. Ibi xxx acne prati. 
 
 45 De silua l porci de pasnagio. 
 
 Totum Manerium T.R.E. ualebat xvi libras. Et post, xn libras. Modo, xxx ,a libras. 
 
 N 
 
50 
 
 CHENTIL 
 
 TERRA HVGONIS UE MONTFORT. 
 
 vgo de montfort tenet unum Manerium, Estwelle, quod tenuit Fre¬ 
 deric de rege E. Et pro uno solin se defendit. Tria iuga sunt 
 
 infra diuisionem Hugonis, et quartum iugum est extra. Et est de feudo episcopi Baiocensis. 
 
 5 Terra est in carucarum inter totum. In dominio sunt ii® carucse. Et v uillani cum y bordariis 
 habent i carucam et climidiam. Ibi x serui. Et xii acrse prati. Et silua, 
 
 T.R.E., ualebat lxx solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, lxx solidos. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet Haintone de rege, quod Vlsi presbyter tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est i carucse. Et ibi est. cum I uillano et mi bordariis. Et m 
 10 acrse prati. T.R.E., et post, et modo, ualet xx solidos. 
 
 IN LANGEBRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWARLET. 
 
 IMaigno tenet de Hugone Seivetoxe. Bresibalt tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est i carucse. Et ibi est in dominio. cum i uillano et vi 
 bordariis. Ibi secclesia. Et presbyter. Et unus molinus de x denariis. Et vrn acrse prati. 
 
 15 T.R.E. ualebat xxx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 comite 
 
 -j- connwj 
 
 -Lsdem Maigno tenet de Hugone EsTEFORT. Turgisius tenuit de Goduino. 
 
 Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est dimidi* carucse. In dominio tamen est una caruca. Et n 
 uillani liabent i carucam. Ibi ii serui. Et viii acrse prati. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xxv solidos. Quando recepit, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 20 Ipse Hugo tenet Essella. Tres homines tenuerunt de rege E., et potuerant ire 
 quolibet cum terns suis. Pro m 1,us iugis se defendit. Terra est i carucse et dimidisc 
 Ibi modo im uillani cum n bordariis habent i carucam. Et yi acras prati. 
 
 Totum T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. Et post, xv solidos. Modo, xx solidos. 
 
 Ai iam Essetesford tenet Maigno de hugone. Wirelmus tenuit 
 
 25 de rege E. Pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio sunt n® 
 
 Et ii uillani cum xv bordariis habent hi Caracas. Ibi secclesia. Et presbyter. Et m serai. 
 Et ii molini de x solidis et n denariis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat lxx solidos. Et post, lx solidos. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 IN NEWCERCE HVNDREDO. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LEST. 
 
 Hugo tenet in Maresco de Romenel i iugum. Terra est 
 
 30 
 
 Medietatem huius terrse tenuerunt n° sochmanni. Et n° uillani aiiam. 
 
 Ibi sunt modo mi uillani habentes i carucam. 
 
 IIsec terra ualuit et ualet xn solidos. 
 
 lsdem Hugo tenet diinidium iugum, quod tenuit unus sochmannus. Ibi ii bordarii sunt modo. 
 
 35 Hsec terra appreciatur in Titentone; quia illuc arata est cum dominicis carrucis. 
 
 Hoc testatur hundredus, et burgenses de Doure, et homines abbatis Sancti Augustini, 
 et Estrealest ; quod terra Etretone quam calumniantur canonici Sancti Martini 
 de Doure super Hugonem de montfort, quod Vluuile Wilde cam tenuit 
 
 in alodio T.R.E. Et defendit se pro uno iugo. Et ibi habet i carucam in dominio. Et v bordarios 
 40 cum i caruca. Et unum molinum de xx solidis. Valet et ualuit x libras. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet EsTBRIGE in dominio. 
 
 IN WERDE HVNDREDO. 
 
 comite 
 
 Alsi tenuit de Goduino. Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est vi carucarum. 
 
 In dominio sunt hi carucse. Et n uillani cum xxxvi bordariis habent im earnests. Ibi viii 
 salinse cum tercia parte nonse salinse de xx solidis: Dimidia piscaria viii 
 45 denariorum. Silua de m porcis de pasnagio. Ibi n secclesiee. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit x libras. Modo, xv libras. 
 
 Bertrannus tenet de Hugone dimidium iugum et dimidiam uirgam. Pro tanto se defendit. 
 Adelelmus tenuit de rege E. Terra est ad i carucam. T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. 
 
 Herueus tenet de Hugone Blachemenestone, Blacheman 
 
CnENTH. 
 
 teniiit T.RE. Et pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. 
 In dominio sunt ibi. Et iri uillani cum x bordariis cum i caruca. Ibi 
 tecclesia. Et unus seruus. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat mi libras. Et post, in libras. Modo, vx libras. 
 
 5 JLsdcm Hugo tenet in Maresc de Romenel unum solin, dimidia 
 
 uirga minus. Pro tanto se defendit. Terra est in carucarum. Ibi xnn sochmanni 
 habent hi carucas. T.RE. ualebat mi libras. Et post, in libras. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 E ogerius tenet de Hugone unum iugum in Maresc de Romenel. 
 
 Pro uno iugo se defendit. Duo sochmanni tenuerunt. Terra est i caruca. Et ibi est. 
 cum hi bordariis. T.RE. ualebat xxx solidos. Et post, xv solidos. Modo, 
 
 T> Zxxx solidos. 
 
 JAotbertus tenet de Ilugone in eodem Maresch 
 
 sextam partem unius iugi. Ynus sochmannus tenuit. 
 
 Yalet et ualuit v solidos. 
 
 IN HEN HVNDREDO. 
 
 R biga 
 
 ogerius tenet de Hugone PoSTINGES. Sbern tenuit. 
 
 Pro duobus solins et dimidio se defendit. Terra est xm carucarum. In dominio 
 sunt in 09 . Et xvi uillani cum vn bordariis habent vii carucas. 
 
 Ibi n acclesiola. Et n molini de vi solidis. Et xl acrae prati. 
 
 Silua xr, porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et post, c solidos. Modo, xnn libras. 
 
 De isto Manerio tenet Radulfus de curbespine in denas. Extra 
 diuisionem sunt. Et ualent xv solidos. 
 
 I bot 
 sdem Hugo tenet dimidium solin quod Aldred tenuit de 
 rege E., sine halla. Pro dimidio solin se defendit. Terra est hi 
 carucarum. Ibi unus uillanus cum nn bordariis manct. nulla ibi caruca. 
 25 Ynus molinus de xxv denariis. Et v aerie prati. 
 
 Xsdem Hugo tenet Belice. Turgis tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est In dominio est una caruca. Et n° 
 uillani cum uno bordario habent i carucam. Ibi in acne prati. 
 
 Ha dua terras T.RE. ualebant lx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 30 Ipse Hugo tenet unam terram quam IN NEWECERCE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Rot 
 
 Azor tenuit de rege E., sine halla. Pro uno solin se 
 
 defendit. Terra est v carucarum. Ibi vm uillani cum in bordariis habent n 
 carucas. T.RE. et post, ualuit vm libras. Modo, ix libras. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet dimidium solin in Maresch de Romenel. 
 
 35 Pro tanto se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. Duodecim sochmanni te¬ 
 nuerunt, et tenent, habentes mi carucas. Valet et ualuit lx solidos. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet in ipso Maresch IN ADELOVESBRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 unum iugum. Pro tanto se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Ibi sunt 
 xn sochmanni, cum vm bordariis, habentes II carucas. 
 
 40 Hie dua terras T.R.E. ualebant cx solidos. Et post, et modo, similiter 
 
 IN BLACIiEBVRNE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet Tintentone. Vlnod tenuit de 
 rege E. Et tunc defendebat se pro uno solin.. Modo, pro dimidio ; 
 quia foris diuisionem est. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt 
 45 n“ caruca. Et xxi uillanus cum vi bordariis habent vn carucas. 
 
 Ibi acclesia. Et ix semi. Et m piscaria de v solidis. 
 
 Et xxxvm acne prati. Silua xl porcorum. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xii libras. Et post, vi libras. Modo, vn libras. 
 
 Isdem Hugo tenet dimidium iugum quod tenuerunt v sochmanni. 
 go Et modo tenent, habentes i carucam ibi. cum mi bordariis. Valet et ualuit 
 
 ^fsemper v solidos. 
 
CIIENTH. 
 
 1 .erueus tenet tie Hugone 
 
 IN ESTRAITES HVNDREDO. 
 
 Sedlinges. Osuuard tenuit de rege E. Pro uno 
 
 solin se defendit. Terra est vii carucarum. In dominio sunt iii carucie. 
 
 Et viii uillani cum xxv bordariis habent mi Caracas. Ibi u cecclesite. 
 
 5 Et unus molinus de xxx denariis. Et xxxvi acne prati. Et silua 
 de vi porcis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat viii libras. Et post, c solidos. Modo, vii libras. 
 
 Alnod tenet de Hugone, Hoetone. IN STOTINGES HVNDREDO. 
 
 Leuuinus tenuit de rege E. Et pro dimidio solin se 
 10 defendit. Terra est iii carucarum. In dominio sunt ii* carucm. Et v 
 uillani cum vi bordariis habent i carucam et dimidiam. Ibi tecclesia. 
 
 Et unus molinus de xxv denariis. Et xxiiii acne prati. Silua 
 x porcorum. T.R.E. ualebat XL solidos. Et post, xx. Modo, lx solidos. 
 
 Ibidem tenet Alnod i iugum de Hugone. Sed nil ibi est. 
 
 is Ipse Hugo tenet m uirgas et dimidiam in eodem Lest, 
 quas tenuerunt iii sochmanni de rege E. 
 
 Ibi modo unus uillanus habet dimidiam carucam cum iii bordariis. 
 
 Valet et ualuit semper x solidos. 
 
 IN HAME HVNDREDO. 
 
 Willelmus tenet de Hugone m a iuga et dimidiam uirga in 
 20 Orlavestone. Hanc terram tenuerunt xi sochmanni. Terra est hi carucarum. 
 
 Ibi modo ii carucie in dominio. Et xv uillani cum ix bordariis habent in 
 Caracas et dimidiam. Ibi n' D lecclesiie. Et xx aerie prati. Silua vi porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Hadulfus filius Ricardi tenet de Hugone dimidium solin 
 25 in Rochinges, quod Leuret tenuit de rege E. Pro dimidio 
 
 solin 'se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Ibi modo xii uillani habent unam 
 carucam et dimidiam. De silua i porcus. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat l solidos. Et post, xxx solidos. Modo, l solidos. 
 
 Radulfus tenet de Hugone Hortvn. IN STOTINGES HVNDREDO. 
 
 30 Duo sochmanni tenuerunt de rege E. Et pro uno iugo et dimidio se defendit. 
 
 Terra est i carucie et dimidi*. In dominio est una. cum mi uillanis. Et unus 
 molinus de xxx denariis. Et x aerie prati. De silua vi porci. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 Hugo de manneuile tenet de Hugone IN ESTRAITES HVNDREDO. 
 
 35 Estraites. Vlnod tenuit de rege E. Pro n solins se 
 
 defendit. Terra est viii carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. Et xi uillani cum 
 xxv bordariis habent v carucas. Ibi iccclesia. Et vii serui. Et xxx aerie 
 prati. T.R.E. ualebat x solidos. Et post, mi solidos. Modo, vm libras. 
 
 _A_nsfridus tenet de Hugone I iugum, quod tenuit in eodem hundredo 
 40 unus sochmannus de rege E. Et pro uno iugo se defendit. Terra est i carucic. 
 
 Ibi est. cum uno uillano et ii bordariis. Et unus molinus de xxvi denariis. 
 
 Et vm acne prati. T.R.E., et modo, ualet xl solidos. 
 
 Hotbcrtus cocus tenet de Hugone i iugum, quod tenuit unus sochmannus. 
 
 Et pro tanto se defendit. Ibi est una caruca cum uno bordario. Et mi aerte 
 45 prati. T.R.E., et modo, ualet xxx solidos. 
 
 Grislebertus tenet de Hugone unum iugum, IN LANGEBRIGE HVNDREDO. 
 quod tenuit quidam sochmannus de rege E. Valet et ualuit mi solidos. 
 
 Nil ibi fuit, nec est. 
 
 De Etwelle quod tenet herbertus filius Iuonis extra diuisionem Iiugonis, 
 
 50 tenet ipse Hugo xnn acras terrie infra suam diuisionem. Et ualet ii solidos. 
 
CHENTH. 
 
 53 
 
 IN ESTREA LEST. IN BEVSBEllGE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse Hugo de montfort tenet Etwelle. Molleue tenuit. 
 
 Pro hi solins se defendebat. Et modo pro i° solin. 
 
 Terra est i Caracas. Et ibi est in dominio. Et xix bordarii habcnt i carucam. Ibi 
 et dimidius 
 
 5 ascclesia. Et nn molini A de nil libris et xvii solidis et mi denariis. Et mi acne 
 prati. T.R.E. ualebat xi libras. Et post, mi libras. Modo, vm libras. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet NeveNTONE. Edericus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et pro ii solins se defendebat tunc. Et modo, pro uno; quia alius est extra diuisionem. 
 
 Terra est u carucarum. Et ibi sunt in dominio. Ibi ascclesia. Et xxi bordarii, et m 
 10 serai, cum m carucis. Ibi in molini et dimidius de cv solidis. 
 
 Totum, T.R.E., ualebat xn libras. Et post, in libras. Modo, xn libras, 
 quod habet Hugo intra diuisionem suam. 
 
 Intra diuisionem hanc est unus sochmannus tenens xvi acras terras. Et ipse 
 idem tenuit de rege E. 
 
 is In eodem hundredo tenet idem Hugo unam partem Jaonei quee nichil reddit 
 
 nec reddidit; nec ad ullum Manerium iacuit; sed est intra diuisionem suam; et fuit 
 presbyter 
 
 de dominio regis. Aluuinus tenuit. 
 
 In eodem hundredo habet Fulbertus, de Hugone, unum molinum, et reddit xxim solidos. 
 
 Uerfridus tenet de Hugone, POLTONE. Vluuinus tenuit de rege E. 
 
 *o Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est n carucarum. Ibi sunt hi uillani. Et cecclesiola. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xl solidos. Et post, xv solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 IN WIWART LEST. IN BERISOVT HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet Brebvrne. Godricus de burnes tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et pro vn solins se defendebat tunc. Et modo, pro v solins et dimidio, et dimidio iugo 
 25 quia alia pars est extra diuisionem Hugonis, et earn tenet episcopus baiocensis. 
 
 Terra est xv carucarum. In dominio sunt ii ro . Et xxxi uillanus cum x bordariis 
 habent x carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et vm t0 serui. Et n molini de vn solidis. 
 
 Et xx aerie prati. Silua de xxv porcis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xx libras. Et post, vm libras. Modo, xvi libras. 
 
 30 In hundredo de CERTII tenet queedam femina de Hugone i uirgam. 
 quam unus sochmannus tenuit de rege E. Valet hi solidos. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet dimidium iugum in Tepindene IN BLACIIEBVRNE HVNDREDO. 
 
 quod tenuit Norman de rege E. Et pro dimidio iugo se defendit. Ibi sunt 
 ii° uillani cum dimidia caruca. Valuit semper et ualet c denarios. 
 
 35 IN LIMOWART LEST. IN ESTRAITES HVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet SlBORNE. Osiar tenuit de rege E. Et pro uno 
 
 solin se defendebat tunc. Et modo. Terra est n carucarum. In dominio est una. Et unus uillanus 
 cum mi bordariis habent i carucam. Et ibi unus seraus. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 'io Isdem Hugo habet dimidium solin SVANETONE. Terra est i Caracas. 
 
 Norman tenuit de rege E. Et pro tan to se defendit. 
 
 Ibi mi uillani habent i carucam. Ibi silua de v porcis. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xxv solidos. Et post, xv solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 
 Nigellus tenet de Plugone unum iugum. Et in Aia vn acrac. 
 
 45 Vnus sochmannus tenuit de rege E. Terra est i carucas. 
 
 In dominio est dimidia caruca. Et vi bordarii. Et n serui. Et v aerie prati. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xx solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, xxv solidos. 
 
 Willelmus filius Grosse tenet de Hugone BONINTONE. 
 
 Norman tenuit de rege E. Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est 
 50 mi carucarum. In dominio est una. Et ix uillani cum mi bordariis habent n 
 
 /caracas. 
 
54 
 
 CnENTII. 
 
 Ibi jecclesia. Et vm send. Et silua vni porcorum. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat mi libras. Et post, m libras. Modo, c solidos. 
 
 Uerueus tenet de Hugone Obtiiepole. Alrebot tenuit 
 
 de rege E. Et pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est vi canicarum. In dominio est 
 5 una. Et xi uillani cum n carucis. Et unus seruus. Et x acrtc prati. Et silua 
 reddens v denarios de pasnagio T.R. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat l solidos. Et post, xx solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 IN BLACIIEBVRNE HVNDREDO ET IN NEVCERCE HVNDREDO. 
 
 Heraldus tenet dimidium solin, unam uirgam minus. 
 
 10 Sex sochmanni tenuerunt de rege E. Et pro tanto se defendit. Terra est v carucarum. 
 In dominio sunt n”. Et xxxi bordarii habent hi carucas. Ibi unus seruus. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat lx solidos. Et post, xxx solidos^ Modo, mi libras et xv solidos. 
 
 Et Adhuc habet imam denam quae iacuit in Fane manerio Adam. 
 
 Ibi sunt n bordarii reddentes xxx denarios. Valet et ualuit semper v solidos. 
 
 is Ipse Hugo tenet dimidium solin IN BERISCOLT HVNDREDO. 
 
 in HASTINGELIE. Vlnod tenuit de rege E., et pro tanto se defendit. 
 
 Modo tenet quidam homo de Hugone. Et habet ibi ii bordarios red¬ 
 dentes nn solidos. Valuit semper et ualet x solidos. 
 
 /IIVNDREDO. 
 
 Ipse Hugo tenet in dominio unum iugum et dimidium IN LANGEBRIGE 
 
 20 in Tevegate. God tenuit de rege E. Ibi est modo unus uillanus 
 cum i caruca. Et ibi vm acne prati. 
 
 T.RE. ualebat xx solidos. Et post, x solidos. Modo, xx solidos. 
 
 In eodem Hundredo est una uirga terra; in SvESTONE, quam te¬ 
 nuit unus sochmannus de rege E. Ibi modo est unus bordarius xn denarios 
 25 reddens. T.R.E. ualebat xxx denarios. Et post, xvm. Modo, m solidos. 
 
 TERRA COMITIS EVSTACIIII. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE SVDTONE. IN OISTREIIAM HVNDREDO. 
 
 .N. 
 
 comes 
 
 C omes Evstachius tenet de rege OiSTREHAM. Goduuinus 
 
 tenuit de rege E. Et pro mi solins se defendebat tunc. Et modo. 
 Terra est In dominio sunt n m caruca;. Et xt.tt uillani, cum vn 
 bordariis, habent xxx carucas. Ibi x send. Et unus molinus de v solidis. 
 
 Et xvi aerse prati. Et de silua, c porci. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat xxx libras. Quando recepit, xxrni libras. Modo xl libras. 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWARLET. IN WI HVNDRET. 
 
 35 Ipse comes tenet Boltvne. Goduinus comes tenuit. Et pro vn 
 
 solins se defendebat tunc. Et modo. Terra est xxxm carucarum. In dominio sunt m”. 
 Et lxvii uillani cum v bordariis habent xxx carucas. Ibi secclesia. Et xvii 
 serui. Et n molini de vii solidis et n denariis. Et xxvi aerse prati. 
 
 Silua cc porcorum. 
 
 40 T.R.E. ualebat xx libras. Et post, xxx libras. Modo, xl libras. 
 
CHENTII. 
 
 TERRA RICARDI FILTI GISLEBERTI. 
 
 IN TVIFERDE HVNDREDO. 
 
 R ICARDUS dc Tonebrige tenet IIallinges. Et Aldret 
 
 tenuit de rege E. Et tunc, et modo, defendit se pro n solins. Terra est xvi 
 carucarum. In dominio est una et dimidia. Et xvi uillani cum xu bordariis 
 5 habent vi carucas. Ibi n ascclesim. Et xv serui. Et n molini de xxv 
 solidis. Et mi piscarise de mille et septingcntis anguillis, xx li minus. 
 
 Ibi v acrse prati. Et silua cl porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, ualuit xxx libras. Modo, xx libras, eo quod terra 
 uastata est a pecunia. 
 
 IN MEDESTAN HVNDREDO. 
 
 10 JLsdem Ricardus tenet Bermelinge. Alret tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et tunc, et modo, pro uno solin se defendit. Terra est mi carucarum. In dominio 
 n carucas. Et v uillani cum vm bordariis habent v carucas. Ibi xm serui. 
 
 Et unus molinus de v solidis. Et nil acne prati. Silua x porcorum. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat mi libras. Et post, c solidos. Modo, mi libras. 
 
 TERRA IIAMONIS V 1 CECOMITIS. 
 
 15 
 
 IN LEST DE WIWARLET. 
 
 IN WIT HVNDREDO. 
 
 H aimo uicecomes tenet de rege unum Manerium, 
 
 quod T.R.E. se dcfendebat pro n solins et dimidio. Et modo pro uno 
 solin et m iugis. Terra est vm carucarum. In dominio v boues arantes. 
 20 Et xvi uillani cum xv bordariis habent x carucas. Ibi ascclesia. Et vii serui. 
 
 Et unus molinus de ix solidis, et lx anguillis. Ibi xx acne prati. 
 
 Et silua xxx porcorum. vi denarios. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat x libras. Et post, vn libras. Modo, xmi libras et vi solidos 
 De isto Manerio tenet Hugo de montfort m a iuga et dimidium. Valet lx solidos. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE SVDTONE. IN GRENVIZ HVNDREDO. 
 
 25 
 
 Ibi habet Haimo lxiii acras terras qua; pertinent in Hulviz. 
 Willelmus accipitrarius tenuit de rege E. Ibi sunt xi bordarii 
 
 Totum ualet hi libras. 
 
 reddentes xli denarios. 
 
 IN LITEFEL HVNDREDO. 
 
 IN LEST DE ELESFORD. 
 
 Et tunc, et modo, pro ii solins se defendit. Terra est ix carucarum. In dominio sunt n®. 
 Et xxvm uillani cum xv bordariis habent x carucas. Ibi tecclesia. Et x 
 serui. Et u molini de x solidis. Et n® piscarne de ii solidis. 
 
 Ibi xx aerie prati. Et tantum siluie unde exeunt lx porci de pasnagio. 
 
 35 T.R.E. ualebat xu libras. Et post, x libras. Modo, xix libras. 
 
 IN WITESTAPLE HVNDREDO. 
 
 IN LEST DE BOROWART. 
 
 Ipse Haimo tenet BLEHEM. Norman tenuit de rege E. 
 
 Et tunc, et modo, se defendit pro uno solin. Terra est mi carucarum. Et xii uillani 
 habent ibi n carucas. In dominio est una caruca. Ibi mcclcsia. Et ii acne prati. 
 
 40 Et de pasnagio lx porci. Ibi una piscaria. 
 
 T.R.E. ualebat vm libras. Et post, et modo, ualet vi libras. 
 
5G 
 
 CHENTH. 
 
 TERRA ALBERTI CAPELLANI. 
 
 IN DIMIDIO LEST DE MILDETONE. IN MILDETONE HVNDREDO. 
 
 I A LBERTUS capellanus tenet de rege Newetone. 
 
 /-% Sidgar tenuit de regina Eddid. Et tunc, et modo, se defendit 
 5 pro vn solins et dimidio. Terra est 
 
 Terra qua; fuit in dominio est ad iirmam pro lx solidis. 
 
 In ipso Manerio x uillani cum xlviii bordariis habent v carucas. 
 
 Ibi xn aerie prati. Et nn dense de silua reddentes xxx porcos 
 de pasnagio. Ibi una piscaria seruiens hall®. Et n serui. 
 
 10 Siluula parua ad clausuram. 
 
 Ad hoc Manerium pertinent in cantuaria civitate nn hagas. Et n® in 
 Rouecestre, quse reddebant lxiiii denarios. 
 
 Et de manerio Mildentone redditur in Neuuetone una consuetudo, 
 id est, xxvin pensce caseorum. Et de xxvni solins de Mildentone 
 15 pertinent in Neuuetone x libras et x solidi. Et de alia parte de nouem 
 solins de Middeltone pertinent in Neutone xxvni pensee caseorum 
 et dimidia. Et Lvm solidi de gablo ex his nouem solins. 
 
 Et de his ix solins reddebat Sigar apud Mildetone aueram. 
 
 De hoc Manerio sunt foris in denas, quse ibi fuerunt T.R.E., sicut 
 20 hundredum testificatur. 
 
 Totum Manerium, T.R.E. ualebat xl libras. Et post, xxxvi libras. Modo, xxxim" libras. 
 Archiepiscopus inde habet vi libras. Et episcopus baiocensis in denas habet. Valent xl solidos. 
 de ros 
 
 De terra huius Manerii tenet Goisfridus unum iugum. Et ualet x solidos. 
 
 Adam filius Huberti tantum siluse unde exeunt xl denarii per annum. 
 
CONCORDANCE 
 
 The following Concordance lias been compiled, not merely for the purpose of furnishing a Verbal Index to the Domesday Book of Kent, but 
 also as a means of elucidating the peculiar Terms of the Record, by bringing them together in juxtaposition with their respective contexts; 
 thence it is, that in cases where the Text seems peculiarly adapted to explain the meaning of particular Words, a more than usual proportion of 
 it is inserted. These remarks particularly apply to “ Burgenses,” “ Burgum,” the terms “Villani,” “ Bordarii,” “ Cotarii,” and the abbreviation 
 “ Car.” In these latter instances the plan adopted is, to use “ Car.” as a title in its unextended form, and then to append, as concisely as 
 possible, the entire statistical record of the Manor, viz. the number of Solins, etc. at which it was assessed, the number of Teams it was capable 
 of bearing, the quantity in Demesne, the number of Teams supplied by the “Villani,” “Bordarii,” and “Cotarii,” etc., and occasionally the 
 “ Servi,” when necessary to indicate the husbandry strength of the Manor. By this arrangement we have in juxtaposition before us, all the 
 fonns in which these different classes are named in the Census; we are enabled thereby to dismiss at once many erroneous impressions as to 
 their respective positions in the Manor; and if we do not obtain a complete elucidation of this vexed question, we make very great advances 
 towards it. It is not improbable that these, and many other doubtful points in Domesday Book, will not be completely solved till a Concordance 
 of the entire Record, or something like this system, has been accomplished. In those manors, however, where “ Bordarii” or “Villani” are 
 named without “ Car.” they are entered under them proper heads. 
 
 With regard to the entries under the Head “Valeo,” it is to be observed that we have generally quoted the entire Text, in order to show; 
 under one view, the comparative value of the Manors at the different periods that are cited in the Record. 
 
 In further explanation of this Concordance, it must be noted that care has been taken to introduce every word of the original Record, those 
 only excepted that are of incessant recurrence, such as “ habet,” “ tenet,” “ defendit,” etc., and others which, like them, could not, by any 
 the remotest possibility, require elucidation from their immediate context. Even these words, however, are inserted, when they appear in any 
 other position than that of mere constantly-recurring formula3. For instance, where we find “habet” used in passages in which we should expect 
 to see “ tenet,” we insert it, as possibly involving a question whether it intimates mere tenure in fee, or only occupancy of land under some chief 
 or mesne lord. So with regard to “ tenet,” it sometimes appears in reference to a subordinate Tenant for the time being paying certain rents, 
 observing certain customs, or testifying to them. In these cases we admit the word “tenet” into our Concordance, but not when it only records, 
 in necessarily-constant recurrence, the holding of the Tenant-in-Chief, or of the Mesne Tenant of the manor. With regard to “ defendit ” or 
 “defendebat,” it would have been a useless waste of space to introduce them where they follow “Pro ii Solinis,” “Pro ii Jugis,” “Pro iii Solinis, 
 T.R.E.,” etc., as a component part of the sentence. 
 
 The Names of Persons and Places are reserved for separate Indices at the end of the volume. 
 
 It remains only to observe, that for the title of each entry the word is given in the case and tense in which the searcher would expect to 
 find it in an ordinary dictionary. To have assigned a distinct heading for each inflection would only have caused perplexity: we have therefore 
 followed the plan universally adopted by Lexicographers,—one which will be perfectly intelligible to the scholar, who will rarely be at a loss to 
 supply the requisite inflection; and in doubtful cases a reference to the extension will remove all possibility of error. 
 
 For words of incessan't recurrence, their initial letter is used, by which they will be easily recognized. It is hoped that economy of space 
 will be deemed a sufficient justification of the adoption of this course. A list of these abbreviations is subjoined:— 
 
 B. for Bordarius. 
 D. for Dominium, 
 dim. for dimidium. 
 J. for Jugum. 
 
 M. for Manerium. 
 
 S. for Solinum. 
 
 S cns A. for Sanctus Augustinus, 
 gcus jyp f or Sanctus Martinus. 
 
 S“ T. for Sancta Trinitas. 
 
 V. for Villanus:—and their respective in¬ 
 flections. 
 
 N.B.—The small letter in italic represents the word that is the subject of the entry. 
 
58 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 ABB 
 
 ABBATIA. 
 
 De Batailge.—7, ( 55. 
 
 De Gand.—7, ( 50. 
 
 S ci Augustini. —7, ( 56. 
 
 ABEO. 
 
 Si a. domum.—3, ( 8. 
 
 Ubicunque a. —6, ( 39. 
 
 ABLATUM. 
 
 ABSTULIT. 
 
 ACCIPIO. ’ 
 
 Prmpositus a. emendationem.—2, ( 15. 
 Emendam a. ad opus regis.—6, ( 40. 
 Recognovit se injuste a. —6, ( 45. 
 ACCIPITKARIUS. 
 
 WiUelmus a. tenuit.—55, ( 27. 
 ACQUIETO, ADQUIETO. 
 
 Quia xxiiii solini base omnia a. —7,(33. 
 o acrm quas se a. ubi T.E.E. se a. —7, 
 ( 34. 
 
 Quie a. se ubi et superiors.—7, ( 36. 
 ACRA (v. etiam Pasture,Pratum, et Terra). 
 Dim. S. et adliuc xxv a. —5, ( 5. 
 
 Habet qtiater xx et v a.—5, ( 7. 
 
 De liac prebenda suinpsit viii a. —5, ( 9. 
 Dedit 1 a. ad Delam, et alias 1 a. apud 
 gcam Margaritam.—5, ( 13. 
 
 Hie o a. erant dc prebendis,—5, (15. 
 Dim. S. et xii a. Et dim. S. xii a. mi¬ 
 nus.—5, (17. 
 
 Mille a. silvm infructuosrc.—6, (11. 
 Ununi S. et xvi a. —7, ( 2. 
 ccce a. et dim., quas fiunt ii solinos et 
 dim.—7, ( 31. 
 
 Ad Ripam sunt c a.—7, ( 34. 
 
 Apud Nordeude sunt 1 a. et c apud 
 Brand.—7, ( 35. 
 
 Tres S., et i J., et xii a. terrm.—12,(28. 
 Uuum J. et v a.—19, ( 14. 
 xvi a. silvm minute.—36, ( 11. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et xl a.—36, ( 32. 
 x a. quie jacent, juxta civitatem.—39,(7. 
 c a. silv* minute.—40, ( 28. 
 xii a. terras quie valent per annum iiii 
 solidos.—41, ( 32. 
 
 Tenuit xx a. de alodio suo.—42, ( 42. 
 Tenuit ii a. in alodium.—12, ( -17. 
 Tenent i J. et v a. —43, ( 20. 
 
 Uno soliu, et uuo J., et x a. —44,(12. 
 Pro iii J. et xii a. se defendit.—44,(17. 
 Tenet i J. et x a. —44, ( 34. 
 
 Tenent de episcopo xv a.—44, ( 36. 
 iii S., lx a. minus.—48, (14. 
 
 Et in Aia vii a. —53, ( 44. 
 
 ADHUC. 
 
 Et a. xxv acres.—5, ( 5. 
 
 Et a. sunt, ccxii Burgenses.—6, ( 7. 
 o. tantum prati.—8, i 17. 
 a. suut ablate.—8, l 26. 
 
 Sunt a. ibi iii tecclesiolas.—8, ( 30. 
 Habuit et habet a.—21, ( 25. 
 
 Sunt a. xxx aerte teme.—34, ( 26. 
 a. jacet ad hunc M.—35, ( 52. 
 a. habet ii J.—47, ( 49. 
 
 Et a. habet unam denarn.—54, (13. 
 ADJACEO. 
 
 Huic M. a. dim. S.—17, ( 23. 
 
 Huic M. a. iii mansiones teme.—30,(3. 
 Huic M. a. iiii hagse.—33, ( 14. 
 a. Neventone M.—44, ( 3. 
 ADJUTOR. 
 
 Et unum alium a. —2, (12. 
 ADULTERIUM. 
 
 Dc a. vero.—3, ( 30. 
 
 ADVENTUS. 
 
 Primo a. ejus in Angliam.—2, ( 20. 
 rECCLESIA. 
 
 Hum juste pertinent uni re. —6, ( 23. 
 Quod ipste re. suas consuetudines quie- 
 tas lmbuerint R.E. tempore. Et ex- 
 inde utrteque re. in sua terra habuc- 
 runt consuetudines suas.—6, ( 45. 
 Et m. (in Acres). —45, ( 27. 
 
 Ibi (Aldintone) re. —14, ( 6. 
 
 Ibi (Alham) re. —37, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Alnoitone) re. —29, l 50. 
 
 Ibi (Apeldr.es) re. —19, ( 35. 
 
 Ibi (Audintone) re. —29, ( 41. 
 
 Ibi (Badlesmere) re .—39, (13. 
 
 Terra re. de la Batailge.— 45, ( 36. 
 Una re. (in Benindene). —42, ( 8. 
 
 Ibi (Berham) re. —37, ( 37- 
 Ibi (Berlinge) re. —28, ( 35. 
 
 jECC 
 
 Ibi (Bilsvitone) re. —41, ( 40. 
 
 Ibi (Bix) re.— 10, (42. 
 
 Ibi (Blachemenestone) re. —51, ( 3. 
 Ibi (Bleiieii) re.— 55, ( 39. 
 
 Et una re. (in Bocheland) —5, ( 42. 
 Ibi (Bogelei) 30, ( 22. 
 
 Et (in Bogelei, v. Merlea) re .—30, 
 (25. 
 
 Ibi (Boltone) re. —15, ( 40. 
 
 Ibi (Boltone) re.— 31, ( 3. 
 
 Ibi (Boltone) re. —54, ( 37. 
 
 Ibi (Bonintone) re. —54, ( 1. 
 
 Ibi (Borham) re. —28, ( 42. 
 
 Ibi (Borne) re.— 35, (18. 
 
 Ibi (Breburne) re.— 53, ( 27. 
 
 Ibi (Briestede) re.— 15, ( 25. 
 
 Ibi (Broteiiam) re. —11, ( 22. 
 
 Ibi (Burnes) re. —13, ( 12. 
 
 Ibi (Burnes) re. —35, ( 32. 
 
 Monaelius re. CantuariensIS.— 6, (17. 
 Ibi (Celca) re .—33, ( 51. 
 
 Ibi (Certeham) re. —18, ( 28. 
 
 Ibi (Certh) re. —30, ( 12. 
 
 Ibi (Ceteham) re.— 32, ( 5. 
 
 Ibi (Chenetone) re. —49, ( 27. 
 
 Ibi (Cilleham) re.— 38, ( 27. 
 
 Ibi (Cistelet) re. de xii solidis.—47, 
 
 ( 8. 
 
 Ibi (Clive) re.— 17, ( 44. 
 
 Ibi (Coclestane) re. —21, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Code ham) re.— 26, ( 10. 
 
 Ibi (Craie) re. —25, ( 14. 
 
 Ibi (Danetone) re. —45, (12. 
 
 Ibi (Danitone) re. —21, ( 8. 
 
 Ibi (Dictune) re. —26, ( 44. 
 
 Ibi (Dodeuam) m. —40, (17.' 
 
 Tres re. apud Doueram reddunt xxxvi 
 solidos, et viii denarios.—7, ( 22. 
 
 Ibi (Eddintone) re. —27, ( 47- 
 Ibi (Elenton) re.— 26, ( 3S. 
 
 Ibi (Elesford) ii re. —15, (12. 
 
 Ibi (Erhede) 11, ( 1. 
 
 Tbi (Esledes) re. —29, ( 32. 
 
 Ibi (Eslinges) re. —40, ( 6. 
 
 Ibi (Eslinges) re —40, (12. 
 
 Ibi (Esnoiland) re. —20, ( 48. 
 
 Ibi (Essetesfoud) re. Et presbyter.— 
 50, ( 26. 
 
 Ibi (Estanes) re .—20, (11. 
 lln (Estbrige) ii re. —50, ( 45. 
 
 Ibi (Estoches) re. —21, ( 31. 
 
 Ibi (Estotinghes) re. —14, ( 29. 
 
 Ibi (Estraites) re.— 52, ( 37. 
 
 Ibi (Esturai) as. —46, ( 44. 
 
 Ibi (Estursete) re. —12, ( 47. 
 
 Ibi (Etwelle) re. —53, ( 5. 
 
 Ibi (Faohesham) re. —20, ( 19. 
 
 Et (in Fanne) re. —10, ( 32. 
 
 Ibi (Ferlaga) re. —17, ( 33. 
 
 Ibi (Ferlaga) re. —32, ( 49. 
 
 Ibi (Frandesberie) re. —21, ( 17. 
 
 Ibi (Fredenestede) re. —29, ( 28. 
 
 Ibi (Fulchestan) v re. de quibus ha¬ 
 bet arcliiepiscopus lv solidos.—36, 
 ( 20. 
 
 Ibi (in Fulchestan) iii at. —36, ( 26. 
 Ibi (Uecham) re. —IS, ( 5. 
 
 Ibi (Gelingeham) re .—12, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Godeselle) re. —31, l 8. 
 
 Ibi (Gomersham) re .—18, l 34. 
 
 Ibi (Gravesiiam) re.— 28, (17. 
 
 Ibi (Hallinges) re. —21, (12. 
 
 Ibi (Hallinges) ii re. —55, ( 5. 
 
 Ibi (Hardes) re. —35, ( 24. 
 
 Ibi (Hardes) re. —35, ( 40. 
 
 Ibi (Hariardesham) re. —29, (15. 
 Ibi (Haslow) re. —29, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (IIecham) re.— 34, ( 11. 
 
 Ibi (Hoilinge'borde) re. —17, ( 21. 
 Ibi (Houtone) re. —52, ( 11. 
 
 Ibi (Hortune) re. est.—24, ( 2. 
 
 Ibi (llov) vi re.— 32, ( 26. 
 
 Ibi (Languelei) re. —30, ( 30. 
 
 Ibi (Ledesdune) re. —28, l 10. 
 
 Ibi (Leleburne) re. —26, ( 30. 
 
 Ibi (Leminges) re. —14, ( 34. 
 
 Ibi (in terra trium hominura archiepis- 
 eopi, in Leminges) ii re .—14, (41. 
 Ibi (Liteburne) re.— 46, ( 32. 
 
 Ibi (Marourde) re. —55, ( 32. 
 
 Ibi (Meddestane) re.— 11, ( 38. 
 
 Ibi (Meletune) re. —28, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Mellingetes) as .—20, ( 38. 
 
 Ibi (Mepeham) re.— 17, ( 27. 
 
 iECC 
 
 Ibi (Merlea, in Bogelei) re. —30, ( 
 
 Ibi (Merseham) re. —13, ( 50. 
 
 Ibi (Metlinges) re. —11, ( 8. 
 at. et deeimas hujus M. (Middeltune) 
 tenet abbas S ci A.—9, ( 16. 
 
 Ibi (Midelea) re. —44, ( 19. 
 
 Ibi (Monocstune) ii re. —17, ( 50. 
 
 Ibi (Mundingeiiam) re. —48, ( 33. 
 
 Ibi (Nedestede) re. —33, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Neventone) re. —53, ( 9. 
 
 Ibi (Norfluet) re. —11, (14. 
 
 Ibi (Nortone) re. —12, ( 23. 
 
 Ibi (in terra quain de Nortone tenet 
 Vi tabs) est tc.— 12, ( 30. 
 
 Ibi (Nortone) iii at. —38, ( 21. 
 
 Et (in Notestede) re .—28, ( 22. 
 
 Ibi (Oldeham) re. —20, ( 34. 
 
 Ibi (Olecumbe) at. —15, ( 33. 
 
 Ibi (Ore) dim. re. —38, (11. 
 
 Ibi (in Ore) re. est.—39, ( 38. 
 
 Ibi (Orlavestone) ii at. —52, ( 22. 
 
 Ibi (Orpintun) ii at. —17, ( 7. 
 
 Ibi (Ospringes) re. —38, ( 36. 
 
 Ibi (Oteham) <*.—31, ( 23. 
 
 Ibi (Otringeberge) re. —33, (11. 
 
 Ibi (Palestrei) re. —41, ( 28. 
 
 Ibi (Pecheham) re. —17, ( 11. 
 
 Ibi (Pellesorde) re. —27, (16. 
 
 Ibi (Piteham) ii re. —12, ( 35. 
 
 Ibi (Piventone) re. —41, (11. 
 
 Ibi (Prestetone) re. —18, ( 23. 
 
 Ibi (Riesce) re.— 27, ( 22. 
 
 Ibi (Roculf) a. —12, (15. 
 
 Inde est saisita Rofensis re. —21, (39. 
 Ibi (Salteode) re. —16, ( 20. 
 
 Terra re. S li Augustini.— 46, ( 1. 
 
 Ibi (S™ Mildred.e Tanet) re. et i 
 presbyter qui dat xx solidos per an¬ 
 num.—46, ( 50. 
 
 Terra re. S d T. et S ci A.—6, ( 32. 
 
 Ibi (Sedlinges) ii re. —52, ( 4. 
 
 Ibi (Seivetone) re. Et presbyter.—50, 
 ( 14. 
 
 Ibi (Sentlinge) re.— 26, (19. 
 
 Ibi (Seseltrf.) at.— IS, ( 18. 
 
 Ibi (Setlinges) re. —47, (41. 
 
 Ibi (SiberteswaM) re.— 48, ( 40. 
 
 Ibi (Sondresse) re. —10, ( 36. 
 
 Ibi (Stanefelle) re. —38, (16. 
 
 Ibi (Stellinges) at. —35, ( 28. 
 
 Ibi (Stochingeberge) re. —29, ( 46. 
 Ibi (Sudfleta) at. —20, ( 5. 
 
 Ibi (Sudtone) re. —30, ( 7. 
 
 Ibi (Sudtone) re .—30, (17. 
 
 Ibi (Tanet S u, ° Mildred,®) at. et i 
 presbyter qui dat xx solidos per an¬ 
 num.—46, l 50. 
 
 Ibi (Tangas) re. —35, ( 10. 
 
 re. hujus M. (Tarf.ntefort) tenet... 
 
 et valet lx solidos.—8, ( 29. 
 
 Ibi (Tintentone) re. —51, ( 46. 
 
 Et (in Tjvedele) re. —29, (11. 
 
 Ibi (Totesolive) re. —20, ( 43. 
 
 Ibi (Trevelai) re. —39, ( 42. 
 
 Ibi (Turneham) re. —31, ( 40. 
 
 Ibi (unum maneriuin archiepiscopi in 
 hundredo de Wi) re. —19, ( 41. 
 
 Ibi (Wi) re.— 45, ( 40. 
 
 Et una (in Wicheham) re. —25, ( 2. 
 Ibi (Wicheham) re. Et i presbyter 
 qui dat xl solidos per annum.—35, 
 (45. 
 
 Et (in Winchelesmere) re. —31, (13. 
 Ibi (in Wit hundredo) at. —55, ( 20. 
 2ECCLESIOLA. 
 
 Extra hanc (ajcclesiain) sunt adhuc ibi 
 (Tarentefort) iii re. —8, ( 30. 
 
 Ibi (Postinges) ii re. —51, (17. 
 
 Ibi (Poltone) a?.—53, ( 20. 
 
 ALIUS. 
 
 Unum a. adjutorem.—2, ( 12. 
 
 De a. forisfacturis.—3, (13. 
 
 Et a. Bocheland.—3, ( 25. 
 
 De hac forisfaetura et de a .—3, ( 41. 
 a, 1 acres.—5, ( 14. 
 
 De xxxii a. qui fuerant.—6, ( 5. 
 a. intra civitatem.—6, (16. 
 
 Tenet alius xi masuras.—6, ( 29. 
 
 Cum a. S. in consuetudine.—9, ( 7. 
 Musurae a. sunt destructe.—12, (49. 
 Et a. v teigni.—44, (16. 
 
 Tenet a. partem.-—45, ( 32. 
 
 Jacet in a. hundredo.—46, ( 23. 
 
 ALI 
 
 Et ii V. a. (medietatem)—50, ( 3. 
 a. (S.) est extra divisionem.—53, ( 8. 
 a. pars est extra divisionem.—53, ( 25. 
 Et de a. parte de noveui S.—56, (15. 
 ALLEGES. 
 
 Reddebat xl milia de a. ad victnm mo- 
 nnchorum.—10, (11. 
 
 Reddidit a. sieut prius.—10, ( 12. 
 Dim. piscaria de ccc a. —40, (18. 
 ALNETUM. 
 
 Ablatum est unum a. —8, (16. 
 
 Et unum a. —40, ( 37. 
 
 ALODIA, ALODIUM. 
 
 Tenebant Burgenses in a. dc Rege.— 
 6, ( 23. 
 
 Tenuit xx acres de a. suo.—42, ( 42. 
 Tenuit de rege E. ii acres in a. ; et te¬ 
 nuit eas de Ansfrido.—42, ( 48. 
 Godessa tenuit in a. —49, (10. 
 
 Vluuile Wilde earn tenuit in a. T.R.E. 
 —50, ( 39. 
 
 ALODIARIUS. 
 
 Has forisfacturas habet Rex super oin- 
 nes a. totius comitatus, et super ho¬ 
 mines ipsorum.—3, (15. 
 
 Quando moritur a., Rex inde habet re- 
 levationem terras, excepta, etc.—3, 
 l 17. 
 
 AMITTO. 
 
 Quando vicecomitatuin a. —8, ( 23. 
 ANCILLA. 
 
 Habens viii inter servos et a. —22, 1 38. 
 ANGLI. 
 
 Appreciatur ab a. lx libris.—8, ( 10. 
 ANGUILLA. 
 
 ii caretas et ii sticas a. —3, (45. 
 ii Piscarise de cclxx a. —11, ( 39. 
 ii Piscarias et dim. de clxxx a. —11, ( 
 44. 
 
 i Piscaria thsxl a. —14, (35. 
 vi piscarias de mee a. —17, ( 34. 
 
 Una piscaria de eel a.- —18, ( 24. 
 i moliuus de xv solidis et cl a. —23, 
 (18. 
 
 i piscaria de quater xx a. et x.—25, ( 7- 
 i molinus de x solidis et cccxxx a. et 
 piscaria de lx a. —28, ( 36. 
 
 Et piscaria de xxx a. —33, ( 12. 
 Reddens ccc a. et ii solidos.—45, ( 49. 
 iiii piscarias de mille et septingentis a. 
 xx minus.—55, ( 6. 
 
 i molinus de ix solidis et lx a. —55, (21. 
 ANIMALIA. 
 
 Et pasture 1 a. —28, ( 37. 
 
 ii V. cum i B. habent ii a.— 31, ( 28. 
 Pasture ad ccc oves et ad xxxi a. —35, 
 
 ( 48. 
 
 ANNOTOR. 
 
 Hie a. tenentes terras.—7, (49. 
 ANNUO. 
 
 Hoc non a. monachi.—39, (17. 
 a. rege W.—47, ( 16. 
 
 ANNUS. 
 
 Una vice in a. —2, ( 6. 
 
 Singulis a .—7, ( 29, 38, et 41. 
 lleddit xvi denarios per a. —9, (13. 
 
 In a. quo facta est ham descriptio.— 
 
 10 , ( 11 . 
 
 Habent omni a. xx solidos.—11, ( 48. 
 Habent viii solidos per a. —12, ( 42. 
 Valet ei per a. x solidos.—19, (46. 
 Per a. reddunt xi libras.—21, ( 28. 
 Valentes per a. v solidos.—22, ( 8. 
 Reddunt v solidos per a. —30, ( 4. 
 
 Dat xl solidos per a. —35, ( 45. 
 
 Valent per a. iiii solidos.—41, ( 32. 
 Valet per a. iiii solidos.—44, ( 7. 
 
 Dat xx solidos per a. —47, (1. 
 
 Quod valet per a. xii libras.— 47, (12. 
 Quos persolvit in a. —48, (17. 
 
 Nisi xxx solidos per a. —48, (37. 
 c denarios per a. —49, ( 9. 
 xxv denarios unoquoque a. —49, (11. 
 Unde exeunt xl denarii per a. —56, ( 
 24. 
 
 ANTECESSOR. 
 
 a. ejus tenuit in prebenda.—5, ( 26. 
 ANTEQUAM. 
 
 a. rex dedisset.—10, ( 8. 
 
 APP11ECIOR (v. etiam Valeo). 
 
 Modo a. xl libris.—2, ( 23. 
 
 Modo 1 libris a. —6, l 13. 
 
 Modo a. xii libris.—7, ( 26. 
 
 Modo a. ab Anglis lx libris.—8, (10. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 59 
 
 APP 
 
 Tantum terras quod a. vii libris.—8, 7 
 39. 
 
 Modo a dominium lx libris.—10, 7 31. 
 Quod tenet a. x libris.—10, 7 32. 
 
 a. D. archiepiscopi xxiiii libris. Mili- 
 tura xi libris.—11, 7 33. 
 
 Quod teuet ti. xv libris.—11, 7 34. 
 Modo a. xxxiiii libris.—13, 7 28. 
 
 Quod Willelmus tenet, a. xl solidis.— 
 18, 7 50. 
 
 Quod a. xx solidis.—20, 7 8. 
 
 Totum manerium a. iiii libris.—22, 7 
 23. 
 
 a. xx solidis.—22, 7 42. 
 
 Totum M. a. vii libris. Modo, simili¬ 
 ter.—22, 7 42. 
 
 Quod tenet xl solidis a. —22, 7 43. 
 
 ii denas quae a. viii solidis.—22, 7 44. 
 Quod teuet a. vi libris.—25, 710. 
 Modo a. xii libris.—25, 7 28. 
 
 Quod a. vii solidis.—42, 7 32. 
 
 Et a. vi solidis.—42, 7 48. 
 xx libris plus a. —45, 7 45. 
 
 Tamen a. xl solidos.—48, 7 47. 
 lime terra a. in TitentoneJ—50, 7 35. 
 APP11EHENSUS. 
 
 Si abierit domum non a. —3, 7 8. 
 AQUA. 
 
 Fecit domum super a. regis.—2, 7 40. 
 ARBOR. 
 
 Aut a. prostraverit.—3, 7 5. 
 ARCHIDIACONUS. 
 
 Tenet Anschitil a. i solin.—5, 7 11. 
 
 Et a. xx solidos.—12, 7 26. 
 ARCHIEPISCOPATUS. 
 
 Non era® de a., sed fuit de dominica 
 firma regis E.—37, 7 50. 
 ARGENTUM. 
 
 Una marka a. —40, 7 27. 
 
 ARO. 
 
 Pastnra unde a. extvanei homines vi 
 acras terras.—35, 7 20. 
 
 Quia illuc a. est cum dominicis carrucis. 
 —50, 7 35. 
 
 ARPENDI et ARPENNI. 
 
 Ibi ii a. vineic.—29, 7 32. 
 
 Ibi iii a. vine®.—30, 713. 
 
 Ibi sunt iii a. vine®.-—47, 711. 
 
 ARSA (v. etiam IGNIS). 
 
 xxx libras a. et pensatas.—6,714. 
 ASSIDUUS. 
 
 Manens in villa a. —2, 717. 
 
 iii (teigni) manebant ibi a. —43, 7 31. 
 ATTESTOR. 
 
 hundredam a. ei.—39, 716. 
 
 AUFERO, ABLATUM, ABSTULIT, 
 
 Quidam monachus a. —6,717. 
 
 a. eis unum pratiun.—7, 7 40. 
 a. eis, singulis annis.—-7, 7 41. 
 
 Alnod did a. Merclesham.—7, 7 45. 
 
 De isto M. a. est unum pratuin, etc.— 
 8, 716. 
 
 De isto M. a. est.—8, 7 21. 
 
 De eodem M. adlme sunt a. —8, 7 26. 
 Aluold cild per vim a. —9, 7 15. 
 
 Nee a. suut.—32, 7 31. 
 
 Quos a. villanis regis.—35, 714. 
 Arehiepiscopus a. ei servitiura.—47 
 7 23. 
 
 AULA (v. etiam Halla et Ilaida). 
 
 Sine a. et dominiis.—42. 7 12. 
 AURUM. 
 
 Dedit markam a. —7, 7 42. 
 xxiiii libras et uneimn a.—20, 7 7. 
 xx libras et i uuciam a. —20,715. 
 AVERA. 
 
 Reddunt pro Inewardo et a. —9, 7 3. 
 
 De a., id est servitium, lx solidi.—37- 
 7 39. 
 
 De bis ix S. reddebat apud Mildetone 
 
 а. — 56, 7 18. 
 
 AVUNCULUS. 
 
 Coueessit fieri a. pro suo.—2, 7 46. 
 BARONES REGIS. 
 
 Judieio 5. r. qui placitum tenuerunt.— 
 
 б, 7 47. 
 
 BEREWICIIA. 
 
 De isto M. dedit episcopus unam h. 
 Ilerbertin filio Iuonis, qu<e vocatur 
 Huh am. In D. i car. et xii V. cum 
 ix car.—37, 7 41. 
 
 BESTIA. 
 
 Parcus silvaticarum b. —30, 1 13. 
 
 BIG 
 
 BIGA. 
 
 Esber b. —3, l 20. 
 
 Q.iue fuerant Sbern b. —6, 7 30. 
 
 Et Esber b. —6, 7 33. 
 
 Sbern b. tenuit de rege E.—26, 716. 
 
 Sbern b. tenuit de rege E.—28, 7 39. 
 
 Sbern b. tenuit de rege E.—31, 7 43 et 
 47. 
 
 Tenuit Aluredus b. de regeE.—35, 7 51. 
 
 Quam tenuit de Alured b. —36, 71. 
 
 Sbern b. tenuit de rege E.—41, 713. 
 
 Tenuit de Sbern b. —46, 7 40. 
 
 Sbern b. tenuit.—51, 7 14. 
 
 BOBUS. 
 
 v. Bos. 
 
 BOCHELAND. 
 
 Dim. J. in Hamestede, quod tenue¬ 
 runt ii liberi homines de rege E. in 
 Boc/ielande .—45, 7 21. 
 
 BORDARIUS (o. etiam sub Car.). 
 
 Terra iii bourn. Ibi ii boves, cum uno 
 
 b. —23, l 7. 
 
 Pro i S. et i J. In D. nicliil est. Sed 
 iii V. et iiii b. ibi sunt.—26, l 4. 
 
 In D. nicliil est nisi i b. —35, l 27. 
 
 Habet dim. car. in D., cum iiii b. red- 
 dentibus vi solidos.—38, l 7. 
 
 Pro i J. Ibi i b., reddens v denarios.— 
 39, 1 19. 
 
 Terra i car. Pro dim. S. Ibi ii b. red¬ 
 dunt ii solidos.—39, l 47. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. Ibi habet i Y. et i b. — 
 
 42, l 45. 
 
 Tenent ad firmam de Rege, i J. et v 
 acras. Ibi sunt ii Y. cum ii b ,— 
 
 43, l 20. 
 
 Tenet i J. et dim. Ibi habet vii b .-— 
 43, l 51. 
 
 Tenet i S. vacua: terra, et ibi habet i b. 
 —44, l 4. 
 
 Tenet i J. Ibi ii b. —44, l 31. 
 
 Tenet i J. Ibi iiii b. —44, l 32. 
 
 Habet ii J. et ibi ii V. cum viii b. —47, 
 l 50. 
 
 Teuet dim. J. Ibi ii b. sunt modo.— 
 50, l 34. 
 
 xii sochmanni ciun viii b .—51, l 39. 
 
 Habet i denam. Ibi sunt ii b. reddentes 
 xxx denarios.—54, l 14. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et habet ibi ii b. red¬ 
 dentes iiii solidos.—54, 7 17. 
 
 Una virga quam tenuit i sochmannus. 
 Ibi modo est unus b. .xii denarios 
 reddens.—54, l 24. 
 
 Habet lxiii acras terra. Ibi sunt xi b. 
 reddentes xii denarios.—55, l 27. 
 
 BOS. 
 
 Tenet i J. et dim. Habet i Y. cum 2 
 
 b. —5, l 34. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. Terra est iii b. Ibi sunt 
 ii b. cum uno B.—23, l 7. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra est vii b. —23, l 
 
 12. 
 
 Ibi vi b., cum ii V. et iii B.—23, l 34. 
 
 i V. cum iiii B. habent iii A—27, 1 16. 
 
 iiii V. cum viii servis habent ii b. —28, 
 
 l 17. 
 
 iii V. habent vii 5.-29, l 27. 
 
 Qumdam libera terra ad iii 5.—31, 1 37. 
 
 Ibi habet iii 5.—37, l 33. 
 
 iii V. cum iii 5. in caruca.—49, l 7. 
 
 In D. v 5. arautes.—55, 1 19. 
 
 BOT. 
 
 Quod Aldred 5. tenuit.—51, l 22. 
 
 BOVES. 
 
 v. Bos. 
 
 BUItGENSES. 
 
 Habnit R.E. Ii 5. (Cantuaria) red¬ 
 dentes gabhtrn, et ccxii super quos 
 habebat sacam et socam.—6, l 1. 
 
 Modo 5. (Cantuaria) gablum red¬ 
 dentes, sunt xix.—6, l 4. 
 
 Adhuc sunt cc^jj 5. (Cantuaria?) su¬ 
 per quos habet Rex sacam et soeam. 
 —6, L 7. 
 
 Duas donios duoram 5. (Cantuaria) 
 unam foris, aliam intra eivitatem, qui¬ 
 dam monachus abstulit.—6, l 16. 
 
 5. (CantuarI/U) habuerant xlv lnansu- 
 ras extra eivitatem, de quibus ipsi 
 habebant gablum et consuetndinein. 
 Rex autern sacam et soeam.—6, 1 18. 
 
 5. (Cantuaria?) habebant de Rege xxxiii 
 acras terra in gildam suam.—6, 1 20. 
 
 BUR 
 
 Quater viginti acras quas tenebant 5. 
 (Cantuaria?) in alodia de Rege.— 
 
 6 , l 22 . 
 
 Habet arehiepiscopus in Cantuaria 
 xii 5.—10, l 2. 
 
 Ad banc terram (i.e. villain S d M.) per¬ 
 tinent vii b. in Cantuaria. —14, l 
 
 13. 
 
 Huic M. (Nordeude) pertinent in Can¬ 
 tuaria c 5. iii minus, reddentes viii 
 libras et iiii solidos.—18, 1 11. 
 
 Has terras (Latiutone) T.R.E. tenuerunt 
 5. Cantuaria?, et usque ad episco- 
 pum Baiocensem qui ab eis cepit.— 
 36, l 13. 
 
 lxx 5. erant in Cantuaria huic M. 
 (Lauport) pertinentes.—46, l 24. 
 
 b. (Douere) dederunt xx naves regi.— 
 
 2, l 6. 
 
 5. (Douere) inveniebant stiremannum. 
 
 —2, l 11. 
 
 In quibus erat gihalla 5. (Douere). — 
 2, l 31. 
 
 Et (testantur) 6. de Doure. —50, l 36. 
 
 Ubi (Forewic) fnerunt et sunt vi 5. 
 reddentes xxii solidos.—47, l 21. 
 
 Ibi (Lcminges) pertinent vi b. in Hede. 
 —14, l 36. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Salteode) pertinent ccxxv 
 5. in Bin-go Heda?. —16, l 22. 
 
 In Rojienel sunt Ixxxv 5. qui pertinent 
 ad Aldinton M.—14, l 19. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Lamport) pertinent xxi 5. 
 qui sunt in Rojien el, de quibus ha¬ 
 bet arehiepiscopus iii forisfacturas. 
 Rex vero habet omne servitium.— 
 16, l 34. 
 
 Habet Rotbertus de Romenel 1 5. in 
 burgo de Romenel. —41, l 51. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Parent) pertinent v 5. in 
 Rouecestre. —10, 1 19. 
 
 BURGUM. 
 
 Parvum 5. quod vocatur Forewic. — 
 47, 1 14. 
 
 Hujus b. (Forewic) ii partes dedit rex 
 E. S 1 ' 0 A.—47, 1 14. 
 
 In isto b. (Forewic) tenet archiepis- 
 copus vii masuras terra.—47, l 22. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Salteode) pertinent ccxxv 
 Burgenses in 5. Heda?.—16, l 22. 
 
 Inter 5. (Heda?) et M. (Salteode) vale- 
 bat xvi libras.—16, l 23. 
 
 Habet Rotbertus de Romenel 1 Bur¬ 
 genses in 5. de Romenel. —41, l 51. 
 
 Hoc b. (Sandwice) tenet archiepiseo- 
 pus.—10, l 5. 
 
 Testificantur homines de isto 5. (Sand¬ 
 wice)—10, l 7. 
 
 Parvum 5. nomine Seseltre pertiuet 
 coquina: archiepiscopi.—18, 1 15. 
 
 CABALLUS. 
 
 Pro c. transducendo.—2, 1 10. 
 
 CALCIAMENTA. 
 
 Ad c. Canonicorum.—7, 7 20. 
 
 CALL1S. 
 
 Calumniatus in c. —3. 7 11. 
 
 De c. sicut superius scriptum.—3, 1 43. 
 
 Positie in c. Regis.—6, 7 17. 
 
 De rectis c. qiue habent per eivitatem 
 introitum et exitnm.—6, 7 34. 
 
 De c. rectis extra eivitatem.—6, 7 36. 
 
 CALUMNIOR. 
 
 Et c. in calle.—3,710. 
 
 Canonici c.—4, 7 24. 
 
 Arehiepiscopus c. forisfacturam.—6, 7 
 41. 
 
 Quod ei canonici c. semper.—7, 7 47. 
 
 Quum c. canonici S ci M. de Doure. 
 —50, 7 37. 
 
 CALUMPNIA. 
 
 Modo est in c.—22, 7 25. 
 
 CAMERARIUS. 
 
 Adeloldus c.—29, 7 26. 
 
 CANONICUS. 
 
 Habebant c. de S c0 M.—2, 7 5. 
 
 Terra c. S cti M. de Doure.—4, 7 8. 
 
 Habebant c. de S cl ° M.—4, 7 9. 
 
 c. calumniantur.—4, 7 24. 
 
 Habent simid 3 c. —7, 7 2. 
 
 Habent c. in communitatc.—7, 7 15. 
 
 Reddunt lx solidos ad calciamenta c. — 
 
 7, 7 20. 
 
 Sed non ad proficuum c.—7, 7 26. 
 
 Si c. haberent sicuti jus esset.—7, 7 37. 
 
 CAN 
 
 Dedit c. iniquam communitatem.—7, 7 
 46. 
 
 Quod ei c. calumniantur semper.-—7,7 
 47; 
 
 c. S cli M. de Doure.-—50, 7 38. 
 
 CAPELLANUS. 
 
 Esmellt tenuit c. R.E.—4, 7 45. 
 
 Albertus c.—7, 7 55. 
 
 Terra Alberti c.—56, 7 1. 
 
 Albertus c. tenet de rege.—56, 7 3. 
 
 CAPIO. 
 
 Cepit consuetudines.—6, 7 42. 
 
 Quas e. de isto Manerio in sua manu. 
 —27, 712. 
 
 Usque ad episcopum Baiocensem qui ab 
 eis c.—36, 714. 
 
 CAPUT. 
 
 Forisfacturam de c. eorum tantummodo. 
 —3, 7 22. 
 
 Habet c. manerii.—43, 7 3. 
 
 CAR. 
 
 Pro i S. Habet iii Y. et iiii B. cum i 
 
 c.—4, 7 IS. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet i V. et vii B. cum 
 dim. c.... Ibi quidam Francigena 
 habet i c.—4, 7 4. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet vi V. et x B. cum 
 i c. et dim.—4, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet i J. Habet ii V. et i B. cum i 
 
 xxv acra terra. Ibi v B. cum dim. c. 
 —4, 7 31. 
 
 Habet i S. Et i c. in D. Et vi B. 
 cum iv servis.—4, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet i S. Et habet i c. in D. Et vii 
 B.—4, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet in D. i c. Et ii V. 
 et ii B. cum dim. c.—4, 7 40. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet iii V. et vi B. cum 
 i c.—4, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet iii Y. et v B. cum i 
 c. et dim.—4, 7 46. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet ii V. et i B. cum 
 dim. c.—5, 7 1. 
 
 Habet dim. S.... et ibi dim. c. in D. 
 et v B.—5,7 2. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et adhuc xxv acras terra:. 
 In D. habet dim. c. et i V. cum dim. 
 c.—5, 7 5. 
 
 Habet Ixxxv acras, et i Y. cum i c. — 
 5, 7 7. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet in D. ii c. cum vi 
 B.—5,7 11. 
 
 Ubi habet i V. et dim. c.—5, 7 14. 
 
 [Tenet i S.] Habet ii V. et iii B. cum 
 i c. et dim.—5,7 19. 
 
 Tenet iii virgas. Habet iii V. et viii 
 B. cumic.—5,7 21. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet iii Y. et vii B. cum 
 i c. et dim.—5, 7 24. 
 
 Tenet dim. S., et dim. J. Habet in D. 
 
 i c. Et ii V. et ii B.—5, 7 27. 
 
 Tenet i J. et dim. Habet in D. dim. c. 
 
 Et ii Y. et i B.—5, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet i J. et dim. llabet i V. cum ii 
 bobus.—5, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet inD. i c. Et iiii V. 
 cum i c.—5, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet iiii V. et v B. cum 
 
 ii c.—5, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet ii c. in D. Et iii V. 
 et iiii B. cum i c.—5, 7 41. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet dim. c. Et iii Y. 
 et ix B. cum i c.—5, 7 44. 
 
 Habent unum S. et xvi acras. [Ibi] iiii 
 V. et ix B. cum i c.—7,7 3. 
 
 Unum S. Ibi ix V. cum ii c.—7, 7 5. 
 
 Unum S. Ibi vii V. habent ii c. et dim. 
 Et vii B.—7, 7 7. 
 
 Unum S. Ibi vii V. et vii B. Habent 
 iiii c.—7, 7 9. 
 
 Ad ista iii S. sunt v den re. vi V. et v 
 B. habent iii c. et dim.—7, 7 11. 
 
 ii V. et iii B. Habent dim. c. —7, 7 
 
 14. 
 
 In Inland S cti M. inanent vii B. cum 
 dim. c—7, 7 19. 
 
 Ibi sunt vi homines cum i c. et dim.— 
 7, 7 30. 
 
 In hac terra (cl acris) sunt iii Y. et ix 
 B. Habent i e. et dim.—7, 7 36. 
 
 Pro uno S. et dim. Terra xl c. In D. 
 ii c. Et cxlii V. cum x B. habent 
 Iiii c.—8,7 4. 
 

 CAR 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra xv e. In D. iii c. 
 Et xl V. cum v B. habent xv c.—8, 
 7 32. 
 
 Pro lxxx S. Extra bos sunt in D, iiii 
 S., et ibi iii c. in D. cccix V. cum 
 lxxiv B. habent clxvii e. —S, 7 43. 
 Tenet viii S. et i J. Habet iii c. in D. 
 —9, 7 7. 
 
 Pro vii S. Terra xvii c. In I). ii. 
 Ibi xxx V. cum xl B. habent xxiiii c. 
 —9, 719. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. est unn c. Et xxii V., 
 cum vii cotariis, habent vii c.—10, 7 
 
 17. 
 
 Pro viii S. Terra xlii e. In D. vi c. 
 Ibi ci V. cum xviii B. habent xlv c. 
 —10, 7 23. 
 
 Tenent i S. et dim. Habent in D. iii c. 
 Et xvi V. cum xi B. habentes iiii o. 
 —10, 7 27. 
 
 Pro uno S. et dim. In D. iii c. Et 
 xxvii V. cum ix B. habent viii c. — 
 10, 7 33. 
 
 Pro iii S. T.It.E. Modo pro ii. InD. 
 ii c. Et xli Y. cum xv B. habent x 
 c.—10, 7 40. 
 
 Pro iiii S. Terra viii c. In D. ii. Et 
 xxvii Y. cum ii B. habent viii c.— 
 10, 7 46. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra vii c. In D. sunt iii 
 c. Et xxxviii V. cum xii B. habent 
 
 v o.— 11, 7 7. 
 
 Pro vi S. T.It.E. Modo pro v. Terra 
 xiiii c. In D. sunt ii. Et xxxvi Y. 
 habent x c.—11, 7 12. 
 
 Pro viii S. Terra xx c. In D. iii c. 
 Et lxxvi V. cum xviii B. habent xiiii 
 c.—11, 7 20. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet i c. in D. Et ii V 
 cum dim. c.—11, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet i c. et vi Y. cum i 
 B. habentes ii c. —11, 7 27. 
 
 Tenet i J. et dim. Habet iii c. et vi V., 
 cum xii cotariis, habentes ii c.—11, 
 7 29. 
 
 Pro x S. Terra xxx c. In D. iii c. 
 Et xxv Y. cum xxi B. habent xxv o. 
 —11, 7 36. 
 
 Tenent iiii S. Habent iii c. et dim. in 
 D. Et xxxii V. cum x B. habentes 
 
 vi c. Et x servos.—11, £41. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xv c. In D. ii c. Et 
 
 xlii V. cum xvi B. habent xv c. — 
 
 12 , 7 2 . 
 
 Tenet terrain ad i c. et habet ii B.— 
 12, 7 7. 
 
 Pro viii S. Terra xxx c. In D. ii: 
 
 Et xc V. cum xxv B. habent xxvi: 
 —12, 712. 
 
 Pro xiii S. Terra xxvi c. In "D. ii 
 Et xcii V. cum xl B. habent lix c. et 
 dim.—12, 7 21. 
 
 Tenet iii S. et i J. et xii acras teme. 
 Habet v c. et xxix B. et v servos.— 
 12, 7 27. 
 
 Pro vii S. Terra ad xx c. In D. iii 
 ii Y. cum xxi B. habent xix 
 
 - 12 , 
 
 : 33. 
 
 Tenent i S. et dim., et J. Habent iiii 
 c. et iiii V. cum viii B. habentes iii c. 
 —12, 7 40. 
 
 Pro vii S. Terra xx c. In D. iiii c. 
 Et xvii V. cum Ixxxiii B. habent 
 xvi c.—12, 7 45. 
 
 Habent i S. et vi J. Et ibi habent v 
 et dim. in D. Et viii V. cum xxvi 
 B. habentes ii c.—13, 7 3. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet ii c. cum v B. et 
 uno servo.—13, 7 7. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra 1 c. In D. sunt v 
 Et lxiiii Y. cum Iiii B. habent xxx 
 etdim.—13, 7 10. 
 
 Pro v S. et dim. In D. siuit ii c. Et 
 xxxi V. cum xxxi B. habentes x’ 
 —13, 716. 
 
 Pro viii S. Terra xl c. In D. i S., et 
 ibi iiii c. et dim. Ibi xxvi V. cun 
 xxvii B. habent xxvii c.—-13, 7 23. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra xii c. In D. ii c. e 
 dim. Et xvi V. cum vii B. habent 
 xi c.— 13, 7 30. 
 
 Pro xl S. T.It.E. Modo pro xxxv. In 
 D. viii c. Et lxxxv V. cum xx ” 
 habentes lvii o. —13, 7 35. 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet in D. i c. Et iiii Y. 
 et i militem, cum i c. —13, 7 41. 
 
 Tenent v S. et dim., et iii J. Habent 
 in D. viii c. et xxii B. et viii servos 
 —13, 7 44. 
 
 Pro vi S. T.It.E. Modo pro iii. Terr 
 xii c. In D. iii c. Et xxxix Y. cur 
 ix B. habentes xvi c.—13, 7 48. 
 
 Pro xxi S. T.It.E. Modo pro xv. Terra 
 c c. In D. sunt xiii c. Et cxc ” 
 cum 1 B. habent lxx c.—14, 7 3. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. In D. ii c. Et xxxvi 
 B.—14, 7 11. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet ii c. in D. Et v 
 V. cum iii B. habentes ii c. et dim. 
 — 14,7 15. 
 
 Dim. J. et dim. virga. Habet i c. et 
 unum Y. cum xviii B. habentes i c. et 
 dim. Terra est ii o. —14, 7 21. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim., T.It.E. Modo pro 
 uno. Terra viii c. In D. ii. Et 
 xxvii V. cum xiii B. habentes vii c. 
 —14, 7 27. 
 
 Pro vii S. Terra lx c. In D. iiii. Et 
 ci V. cum xvi B. habentes lv i 
 14, 7 32. 
 
 Tenent ii S. et dim., et dim. J. Habent 
 v c. in D. Et xx V. cum xvi B. ha¬ 
 bentes v c. et dim. et i servum.—14, 
 7 38. 
 
 Pro i S. Ibi xxv V. cum iiii B. ha¬ 
 bentes v o. —14, 7 43. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. ii c. Et xiii V. t 
 v B. habentes iii c. et dim.—15, 7 2. 
 
 ProviS. InD. vc. Et xxix Y. 
 ix B. habent xv c.—15, 710. 
 
 Sunt ii J. intra, et tertium extra. In 
 D. i c. Et iiii V. cum i B„ et iii 
 servis, et dim. c.—15,719. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. Terra x c. In D. ii 
 Et xxiiii V. cum xvi B. habent xii i 
 —15, 7 24. 
 
 IJro ii S. et dim. T.It.E. Modo pro ii. 
 Terra ix c. In D. ii c. Et xxii' ~ 
 cum viii B. habent vii c.—15, 7 31. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In D. 
 
 i c. Et iii V. cum ii B. habent i 
 —15, 7 38. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. i c. Et ii V. cum i i 
 habent i c.—15, 7 43. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. i c. Et viii Y. cum 
 B. habent ii c.—15, 7 47. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. ii c. Et xv Y. cum 
 
 ii B. habent iiii c.—16, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. In D. i c. cum ii B. Et 
 
 iiii servi.—16, 7 7. 
 
 Tenet i J. Habet in D. i c.—16, 710. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Habet vi V. cum i c. et 
 dim.—16, 7 12. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Habet xii V. cum i c. et 
 dim.-—16, 714. 
 
 Pro vii S. T.It.E. Modo pro iii S. 
 Terra xv c. In D. ii c. Et xxxiii 
 Y. cum xii B. habentes ix c. et dim. 
 —16, 718. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra iii c. InD. ii. Et 
 ix Y. cum ix B. habent i c. et dim. 
 —16, 7 26. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. Terra vi c. In D. ii. 
 Et xxix V. cum ix B. habent ix c. — 
 
 16, 7 31. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. sunt ii c. et v B.—16, 
 7 39. 
 
 Pro iii S. T.It.E. Modo, pro ii S. i 
 dim. In D. ii c. Et xlvi V. cui 
 xxv B. habentes xxiii c.—17, 7 4. 
 
 Pro vi S. T.It.E. Modo, pro v S. et 
 i J. Terra x c. In D. ii. Et xvi 
 V. cum xiiii B. habent iiii c. et dim. 
 —17, 7 9. 
 
 Tenet ii S. et i J., et ibi habet xxvii V. 
 habentes vii c.—17,715. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xxiiii c. In D. ii. Et 
 lxi V. cum xvi B. habent xxiii c.— 
 
 17, 7 19. 
 
 1 Pro x S. T.R.E. Modo, pro vii. Terra 
 xxx c. In D. iiii. Et xxv V. cum 
 lxxi B. habent xxv c.—17, 7 25. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xxvi c. In D. i 
 Et xxxv Y. cum lvi B. habent xxx 
 17, 7 32. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Et ibi habet ii c. Et 
 vii V. cum x B. habentes iii c 
 iiii servos.—17, 7 37. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro iii S. et dim. Terra vi c. In D. dim. Terra ii 
 
 una c. et dim. Et xx V. cum xv: 
 
 B. habent v c. et dim.—17, 742. 
 
 T.R.E., pro xx S. Modo, pro xviii. 
 
 Terra xxxi c. In D. iiii. Et IxxxixV. 
 cum xxi B. habent xxvii c.—17,747. 
 
 Pro iiii S. Terra xii c. In D. sunt iii. 
 
 Et xxix Y., cum lx cotariis, habent 
 
 xvi o. et dim.—18, 7 5. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. i c. et dim. Et vii V. 
 
 cum xxvi B. habent ii c.—18, 710. 
 
 In D. est una c. Et xlviii B. cum i c. 
 
 IS, 717. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra vi c. In D. iii. Et 
 xiii V. cum xiiii B. habent iii c .— 
 
 IS, 7 21. 
 
 Pro iiii S. Terra xiiii c. Iii D. ii. 
 lx V., cum xv cotariis, habent xv 
 et dim.—18, 7 27. 
 
 Pro viii S. Terra xii c. In D. sunt 
 ii. Et lx V., cum viii cotariis, habent 
 
 xvii c.—IS, 7 32. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra xii c. In D. sunt ii 
 Et xxxvi V., cum xi cotariis habent 
 xxii o. et dim.—18, 7 39. 
 
 T.R.E., pro iii S. Modo, pro ii liidis 
 et dim. Terra ... In D. sunt ii [c.]. 
 
 Et xix V. cum v B. habent vii c.— 
 
 18,7 43. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet in D. i c., cum 
 iiii servis.—18, 7 48. 
 
 T.R.E., pro vii S. Et modo, pro v. 
 
 Terra xviii c. In D. iiii. Et Lxxxi 
 Y. cum v B. habent xii c. et dim.— 
 
 19, 7 1. 
 
 Pro vii S. In D. iii c. Et lxxii V. 
 
 cum xxii B. habent xxiiii c.—19, 7 8. 
 
 Tenent dim. S. et unum J. et v acras. 
 
 Et habent vi V. cum ii c. et dim.— 
 
 19, 7 13. 
 
 Pro xvii S. In D. ii c. et dim. Et 
 c V. cum xiiii B. habent xxxvi c. — 
 
 19, 7 18. 
 
 Tenent iii S. Habent in D. iiii c. Et 
 
 xviii V. cum v B. habent i c. —19,723. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. In D. i c. Et vi 
 
 V. cum iii B. habent i c.—19, 7 28. 
 
 T.R.E., pro ii S. Et modo, pro uno. 
 
 Terra viii c. In D. sunt iii c. Et 
 xxxvii V. cum xli B. habent xi c.— 
 
 19, 7 33. 
 
 T.R.E., pro i. S. Et modo, pro dim. 
 
 Terra ii c. In D. est i. Et iii V. cum 
 iiii B. habent ii c. et dim.—19. 7 39. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iii c. Ibi xxi V. ha¬ 
 bentes vii c.—19, 7 44. 
 
 Pro vi S. se defendebat. Modo pro v. 
 
 Terra xiii c. In D. est i. Et xxv V. 
 cum ix B. habentes xii c.—20, 7 4. 
 
 T.R.E., pro vi S. Et modo, pro iiii S. 
 
 Term xi e. In D. ii. Et xx Y. cum 
 xii B. habent xi c.—20,7 9. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. est i c. EtxvY.cum 
 iii B. habent iiii c.—20, 7 19. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. est i c. Et ix Y. cum 
 vii B. habent ii o. —20, 7 23. 
 
 Pro vi S. T.R.E. Et modo pro iii. 
 
 Terra xiii c. In D. ii. Et xxx Y. 
 cum xxvi B. habent xi e.—20, 7 26. 
 
 Pro vi S. T.R.E. Et modo pro tribus. 
 
 Terra v c. In D. ii. Et xviii Y. 
 cum xvi B. habent vi c.—20, 7 31. 
 
 T.R.E., pro iii S. Modo, pro uno et 
 dim. Terra iii c. In D. una. Et v 
 Y. cum vi B. habent ii c.—20, 7 36. 
 
 T.R.E., pro iii S. Et modo pro i S. 
 
 Terra iii c. In D. unum S. Et una 
 c. ibi. Et x V. cum ii c.—20, 7 41. 
 
 T.R.E., pro vi S. Modo, pro iii. Terra 
 vi c. In D. ii. Et x V. cum vi B. 
 habent vi c.—20, 7 48. 
 
 Pro ii S. et dim. T.R.E. Modo, pro ii. 
 
 Terra vi c. InD. ii. Etxv V. cum 
 ix B. habent v c. —21,7 2. 
 
 Pro ii S. T.R.E. Modo, pro dim. S. 
 
 Terra ii c. In D. una. Et vi V. 
 habent ibi i c.—21, 7 6. 
 
 T.R.E., pro vi S. Modo, pro ii et dim. 
 
 Terra, vii c. In D. iii c. Et xv V. 
 cum ix B. habent vi c.—21, 710. 
 
 Pro x S. T.R.E. Modo, pro vii. Terra 50. 
 xv c. In D. v c. Et xl V. cum Pro ii 
 xxviii B. habent xi c. —21, 7 15. 
 
 T.R.E., pro ii S. Modo, pro i S. et 
 
 - 21 , , 
 
 InD. i 
 21. 
 
 Et vi 
 
 T.R.E., pro v S. Modo, pro tribus. 
 Terra v c. In D. ii. Et x Y. cum 
 
 v B. habent iiii c.—21,7 30. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In D. ii e. Et xiiii Y. 
 
 cum iii B. habent iiii c. —22, 7 4. 
 Prox S. Terra xiiii c. In D. iii. Et 
 xxxiii V. cum iii B. habent xiii c.— 
 
 22, 7 10. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. ii c. Et ix Y., cum 
 
 vi cotariis, habent iii c.—22, 7 17. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Et ibi est, 
 
 cum.iiii B. et ii servis.—22, 7 22. 
 Pro dim. S. In D. i c. cum uno V. et 
 iiii B. et iiii servis.—22, 7 27. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. ii e. Et vi Y. cum v 
 B. habent ii c.—22, 7 31. 
 
 Pro tribus S. In D. i c. Et xii Y. 
 
 cum viii B. habent iii c. —22, 7 38. 
 Terrain ad unam c.—22, 7 39. 
 
 Terra ibidem ad unam c.—22, 7 41. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. est i e. Et iiii V., cum 
 i cotario, habent ii c.—22, 7 46. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In D. est i c. Et iii V. 
 
 cum vi B. habent i c.—23, 7 3. 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra est vii bourn. Ibi 
 una e, cum vi V.—23, 712. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. In D. i c. Et iii V. 
 cum i B. et i servo, habent i c.—23, 
 717. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra iii c. In D. ii c. 
 cum i Y., et ii cotariis, et v servis. 
 —23, 7 22. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. Ibi sunt, cum 
 i V. et iiii B. et v servis.—23, 7 29. 
 Pro iii J. Terra est ii c. Ibi sunt vi 
 boves, cnm ii V. et iii B.—23, 7 34. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In D. 
 una. Et iiii Y. cum iiii B. habent 
 i c.—23, 7 39. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. Ibi v 
 V. et v B.—23, 7 46. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. Ibi sunt iiii B. 
 
 23, 7 50. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi est in 
 D. Et viii Y. cum vi B. habent i c. 
 —24, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet iS. Terra iii c. InD. i. Et viii 
 V. cum ii c. Ibi i servus.—24, 7 11. 
 Terra xvii c. In D. i. Et lx V. cum 
 iii B. habent xv c. Ibi ii servi. Et 
 iii cotarii.—24, 7 18. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. i c. Et v Y. cum i c. 
 et dim. Ibi ii cotarii et i servus.— 
 
 24, 7 23. 
 
 Pro ii S. et i J. Terra v c. In D. est 
 i c. Et xvii Y. cum iii B. habent 
 iiii c.—24, 7 29. 
 
 Pro i S. In D. i c. et dim. Et x V. 
 cnm x B. habent ii c. et dim.—24, 
 7 34. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. ii c. Et xx V. cum 
 iiii B. habent viii c.—24, 7 40. 
 
 Pro iS. In D. ii c. Et xiiii V. cum 
 i B. habent iiii c. —24, 7 45. 
 
 ProiS. InD. ii c. Et xxiiii V. ha¬ 
 bent iiii c.—25, 7 1. 
 
 Pro vii S. In D. iii c. Et xxxi V. 
 
 cum xiiii B. habent xvi c.—25, 7 7. 
 Pro dim. S. In D. i o. Et vii "V. 
 
 cum vi B. habent i e.—25, 712. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In D. i c. Et vii V. 
 
 cum v B. habent i c.—25, 716. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. ii c. Et xxiiii V. ha¬ 
 bent iiii o. Et iiii B. Et i cota- 
 rius. Et v servi.—25,7 24. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. Terra xii c. In D. ii 
 c. Et xlii V. cum xii B. habent xi 
 c.—25, 7 31. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iiii c. In D. ii c. Et 
 xi V., cum ii cotariis, habent ii c.— 
 
 25, 7 34. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra iiii c. In D. ii c. 
 Et xi V., cum ii cotariis, habent ii c. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra v c. In D. i c. Et 
 xiii Y. habent iii e.—25, 7 43. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In D. i c. Et viii V. cum 
 c. et dim. Et iiii cotarii.—25, 7 
 
 Terra x c. In D. sunt iiii. 
 r . cum vi B. habent vi c.— 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 61 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro dim. S. In P. i c. Et iiii V. cum 
 
 i c.—26,713. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. In D. ii c. Et xx 
 V. cum ii c.—26, 717. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra viii c. In P. sunt ii. 
 Et xxii V. cum viii B. liabent viii c. 
 et dim.—26, 7 22. 
 
 Pro ii S. In P. iii c. Et xvi V. cum 
 
 ii B. liabent vii c. —26, 7 28. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iii c. In D. ii. Et xv 
 Y. cum ii B. liabent i c. et dim.— 
 
 26, 7 36. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iiii c. In D. ii. Et xx 
 V. cum v B. liabent iii c.—26, 7 42. 
 Pro iii J. Terra i c. In P. i c. et dim. 
 Et vi Y. cum i B. habent dim. c. 
 —26, 7 48. 
 
 Pro iii J. In D. i c. Et vii V. cum 
 xiiii B. liabent i c.—27, 7 6. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In P. i c. Et i Y. cum 
 iiii B. liabent iii boves.—27, 714. 
 Pro ii S. et dim. Terra v c. In D. ii. 
 Et x V. cum ii B. liabent iii c.— 
 
 27, 7 20. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iii c. InD. nicbil. Ibi 
 vi V. cum i B. liabent ii c.—27, 7 28. 
 Pro i S. In P. i c. Et xix V. cum 
 
 iii B. liabent iii c.—27, 7 32. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In P. 
 est i. Et iii V. cum ix B. habent 
 dim. e.—27, 7 37. 
 
 Pro ii S. et dim. Terra v c. In D. ii. 
 Et vi V. cum ix B. liabent i c .— 
 
 27, 7 45. 
 
 Pro i S. et iii J. Terra iiii c. In P. 
 est i. Et xxi V. cum ii B. liabent 
 ii c.—28, 7 2. 
 
 Pro ii S. et dim. et dim. J. Terra vi e. 
 In P. ii. Et xvii Y. cum iiii B. ha¬ 
 bent v c.—28, 7 7. 
 
 Pro ii S. et i J. Terra iiii c. In P. 
 est i. Et iiii V. cum viii servis ha¬ 
 bent ii boves.—28, 7 16. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra est ii c. In P. est i. 
 
 Et ibi iiii B.—28, 7 21. 
 
 Pro i S. In P. i e. Et vi V. cum ii 
 B. habent i c. —28, 7 26. 
 
 Pro vi S. In P. est i c. Et x Y. cum 
 xiiii B. habent vi c.—28, 7 33. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra viii c. In P. sunt ii. 
 Et xv Y. cum xx B. habent vi c.— 
 
 28, 7 40. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra vi c. In P. est i. Et 
 xii V. habent v c. Et viii B. Et 
 v servi.—28, 7 47. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xii e. In P. iii. Et 
 xlvii Y. cum xv B. habent xv c .— 
 
 29, 7 2. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra i c. Et ibi est in P. 
 —29, 7 10. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra vi c. In P.. .. xviii 
 Y. cum x B. habent iiii c.—29,714. 
 Pro uno S. Terra ii c. iiii V. cum i 
 c. et dim.—29, 719. 
 
 Tenet i J. liberfe terras. Ilabet dim. c. 
 cum i B. Et v servis. Et i acra 
 prati et dim.—29, 7 23. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iii c. In P.... iii Y. 
 
 habent vii boves.—29, 7 27. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra xii c. In P. ii. Et 
 xxviii V. cum viii B. liabent vii c.— 
 
 29, 7 30. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra iii c. et dim. In P. 
 ii. Et vii V. cum v B. habent i c. 
 et dim.—29, 7 41. 
 
 Pro ii S. In P. est i c. Et v Y. cum 
 ix B. habeut ii c.—29, 7 44. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra viii c. In P. sunt ii 
 c. Et xviii V. cum vi B. habent vi 
 c.—29, 7 48. 
 
 Pro iiii S. Terra vii c. In P. ii. Et 
 xviii Y. cum v B. habent iiii c. —30, 
 7 5. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra viii c. In P. est i. 
 Et xx V. cum v B. habent vi c. — 
 
 30, 710. 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. Terra viii c. In P. 
 ii. Et xv Y. cum ix B. habent iiii 
 c.—30, 7 15. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra ii c. et dim. In P. i 
 c. Et ii V. cum ii B. habent dim. c. 
 —30, 7 22. 
 
 Ilabet i S. Et ibi liabet i c. Et iiii V. 
 cum i c. —30, 7 25. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro i S. et dim. Terra iiii c. In P. ii. 
 Et vii V. cum v B. habeut iii o. — 
 30, 7 28. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. In P. i. Et 
 ii V. cum iiii B. habent dim. c.— 
 
 30, 7 33. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Et ibi est in P. 
 Cum i V. et i B. Et v servis.—30, 
 7 40. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iii c. et dim. In P. ii. 
 Quidain Francigena, cum x Y. et i 
 B., habent i c. et dim.—30, 7 44. 
 Pro i S. Terra ii o. In P. nichil. Sed 
 
 v V. habent i c. ibi.—31, 71. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. In P. i. Et V. 
 
 habent i c. et dim.—31, 7 7. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Et ibi est in 
 P. cum iii servis.—31, 7 12. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi est in P. 
 Cum i V. et i B. et ii servis.—31, 7 
 17. 
 
 Pro i S. et i J. Terra ii c. et dim. In 
 P. i. Et ix Y. cum iii B. habent i c. 
 —31, 7 21. 
 
 Pro i S. In P. i c. Et ii Y. cum i 
 B. habent ii animalia.—31, 7 28. 
 
 Pro i S. In P. ii c. Et v V. cum x 
 B. habent i c. et dim.—31, 7 33. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra viii c. In P. i. Et 
 xvi V. cum xviii B. habent iiii c. — 
 
 31, 7 38. 
 
 Pro i S. In P. i c. Et ii V. cum i 
 B. Et ii servi.—31, 7 44. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. In P. ii. Et 
 
 vi B. habent dim. c.—31, l 49. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xvi c. In P. iii. Et 
 
 xxxiii V. cum iiii B. habent x c. — 
 
 32, 7 3. 
 
 Pro i S. et i J. In P. i c. Et v Y. 
 
 liabent ii c. —32, M0. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. Et ibi snnt in 
 P. Et cum i Y. et v B. et vi ser¬ 
 vis.—32, 7 15. 
 
 Pro ii S. Tern ii c. Ibi sunt in P. 
 
 cum vii B.—32, l 20. 
 
 Pro 1 S. T.R.E. Modo, pro xxxiii. 
 Terra 1 c. In P. iiii. Et c V., iii 
 minus, cum Ixi cotariis, habent xiiii 
 c.—32, l 24. 
 
 Tenet i S. et i J. et ibi liabet imus homo 
 ejus in P. dim. c. Etiiii Y. cum dim. 
 c. Et uno cotario.—32, l 35. 
 
 Tenet iii S. Habet in P. i c. Et v 
 V., cum xii cotariis, habent i c. et 
 dim.—32, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet i J. Habet dim. c. cum ii servis. 
 —32, 7 42. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iiii c. non tenet, nisi iii 
 J. et habet in P. i o. Et x Y. cum 
 iiii cotariis. Habent iii c. —32,746. 
 Tenet i J. Habet i c. cum ix servis.— 
 
 33, 7 1. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra vi c. In P. una. Et 
 xiiii Y. habent v c.—33, 7 3. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra v c. In P. sunt ii. 
 Et vi Y. cum viii B. habent iii c.— 
 33, 7 10. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra iiii c. In P. est una. 
 Et ix V. cum iiii B. habent ii c.— 
 33, 715. 
 
 Pro uno S. In P. sunt ii c. et dim. 
 Et vii V. cum iii B. habent i c.— 
 33, 7 21. 
 
 Pro uno J. In P. est i c. cum v ser¬ 
 vis.—33, 7 27. 
 
 Pro uno J. In P. est una c. cum v 
 servis.—33, l 31. 
 
 Pro vii S. T.R.E. Modo, pro v S. 
 Terra xx c. In P. iii c. Et xlvii V. 
 cum xi B. habent xvi c. —33, l 34. 
 Tenet dim. S. Et habet i. c. cum uno 
 B. Et i franc—33, 7 39. 
 
 Pro uno S. et dim. In P. i c. Et iiii 
 V. cum iiii B. habent ii c. —33, l 
 42. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra vii c. In P. sunt ii. 
 Et xiiii V. cum vi B. habent v c. —33, 
 7 49. 
 
 Pro v S. Terra xii c. In P. snnt iii 
 c. Et xxiiii V. cum xii B. liabent 
 vi c. et dim.—34, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet i S. et dim. Terra i c. et dim. 
 In P. ii c. Et v Y. habent dim. c. 
 —34, 1 17. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra dim. c. In P. dim. 
 c. Et unus V. cum dim. c. et ii B. 
 —34, 7 23. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra dim. c. Et adhuc 
 sunt xxx acne terra;. In P. est una c. 
 Et vi Y. habent dim. c.—34, 7 27. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. In P. i c. Et 
 ii V. cum iiii servis.—34, 7 31. 
 
 Pro dim. S. In P. dim. c. Et ii Y.— 
 
 34, 7 35. 
 
 Pro iii J. Terra i c. Ibi est in P. 
 Et vi V. cum i B. liabent i c.—34, 
 7 38. 
 
 Tenet i J. Terra est dim. c. In P. 
 
 nichil est.—34, l 42. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra dim. c. Ibi est. 
 
 cum uno B.—34, 7 44. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Teira i c. Et ibi est, cum 
 v V.—34, l 48. 
 
 Pro iii S. et dim. Terra iiii c. In P. 
 ii c. Et ix V. cum i c. Et ix servi. 
 —35, 7 1. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra ii c. In P. est una, 
 et cum v B. Et uno servo.—35, 7 7. 
 Pro ii S. Teira iii c. In P. sunt ii. 
 
 Et v V. cum i c.—35, 7 9. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra viii c. In P. sunt iii 
 c. Et xliiii V. cum iii B. habent x 
 c.—35, 717. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra iiii o. In P. est una. 
 
 Et ix V. cum ii c.—35, 7 22. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra i c. et dim. In P. 
 
 nichil est nisi i B.—35, 7 27. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra vi c. In P. ii. Et 
 xxv V. cum iiii B. habeut vii c.— 
 
 35, 7 30. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra iiii c. InP. estdiin. 
 
 c. Et ix Y. habent ii c. —35, l 3S. 
 Pro iiii S. Terra xi c. In P. sunt ii 
 c. Et xxxvi V., cum xxxii cotariis, 
 habent ix e.—35, 7 43. 
 
 T.R.E. pro i S., dim. jugo minus. 
 Teira ii c. In P. est cum i servo et 
 v B.—35, in margine. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In P. 
 
 i c. cum ii B.—36, l 7. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra iiii c. In P. sunt 
 ii. Et xi B. cum iii c.—36, 1 11. 
 T.R.E., pro xl S. Modo, pro xxxix. 
 Terra cxx c. In P. xiiii c. Et ccix 
 Y. et qnater xx et iii B. Inter om- 
 nes habent xlv c.—36, l 17. 
 
 Tenet ix S. de terra Villanorum. Ha¬ 
 bet in P. iiii c. et dim. Et xxxviii 
 Y. cum xvii B. qui habent xvi c.— 
 
 36, l 23. 
 
 Tenet iii J. et xii acras terras. Habet 
 i c. in P. Et iii Y. cum i B.—36, 
 l 28. 
 
 Tenet i S. et xl acras terra;. Habet in 
 P. ii c. cum vi B.—36, l 30. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et xl acras, et habet in P. 
 
 i c. cum vii B.—36, l 32. 
 
 Tenet i S. et liabet in P. i c. Et ii V. 
 cum vii B. habentes i c. et dim.— 
 
 36, l 34. 
 
 Tenet i S. et i J., et vi acras teme. Et 
 habet in P. i c. cum xi B.—36, 1 36. 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet in P. i c. cum 
 iiii B.—36, l 38. 
 
 Tenet iiii S. Habet in P. iii c. Et vi 
 V. cum xi B. habent ii c.—36, l 40. 
 Tenet dim. S. Habet i c. Et ii V. cum 
 vi. B. Habent i c. —36, l 45. 
 
 Tenet lviii acras terra. Habet i c. 
 
 cum v B.—36, l 47. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xxiiii c. In P. v c. 
 Et xii V. cum viii B. habeut xviii c. 
 
 37, l 4. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. Habet ii V. cum dim. c. 
 —37, l 10. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et habet in P. i c. cum 
 uno V. Terra est ii c.—37, l 12. 
 Pro iii S. In P. est i c. Et vi Y. 
 
 cum ii B. habent iii c.—37, l 20. 
 Pro i S. In P. ii c. Et i V. cum iiii 
 B. habent dim. c. —37, l 28. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. et habet i c. in P.—37, 
 l 30. 
 
 Pro vi S. Terra xxxii c. In P. iii c. 
 Et Iii V. cum xx cotariis, habent 
 xviii c.—37, l 36. 
 
 Habet i c. in P. et xii V. cum ix c.— 
 37, li 2. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pedit i S. Ibi in P. i o. Et iiii V. 
 cum i c.—37, l 45. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In P. 
 
 est i c. cum viii cotariis.—38, l 2. 
 Tenet i .1. Habet dim. c. in P. cum iiii 
 B. reddentibus vi solidos. Terra est 
 dim. c. —3S, l 7. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra iiii c. In P. est i. Et 
 x V. cum x B. habet ii c. —38,7 11. 
 Pro ii S. Teira iiii o. In P. i c. Et 
 x V. habent ii c. —38, 7 15. 
 
 Pro iiii S. Terra iiii c. In P. iii c. Et 
 xviii V. cum vi B. habent v c.—38, 
 7 19. 
 
 Pro v S. Terra xx e. In P. ii c. Et 
 xxxviii Y. cum xii cotariis, habeut 
 xii c.—38, 7 26. 
 
 Pro vii S. et dim. Terra xx c. In P. 
 non sunt c. xxix Y. cum vi B. ha¬ 
 bent xi c.—38, 7 36. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. et iii virgas. Et habet 
 in P. i c. Et i Y. cum x B. ha¬ 
 bentes i o. —38, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet dun. S. Habet vi V. et i B. cum 
 
 i c.—38, 7 41. 
 
 ProiS. Terra iii c. In P. i. Etiiii 
 Y. cum ii B. habent i c. et dim.— 
 38, 7 46. 
 
 Tenet quidam miles terrain ad i c.— 
 
 38, 7 49. 
 
 Pro i 8. Terra iii c. In P. i et viii 
 V. cum ii c. et dim.—39, 71. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra dim. c. ii V. reddentes 
 1 denarios.—39, 7 9. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. et dim. In P. i. 
 
 Et x V. habent i c. et dim.—39,713. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi iii B.— 
 
 39, 7 22. 
 
 Pro iii J. Terraic. InP. i. EtiiiV. 
 
 cum ii B. habent dim. c.—39, 7 25. 
 Pro iii J. Terra i c. In P. est. Cum 
 
 ii B. et ii servis.—39, 7 33. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra i c. llanc tenent iii V. 
 
 ad firmum.—39, 7 37. 
 
 Pro iii S. Terra viii c. In P. i. et 
 xxiiii V. cum v. B. habent vi c. et 
 dim.—39, 7 42. 
 
 Terra i c. Pro dim. S. Ibi ii B. red- 
 dunt ii solidos.-—39, 7 47. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra i c. Ibi est in P. Et 
 
 i B. habet dim. c. —40,7 4. 
 
 T.R.E., pro v S. Et modo, pro ii. 
 
 Terra vi c. In P. ii. Et xxx V. 
 habent iii c.—40, 7 9. 
 
 Pro i S. In P. i c. xvii Y. cum x 
 B. habent ii c.—40, 715. 
 
 Pro i S. ii Y. habent ii c. et reddunt 
 vi solidos.—40, 7 22. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi est in P. 
 
 Et xii V. habent dim. c. —40, 7 25. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. et dim. In P. 
 
 ii c. EtiiiV. Et iii servi.—40, 7 31. 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi est in P. 
 
 Et iii V. Et iii servi.—40, 7 35. 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. In P. i. Et ix 
 V. cum v B. habent i c. et dim.—40, 
 7 40. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra vi c. In P. ii. Et xii 
 V. cnin i B. habent iii c.—40, 7 45. 
 Pro uno S. Terra ii c. In P. i c. Et 
 iiii B.—41, 71. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra v c. In P. est una 
 et dim. Et vii V. cum vii B. habent 
 
 iii c. et dim.—41,7 10. 
 
 Pro dim S. Terra i c. In P. i c. Et 
 iii V. cum i B. habent i c.—41,7 17. 
 Ibi dim. S. Terra ii c. In P. una e. 
 
 Et iii V. liabent dim. c. —41, 7 23. 
 Pro iii J. Terra ii c. In I), una. Et 
 ix B. habeut dim. e.—41, 7 27. 
 
 Pro ii S. In P. ii c. et dim. Et vi V. 
 
 cum xiiii B. habent i c.—41, 7 33. 
 Pro iiii S. Terra xv c. In P. v. Et 
 xlvii V. cum xxvii B. habeut xiiii e. 
 —41, 7 39. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra iii c. In I). una. 
 Et ix V. cum iii B. habent iii c. et 
 dim.—41, 7 46. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. xi V. cum ii 
 B. habent iii c.—41, 7 49. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. In P. dim. c. 
 Et xv V. cum ii B. habent iii c. et 
 dim.—42, 7 3. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. In P. una c. 
 
 Q 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 62 
 
 CAR 
 
 Et iiii Y. cum ix B. habent ii c. — 
 42, 7 6. 
 
 I-lnbet terrain ad dim. c. Et unum V. 
 
 cum iii B. et dim. c.—42, 714. 
 
 In 1). sunt ii c. Et iiii V. cuin vii B. 
 
 habent ii c. et dim.—42, 7 19. 
 
 Pro iii S. In D. i c. Et xv B. cum 
 xii B. habent ii c.—42, 7 26. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. i c. Et xvii V. ha- 
 bent ii c. —42, 7 34. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. i c. Et iii V. cum 
 
 i B. reddunt iiii solidos et vii dena- 
 
 In D. i c. et dim. Et vi V. cum vii B. 
 
 habent ii c. Pro ii S.—42, 7 50. 
 Pro iii S. In D. i c. Et v V. cum iiii 
 B. habent ii c.—42, 7 54. 
 
 Tenet i S. Et habet i c. cum iii B.— 
 
 42, l 57. 
 
 Pro ii S. In D. i c. Et ii B. cum dim. 
 c.—43, 7 5. 
 
 Tenet i S. Et habet iii V. cum dim. c. 
 
 43, 7 7. 
 
 Tenet i S. Habet i c. in D. Et unum 
 B.—43, 7 8. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. ii c. cum vi B.— 
 43, m. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. i c. —43,716. 
 
 Pro ii S. et iii J. In D. ii c. Et xxiiii 
 V.—43, 7 23. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. ii c. cum ii B.—43, 
 7 34. 
 
 Pro uno J. et dim. In D. una c. cum 
 uno V. et iiii B.—43, 7 36. 
 
 Tenerit unum S. et dim. J. Ibi habent 
 iiii c. et dim.—43, 7 40. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. ii c. Et viii V. cum 
 dim. c.—43, 7 43. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. una c. EtvV.cum 
 
 ii B. habent ii c. —43, 7 47. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. i c. Cum i Y. et ii 
 B.—44, 7 8. 
 
 Pro uno S. et uno J. et x aeris. In I). 
 nicliil raodo sed ix V. habent ibi ii c. 
 et dim.—44, 712. 
 
 Pro iii J. et xii acris. Terra iii c. In 
 D. una c. et dim. Et v V. cum ix B. 
 habent i c.—44,717- 
 Tenet vi acras terra. Ibi habet dim. c. 
 —44, 7 22. 
 
 Habet in manu regis, de llicardo filio 
 Gisleberti, x. Y cuin iii c.—44, 7 23. 
 Pro uno S. et dim. In D. i c. cum iiii 
 B.—44, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet i J. et x acras. Ibi ii Y. cum 
 dim. c. —44, 7 35. 
 
 Tenet ii S. In D. i c: et dim. Et xiiii 
 Y. cum ii c. et dim.—44, 7 40. 
 
 Habet dim. S. et unam c.—44, 7 42. 
 Pro iii S. In D. iii c. Et unus V. cum 
 vii B. habent dim. c.—44, 7 49. 
 
 Pro uno S. et dim. In D. est i c. Et 
 i V. cum i B. habet dim. c.—45, 7 2. 
 Pro uno S. et dim. In D. est i c. Et 
 iiii V. cum iii B. habent dim. c. et i 
 c. et dim.—45, 7 7. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra iii c. In D. una. 
 Et iiii V. cum ii B. habent i c.—45, 
 7 11. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra ii c. In D. est una 
 c. et dim. Et v V. cum v B. habent 
 
 i c.—45, 7 26. 
 
 T.R.E. pro i S. Modo, pro iii jugis. 
 Terra est iii c. In ID. ii. Et ii V. 
 cum vi B. habent i c.—45, 7 31. 
 T.R.E. et modo pro vii S. Tern Iii c. 
 In D. ix c. Et cxiiii V. cum xxii B. 
 habent xvii c. —45, 7 38. 
 
 Pro ii S. et uno J. In D. est i c. Et 
 xvii V. cum vi cotariis habent vi c. 
 —46, 7 4. 
 
 Pro v S. et dim. Terra xviii e. Tn D. 
 
 ii c. Et xl V. cum vii B. habent xvi 
 c.—46, 710. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. In D. i. Et ix 
 V. cum i B. habent i c.—46, 717. 
 iS. etiJ. In D. iic. etdiin. Et xxviii 
 V. cum Ixiii B. habent vi e.—46,722. 
 Pro vii S. Terra xii c. In D. iii c. Et 
 xxxv V. cum xiiii cotariis habent vi et 
 dim.—46, 7 32. 
 
 Pro dim. S. et xlii acris terras. Terra 
 i c. Ibi est in D. cum iii cotariis.— 
 46, 7 38. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro v S. Terra xii c. In I), ii c. Et 
 xxxix [V.] cum xxxii B. habent xii e. 
 —46, 7 42. 
 
 Pro xiviii 8. Terra lxii c. In I), sunt 
 ii. Et el V. cum 1B. habent Ixiii c. 
 —46, 7 49. 
 
 Tenent iii indites quod valet ix libras. 
 
 Et ibi habent iii c.—47, 7 5. 
 
 Pro xii S. Terra xxx c. In D. v c. 
 Et lxxxii V. cum lxviii B. habent 
 xxxix c.— 47, 7 7. 
 
 Habet dun. S. i. c. in D. cum xv B. 
 —47, 7 25. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra ii c. In D. i. Et 
 ix V. cum i c.—47, 7 81. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra i c. Et ibi est in D. 
 
 cum v B.—47, 7 35. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. Terra est dim. c. Ibi 
 
 ii servi.—47, 7 37. 
 
 Pro vi S. sine halla. Terra xi c. Nicliil in 
 D. Ibi xxx V. habent x c.—47,741. 
 Tenet dim. J. T.R.E. pro dim. S. In 
 D. i c.—47, 7 44. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra ii c. In D. i cum iiii B. 
 —47, 7 47. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. In D. ii. Et 
 viii V. habent i c. et dim.—48, 7 2. 
 Pro xxx S. Terra liiii c. In D. iii. 
 Et lxxix V. cum xlii B. habent xxxvii 
 c.—48, 7 5. 
 
 Tenet i S. Ibi habet ii e. cum xi B.— 
 48, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet ii S. dim. J. minus. Habet i c. 
 
 et iiii V. cum i e.—48, 7 13. 
 
 Tenet iii S. lx acras minus. Habet i 
 c. Et viii V. cum i c. Et ii servos. 
 —48,714. 
 
 Tenet i S. Ibi habet i c. cum iii B.— 
 48, 718. 
 
 Tenet i S. Ibi habet ii c. cum x B.— 
 48, 7 26. 
 
 Pro duobus S. et dim. Terra v c.— 
 48, 7 27. 
 
 Habent in D. iiii c. et xx B. cum i c. 
 —48, 7 31. 
 
 Habet in D. i c. Et viii V. cum ii B. 
 
 habentibus iiii e.—48, 7 35. 
 
 Pro duobus S. Terra est iiii e. In D. 
 est una et dim. Et xi V. cum vi B. 
 habent ii e. et dim.—48, 7 39. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. uicliil. Sed iiii V. 
 cum iii B. habent c. et dim.—48, 7 
 43. 
 
 Pro v S. Terra viii c. In D. ii c. Et 
 xxv V. cum xvii B. habent ix c.— 
 48, 7 50. 
 
 Tenet i S. et cbm. J. In D. ii c. et 
 xvii B. cum dim. c.—49, 7 1. 
 
 Pro dim. S. et dim. J. In D. i c. Et 
 
 iii V. cum iii bobus in c.—49, 7 5. 
 Habet iii virgas terras. In D. i c. cum 
 
 v B.—49, 7 13. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. Ibi sunt cum viii 
 B.—49, 718. 
 
 Tenet ii S. et i J. Terra vi c. Ibi ix 
 V. cum iiii B. habentes vi c.—49, 7 
 21. 
 
 T.R.E. pro iiii S. Terra x c. Ibi xxx 
 V. habentes x c.—49, 7 27. 
 
 Pro ii S. et iii J. Terra xii c. In D. 
 sunt iiii. Et xliiii V. cum v B. lui- 
 bent x c.—49, 7 33. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra xiiii c. In D. ii c. Et 
 1 V. cum ix B. habent xvii c.—49, 7 
 41. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra iii c. In D. ii c. 
 Et v V. cum v B. habent i c. et dim. 
 —50, 7 3. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra i c. Ibi est cum 
 i V. et iiii B.—50, 7 9. 
 
 Pro dim. 8. Terra i c. Ibi est in D. 
 
 cum i V. et vi B.—50,713. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra dim. c. In D. ta- 
 men est i c. Et ii V. habent i c.— 
 50, 7 17. 
 
 Pro iii J. Terra est i c. et dim. Ibi iiii 
 V. cum ii B. habent i c.—50, 7 21. 
 Pro uno S. Terra iiii c. In D. sunt 
 ii. Et ii V. cum xv B. habent iii c. 
 —50, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet i J. Ibi iiii Y. habentes i c.— 
 50, 7 30. 
 
 Arata est cum dominicis carrucis .— 
 50, 7 35. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Pro i J. Habet i c. in D. Et v B. 
 cum i c.—50, 7 39. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra vi c. In D. sunt 
 iii c. Et ii V. cum xxxvi B. habent 
 iiii c.—50, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. et dim. virgam. Terra 
 est ad i c.—50, 7 47. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. In D. sunt. 
 Et iii V. cum x B. cum i c.—51,71. 
 
 Tenet unum S. dim. virga minus. 
 Terra iii c. Ibi xiiii sochmanni ha¬ 
 bent iii c.—51, 7 5. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra i c. Ibi est cum iii 
 B.—51, 7 9. 
 
 Pro duobus S. et dim. Terra xiii c. 
 In D. iii. Et xvi V. cum vii B. ha¬ 
 bent vii e.—51, 715. 
 
 Pro dim. S. sine halla. Terra iii e. Ibi 
 
 i V. cum ini B. Nulla ibi e.—51, 
 7 24. 
 
 Pro uno S. In D. i c. Et ii V. cum 
 uno B. habent i c.—-51, 7 26. 
 
 Pro i S. sine halla. Terra v c. Ibi viii 
 Y. cum iii B. habent ii c.—51, 7 31. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra iiii c. xii soch- 
 mauni tenent, habentes iiii c.—51, 7 
 34. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra ii c. Ibi xii soch¬ 
 manni cum viii B. habentes ii c.— 
 51, 7 38. 
 
 T.R.E. pro i S. Modo, pro dim. 
 Terra v c. In D. ii c. Et xxi V. 
 cum vi B. habent vii c.—51, 7 43. 
 
 Tenent dim. J. Habentes i c. ibi cum 
 iiii B.—51, 7 49. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra vii c. In D. iii c. 
 Et viii V. cum xxv B. habent iiii c. 
 —52, 7 4. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra iii c. In D. sunt 
 
 ii c. Et v V. cum vi B. habent i c. 
 et dim.—52, 711. 
 
 Tenet iii virgas et dim. i V. habet 
 dim. c. cum iii B.—52,717. 
 
 Tenet iii J. et dim. virgam. Terra est 
 
 iii c. Ibi ii in D. et xv V. cum ix 
 B. habent iii c. et dim.—52, 7 19. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra ii c. Ibi xii V. 
 habent i c. et dim.—52, 7 25. 
 
 Pro i J. et dim. Terra i c. et dim. In 
 D. i, cum iiii V.—52, 7 31. 
 
 Pro ii 8. Terra viii c. In D. ii. Et 
 xi V. cum xxv B. habent v c.—52, 
 
 7 35. 
 
 Pro i J. Terra est i c. Ibi est cum 
 i V. et ii B.—52, 7 41. 
 
 Tenet i J. Ibi i c. cum uno B.—52, 7 
 43. 
 
 Pro iii S. se defendebat. Modo, pro i 
 S. Terra i c. Et ibi est in D. Et 
 xix B. habent i c.—53, 7 3. 
 
 Pro ii S. se defendebat. Modo pro i. 
 Terra est ii c. Et ibi sunt in D. 
 xxi B. et iii servi, cum iii c.—53, 7 9. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra est ii c. Ibi iii V. 
 —53, 7 20. 
 
 Pro vii c. se defendebat tunc. Modo, 
 pro v S. et dim., et dim. J. Terra 
 est xv c. In D. ii. Et xxxi V. cum 
 x B. habent x c .—53, 7 24. 
 
 Pro dim. J. Ibi ii V. cum dim. c. — 
 53, 7 34. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra ii c. In D. i. Et i 
 V. cum iiii B. habent i c.—53, 7 37. 
 
 Pro dim. S. Terra i c. Ibi iiii V. ha¬ 
 bent i c.—53, 7 42. 
 
 Tenet i J. Et in Aia vii aerre. Terra 
 est i c. In D. dim. c. Et vi B. 
 Et ii servi.—53, 7 44, 
 
 Pro i 8. Terra iiii c. In D. i. Et 
 ix V. cum iiii B. habent ii c.—53, 7 
 49. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra vi c. In D. i. Et xi 
 V. cum ii c.—54, 7 4. 
 
 Tenet dim. S., i virgam minus. Terra 
 v c. In D. ii. Et xxxi B. habent 
 iii c.—54, 7 9. 
 
 Tenet in D. unum J. et dim. Ibi est 
 modo unus V. cum i c.—54, 7 20. 
 
 Pro iiii S. In D. ii c. Et xlii V. cum 
 vii B. habent xxx c .—54, 7 29. 
 
 Pro vii S. Terra xxxiii c. In D. iii. 
 Et lxvii V. cum v B. habent xxx c. 
 —54, 7 35. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra xvi c. In D. i et dim. 
 
 CAR 
 
 Et xvi V. cum xii B. habent vi c. — 
 55, 7 3. 
 
 Pro uno S. Terra iiii c. In D. ii c. 
 Et v Y. cum viii B. habent v e.— 
 
 55, 7 11. 
 
 T.R.E. pro ii S. et dim. Modo, pro i 
 
 S. et iii J. Terra viii c. In D. v 
 boves arantes. Et xvi V. cum xv 
 B. habent x c.—55, 7 18. 
 
 Pro ii S. Terra ix c. In D. sunt ii. 
 Et xxviii V. cum xv B. habent x c. 
 —56, 7 31. 
 
 Pro i S. Terra iiii e. Et xii V. ha¬ 
 bent iic. InD. est una c.—55, 7 39. 
 In ipso manerio x V. cum xiviii B. ha¬ 
 bent v c.—56, 7 7- 
 CARETA. 
 
 ii c. et ii sticas anguillarum.—3, 7 45. 
 CARLESONE. 
 
 Godric c.—3, 7 20. 
 
 CARLE et CARLI. 
 
 Godric Alius c. teuuit.—25, 7 4. 
 Godumus films c.-—34, 714. 
 CARRUCA v. sub CAR. 
 
 CASEI. 
 
 Consuetudo, id est, xxviii pens® c .— 
 
 56, 7 14. 
 
 xxviii pens® c. et dim.—56,7 16. 
 CASTELLUM. 
 
 Pro excambio c.—6, 7 7. 
 
 Pro excambio terre in qua c.—8, 7 40. 
 CENSUS. 
 
 viii aerie reddunt de c. xv solidos.—6, 
 7 10. 
 
 i molendinum sine c.—18, 7 23. 
 
 Dim. piscariam sine c.—32, 7 43. 
 
 ii piscariae sine c.—3S, 7 12. 
 
 iii molini sine c.—38, 7 21. 
 
 CIBUS. 
 
 Habent de rege c. et potum.—3, 7 38. 
 CILD et CILT. 
 
 Et Alnold c.—3, 7 20. 
 
 De terris Alnodi c. —3, 7 36. 
 
 Brixi c.—4, 7 2. 
 
 Excepta terra Alnold c.—6, 7 32. 
 Alnold c. per violentiam lieraldi abstu- 
 lit Merclesliam.—7, 7 45. 
 
 Alnold o. duas partes per vim abstulit. 
 —9, 715. 
 
 Yertit se ad Alnod c.—22, 7 25. 
 
 Brixe c. tenuit de rege E.—22, 7 50. 
 Brixi c. tenuit de rege E.—24, 7 33. 
 Brixi e. tenuit de rege E.—25, 7 11. 
 Teuuit de Alnod c.—25, 7 20. 
 
 Yluric tenuit de Alnod c.—26, 7 41. 
 Tenuit Alnod c.—27,7 13. 
 
 Uluric tenuit de Alnod c.—28, 7 32. 
 Alnod c. tenuit.—30, 7 14. 
 
 Alnod c. tenuit de rege E.—33, 7 2. 
 Tenuit de Alnodo c.— 33, 7 29. 
 
 Alnod c. tenuit.—33, 7 38. 
 
 Alnod cit tenuit de rege E.—37, 7 23. 
 CILT i.q. CILD, q.v. 
 
 CIT i.e. CILT et CILD, q.v. 
 
 CIYITAS (CANTUARIA). 
 
 In c. habuit Rex li burgenses.—6, 71. 
 Sunt vastati xi in fossato c.—6, 7 5. 
 Uuam foris, aliam intra c. —6,716. 
 xlv mansuras extra c.—6, 7 18. 
 
 Habet iiii mansuras in c.—6, 7 26. 
 Tenet xi masuras in ipsa c.—6, 7 29. 
 Per totam c. habet rex sacam et soeam. 
 —6, 7 31. 
 
 De callibus rectis qua? habent per c. in- 
 troitum et exitum.—6, 7 34. 
 
 De callibus rectis extra c.—6, 7 36. 
 Iutus c. vel extra foderit.—6, 7 38. 
 Forisfacturam in viis extra c. —6,7 41. 
 In c. iii hag® ad hoc M. (Favresliant) 
 pertinent.—9, 7 24. 
 
 In c. habet archiepiscopus xii burgenses. 
 —10, 7 2. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Estursete) pertinuerunt 
 
 T. R.E. in c. Iii masur®.—12,7 48. 
 Huic M. (Nordeude) pertinent in c. c 
 
 burgenses iii minus.—18, 712. 
 
 In Hundret et in c. habet iiii domos. 
 
 Et ii foris c.—36, 7 3. 
 
 In c. xiri masur® pertinent huic M. 
 
 (Cilleham).—38, 7 29. 
 
 In c. i masura (pertinens M. Ernoltun). 
 —39, 7 4. 
 
 De isto M. (Ernoltun) tenet x acras 
 qu® jacent juxta c. —39, 7 7. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 CIV 
 
 Et i masura in o. (pertinens M. Perie). 
 —39, 7 22. 
 
 In c. iii liagas tie xxxii denariis (perti- 
 nentes M. Trevelai).—39, 7 43. 
 
 In c. v hagai de vii solidis et x denariis 
 (pertinentes M. Dodekam).—40, 7 
 18. 
 
 Et Ixx Burgenses erant in c. huic M. 
 (Lanport) pertinentes.—46, 7 24. 
 
 Juxta c. kabet dim. S.—47, 7 24. 
 
 Ad hoc M. (Newetone) pertinent in c. 
 iiii hagfe.—56, 7 11. 
 
 C1VITAS (ROVECESTRE). 
 
 c. T.R.E. valebat c solidos.—6, 7 48. 
 
 Intra c. iiii doinos ad hoc M. (Ledes- 
 dune) pertinentes.—28, 7 13. 
 
 In c. i domus reddens xxx denarios 
 (pertinens ad M. Ofekam).—28,728. 
 
 Huic M. (Hov) pertinebant ix domus 
 in c.—32, 7 30. 
 
 Huic M. (Otringeberge) adjacent iiii 
 
 • Lagai in c. —33, 7 14. 
 
 De hoc M. (Celca) in manu sua reti- 
 nuit in c. iii hagas.—34, 7 4. 
 
 CLAUSURA. 
 
 ii Silvul® ad c.—13, 7 39. 
 
 Silva ad c.— 19, 7 21. 
 
 Silvula ad c. —37, 7 22. 
 
 Silvula parva ad c.—56, 710. 
 
 CLERICUS. 
 
 Dedit Alan c. suo.—5, 7 9. 
 
 Mansuras quas tenent c. de villa in 
 gildam suam.—10, 7 2. 
 
 COMBUSTA. 
 
 Fuit ipsa villa o. —2, 7 21. 
 
 COMITATUS. 
 
 Totius c. de Client.—3, 7 16. 
 
 COMMUNIS. 
 
 Accipiebat c. emendationem.—2, 716. 
 
 Erant prebemke c.— 4, 7 14. 
 
 In c. terra S cti M. sunt cccc acr® et 
 dim.—7, 7 31. 
 
 COMMUNITAS. 
 
 De c. S cti M.—7, 7 2. 
 
 Habent Canonici in c. —7, 715. 
 
 De hac c. kabet arckiepiscopus.—7, 7 
 29. 
 
 COMMUTATIO. 
 
 Dedit canonicis iniquam c. —7, 7 46. 
 
 COMPUTOR. 
 
 Pretium ejus non potuit c.—2, 7 21. 
 
 xx libras que c. in cc libris totius rna- 
 
 CONCEDO. 9 ’ 
 
 o. ilium fieri.—2, 7 45. 
 
 c. eidein sancto.—47, 7 16. 
 
 CONCORDO. 
 
 c. quod (bra. terra.—2, 7 36. 
 
 Leges regis e. homines de iv lestis.—3, 
 7 1. 
 
 c. est de rectis caUibus.—6, 7 34. 
 
 CONCUBINA. 
 
 Tenuit qu®dam c. Heraldi.—6, 7 27. 
 
 CONDUCEBATUR. 
 
 De pecunia ejus c.—2, 7 13. 
 
 CONFRINGO. 
 
 Quod omnes pene naves c.—2, 7 42. 
 
 CONSUETUDO. 
 
 Reddebat regi c.—2, 717. 
 
 Omnes has e. erant ibi.—2, 718. 
 
 De quibus rex perdidit c. —2, 7 26. 
 
 Tenuit hue usque c. regis.—2, 7 40. 
 
 Habet rex c. scilicet, etc.—3, 7 44. 
 
 Burgenses habuerunt xlv mansuras extra 
 civitatem de quibus ipsi liabebant 
 gablum et c. Rex autem liabebat 
 Sacnm et Socam.—6, 7 18. 
 
 Quidam prapositus cepit c. de extraneis 
 mercatoribus in terra S°“ T. et S d 
 A. injuste.—6, 7 42. 
 
 Quod ipsre ®cdesi® suas c. quietas ha- 
 buerint R.E. tempore. Et exinde 
 utraque mcclesi® in sua terra liabue- 
 runt e. suas.—6, 7 45. 
 
 IIsec terra nunquam reddidit aliquis c. 
 vel scoti.—7, 7 32. 
 
 viii S. et i jugnm, qui T.R.E. erant 
 cum albs S. in c. —9, 7 7. 
 
 xxi Burgenses in Romenel. Rex habet 
 omne servitium ab eis, et ipsi habent 
 omnes c. et alias forisfacturas pro ser- 
 vitio maris; et sunt in manu Regis.— 
 16, 7 37. 
 
 Quieti ab omni c. printer tribus, latro- 
 
 CON 
 
 cinio, pace infracta, forstel.—41,7 52. 
 Reddens de c. vi denarios.—45,7 47. 
 Semper quietum fuit et sine e.—46, 7 
 23. 
 
 Redditur in Newetone una c. id est 
 xxviii pens® caseorum.—56, 7 14. 
 
 CONTRA, 
 
 c. hoc.—2, 7 4. 
 
 c. Baiocensem episcopum.—21, 7 38. 
 
 CONVENIO. 
 
 Ut c. ad scivam.—3, 7 39. 
 
 COQUINA. 
 
 Proprio pertinet c. arckiepiscopi.—18,7 
 16. 
 
 COTAEII. 
 
 xxii vblani eum vii c. habent vii ear.— 
 10, 7 17. 
 
 vi Y. cum xii c. habentes ii ear.—11, 
 7 30. 
 
 xxix V. eum lx o. habent xvi ear. et 
 dim.—18, 7 5. 
 
 lx V. cum xv c. habent xv car. et dim. 
 —18, 7 2S. 
 
 lx V. cum viii c. habent xvii car.—IS, 
 7 33. 
 
 xxxvi V. cum xi c. habent xxii car. et 
 dim.—18, 7 39. 
 
 ix V. cum vi c. habent hi car.—22, 7 
 19. 
 
 iiii V. enm uno c. habent ii car.—22, 7 
 48. 
 
 i Y. et ii c. et v servis.—23, 7 23. 
 lx Y. cum iii B. habeut xv car. Ibi ii 
 servi et hi c.—24, 7 18. 
 v V. cum i. car. et dim. Ibi ii c. Et i 
 servus.—24, 7 25. 
 
 xxiiii V. habent iiii car. Et hh B. Et 
 i c. Et v send.—25, 7 24. 
 xi V. eum ii c. habent ii car.—25, 7 36, 
 et 40. 
 
 viii Y. cum i car. et dim. Et ini o .— 
 25, 7 50. 
 
 c Y. hi minus, cum lxi c. habent xliii 
 car.—32, 7 25. 
 
 iiii V. cum dim. car. Et uno o. —32, 7 
 35. 
 
 v V. cum xii c. habent i car. et dim. 
 —32, 7 3S. 
 
 x Y. cum iiii c. Habent hi cm - .—32, 
 7 48. 
 
 xxxvi Y. cum xxxii c. habent ix car.— 
 35, 7 44. 
 
 Hi Y. cum xx c. habent xviii car.—37, 
 7 37. 
 
 In D. est i car. cum viii c. qui reddunt 
 iiii solidos et vi denarios.—38, 7 3. 
 xxxviii V. cum xh c. habent xii car.— 
 38, 7 27. 
 
 xvii V. cum vi c.—46, 7 5. 
 xxxv V. eum xiii c.—46, 7 32. 
 
 Tern i car. ibi est in D. Cum iii c.— 
 46, 7 38. 
 
 CUSTODIA. 
 
 Habet rex c.—3, 7 37. 
 
 CUSTODIO. 
 
 c. regem apud Cantuariam,etc.—3,749. 
 
 DAMNUM. 
 
 Maximum d. facit regi.—2, 7 44. 
 
 DAPIFElt. 
 
 Tenet Ileltus d. et nepos ejus.—8, 7 20. 
 Godefridus d. —16, 7 2. 
 
 Aluredus d. tenet.—36, 7 36. 
 
 DATOREM. 
 
 Liberatorem et d. —2, 7 34. 
 
 DECIMA. 
 
 d. hujus manerii tenet abbas S ci A.—9,- 
 7 16. 
 
 DEFENDO (v. etiam, passim). 
 
 Qua; se d. pro dim. S.—8, 7 22. 
 d. se cum terra Osberti.—44, 7 6. 
 
 DENA. 
 
 De <7. xviii denarios.—3, 7 47. 
 
 Ad ista iii Solina sunt v d. —7, 7 11. 
 
 De Silva viii d. pm - v® et iii rnagn®.— 
 8, 7 7. 
 
 Dim. d. tenet.—9, 7 14. 
 
 Una parva d. silv®.—12, 7 30. 
 
 Et v d. silv® de 1 porcis.—17, 7 5. 
 
 Una d. silv® de v porcis.—22, 7 6. 
 
 Una d. silv®.—22, 7 33. 
 
 Rex habet inde ii d. —22, 7 43. 
 
 Et una d. de xv solidos.—26, 7 39. 
 
 Rex habet de hoc M. ih d. ubi manent 
 iiii V.—29,71. 
 
 DEN 
 
 Habet iiii d. de isto M.—29, 7 37. 
 
 De una d. exeuut.—36, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet i d. de dim. J.—37, 7 8. 
 
 Isdera tenet iii d. —41, 7 14. 
 
 In hoe manerio misit iii d. —41, 7 43. 
 Tenet dim. d. —42, 7 13. 
 
 Unain d. et dim.—42, 7 31. 
 
 Tenet unam d. —45, 7 46. 
 l)e isto M. tenet iii d. —51, 7 20. 
 Adhue habet unain d. —54,7 13. 
 iii d. de silva reddentes xxx porcos de 
 pasnagio.—56, 7 S. 
 
 De hoc M. sunt foris iii d. —56, 7 19. 
 Episcopus Baiocensis iii d. habet.—56, 
 7 22. 
 
 DENARII (v. etiam sub Do, Exeo, Molen- 
 dinum, Molinus, Pasture, Piscaria, 
 Pratum, Reddo, Salina, et Valeo), 
 xviii libras, de quibus d. —2, 7 2. 
 iii d. in liieme, et h in estate.—2, 710. 
 xxiiii libras de d. qui sunt xx in ora. 
 —2, 7 24. 
 
 xii d. pro uno Inewardo.—3, 7 46. 
 xii d. nut unuin Ineuuardum.—3, 7 47. 
 De Dena xviii d. —3, 7 47. 
 vi solidos et iiii d. —7, 7 39. 
 aufert singulis aunis xx d. —7,7 41. 
 cxi solidos de d. xx in ora, et vii libras 
 et xxvi d. ad nuinerum.—8, 7 13. 
 xv libras et vi solidos ii d. minus, ad 
 numerutn.—9, 7 11. 
 
 Quod reddit xvi d. per annum.—9,713. 
 xxxi solidi et ii d. —9, 7 22. 
 
 De hi solidis et ii d. —9, 7 23. 
 
 Tres Hag® de xx d. —9, 7 24. 
 
 Reddunt vi solidos et viii d. —10, 7 19. 
 xxvi libras xii d. minus.—12, 7 10. 
 
 1 libras, et xiiii solidos, et ii d. —12, 
 7 26. 
 
 vi solidos et vi d. —12, 7 31. 
 vi solidos, et iii d. —12, 7 38. 
 xii solidos et vi d. —13, 7 1. 
 
 De berbagio xxvii d. —13, 7 13. 
 Mercatum de xl solidis v d. minus.— 
 14, 7 45. 
 
 De herbagio ix solidi et vi d. —15, 
 7 27. 
 
 xxix libras, vi solidos, et iih d. —16, 7 
 24. 
 
 Silva de xii d.— 17, 7 45. 
 
 Silva viii porcorum et xvi d. plus.—22, 
 7 29. 
 
 Silva vhi porcorum et xvi d. —23,7 31. 
 Silva x porcorum et xiiii d. —23, 7 36. 
 
 ii mansure teme de xii d. —30, 7 38. 
 i masura de xxx d. —38, 7 45. 
 
 i masura de xxi d. —39, 7 4. 
 i masura de xvi (7.-39, 7 22. 
 
 iii hagie de xxxii d. —39, 7 44. 
 
 v hag® de vii solidis et x d. —40, 718. 
 xl porci aut liiii d. et unus obolus.— 
 49, 7 30. 
 
 DESCRIPTIO. 
 
 Quo facta est h®c d. —10,712. 
 DESTRUCTiE. 
 
 Alias sunt d. —12, 7 50. 
 
 DICO. 
 
 De hoc d. nepos Herberti.—2, 7 44. 
 d. quia valet.—8, 7 11. 
 d. patrem suum sc posse vertere.—39, 
 717. 
 
 d. quod episcopus Baiocensis, etc.—45, 
 7 21. 
 
 DIES. 
 
 Una vice in anno ad xv <7.-2, 7 6. 
 Custodiam vi d. — 3, 7 37. 
 
 Custodiebant regem per iii d. —3, 7 50. 
 DIMIDIUS (v. etiam sub Car.). 
 d. terra est regis.—2, 7 36. 
 
 Erat forisfactura d. regis.—2, 7 38. 
 cccc acr® et d. qme fiunt h soliuos et 
 o'.—7, 7 31. 
 
 et d. denam tenet.—9, 714. 
 d. S. S ci M. et nliud d. S. valebant iiii 
 libras.—14, 7 18. 
 
 DIRATION AVIT. 
 
 d. illud Lanfrancus.—21, 7 37. 
 DISPARTITA. 
 
 Erat d. in tribus loeis.—41, 7 8. 
 DIVADIATUS. 
 
 Apprehensus vel d. —3, 7 S. 
 Calnmniatus in callc aut d. —3, 7 11. 
 DIVIS2E. 
 
 Sunt d. per singulos.—4, 715. 
 
 D1Y 
 
 DIVISIO. 
 
 Hemansit extra d. Ilugonis de Mont¬ 
 fort.—37, 7 9. 
 
 d. Ilugonis de Montfort.—41, 7 14. 
 Foris d. (episcopi Baiocensis).—41,7 25. 
 Extra d. comitis de Ow.—41, 7>44. 
 Extra d. Hugonis.—42, 716. 
 
 Hugo tenet extra d. suam.—44,7 2. 
 Quod habet intra d. suum.—44, 7 3. 
 Tenet aliam partem intra d. suam.—45, 
 7 32. 
 
 hi J. infra d. Hugonis, et quartum J. 
 
 est extra.—50, 7 3. 
 
 Extra d. sunt.—51, 7 21. 
 
 Quia foris d. est.—51, 7 44. 
 
 Tenet extra d. Hugonis.—52, 7 49. 
 xiiii acras infra suam d. —52, 7 50. 
 Quia alius est extra d .—53, 7 8. 
 
 Quod habet Hugo intra d. suam.—53, 
 7 12. 
 
 Intra d. lianc est.—53,7 13. 
 
 Sed est intra d. suam.—53, 716. 
 
 Alia pars est extra d. —53, 7 25. 
 
 DO. 
 
 Burgenses d. xx naves.—2, 7 6. 
 d. pro caballo transducendo.—2, 7 9. 
 d. Alan clerico suo.—5, 7 9. 
 
 Huic d. episcopus 1 acras.— 5, 713. 
 d. niarkam auri pro moHuo eorum.—7, 
 7 42. 
 
 d. iniquam commutationem.—7, 7 46. 
 Vicecomiti d. pnepositus.—9,712. 
 Antequam rex d. ilium.—10, 7 8. 
 
 Q.ui d. xl solidos per annum.—35, 7 45. 
 Terr® qu® d. est ab his sohus ad firmara. 
 —36, 7 43. 
 
 d. episcopus unam berewieham.—37, 7 
 41. 
 
 De eodem manerio d. i S. et ii molinos. 
 —37, 7 44. 
 
 Postquam d. manerium.—40, 710. 
 d. cuidatn suo fratri.—45, 7 22. 
 d. ei episcopus Baiocensis.—46, 7 36. 
 Qui d. xx solidos per annum.-—47, 7 1. 
 Qu® de suo D. d. ei abbas.—47, 7 49. 
 d. inde xxv denarios.—49, 710. 
 
 DOMINICUS. 
 
 Fuit de d. firma regis E.—37, 7 50. 
 
 A rata est cum d. carrucis.—50, 7 35. 
 
 DOMINIUM (v. etiam sub Car.). 
 
 Tenet in o'.—10, 7 16, 7 23.—11, 7 6 
 et 7 12.—12,7 20 et 7 44.—13, 7 10, 
 7 16, 7 23, 7 29, 7 35, et 7 48.—14, 
 7 3, 7 22, et 7 32.-32, 7 23.-35, 7 
 22, 7 26, 7 30, et 7 43.-37, 7 2.— 
 41, 7 39.—50, 7 41.—54, 7 19. 
 Appreciatur d. arckiepiscopi lx libris. 
 
 Teignorum xii libris. 10, 7 31. 
 Appreeiatm - d. archiepiscopi xxiiii H- 
 bris. Militum xi libris.—11, 7 32. 
 d. archiepiscopi valet xx libras. Mili- 
 tum, xv libras et x solidos.—11,7 47. 
 Pertinet ad d. monaehorum.—19, 7 47. 
 In d. nichil est.—26, 7 4.—27, 7 7.— 
 31, 7 2.-34,7 43. 
 
 In d. nichil est nisi i B.—35, 7 27. 
 Modo, quod habet in d. valet c libras. 
 —36, 7 49. 
 
 Sine aulis et d. —42, 712. 
 
 In d. nichil modo.—44, 7 12. 
 ii J. qu® de suo d. dedit ei abbas.—47, 
 7 49. 
 
 Dim. S. de d. monaehorum.—49, 7 8. 
 Et fuit de d. regis.—53, 7 17. 
 
 Terra qu® fuit in d. est ad finnam.— 
 56, 7 6. 
 
 DOMINUS. 
 
 Erga d. cujus homo fuerit.—3, 7 13. 
 Yalent d. vi libras.—14, 7 20. 
 
 Neque potuit habere d. prater regem. 
 —22, 7 9. 
 
 DOMUS. 
 
 Hugo de Montfort i d .—2, 7 31. 
 
 De his d. revocant.—2, 7 33. 
 
 Fecit quandam d. —2, 7 39. 
 
 Nec d. fuit ibi T.R.E.—2, 7 41. 
 
 Si abierit d. —3,7 8. 
 
 Duas d. duorum Burgensium.— 6, 7 16. 
 Has d. et lianc terrain tenet.—6, 7 21. 
 Ilabuit episcopus iii d. de xxxi dena¬ 
 riis.-27, 7 11. 
 
 Intra civitatem Rouecestre, iiii d. ad hoc 
 M. (Ledesdune) pertinentes.—28, 7 
 13. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 G4 
 
 DOM 
 
 In Rouecestre i d. reddens (ad M. Ofe- 
 ham) xxx denarios.—28, 7 28. 
 Episcopus de Rouecestre habet domes 
 de hoc M. (Borham).—28, 7 45. 
 
 Una d. reddens xxv denarios.—30, / 50. 
 T.R.E. in Cantuaria iii d. pertinebant 
 huic M. (Winehelesmere).—31,713. 
 ix d. in Rouecestre vi solidos reddebant 
 (M. Ilov).—32, 7 30. 
 
 Habet de episcopo iiii d. —36, 7 4. 
 DONUM. 
 
 Pro novo d. episcopi.—23, 719. 
 
 Pro novo d. episcopi.—23, 7 42. 
 
 Pro novo d. episcopi.—24, 7 3. 
 
 Pro novo d. episcopi.—26, 7 34. 
 
 Pro novo d. episcopi.—27, 7 11. 
 
 De novo d. episcopi.—27, 7 39. 
 
 De novo d. episcopi.—27, 7 43. 
 
 De novo d. episcopi.—34, 7 2, et 44, 7 
 22. 
 
 ELEMOSINA. 
 
 Reddunt xx solidos, etc., ad S m M. in 
 e—7,7 17. 
 
 Tenent iiii moniales in e . de abbate.— 
 47, 7 27. 
 
 Dedit inde xxv denarios in e. unoquoque 
 anno.—49, 7 11. 
 
 EMENDA. 
 
 Et e. accipiet ad opus regis.—6, 7 40. 
 EMENDATIO. 
 
 Prapositus accipiebat comniunem e. — 
 
 2, 715. 
 
 EMENDO. 
 
 Et c solidis e . —3, 7 9. 
 viii libris regi e . —3, 7 11. 
 
 Per c solidos e. —3, 714. 
 
 Gribrige qu® viii libris e. —3, 7 42. 
 Quicunque forisfecerit, regi e. — 6, 735. 
 EMO. 
 
 Goduinus Comes T.R.E. e. illud.—21, 
 7 35. 
 
 EPISCOPATUS. 
 
 Hoc M. fuit et est de e . Rofensi.—21, 
 7 34. 
 
 ERGA. 
 
 Quietus <?. regem, non e . dominum.— 
 
 3, 7 12. 
 
 ESCOTARE (v. etiam SCOTARE). 
 
 i J. quod in Hardes e . —37,718. 
 ESTAS. 
 
 iii in hieme et ii in e. —2, 710. 
 EXCAMBIUM. 
 
 Pro e. easteUi.—6, 7 7. 
 
 Pro e. terre in qua castellinu.—8, 7 40. 
 Pro e. parchi episcopi Baiocensis.—29, 
 7 37. 
 
 Pro e. parci sui.—46, 7 37. 
 EXCEPTUS. 
 
 e. terra S c “ T., etc.—3, 7 18. 
 
 Et e. his.—3,719. 
 e. terra S“ T.—3, 7 32. 
 e. Gribrige.—3, 7 42. 
 e. terr® ®cclesi®, etc.—6, 7 32. 
 e . isto dim. S. tenet dim. J.—23, 7 25. 
 EXEO. 
 
 Silvas... de qua e . xxiiii solidi.—6, 7 
 
 11 . 
 
 e . ix solidi et iiii denarii.—7, 7 23. 
 xl solidi de iiii S. regis e . ei.—9, 717. 
 Unde e . possunt xx porci.—15, 7 15. 
 e . iii libras.—36, 7 44. 
 
 Unde e . de pasuagio xl porci.—49,7 29. 
 Tantum silv® unde e . lx porci.—55, 7 
 34. 
 
 Unde e. xl denarii per annum.—56,7 24. 
 EXINDE. 
 
 e. utraque mcclesi®.—6, 7 47. 
 EXITUS. 
 
 Per civitatera introitum et e. —6, 7 35. 
 De e. portus xl solidi.—49, 7 44. 
 EXTRA. 
 
 Stantem e. viam.—3, 7 5. 
 
 Mansuras e. civitatem.—6, 7 18. 
 Callibus e . civitatem.—6, 7 36. 
 
 Intus civitatem vel e. —6, 7 38. 
 
 In viis e. civitatem.—6, 7 41. 
 
 Quas isdem posuit e. M.—8, 7 27. 
 e . lianc adhuc sunt ibi.—8, 7 30. 
 
 Se defendebat, e . Orpinton.—15, 7 18. 
 
 ii J. intra Orpinton, et tercium e. —15, 
 719. 
 
 Remansit e . divisionem.—37, 7 9. 
 Remansenmt e. divisionem.—41, 7 14, 
 et 7 44. 
 
 EXT 
 
 e. divisionem Hugonis.—42, 7 16.— 
 52, 7 49.-53, 7 25. 
 e . divisionem suam.—44, 7 2. 
 
 Quartum J. est e. —50, 7 4. 
 e . divisionem sunt.—51, 7 21. 
 
 Alius est e . divisionem.—53, 7 8. 
 EXTRANEI. 
 
 Consuetudines de e . mercatoribus.—6, 
 7 43. 
 
 Araverunt e . homines vi acras.—35, 7 
 20. 
 
 EXUL. 
 
 Cujusdam e . i.e. utlag®.—2, 7 36. 
 
 Qui e. receperit.—3, 7 34. 
 
 EACIO. 
 
 Hoe /. pro eo quod perdonaverat.—2, 
 7 8. 
 
 Damnum /. regi et hominibus.—2,7 44. 
 Si/1 sepein vel fossatum.—3, 7 3. 
 
 Si quis earn/.—3, 7 10. 
 
 /. est h®c venditio.—21, 7 36. 
 
 Sic/. postquam dedit M.—40, 7 10. 
 Postquam recepit, /. unum M.—43, 7 
 
 32. 
 
 F/EMINA. 
 
 Tenet quffidam/. i virgam.—53, 7 30. 
 EARINA. 
 
 Et unam summam/.—47, 7 28. 
 PERDING. 
 
 iiii denarios et i /.—19, 716 et 17. 
 PERLINGELS. 
 
 Molinus qui reddit xlviii /. de fru- 
 mento.—42, 7 44. 
 
 FESTIYITAS. 
 
 A/. S d Michaelis.—2, 713. 
 
 FESTUM. 
 
 Usque ad/. S ci Andree.—2, 7 14. 
 FEUDUM (v. etiam Feuo). 
 
 Tenet de/. episcopi.-—41, 7 9 et 7 17. 
 —42, 7 23 et 7 45.—45, 7 24 et 7 
 30. 
 
 De/. est episcopi.—42, 7 18. 
 
 Est de/. episcopi.—43, 7 15.—50, 7 4. 
 FEUO (v. etiam Feudum). 
 
 Tenet in/, dim. S.—17, 7 36. 
 
 FIGO. 
 
 Yel palum/.—6, 7 39. 
 
 FILIUS (v. etiam Indicem Nominum). 
 
 /. liominis dicit.—39, 716. 
 
 FIO. 
 
 Concessit ilium/.—2, 7 46. 
 
 Strictior/. via.—3, 7 4. 
 
 FIRMA. 
 
 Pnepositus ... qui tenet ad/.—8,711. 
 Quas erant in/. regis E.—8, 7 18. 
 
 In/, regis remauebat.—8, 7 23. 
 
 Non erat ad/.—10, 7 9. 
 
 Reddebat xl libras de/.—10, 710. 
 Reddit 7 libras de/.—10, 712. 
 
 Tenet ad /. de rege Totintune.—27, 
 7 36. 
 
 Tenet ad/, de rege.—27, 7 42. 
 
 Tenet ad/. HERBRETrrov.—31, 7 26. 
 Valet lx solidos. Tamen est ad /. pro 
 iiii libris,—31, 7 29. 
 
 Tenet ad/. Bhunfei.lr.—31, 7 31. 
 Tenet ad/. Ceteham. —32, 7 2. 
 Robertus tenet ad /.—33, 7 20 et 7 
 26. 
 
 Tenet ad/. Boseleu.—33, 7 34. 
 
 H<ec iii M. episcopi tenet Rannulfus ad 
 /.—35, 7 37. 
 
 De terra quas data est ab his solins ad 
 /. exeunt.—36, 7 43. 
 
 Fuit de dominica/. regis E.—37, 7 50. 
 Hane tenent iii V. modo ad /. et red¬ 
 dunt xx solidos.—39, 7 38. 
 
 Misit ad/, pro x libris.—40, 719. 
 Reddit dc/. lxx libras.—41, 7 43. 
 Tenet, ad/, de rege, Ringetoke. —42, 
 7 18. 
 
 Tenent ad/, de rege W.—43, 719. 
 Inde reddit de/. vi libras.—44, 7 25. 
 Eo quod sit ad/.—48, 7 47. 
 
 Terra quas fuit in D. est ad /. pro lx 
 solidis.—56, 7 6. 
 
 FIXERIT (v. sub Figo). 
 
 FODEllIT. 
 
 /. vel palum fixerit.—6, 7 38. 
 
 FORIS. 
 
 Unam/., aliam intra.—6, 7 16. 
 
 Et ii [domos]/. civitatem.—36, 7 4. 
 
 /. divisionem suam.—41, 7 25. 
 
 Quia/. divisionem est.—51,7 44. 
 
 FOR 
 
 De hoc M. sunt /. iii den®, qua; ibi 
 fuerunt T.R.E.—56, 7 19. 
 
 FORlSFAdO. 
 
 Quicunque in illis/.—6, 7 35. 
 
 FOR1SFACTURA. 
 
 Masura de qua/, dim. regis.—2, 7 38. 
 Pro una quaque hnrum/.—3, 7 7. 
 
 De aliis/. sicuti de Gribrige.—3, 7 13. 
 lias/, habet rex.—3, 7 14. 
 
 Habet rex /. de capitibus eorum.—3, 7 
 
 22. 
 
 Habet rex has/. Handsocam, Gribrige, 
 Foristel.—3, 7 29. 
 
 Inde habet rex/.—3, 7 35. 
 
 Sine/. recedimt.—3, 7 39. 
 
 De hac /. et de aliis omnibus, rex c 
 solidos liabebit.—3, 7 41. 
 
 De aliis/. excepta Gribrige.—3, 7 41. 
 Calumniatur/. in viis.—6, 7 41. 
 iii /., latrocinium, pacem fractam, fori- 
 stellum.—16, 7 35. 
 
 Ipsi habent alias/.—16, 7 37. 
 
 Saca et Soca et omnia /. qu® juste 
 pertinent regi.—45, 7 50. 
 
 FORISTELLUM. 
 
 De his terris habet rex/.—3, 7 30. 
 iii forisfacturas/., etc.—16, 7 36. 
 Prater/., etc.—41, 7 53. 
 
 FOSSATUM. 
 
 Fecerit. sepem vel/.—3, 7 4. 
 
 Yastati in/, civitatis.—6, 7 5. 
 
 FRANC... 
 
 Eti/■...—33, 7 40. 
 
 FRANCIGENA. 
 
 Quidam/. habet i car.—4, 7 23. 
 Prapositus vero/.—8, 710. 
 
 Tenet quidam /. terrain ad i carucam. 
 —12, 7 7. 
 
 Quod tenet/. xl solidos.—12, 710. 
 Quidam /. cum x Y. et i B. habent i 
 car. et dim. 1 —30, 7 45. 
 
 Tenent iiii/. milites.—47, 712. 
 
 FRATER. 
 
 Hanc terrain tenuerunt de rege ii /. 
 
 pro ii maneriis.—25, 7 47. 
 
 Tenuerunt iii /. T.R.E. pro tribus ma¬ 
 neriis.—33, 7 25. 
 
 Duo /. tenuerunt, Aluric et Ordric.— 
 34, 7 37. 
 
 Dedit cnidam suo/.—45, 7 22. 
 
 Quod tenuerunt duo /. Et quisque 
 habuit liaulam.—45, 7 25. 
 
 FRONDEM. 
 
 Vel f. portaveril.—3, 7 6. 
 
 FRUCTIFICO. 
 
 Silva quando f. —11, 7 23. 
 
 FRUMENTUM. 
 xlviii ferlingels de/.—42, 7 44. 
 
 GABLUM. 
 
 Ii Burgenses reddentes g. —6, 7 2. 
 Burgenses g. reddentes sunt xix.—6, 
 7 4. 
 
 De quibus ipsi habebant g. —6, 719. 
 Tenet Episcopus Baiocensis de archi- 
 episcopo ad g. —17, 7 24. 
 viii piscari®, cum g., de xxv solidis.— 
 18, 7 IS. 
 
 De istis solins quos Hugo de Port ha¬ 
 bet, tenuit Osuuardus v ad g. —35, 
 7 14. 
 
 xi molini, cum g. rusticorum, viii libras 
 et xii solidos reddentes.—49, 7 43. 
 lviii solidi de g. ex his ix S.—56, 7 17. 
 
 GARSUMNNE. 
 
 Arehiepiscopo c solidos de g. —19, 7 26. 
 
 GELDO. 
 
 Cum his vi S. g. T.R.E. quamvis non 
 pertineret M. nisi de scoto, quia li¬ 
 bera terra erat.—17,714. 
 
 Terra quam tenent monachi nunquam 
 g. Wadardus tenet ibi terrain qu® 
 T.R.E. semper g. —48, 7 29. 
 
 GIHALLA. 
 
 In quibus erat g. burgensium.—2,7 31. 
 
 GILDA. 
 
 xxxiii acras in g. suam.—6, 7 21. 
 xxxii mansuras quas tenent clerici de 
 villa in g. suam.—10, 7 3. 
 
 Quod jaeuit in g. de Dovcre.—44, 7 6. 
 
 GRIBRIGE. 
 
 De g. vero.—3,710. 
 
 Sicuti de g. —3, 7 14. 
 
 De his terris habet rex g. —3, 7 30. 
 g. qu® viii libris emendatur.—3, 7 42. 
 
 HAB 
 
 IIABEO. 
 
 It. Robertus de Romenel duas.—2, 7 27. 
 It. cauoniei xxi solins.—4 7 9. 
 h. iii solins.—4, 7 12. 
 
 It. Sired i solin.—4, 7 34. 
 
 Robertus It. dim. solin.—5, 7 2. 
 h. Eduuinus lxxxv acras.—5,7 7. 
 Modo h. Ulric (xxv acras).—5,710. 
 Archiepiscopus It. ex eis vii.—6, 7 6. 
 Burgenses h. xlv mansuras.—6,7 18. 
 
 It. de rege xxxiii acras in gildam suam. 
 —6, 7 20. 
 
 h. etiam lxxx acras terra.—6, 7 22. 
 
 A. iiii mansuras in civitate.—6, 7 26. 
 h. iii canonici unum solin.—7, 7 2. 
 
 Ilia iiii solina It. canonici.—7,7 15. 
 
 It. x molendina et dim.—7, 7 25. 
 
 De silva regis h. tantum quod.—9,7 
 13. 
 
 h. i molinum, et xiii acras prati, et ii 
 piscarias, etc.—11, 7 43. 
 
 It. v homines archiepiscopi i S. et vi J. 
 —13, 7 3. 
 
 De eadem silva li. in sua leuua.—15, 
 7 6. 
 
 Modo quod It. valet.—17, 7 IS. 
 
 I. in sua leuga quod valet.—17, 7 29. 
 Jt. Willelmus Folet i J.—19, 7 46. 
 
 Jt. et Jt. adhuc lxxx mansuras.—21, 7 
 25. 
 
 In eadem villa Jt. i M. de episcopo.— 
 23, 7 45. 
 
 Jt. episcopus iii domos.—27, 711. 
 Quod Jt. in sua leuua.—2S, 7 12. 
 
 Jt. domos de hoc M.—28, 7 45. 
 
 De hoc manerio It. dim. S.—29, 7 36. 
 De isto M. h. uuus homo i S., et vo- 
 catur Merlea.—30, 7 24. 
 
 Jt. in sua leuua.—33, 1 46, et 34, 7 19. 
 De istis solins quos Hugo de Port /;., 
 tenuit Osuuardus v ad gablum.— 
 35, 713. 
 
 Jt. de episcopo iiii domos.—36,7 4. 
 Quod Jt. in D. valet.—36, 7 49. 
 
 Quod Osbernu3 It. —37, 7 49. 
 
 Quia Jt. T.R.E.—39, 7 16. 
 
 //. dim. S. et dim. J.—41, 7 4. 
 
 It. terrain ad dim. car.—42, 7 14. 
 
 Quod Radulfus Jt. —43, 7 2. 
 
 Jt. caput M.—43, 7 3. 
 
 Jt. archiepisconus xxxii masuras.—43, 
 7 27. 
 
 J. i J.—43, 7 29. 
 
 M. quod Jt. —44, 7 3. 
 
 It. dim. S.—44,742. 
 
 It. ii .1., reddens ccc anguillas et ii so¬ 
 lidos.—45, 7 48. 
 
 1. unum M.—46, 7 3. 
 h. in suo parco.—46, 7 35. 
 xxiiii acra terra quas semper It. —47, 
 7 20. 
 
 It. S™ s A. dim. S.—47, 7 24. 
 h. ii J. qu® de suo D. dedit ei abbas.— 
 47, 7 49. 
 
 Monachi It. unum molinum.—48, 7 32. 
 h. xxv acras de hac terra.—48, 7 46. 
 Valet xiiii libras quod Jt. abbas. Quod 
 Vitalis tenet, c solidos valet.—49,7 3. 
 Jt. iii virgas terra.—49, 7 13. 
 
 It. i J. quietum.—49, 7 28. 
 
 It. inter divisionem suam.—53, 7 12. 
 
 It. Fulbertus, de Ilugone, i molinum.— 
 53,7 18. 
 
 Jt. dim. S. Svanetone.— 53, 7 40. 
 Adhuc h . unam denam.-—54,713. 
 
 It. lxiii acras ten - ®.—55, 7 26. 
 Episcopus iii denas Jt. —56, 7 22. 
 IIAGA. 
 
 In Cantuaria civitate iii Jt. de xx dena- 
 riis ad hoc M. pertinent.—9, 7 24. 
 De isto M. habet xxx solidos pro ii It. 
 —33, 7 8. 
 
 Huic M. adjacent iiii It. in civitate.— 
 
 33, 7 14. 
 
 Retinuit episcopus in civitate Roue¬ 
 cestre iii It. qu® valent 1 denarios.— 
 
 34, 7 5. 
 
 In civitate iii It. de xxxii denariis.—39, 
 7 43. 
 
 In Cantuaria v It. de vii solidis et x 
 denariis.—40,718. 
 
 Ad hoc M. pertinent in Cantuaria civi¬ 
 tate iiii Jt. et ii in Rouecestre.—56, 
 7 11. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 G5 
 
 HAL 
 
 IIALLA et ILAULA (v. etiam AULA). 
 Sexta (piscaria) qurn servit ad A. —22, 7 
 13. 
 
 Et quisque habuit Tiaulani . —45, 7 25. 
 Setlinges M. sine A .—47, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. sine A. —51, 7 23. 
 Terrain quain Azor tenuit, sine A. —51, 
 7 31. 
 
 Una piscaria serviens A. —56, 7 9. 
 HANDSOCAM. 
 
 De his terris habet rex A. —3, 7 29. 
 HAU.LA (v. sub Halla). 
 
 11EDA. 
 
 Ibi ii /«., i.e. ii portus.—8, 7 8. 
 
 Una A. de v solidis et iiii denariis.— 
 22, 714. 
 
 Et A. de xx solidis.—28, 7 4. 
 
 Et i A. —28, 718. 
 
 HERBAGIUM. 
 
 De A. xxvii denarii.—13, 713. 
 
 Dr h. is solid! et vi denarii.—15, 7 26. 
 De A. xxvi solidi.—37, 7 40. 
 
 HIDA. 
 
 T.R.E. pro iii S. Modo, pro ii A. et 
 dim.—18, 7 43. 
 
 In Exesse est una A. —34, l 6. 
 
 HOMO. 
 
 In una quaque navi A. xx et unus.—2,77 • 
 Damnum fac'd regi et A. —2, 7 44. 
 Homines de iiii lestis.—3, l 1. 
 Dominum cujus A. fuerit.—3, 1 13. 
 Alodiarios et homines ipsorum.—3, 1 16. 
 Habet rex k. —3, l 30. 
 
 Homines de his terris.—3, l 49. 
 
 Sub illis molinis manent viii h. —7, 1 27. 
 Ibi sunt vi homines .—7, l 30. 
 h. de hundralo testiiicantur.—8,715. 
 Homines de Walto.—9, l 3. 
 h. de isto bnrgo.—10, l 8. 
 
 Habent omni anno de duobus h. hujus 
 M xx solidos.—11, l 49. 
 
 Habent v h. arcliiepiscopi.—13, l 3. 
 Tenent v h. archiepiscopi.—13, l 44. 
 Tenent iiii k. archiepiscopi.—14, l 38. 
 h. archiepiscopi tenet de eo.—15, l 43. 
 Tenet unus h. archiepiscopi.—17, l 13. 
 Tenet Willehnus h. suns.—18, l 8. 
 Emit illud de duobus li. qui cum tene- 
 bant de cpiscopo.—21, l 35. 
 
 Tenet unus A. xx acras terra nee perti- 
 net ad illud M., neque potuit habere 
 dominum pneter regem.—22, l 8. 
 Habet duos h. tenentes dim. S., qui 
 poterant T.It.E. ire quolibet sine li- 
 centia.—22, l 39. 
 
 Tenuerunt T.It.E. ii It. in paragio.— 
 27, l 3. 
 
 T.It.E. tenuerunt ii liberi It. Et modo, 
 similiter.—29, l 8. 
 
 Habet unus h. Adam i S.—30, l 24. 
 Habet unus h. ejus in D. dim. car.— 
 32, l 35. 
 
 Araveruut extranei h. —35, l 20. 
 Tenuerunt ii liberi It. de rege E.—37, 
 l 29. 
 
 Filius h. dicit patrem sonm se posse 
 vertere ubi voluerit.—39, 7 16. 
 Tenuerunt iii liberi li. —45, 71. 
 Tenuerunt ii liberi h. de rege E. in 
 Bochelande.—45, 7 21. 
 
 Tres A. tenuerunt de rege E. et potue- 
 ruut ire quolibet cum terris suis.— 
 50, 7 20. 
 
 Et homines abbatis S cl A.—50, 7 36. 
 Tenet quidam It. de Hugoue.—54,717- 
 llOR. 
 
 Alumnus A. —4,7 3. 
 
 HORTI. 
 
 De A. Douere.—7, 7 23. 
 
 HOSPITATA. 
 
 eccvii mansura A. —10,713. 
 HOSPITATIO. 
 
 In nova A. archiepiscopi.—12, 7 50. 
 HUNDREDUM (v. etiam Indicem Lo- 
 corum). 
 
 De xxii A. pertinent isti M. (Wi) saca 
 et soca.—45, 7 50. 
 
 IGNIS (v. etiam ARSA). 
 
 cxl libras ad i. et ad pensam.—9,710. 
 IGNORO. 
 
 Eo i., facta est venditio.—21, 7 36. 
 ILLUC. 
 
 Si rex i. venisset.—3, 7 50. 
 
 Quia i. arata est.—50, 7 35. 
 
 IND 
 
 INDE. 
 
 i. conununem emendationem.—2, 715. 
 Prapositus i. reddit.—2, 7 23. 
 
 Et i. ramum portaverit.—3,7 6. 
 
 Rex i. habet relevationem.—3, 717. 
 i. habet rex forisfacturam.—3, 7 35. 
 Yicecomes i. habet iii libras.—S, 7 37. 
 Et i. est modo saisita.—21, 7 39. 
 
 Rex habet i. duas denas.—22, 7 43. 
 Tenet i. quod valet xx solidos.—40, 7 
 34. 
 
 Tenebant i. ii S.—43, 7 31. 
 
 Et i. reddit de firma vi libras.—44,7 25. 
 Reddit i. 1 denarios.—48,7 24. 
 
 Nullum servitium i. reddit nisi.—48, 7 
 37. 
 
 Reddit i. c denarios.—49, 7 9. 
 
 Dedit i. in elemosina.—49, 710. 
 Archiepiscopus i. habet vi libras.—56, 
 
 INEUARDUM. 
 
 Pro uno i. —3, 7 45 et 7 46. 
 xii denarios aut unum i. —3, 7 47. 
 
 De Gara unum i. —3, 7 48. 
 
 Reddunt pro i. —9, 7 3. 
 
 INFRA. 
 
 Has i. scriptas leges.—3, 71. 
 
 Si quis i. has vias.—6, 7 38. 
 i. divisionem Hugonis.—50, 7 4. 
 i. suarn divisionem.—52, 7 50. 
 INFR1NGO. 
 
 Si quis earn i. —2, 715. 
 
 INIQUA. 
 
 Dedit i. commutationem.—7, 7 46. 
 
 IN JUSTE. 
 
 Se i. accepisse.—6, 7 45. 
 
 INLAND. 
 
 In i. S cI M.—7, 719. 
 
 INSIMUL. 
 
 Erat M. i. —48, 7 30. 
 
 INSUPER. 
 
 Et i. xv libras, etc.—9,711. 
 
 INTRA. 
 
 Extra viam i. prostraverit.—3, 7 5. 
 Unam foris, aliam i. civitatem.—6,716. 
 ii J. i. Oipinton, et tercium extra.—15, 
 7 19. 
 
 Habet i. suam divisionem.—44,7 3. 
 Tenet i. divisionem suam.—45, 7 32. 
 Habet i. divisionem suam.—53, 712. 
 i. divisionem hauc.—53, 7 13. 
 INTROITUS. 
 
 In i. portus de Douere.—2,7 41. 
 
 Per civitatem i. et exitum.—6, 7 35. 
 INTUS. 
 
 i. civitatem vel extra.—6, 7 38. 
 INVENIO. 
 
 Burgenses i. stiremannum.—2, 711. 
 IRE (v. etiam VERTERE). 
 i. usque ad Pinnedennam.—3, 7 40. 
 Poterant i. quolibet sine licentia.—22, 
 7 40. 
 
 Potuit i. cum tern sua quo voluit.—31, 
 7 10. 
 
 Potuit i. quo libuit.—31, 7 16. 
 
 Potuit i. quo voluit cum terra.—40, 7 8. 
 Poterant i. quolibet cum terris.—41, 7 
 37. 
 
 Potuerunt i. quolibet cum tends suis.— 
 50, 7 20. 
 
 JACEO. 
 
 Hm terra /. in Wi.—3, 7 4S. 
 
 In hoc hundredo j. S c “ Margarita.—4, 
 7 33. 
 
 In Stret hundredo /. unum S.—7, 7 7. 
 /. in suo proprio hundredo.—10, 7 5. 
 Et/. in ipso hundredo.—14, 7 11. 
 
 /. in Limes.—14, 7 21. 
 
 /. in vi S. de Holingebome.—15, 7 37. 
 In eodem Lest/, parvum burgum.—18, 
 715. 
 
 Adliuc/. ad hunc M.—35, 7 52. 
 i dena qua;/. in Belice.— 37, 7 9. 
 x acras qme /. juxta civitatem.—39, 
 7 7. 
 
 Ibi/. dim. S.—41, 7 22. 
 
 Quod/, in gildam de Dovere.—44,7 6. 
 jaen.it in Bokchemebes. —49, 7 26. 
 Nee ad ullum M./.—53, 7 16. 
 
 Habet unam denam qu;e jacuit in Fane 
 M. Adam.—54, 713. 
 
 JAONEI. 
 
 Unam partem/, qua; nihil reddit.—53, 
 715. 
 
 JUD 
 
 JUDICATUS. 
 
 Qui/. est ad mortem.—3, 7 34. 
 JUDICIUM. 
 
 /. baronum regis.—6, 7 47. 
 
 JUGUM. 
 
 De uno/. de Northburg.—3, 7 46. 
 Tenet i/.—4, 7 29. 
 
 Dim. S. et dim./.—5, 7 27. 
 
 Tenet i /. et dim. et ibi habet dim. ea- 
 rucmn.—5, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet i/. et dim. et ibi habet i V. cum 
 
 ii bobus.—5, 7 33. 
 
 Tenet viii S. et unum/.—9, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet i/. et dim.—11, 7 29. 
 
 Tenet iii S. et i /. et xii acras.—12, 7 
 27. 
 
 i S. et dim., et/.—12, 7 40. 
 
 Habent i S. et vi/.—13,7 3. 
 
 Tenent v S. et dim. et iii/.—13, 7 44. 
 Dim./, et dim. virga.—14, 7 21. 
 
 ii S. et dim., et dim. J.—14, 7 39. 
 Tenet iii/.—15, 717. 
 
 Modo sunt ii /. intra, et tercium extra. 
 
 —15, 7 19. 
 
 Tenet i/.—16,710. 
 
 Modo pro v S. et uno/.—17, 7 10. 
 Tenet ii S. et unum/.—17,7 15. 
 
 Dim. S. et unum/. et v acras.—19,713. 
 De hac terra habet i/.—19, 7 46. 
 Tenet dim. /, terra;. Terra est iii bourn. 
 
 Ibi sunt ii boves.—23, 7 6. 
 
 Excepto isto dim. S. tenet dim. /. in 
 eadem villa, quod nuuquam se quie- 
 tavit apud regem.-—23, 7 25. 
 
 Pro iii /. se defendit. Terra est ii car. 
 
 Ibi sunt vi boves.—23, 7 33. 
 
 Pro ii S. ct i/. se defendit.—24, 7 29. 
 Pro i S. et i/. se defendit.—26, 7 3. 
 Pro iii /. se defendit. Terra i carucm. 
 —26, 7 48. 
 
 Pro iii /. se defendit [Ibi ii car.].—27, 
 7 6. 
 
 Tenet i /. Ibi nil est nisi ii acra prati. 
 —27, 7 42. 
 
 Pro i S. et iii/. se defendit.—28, 7 2. 
 Pro ii S. et dim. Et dim./, se defen¬ 
 dit.—28, 7 8. 
 
 Pro ii S. et i/. se defendit.—2S, 7 16. 
 Pro i /. se defendit.—29, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet i/. libera terra.—29, 7 23. 
 
 Pro i S. et i/. se defendit.— 31, 7 21. 
 Pro i S. et i/. se defendit.—32, 711. 
 Tenet i S. et i/.—32, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet i/. Habet dim. car.—32, 7 41. 
 Non tenet nisi iii /. In D. i car. Et 
 x V. cum iiii cotariis habent iii car. 
 —32, 7 47. 
 
 De isto S. tenet i/.—32, 7 51. 
 
 Pro uno /. se defendit. In D. est i 
 car. Et una acra prati.—33, 7 27. 
 Pro uno/. se defendit.—33, 7 30. 
 
 Pro iii j. se defendit. Terra est i car. 
 —34, 7 38. 
 
 Tenet i/. Terra est dim. car.—34, 742. 
 
 iii solins et unum /. et dim.—35,7 14. 
 Pro uno/. se defendit.—35, 7 26. 
 
 Pro uno/. Terra i car. et dim. In D. 
 
 nichil est nisi i B.—35, 7 27. 
 i solin, dim./, minus.—35, in margine. 
 Tenet iii/. et xii acras.—36, 7 28. 
 Tenet i S. et i /. et vi acras terra.— 
 36, 7 36. 
 
 i denam de dim./.—37, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet i/. in Berfrestone.—37, 715. 
 Valuit semper x solidos hoc /.—37,7 
 17. 
 
 Tenet i /. quod in Hardes escotavit.— 
 37,718. 
 
 Quidam miles tenet dim./.—37, 7 30. 
 Tenet dim. /. in Popessale. Et habet 
 
 iii boves.—37, 7 33. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo i /.—38, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet i/. quod reddit v solidos.—38, 7 
 42. 
 
 Pro i/. se defendit.—39, 7 8. 
 
 Pro i/. se defendebat.-—39, 7 18. 
 
 Pro iii/. se defendit.—39, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet i /. et pro i/. se defendit.—39, 7 
 29. 
 
 Pro iii/. se defendit.—39, 7 32. 
 
 Pro i /. se defendit. Terra est ad i car. 
 —39, 7 36. 
 
 Tenet i /. Et pro i /. se defendit.— 
 40, 71. 
 
 JUG 
 
 De isto solino tenet i/. et dim.—41,7 3. 
 Dim. solin et dim./.—41, 7 5. 
 
 Ibi i /. terra, et i virga.—41, 7 15. 
 
 Pro iii/. Terra ii car.—41, 7 28. 
 Tenet dim./.—42, 710. 
 
 Tenet dim. /.—42, 7 23. 
 
 Tenet aliud dim. /.—42,7 24. 
 
 Tenet dim./.—42, 7 45. 
 
 Quando recepit, iii/. Modo, ii/.—43, 
 7 17. 
 
 Tenent ad fiimam i /. et v acras.—43, 
 7 19. 
 
 Pro ii solins et iii jugis se defendit.— 
 43, 7 23. 
 
 i/■ quod valet x solidos.—43, 7 29. 
 
 Pro uno/. et dim. se defendit.—43,7 37. 
 Tenent unum S. et dim./.—43, 7 40. 
 Tenet i /. et dim.—43, 7 51. 
 
 Tenet dim./.—44, 7 5. 
 
 Uno solin et uno/. et x acris.—44,712. 
 Pro iii/. et xii acris.—44, 7 17. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo i/.—44, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo i/.—44, 7 31. 
 
 Hffic ii/. valebant.—44, 7 33. 
 
 Tenet i /. et x acras.—44, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet i /. in Ece.—44, 7 45. 
 
 Tenet i/. in Brochestele.—45,7 15. 
 Tenet dim./, in Hamestede.—45,7 20. 
 Pro iii/. Terra est iii car.—45, 7 31. 
 Unam denam et unum/.—45, 7 46. 
 Habet ii /. reddens ccc anguillas et ii 
 solidos.—45, 7 48. 
 
 Defendit se pro ii S. et i/.—46, 7 4. 
 
 i /. quod valet v solidos.—46, 7 15. 
 
 Ibi est unum S. et unum/.—46, 7 22. 
 Unum /. jacet in alio hundredo.—46, 7 
 
 23. 
 
 Pro uno se/. defendit.—47, 7 17. 
 
 Dim. /. quod se defendebat pro dim. S. 
 
 Ibi i car.—47, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet unum/. Pro uno/. se defendit. 
 
 Terra est ii car.—47, 7 46. 
 
 Adliuc habet ii/.—47, 7 49. 
 
 ii S. dim./, minus.—4S, 7 12. 
 
 Tenet unum/.—48, 7 23 et 7 24. 
 
 Tenet i S. et. dim./.—49, 71. 
 
 Pro dim. S. et dim./.—49, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet ii S. et i /.—49, 7 21. 
 
 Cum his iiii S. habet i/.—49, 7 28. 
 
 Pro ii S. et iii/.—49, 7 33. 
 
 Pro uno S. se defendit. Tria /. sunt 
 infra divisionem Hugonis, et quartum 
 /. est extra.—50,7 3. 
 
 Pro iii/. se defeudit.—50, 7 21. 
 
 Tenet i /. Medietutem hujus terra te¬ 
 nuerunt ii sochmanni. Et ii V. aliam. 
 —50, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet dim./, quod tenuit isoehmannus. 
 
 Ibi ii B. sunt modo.—50, 7 34. 
 Defendit se pro i/.—50, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet dim. /. et dim. virgam.—50, 7 
 47. _ 
 
 Tenet i /. in Maresco. Pro i /. se de¬ 
 fendit.—51, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet sextam partem i/.—51, 7 12. 
 Tenet in ipso Mareseh i /. Terra est ii 
 car. Habent ii car.—51, 7 37. 
 Tenet dim./. Habent i car. ibi.—51, 
 7 49. 
 
 Tenet i/. de Hugone.—52, 714. 
 
 Tenet iii/. ct dim. virga.—52, 7 19. 
 Pro uno /. et dim.se defendit.—52,7 30. 
 Tenet i /. Pro i /. se defendit.—52, 
 7 39. 
 
 Tenet i/.—52, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet i/.—52, 7 46. 
 
 Pro vii S. se defendebat. Modo pro v 
 et dim. et dim./. Quia alia pars est 
 extra divisionem.—53, 7 24. 
 
 Tenet dim. /. et pro dim./, se defendit. 
 —53, 7 32. 
 
 Tenet i/. et in Aia vii acra.—53,7 44. 
 Tenet i/. et dim.—54, 7 19. 
 
 T.R.E. pro i S. et dim. Modo pro uno 
 8. et iii/.—55, 7 18. 
 
 Tenet iii/. et dim.—55, 7 24. 
 
 De terra hujus M. tenet i/.—56, 7 23. 
 JURO. 
 
 /. quod ipsa; asccleshe.—6, 7 45. 
 
 JUS. 
 
 Sicuti/. esset.—7, 7 38. 
 
 JUSTE. 
 
 /. pertinent uni iecclesim.—6, 7 24. 
 
 /. ad hoc M. pertinent.—34, 7 6. 
 
66 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 JUX 
 
 JUXTA. 
 
 De hoc M. tenet j. Rouecestre tantum 
 terras, etc.—8, 2 38. 
 j. civitatem Cantuarium liabet S cus A. 
 dim. S.—17, 2 21. 
 
 LATRO. 
 
 De 2. qui judicatus est ad mortem.—3, 
 2 33. 
 
 LATROCINIUM. 
 iii forisfacturas, 2. etc.—16, 2 35. 
 prater 2., etc.—*1, 2 53. 
 
 LEG ATI. 
 
 viii aera p. solebant esse legatorum re¬ 
 gis.—6, 210. 
 
 LEGES. 
 
 Has infra scriptas 2. regis.—3, 21. 
 LESTA (v. etiara Indicem Locorum). 
 
 Homines de iiii 2.—3, 2 2. 
 
 LEUGA et LEUUA. 
 
 Unam2.iii perticas, et iii pedes.—6,2 37. 
 Quod in sua 2. tenet.—10, 2 32. 
 
 Quod tenet in sua 2.—11, 2 18. 
 
 Quod tenet in sua 2.—11, 2 31. 
 Tantundeiu liabet in sua leuua .—15,26. 
 Tenet, etc. in sua leuua. —15, 1 16. 
 Habetin sua 2.—17, l 30. 
 
 Quod Ricardus tenet in sua l. —17, 1 41. 
 Quod Ricardus tenet in sua leuua. — 
 21, 2 13 et 1 19. 
 
 Tenet in sua leuua. —22, 2 15. 
 
 Quod tenet in leuua sua.—25, l 10. 
 Tenet in sua leuua. —26, l 33. 
 
 Tenet in sua leuua.— 27, 1 10, et 2S, l 6. 
 Quod liabet in sua leuua. —28, 1 12. 
 
 In sua leuua quod valet.—33, l 46. 
 Q.uod liabet in sua leuua .—31, 1 19. 
 LEUUA (v. sub LEUGA). 
 LIBERATOR. 
 
 Revoeant ad proteetorem et l. et dato- 
 rem.—2, l 31. 
 
 LIBERUS. 
 
 Quia l. terra erat.—17, 1 14. 
 
 T.R.E. tenueruut ii l. homines. Et 
 inodo, similiter.—29, l 8. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo i J. 1. terra.—29,2 23. 
 Huic M. pertinet quaedam 2. terra ad 
 iii boves.—31, 2 37. 
 
 Dim. solin 2. terra.—35, 2 52. 
 Tenuerunt ii 2. homines de rege E.— 
 37, 2. 29. 
 
 Tenuerunt iii 2. homines de rege E.— 
 45, 2 1. 
 
 Quod tenuerunt ii 2. homines de rege E. 
 in Boclielande.—45, 2 21. 
 
 LIBRA (v.etiain APPRECIOR, HABEO, 
 MOLINUS, REDDO, VALEO), 
 xviii L. de quibus denariis.—2, 2 2. 
 Rcgi quidem xxiv L. —2, 2 21. 
 
 Comiti xxx L. ad numerum.—2, 2 25. 
 viii L. regi emendabit.—3, 2 11. 
 
 Q,u® viii L. emendatur.—3, 2 42. 
 
 Nisi xlvii 2., et vi solidos, et iiii dena- 
 rios.—7, 2 39. 
 
 xx L. qure computantur in cc L. totius 
 M.—9, 2 9. 
 
 Dat prapositus xii L.- —9, 2 12. 
 
 Habent iiii 2. ad vestitum.—15, 2 8. 
 Exeunt iii L. —36, 2 41. 
 
 Misit ad firmam pro x 2.—40, 2 19. 
 T.R.E., et post, iiii L. Modo, vii L .— 
 43, 2 34. 
 
 xx L. plus appreciaretur.—45, 2 45. 
 Pertinent x 2 et x solidi.—56, 215. 
 LIBUIT (see also VOLUIT). 
 
 Potuit ire quo 2.—31, 216. 
 LICENTIA. 
 
 Sine 2. regis.—3, 2 35. 
 
 Longius non 2.-3, 2 40. 
 
 Poterant ire quolibet sine 2.—22, 2 40. 
 LONGIUS. 
 
 Non 2.-3, 2 40. 
 
 LORIPES. 
 
 Hunfridus 2.—2, 2 37. 
 
 MAGNUS. 
 
 Per in. turbationem mans.—2, 2 43. 
 
 Et maximum damnum facit.—2, 2 43. 
 viii den® parv® et iii in. —8, 2 8. 
 MANEO._ 
 
 m. in villa assiduus.—2, 2 16. 
 
 In Inland m. vii bordarii.—7, 219. 
 
 Sub illis molinis m. viii homines.—7, 2 
 27. 
 
 iii denas ubi m. iiii V.—29, 21. 
 
 Ibi una vidua m. —42, 2 11. 
 
 MAN 
 
 In hoc M. m. Godricus, et tenuit xx 
 acras de alodio suo.—42, 2 42. 
 
 Ibidem ni. quidam qui tenuit ii acras in 
 alodium.—42, 2 47. 
 
 iii m. ibi assidui.—43, 2 30. 
 
 Ibi m. unus presbyter.—44, 2 37- 
 
 Ibi i V. cum iiii B. m— 51, 2 24. 
 
 MANERIUM. 
 
 Tenet i in. in prebenda.—4,217. 
 
 Reddit de isto m. —S, 2 12. 
 
 De isto m. regis ablatnm.—8, 2 15. 
 
 De isto m. ablata est.—8, 2 21. 
 
 De eodem in. adhuc sunt ablat®.—8, 2 
 26. 
 
 Posuit extra m. per quoddam vadimo- 
 nium.—8, 2 27. 
 
 rEcclesiam liujus m. tenet.—8, 2 29. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet Ansgotus.—8, 2 38. 
 
 In hoc m. cccix V., etc.— 8, 2 45. 
 
 In hoe m. sunt x servi.—9, 2 4. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet viii S., et i J.—9, 2 6. 
 
 Computantur in cc libris totius m. —9, 
 
 2 10 . 
 
 iEcelesias et decimas luijus in. —9,216. 
 
 In Cantuaria iii hag® ad hoc m. (Fa- 
 vreshant) pertinent.—9, 2 24. 
 
 Ad hoc in. (Tarent) pertinent v burgen- 
 ses in Rouecestre.—10, 2 19. 
 
 Qui tenet m. reddit xviii libras.—10, 2 
 
 22 . 
 
 De hoc m. teuent iii teigni.—10, 2 27. 
 
 Quod tenet in sua leuga de hoc in.— 11, 
 2 18. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet i S.—11, 2 25. 
 
 De eodem m. tenet i S.—11, 2 27. 
 
 De ipso in. tenet i jugurn et dim.—11, 
 2 29. 
 
 Valebat hoe m. —11,2 31. 
 
 De hoe m. tenent iii milites iiii S.—11, 
 2 41. 
 
 Valebat hoc in. —11, 2 46. 
 
 Habent omni anno de duobusliominibus 
 hujus in. xx solidos.—11, 2 49. 
 
 De hoe m. tenet quidam Francigena.— 
 12, 2 7. 
 
 Valebat hoc m. —12, 2 8. 
 
 Valuit hoc m.— 12, 2 17, 2 24, et 2 37. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet iii S., etc.—12, 2 27. 
 
 De hoc m. tenent i S., etc.—12, 2 39. 
 
 Ad hoc m. pertinuerunt Iii masur®.— 
 12, 2 49. 
 
 De hoc in. habent v homines.—13, 2 3. 
 
 De ipso m. tenet.—13, 2 7. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet i S.—13, 2 41. 
 
 De ipso in. tenent v homines.—13,2 44. 
 
 Aldinton vi. Archiepiscopi.—14,219. 
 
 De ipso m. Aldinton jacet in Limes 
 dim. J. et dim. virga.—14, 2 21. 
 
 De eodem in. tenet comes de Ow Esto- 
 TINGHES pro i in. —14, 2 26. 
 
 De hoc in. tenent iiii homines.—14,2 38. 
 
 Valebat hoc in. vii libras.—15, 2 7. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet Ricardus de Tonebrige. 
 —15, 214. 
 
 Hoc m. tenuit Aluod abbas.—15, 2 28. 
 
 Hoc m. tenuit Alfer de Archiepiscopo. 
 —15 2 35. 
 
 Ad hoc in. Salteode pertinent ccxxv 
 burgenses in burgo Hed/e.—16,2 22. 
 
 Inter Burgum et m. valebat.—16,2 22. 
 
 Tenet Berewic pro uno m. —16, 2 25. 
 
 Ad hoc m. Lamport pertinent xxi bur¬ 
 genses in Romenel.—16, 2 34. 
 
 De terra hujus m. tenet unus homo.— 
 17, 2 13. 
 
 Non pertineret m. nisi de scoto.—17, 2 
 14. 
 
 De eadem m. tenet Ricardus de Tone¬ 
 brige.—17,2 15. 
 
 T.R.E. valebat m.— 17, 217. 
 
 Huic m. adjacet dim. S.—17, 2 23. 
 
 De terra hujus m. tenet.—17, 2 36. 
 
 Totura in. valebat.—17, 2 39. 
 
 Valebat totum m. —17, 2 45. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—IS, 2 7. 
 
 De terra hujus in. tenet homo.—18,2 8. 
 
 Huic m. Nordeude pertinent in Can¬ 
 tuaria c burgenses iii minus.—18, 2 
 12 . 
 
 De terra hujus m. tenet.—IS, 2 47. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—18, 2 49. 
 
 De terra hujus m. tenent.—19, 2 22. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—19, 2 24. 
 
 Ipse archiepiscopus tenet i in. —19,2 39. 
 
 MAN 
 
 De isto m. (Sodfleta) est in Tone¬ 
 brige tantum de silva et de terra quod 
 appreciatur xx solidis.—20, 2 8. 
 
 Tenet de isto m. —20, 2 16. 
 
 Propria ejus m. —21, 2 26. 
 
 Hoc in. fuit, et est, de episcopatu llo- 
 fensi.—21, 2 34. 
 
 Totum m. valet.—22, 2 7. 
 
 In hoc in. tenet unus homo xx acras. 
 Nee pertinet ad illud m. —22, 2 8. 
 
 De silva hujus m. tenet Ricardus, etc.— 
 22,214. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—22, 2 16. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—22, 2 20. 
 
 Totum m. appreciatur.—22, 2 23. 
 
 Valuit m. iii libras.—22, 2 34. 
 
 Totum m. appreciabatur.—22, 2 42. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—23, 2 4. 
 
 De isto m. habet Rex.—23, 2 4. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet Rex quod valet viii so¬ 
 lidos.—23, 2 9. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—23, 219. 
 
 Rex habet de silva hujus in. quod valet 
 viii solidos.—23, 2 37. 
 
 Totum in. valuit.—23, 2 37. 
 
 Rex habet de isto in. pro novo dono 
 episcopi.—23, 2 42. 
 
 Totum in. valuit et valet.—23, 2 43. 
 
 In eadem Villa habet i in. de episcopo. 
 —23, 2 45. 
 
 Totum in. valuit.—23, 2 48. 
 
 Rex habet pro novo dono episcopi tan¬ 
 tum silv® de isto in. quod valet v 
 solidos. Totum m. valuit.—24, 2 3. 
 
 Tenet in eodem in. —24, 2 6. 
 
 Totum m. valuit.—24, 2 9 et 213. 
 
 Tenet in eodem in. —24, 2 10. 
 
 II®c iiii in. sunt modo pro uno in. —24, 
 2 14. 
 
 Hoc in. se defendebat.—24, 2 21. 
 
 Totum vi. valebat.—25, 2 8. 
 
 Q.uod rex tenet de hoc in. —25,211. 
 
 II® ii terra fuerunt ii in. T.R.E. et 
 modo sunt in i m. —25, 2 20. 
 
 Hi ii S. fuerunt ii in. Unum tenuit Ile- 
 roldus, et alinm Brixi. Modo sunt in 
 
 Hanc terram tenuerunt de rege ii fratres 
 pro ii in. —25, 2 47. 
 
 Tenuit hanc terram de rege E. pro ii in. 
 —26, 2 7. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Turgis.—26, 2 34. 
 
 Quas cepit de isto in. in sua manu.— 
 27,2 12. 
 
 Hoc m. tenuit Alnod Cilt.—27, 2 13. 
 
 Intra Rouecestre iiii domos ad hoc in. 
 Ledesdune pertinentes.—28, 2 14. 
 
 Hoc in. fuerat iii in. T.R.E. Nunc est 
 in unum.—28, 2 19. 
 
 T.R.E. valebat m. —28, 2 29. 
 
 Habet domos de hoc in. —28, 2 45. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Leuuinus.—28, 2 46. 
 
 Rex habet de hoc in. iii denas.—28,250. 
 
 De hoc in. habet dim. S.—29, 2 36. 
 
 Habet iiii denas de isto m. —29, 2 38. 
 
 Temuemnt de rege E. pro ii in .—29 2 43. 
 
 Huic in. (Axnoitone) adjacent iii man- 
 siones terra in Rouecestre.—30, 2 3. 
 
 De isto in. habet unus homo i S.—30, 
 2 24. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—30, 2 27. 
 
 Huic in. (Otringedene) pertinent ii 
 mansura terra in Cantuaria.—30, 2 
 37. 
 
 Tenuit de rege E. hoc in. —30, 2 38. 
 
 Huic m. (West Selve) pertinebat in 
 Cantuaria i domus.—30, 2 49. 
 
 T.R.E., in Cantuaria, iii domus pertine- 
 baut huic in. (Winchelesemere). 
 —31, 2 14. 
 
 Huic in. pertinet qumdatn libera terra 
 ad iii boves.—31, 2 36. 
 
 Totum vi. valebat.—32, 2 28. 
 
 Huic in. [Hov] pertinebant ix domus in 
 Rouecestre.—32, 2 30. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Goduinus c. —32, 2 31. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet dim. S.—32, 2 32. 
 
 Tenet de eodem in. i S. et i J.—32, 2 34. 
 
 Tenet de ipso in. iii S.—32, 2 37. 
 
 Tenet i J. in in. Pinpe.—32, 2 51. 
 
 De isto in. habet episcopus xxx solidos 
 pro ij hagas.—S3, 2 8. 
 
 Huic in. (Otringeberge) adjacent iiii 
 hag® in civitate.—33, 214. 
 
 MAN 
 
 Hanc terram tenuerunt pro tribus m. 
 Nunc est in unum.—33, 2 25. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet dim. S.—33, 2 39. 
 
 Rex habet de eodem in. —33, 2 47. 
 
 Tenuerunt T.R.E. pro ii in. —33, 2 4S. 
 
 De hoc in. est in manu regis.—34, 2 2. 
 
 In Exesse est i hida qu® juste ad hoc 
 m. (Celca) pertinet.—34, 2 6. 
 
 Tenuerunt T.R.E. pro ii in. —34, 214. 
 
 H®c iii in. tenet ad firmam.—35, 2 37. 
 
 Huic in. (Wicheham) pertinent in Can¬ 
 tuaria iii masur®.—35, 2 50. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Aluredus.—35, 2 51. 
 
 Adhuc jacet ad huue in. dim. solin liber® 
 terr®.—35, 2 52. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Goduinus.—36, 2 22. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet ix solins de terra vil- 
 lanorum.—36,2 23. 
 
 Tenet de hoc m. iii J. et xii acras terra. 
 —36, 2 28. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit Edericns.—37, 2 7. 
 
 De isto in . dedit episcopus unum bere- 
 wicham.—37, 2 41. 
 
 De eodem m. dedit episcopus i S. et ii 
 molinos.—37, 2 44. 
 
 Hoc m. tenuit Stigandus.—37, 2 50. 
 
 In Cantuaria xiii masur® pertinent huic 
 m. (Cilleham) —3S, 2 29. 
 
 De terra hujus vi. tenet.—38, 2 39. 
 
 Tenet dim. S. de hoc m. —38,2 41. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—38, 2 43. 
 
 Huic???.. (Ospringes) pertinet in Can¬ 
 tuaria i masura.—38, 2 44. 
 
 Hoc m. tenuit.—38, 2 45. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet quidam miles.—38, 2 
 49. 
 
 Hoc m. de rege E. tenuit.—39, 2 5. 
 
 De isto m. tenet x acras.—39, 2 6. 
 
 Hoc ???. reclamat abbas S ci A.—39,215. 
 
 Tenet i J. in eodem in. —39, 2 29. 
 
 H®c ii m. tenuit.—39, 2 50. 
 
 Postquam dedit in. —40,210. 
 
 De isto in. tenet, inter silvam et pastu- 
 ram, quod valebat.—40, 2 48. 
 
 Tenet iii denas dePistinges in. —41,215. 
 
 Tenuit cum Bradeburne m .—41, 2 25. 
 
 In hoc vi. misit iii denas.—41, 2 43. 
 
 Tenet dim. denam de in . Titentone. 
 —42, 2 13. 
 
 De isto in. tenet xvii acras.—42, 2 31. 
 
 De hoc in. tenet ii molinos.—42, 2 36. 
 
 In hoc m. mansit Godricus. Et tenuit 
 xx acras de alodio suo.—42,2 42. 
 
 Non pertinet ulli m. —42, 2 44. 
 
 De hoc vi. tenet quidam miles i solin. 
 —42, 2 57. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—43, 2 1. 
 
 Habet caput in. —43, 2 3. 
 
 In Sandwic xxxii masuras ad hoc in. 
 (Gollesberge) pertinentes.—43, 2 
 27. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuerunt... teigni.—43,2 30. 
 
 Quando recepit fecit unum m .—43, 2 
 32. 
 
 In eodem m. tenet.—43, 2 40. 
 
 Adjacuit Neventone vi. —44, 2 3. 
 
 Misit terras eorum in unum in. —44, 2 
 16. 
 
 Tenet i m. quod tenuerunt iii liberi ho¬ 
 mines.—45, 21. 
 
 Modo est pro uno m .—45, 2 25. 
 
 Tenet in. quod vocatur Wi.—45, 2 37. 
 
 De terra sochmannorum hujus in. —45, 
 2 46. 
 
 De xxii liundredis pertinent isti m. 
 saca et soca, etc.—45, 2 50. 
 
 Habet m. nomine Pldmstede. —46,2 3. 
 
 De hoc m. tenet i J.—46, 2 15. 
 
 Tenet in. Lanport. —46, 2 22. 
 
 Quod pertinet isti in. —46,2 24. 
 
 lxx Burgenses in Cantuaria, huic in. 
 (Lanport) pertinentes.—46, 2 24. 
 
 In hoc m. sunt.—46, 2 25. 
 
 De isto in. habet in suo parco.—46,2 35. 
 
 Hoc in. tenuit.—46, 2 40. 
 
 Tenet Tanet in .—46, 2 48. 
 
 De isto vi. tenent iii milites.—47, 2 4. 
 
 De isto m. tenent iiii Francigeni mi¬ 
 lites.—47, 212. 
 
 Tenet Setlinges in . sine halla.—47,2 
 
 De terra V. hujus in. —48, 210. 
 
 Tenet de isto in. iii S., lx acras minus, 
 de terra V.—48,214. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 MAN 
 
 Tenet de hoc to. i S.—48, 7 25. 
 
 In hoc to. terra quam tenent monachi 
 nunquam geldavit. Et Wadardus 
 tenet ibi terram qua? T.R.E. semper 
 geldavit. Et, illo tempore, erat m. 
 insimul.—48, 7 28. 
 
 De hoc to. tenet.—49, 71. 
 
 Totum to. valebat x libras.—49, l 2. 
 
 In isto in. tenet.—49, 7 8. 
 
 Totum in. valebat.—49, 7 46. 
 
 Tenet unum to., Estwelle.—50, 7 2. 
 
 De isto m. tenet iii denas.—51, 7 20. 
 
 Nee ad ullum m. jacuit.—53, 7 16. 
 
 Jaenit in Pane in. Adam.—54, 7 13. 
 
 Tenet de rege unum to.—55, 7 17. 
 
 De isto in. tenet.—55, 7 24. 
 
 In ipso to. x V, cum xlviii B. habent v 
 ear.—56, 7 7. 
 
 Ad hoc to. (Newetone) pertinent in 
 Cantunria iiii hag®. Et ii in Roue- 
 cestre.—56, / It. 
 
 Et de to. Mildentone redditur in Newe- 
 tone uua consuetudo.—56, 7 13. 
 
 De hoc to. sunt foris iii denae. Qum 
 ibi fuerunt T.R.E.—56, 7 19. 
 
 Totum m. valebat.—56, 7 21. 
 
 De terra hujus to. tenet.—56, 7 23. 
 
 MANSIO. 
 
 Huic M. (Alnoitone) adjacent iii to. 
 terras in Iiouecestre.—80, 7 3. 
 
 MANSURA, MASURA. 
 
 In Douere sunt xxix in. de quibus, 
 etc.—2, 7 26. 
 
 De ilia masura ... dim. terra.—2, 7 35. 
 
 Tenet i masuram. —2, 7 38. 
 
 xlv in. extra civitatem.—6, 7 18. 
 
 Habetiiii in. in civitate.—6, 7 26. 
 
 Alias xi tnasuras in civitate.—6, 7 29. 
 
 xxxii to. quas tenent clerici de villa in 
 gildam suam.—10, 7 3. 
 
 T.R.E. erant ibi (Sandvvice) cccvii to. 
 hospitatfe.—10, 713. 
 
 Pertinuerunt in civitate Iii masurce .— 
 12, 7 49. 
 
 In Rovecestre habet, Ixxx to. terrse. 
 Qiue pertinent ad Erandesbeire et 
 Borestele, propria ejus M.—21, 7 25. 
 
 Huic M. (Otringedene) pertinent ii in. 
 terra? in Cantuaria.—30, 7 37. 
 
 Huic M. (Wicheham) pertinent in Can¬ 
 tu a hi a iii masurce. —35, 7 50. 
 
 In Cantuaria xiii masurce pertinent 
 huie M. (Cilleham)—38, 7 29. 
 
 Huic M. (Ospringes) pertinet, in Can¬ 
 tuaria i masura de xxx denariis.— 
 38, 7 44. 
 
 In Cantuaria i masura de xxi de¬ 
 nariis.—39, 7 4. 
 
 Et i masura in civitate de xvi denariis. 
 —39, 7 22. 
 
 In Sanduuic xxxii tnasuras ad hoc M. 
 (Gollesberge) pertinentes.—43, 7 27. 
 
 Et iiii masurce in Cantuaria, reddentes, 
 etc. (M. Danetone).—45,712. 
 
 Ibi (Eohewic) fuenint c masurce terra?, 
 iiii minus, reddentes xiii solidos.— 
 47, 7 17. 
 
 Modo (in Forewic) Lxxiii masurce tan- 
 tundem reddentes.—47, 7 18. 
 
 In isto Burgo tenet vii tnasuras terra?.— 
 47, 7 22. 
 
 MANUS. 
 
 Et sunt in in. regis.—16, 7 38. 
 
 Rex habet in m. sua.—22, 7 49. 
 
 Cepit de isto M. in sua in. —27, 712. 
 
 Episcopus tenet in sua in. iiii dornos.— 
 28, 713. 
 
 De hoc M. est in m. regis quod valet 
 vii solidos.—34, 7 2. 
 
 In in. sua retinuit episcopus.—34, 7 4. 
 
 Iltec terra est in in. regis.—41, 7 6. 
 
 Habet, in m. regis, de Ricardo lilio Gis- 
 leberti, x V. cum iii car.—44, 7 23. 
 
 MARE. 
 
 Per magnam turbationem in. —2, 7 43. 
 
 Pro servitio in. —16, 7 37. 
 
 Sunt quieti pro servitio to.—41, 7 52. 
 
 MARESCH (v. sub MARESCUM). 
 
 MARESCUM, MARESCH, et MARESS. 
 
 In in. de Romenel.—19, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet in in. dim. S.—41,749. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo dim. S. in m. —42, 
 7 2. 
 
 In Maress de Romenel.—49, 7 33. 
 
 MAR 
 
 Tenet in m. de Romenel.—50, 7 30. 
 Tenet in in. de Romenel.—51, 7 5. 
 Tenet i J. in in. de Romenel. —51, 7 8. 
 Tenet in eodem inaresch. —51,711. 
 Tenet dim. S. in inaresch. —51, 7 34. 
 Tenet in ipso maresch i J.—51, 7 37. 
 MARESS (v. sub MARESCUM). 
 MARKA. 
 
 Dedit m. auri.—7, 7 42. 
 
 Una in. argenti.—40, 7 27. 
 
 MARSUM. 
 
 Et unum vi. —20, 715. 
 
 MASURA (v. sub MANSURA). 
 MEDICUS. 
 
 Nigellus to.—5, 7 33. 
 
 MEDIETAS. 
 
 Habebant in. aliam.—2, 7 5. 
 
 Habet rex in. pecunia? ejus.—3, 7 34. 
 m. hujus terra? tenuerunt ii soclunanni. 
 Et ii Y. aliam.—30, 7 31. 
 MERCATOR. 
 
 Consuetudiues de extraneis m. —6,743. 
 MERCATUM. 
 in. de iiii libris.—9, 7 23. 
 
 Ibi est to-. de xl solidis v denariis minus. 
 —14, 7 45. 
 
 MILES. 
 
 Reddit unum m. in servitio archiepi- 
 scopi.—10, 7 38. 
 
 D. in. appreciatnr xi libris.—11, 7 33. 
 Tenent de Archiepiscopo iii m. iiii S.— 
 11, Ml. 
 
 D. in. valet xv libras et x solidos.—11, 
 7 47. 
 
 Habet i m. cum i car.—13 7 42. 
 
 Terra in. ejus.—15, 7 1. 
 
 Tenent ii m. de Archiepiscopo.—19, 7 
 
 Quod m. tenent, valet xi libras.—19,727. 
 Ibi unus m. —22, 7 12. 
 
 Ibi quidam m. habens viii inter servos 
 et ancillas.—22, 7 38. 
 
 Quod m. tenent supradicti simul valet. 
 —36, 7 49. 
 
 Quidam m. ejus tenet dim. J.—37,730. 
 Terra cujusdam Rannulfi in .—37, 7 49. 
 Tenet quidam m. terram ad i car.—3S, 
 7 49. 
 
 Servitium unius m. —40, 7 44. 
 
 De hoc M. tenet quidam m. i S.—42, 
 7 57. 
 
 De isto M. tenent iii m. tantum de terra 
 V. quod valet ix libris.—47, 7 4. 
 Tenent iiii Franeigeni m.—il, 712. 
 MINISTER. 
 
 m. regis euin sequetur.—3, 7 9. 
 MINUS. 
 
 Dim. S. xii acras in.—5,Z18. 
 
 xx solidos ii denar, m. —7,711. 
 ix solidos iii denar, m. —7, 7 12. 
 vi solidos, ii denar, m. —9, Zll. 
 lx libras, v solid, in. —9, 7 25. 
 xii denar, m. —12, 710. 
 
 Ducenti V., x in.—14, 7 5. 
 
 xl solidis, v denar, m. —14, 7 45. 
 c Burgenses iii m. —18, 7 12. 
 
 xxi libras, duos solidos m. —20, 7 30. 
 c V. iii in.—32, 7 25. 
 
 Dimidio jugo m. —35, in imrgine. 
 xxxv solidis iiii denar, in. —37, l 39. 
 vi solidos, unum denar, m .—45, l 13. 
 c masura? terra?, iiii m. —47, 1 17. 
 
 ii S. dim. jugum to.—48, l 12. 
 
 iii S. lx acras m.—48, l 14. 
 i S. dim. virga in.—51, l 6. 
 
 Dim. S. unam virgmn m. —54, l 9. 
 Mille et septingentis anguillis, xx in. — 
 
 55, l 6. 
 
 MINUTA. 
 
 xvi aerie silva? m.—36, 1 11. 
 c a era? silva? m.—40, l 28. 
 
 Ibi silva in.—48, l 45. 
 
 MISSATICI. 
 
 Quando m. regis veniebant.—2, l 9. 
 MITTO. 
 
 Episcopus m. ad firmnm.—40, 1 19. 
 
 Iu hoc M. misit iii denas.—41, l 43. 
 m. terras eorum in unum M.—44, 1 16. 
 MOLENDINUM. 
 
 In introitu portus est unum m.—2, 1 42. 
 iii m. de xl solidis.—6, l 3. 
 iii m. reddentia cviii solidos.—6, l 8. 
 Habet x in. et dim.—7, l 25. 
 
 Et i m.—8, l 6. 
 
 MOL 
 
 Ablatum est unum m. —8, 7 16. 
 
 i m. xl denariorum.—8, l 34. 
 
 Ibi sunt vi m. de xxx solidis.—8 l 46. 
 Union m. de v solidis.—10, l 4. 
 
 Et ii de 1 solidis.—10, l 18. 
 
 Et ii in. de xxiiii solidis.—10, 7 29. 
 iii in. et dim. de xiii solidis et dim.— 
 
 10, 7 36. 
 
 Et iii m. de xlviii solidis.—10, 7 42. 
 
 Et iii in. de 1 solidis et vi denariis.— 
 
 11, 7 1. 
 
 Et ii m. de x solidis.—11, 7 9. 
 
 Et iii m. de xv solidis.—11, 7 23. 
 
 Et iii m.—13,7 5. 
 
 Et ii m. de xv solidis.—13, 7 8. 
 
 Et ii in. de viii solidis et vi denariis.— 
 
 13, 713. 
 
 Et ii m. de xxxiiii solidis.—13, 7 38. 
 Et ii in. de v solidis.—13, 7 50. 
 iii in. de xvi solidis.—14, 7 6. 
 
 Ibi v m. de xx solidis.—14, 7 14. 
 
 Et ii in. de xliii solidis.—15, 7 12. 
 
 ii in. de xxiiii solidis.—15, 7 26. 
 
 Et unum m. de iiii solidis.—15, 7 33. 
 Et ix m. de xx solidis.—16, 7 20. 
 
 iii in. de xvi solidis et iiii denariis.— 
 17, 7 5. 
 
 Et i to.—17, 711. 
 
 Et ii m.—17, 7 21. 
 
 Et iii m. de xxvii solidis et viii denariis. 
 —17, 7 33. 
 
 Et i in. de xx denariis.—17, 7 37. 
 Unum to. de x solidis.—17, 7 50. 
 iiii to. de c solidis.—18, 7 6. 
 viii to. delxxi solidis.—18, 713. 
 
 i to. sine censu.—18, 7 23. 
 
 v to. et dim. de lxx solidis.—18, 7 29. 
 Et i to. de xxv solidis.—18, 7 34. 
 
 ii w. de vi solidis.—18, 7 39. 
 
 ii to. de v solidis et x denariis.—18,745. 
 i in. de xxx denariis.—19, 7 4. 
 
 Et i to. de vi solidis et viii denariis.— 
 20, 7 12. 
 
 i to. de iiii solidis.—20, 7 28. 
 
 Unum to. de ii solidis.—20, 7 39. 
 
 Tres molendini de xl solidis.—20, 7 49. 
 i to. de xx solidis.—22, 7 6. 
 
 Dim. to. de v solins.—23, 7 24. 
 
 Ibi i to. de x solidis.-—23, 7 35. 
 
 Unum to. de xx solidis.—23, 7 47. 
 Unum to. de v solidis.—24, 71. 
 
 Dim. in. de v solidis.—24, 7 12. 
 
 Unum m. de x solidis.—24, 7 25. 
 iiii in. de lxx solidis.—25, 7 24. 
 
 Et unum m. —26, 7 25. 
 
 MOLINUS. 
 
 Et i in. de xl solidis.—4,7 22. 
 
 Sub illis m. maneut viii homines.—7, 7 
 27. 
 
 Pro lino in. eorum.—7, 7 43. 
 
 Lambertus unum to.—7, 7 43. 
 
 Wadard unum m.—7, 7 43. 
 
 Et i in. de xx solidis.—9,7 21. 
 
 Et vi in. de lxxii solidis.—10, 7 25. 
 
 Et i in. de x solidis, cum una piscaria. 
 —11, 715. 
 
 Et v in. de xxxvi solidis et viii denariis. 
 —11, 7 38. 
 
 Habent i m. de v solidis.—11, 7 43. 
 i in. de xvi solidis et viii denariis.—12, 
 7 5. 
 
 i to. de xxv denariis.—12, 7 15. 
 xii to. de iiii libris et v solidis.—12,7 47. 
 Unus m. de xl denariis.—13, 7 26. 
 
 Et i to. de xxv denariis.—14, 7 29. 
 
 Et i to. de xxx denariis.—14, 7 34. 
 
 Et ii to. de vii solidis et vi denariis.— 
 
 14, 7 40. 
 
 Et i to. de v solidis.—15, 715. 
 i m. de vii solidis.—16, 7 5. 
 
 Ibi i to. et dim.de xxx solidis.—19,710. 
 Et i in. de ii solidis.—19,7 41. 
 
 Et ii to. de xv solidis.—20, 7 20. 
 i to. de xxx denariis.—21, 7 4. 
 
 i to. de xii solidis.—21, 7 17. 
 
 ii to. de xx solidis.—21, 7 23. 
 
 i to. de xxiii solidis.—22, 7 23. 
 
 i to. de xv solidis et cl anguillis.—23, 
 
 7 18. 
 
 ii to. de xviii solidis.—23, 7 41. 
 
 Et i to. de xv solidis.—24, 7 8. 
 
 Ibi i to. de xii solidis.—24, 7 36. 
 i m. de x solidis.—24, 7 42. 
 
 i to. de xx denariis.—25, 7 2. 
 
 MOL 
 
 i to. de xiii denariis.—25, 718. 
 
 Et i to. x solidis.—25, 7 50. 
 
 ii m. de xiiii solidis et ii denariis.—26, 
 7 10. 
 
 Et i to. de vii solidis.—26, 7 30. 
 
 Et dimidius to.—26, 7 38. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis.—26, 7 44. 
 
 Et i m. de x solidis.—26, 7 50. 
 
 Et i m. de x solidis.—27, 7 22. 
 
 Ibi i ra. de 1 denariis.—27,7 28. 
 
 Et ii to. de xi solidis et ii denariis.— 
 27, 7 47. 
 
 Et i to. de xlix denariis.—28, 7 4. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis.—28, 7 27. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis et cccxxx anguillis. 
 —28, 7 36. 
 
 Et i m. de vi solidis.—28, 7 42. 
 
 Et ii to. de xi solidis.—29, 7 4. 
 ii to. de xi solidis et vi denariis.—29, 
 7 16. 
 
 ii to. de xl denariis.—29, 7 21. 
 
 Et v to. Yillanorum.—29, 7 33. 
 
 Et i to. de iiii solidis et ii denariis.— 
 29, 7 41. 
 
 Et i to. de lxiiii denariis.—29, 7 46. 
 ii to. et dim. de xvii solidis.—29, 7 50. 
 Et i to.—30, 7 7. 
 
 Et i to. de v solidis.—30, 7 22. 
 i to. de xv denariis.—30, 7 47. 
 
 Et i to. de v solidis.—31, 7 23. 
 
 Ibi to. de vi solidis et viii denariis.— 
 31, 7 33. 
 
 Et i to. de vi solidis.—31, 7 40. 
 
 Ibi i to. de xvi solidis et vii denariis.— 
 31, 7 50. 
 
 i to. de xxxii denariis.—32, 7 5. 
 i to. de x solidis.—32, 7 39. 
 i to. de v solidis.—32, 7 49. 
 
 Et ii m. de xiiii solidis.—33, 7 5. 
 
 Et ii to. de iii solidis.—33, 7 11. 
 
 i to. de xvi denariis.—33, 717. 
 
 Et i to. de iii solidis.—33, 7 23. 
 
 Ibi iii to. de xxxvi solidis et viii dena¬ 
 riis.—33, 7 36. 
 
 Et ii m. de iiii solidis.—33, 7 44. 
 
 Et unus to. de v solidis.—33, 7 51. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis.—34,7 11. 
 
 Ibi i to. de v solidis.—34, 7 23. 
 
 Et unus to. de vi solidis et viii denariis. 
 —35, 7 7. 
 
 Et unus to. de viii solidis.—35, 711. 
 Et iiii to. de xvi solidis et viii denariis. 
 —35, 7 19. 
 
 Et i to. de xxxviii denariis.—35, 7 32. 
 Et ii m. de 1 solidis.—35, 7 46. 
 
 Et vii m. de ix libris et xii solidis.— 
 36, 7 21. 
 
 Unus to. et dim. de xvi solidis et v de¬ 
 nariis.—36, 7 26. 
 
 Et ii to. de xxiiii solidis.—36, 7 42. 
 
 Et unum to. de xxx denariis.—36,7 46. 
 
 ii to. de vi solidis.—37, 7 5. 
 
 i m. de xx solidis et iiii denariis.—37, 
 7 38. 
 
 ii m. de 1 solidis.—37, 7 45. 
 
 Et i m. de xxii solidis.—38, 7 12. 
 
 Et iii to. sine censu.—38, 7 21. 
 vi to. et dim. de vi libris et viii solidis. 
 —38, 7 27. 
 
 i to. de xi solidis et viii denariis.—38, 
 7 36. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis.—40, 7 6. 
 
 Et i to. de x solidis.—40, 7 12. 
 
 ii to. de una marka argenti.—40, 7 27. 
 
 i m. de xl denariis.—40, 7 37. 
 
 Unus m. de lv denariis.—41,712. 
 
 Ibi unus m. dc xl solidis.—42, 7 20. 
 
 Ibi ii to. de xlvi solidis.—42, 7 28. 
 Tenet ii to. de xxviii solidis.—42, 7 36. 
 Tenet i to. qui reddit xlviii ferlingels de 
 
 frnmento et non pertinet ulli M.— 
 42,7 43. 
 
 Ibi v to. et dim. de vi libris.—43, 7 3. 
 Et iiii to. de xxiii solidis et viii denariis. 
 —45,7 40. 
 
 ii to. de vi solidis et viii denariis.—46, 
 7 12. 
 
 Ibi ii to. de ix solidis et vi denariis.— 
 46, 7 19. 
 
 x to. de viii libris.—46, 7 44. 
 
 Et unus to.—47, 7 2. 
 
 Quarta pars to. de xv denariis.—47, 7 
 48. 
 
 Et unum m. de xvi solidis.—48, 7 32. 
 
G8 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 MOL 
 
 Et xi m., cum gable rusticonim, viii li¬ 
 bras et xii solidos reddentes.—49, 7 
 43. 
 
 Unus m. de x denariis.—50, 714. 
 
 Et ii m. de x solidis et ii denariis.—50, 
 7 27. 
 
 Et i m. de xx solidis.—50, 7 40. 
 
 Et ii m. de vi solidis.—51, 717. 
 
 Unus m. de xxv denariis.—51, 7 25. 
 
 Et unus m. de xxx denariis.—52, 7 5. 
 Et i m. de xxv denariis.—52, 7 11. 
 i m. de xxx denariis.—52, 7 32. 
 
 Et i 7ii. de xxvi denariis.—52, 7 41. 
 iiii m. et dim. de iiii libris et xvii soli¬ 
 dis et iiii denariis.—53, 7 6. 
 iii 77i. et dim. de cv solidis.—53, 710. 
 i 7ti. reddit xxiiii solidos.—53, 7 18. 
 
 Et ii 7/i. de vii solidis.—53, 7 27. 
 i 7/i. de v solidis.—54, 7 31. 
 
 Et ii 7n. de vii solidis et ii denariis.— 
 
 54, 7 38. 
 
 Et ii 77i. de xxv solidis.—55, 7 5. 
 i 7/i. de v solidis.—55,713. 
 
 Unus /n. de ix solidis, et lx anguillis.— 
 
 55, 7 21. 
 
 Et ii 77i. de x solidis.—55, 7 33. 
 
 MON AC HI. 
 
 Quidain m. amcleshe.—6, 7 17. 
 
 Est de vestitu in. —10, 7 6. 
 
 Ad vietum in. —10, 711. 
 
 /ii. Cantuarienses habent omni anno xx 
 solidos.—11, 7 48. 
 
 Habent in. viii solidos per annum.—12, 
 7 42. 
 
 Habent 771. Cantuarienses iiii libras ad 
 vestitum suum.—15, 7 7. 
 
 Habent in. Cantuarienses xx solidos.— 
 15, 7 50. 
 
 Terra in. Arcliiepiscopi.—17, 7 1. 
 
 Tenet de m.— 18, 7 17. 
 
 Teneut m. Cantuarienses.—19, 7 13. 
 Pertinet ad D. in.—19, 7 47- 
 Hoe non annuunt in. —39, 7 17. 
 
 Terra quain tenent m. nunquam gel- 
 davit.—48, 7 28. 
 
 Habent in. in dominio.—48, 7 31. 
 
 Dim. S. de D. m. —49, 7 8. 
 MONASTERIUM. 
 
 Tenet i in. de episcopo.—4, 7 23. 
 MONIALES. 
 
 Tenent iiii in. in elemosina de abbate. 
 —47, 7 27. 
 
 MOB.IOB. 
 
 Quatido Til. alodiarius.—3, 717. 
 MOBS. 
 
 Judicatus ad in. —3, 7 34. 
 
 Permansit post in. B.E.—8, 7 24. 
 Tempore m. B.E.—10, 7 9. 
 
 Post m. ejus vertit se ad Alnod Cilt.— 
 22, 7 24. 
 
 MULIER. 
 
 Arcbiepiscopus habet m. —3,7 31. 
 Queedam in. tenuit.—22, 7 20. 
 
 Ibi una paupercula in. reddens iii de- 
 narios et i obolmn.—37, 716. 
 NAVIS. 
 
 Burgenses dederunt xx n. regi.—2, 7 6. 
 In unaquaque n. liomines xxi.—2, 7 7. 
 Omnes pene n. confringit.—2, 7 42. 
 NEMUS. 
 
 Inter n. et planum.—7, 7 16. 
 
 Parvum n. de xii acris pastime.—36,7 8. 
 NEFOS. 
 
 Dicit it. Herberti quod . . . avunculo 
 suo Ilerberto.—2, 7 45. 
 
 Heltus dapifer et n. ejus.—S, 7 20. 
 Tenet de Hugoue n. Herberti.—42,7 25. 
 NICHIL (v. NIHIL). 
 
 NIHIL et NIL. 
 
 De quibus rex nichil habet.—3, 7 33. 
 In D. nichil est.—26, 7 4. 
 
 In D. nichil. —27, 7 27. 
 
 Ibi nil est nisi ii acne prati.—27, 7 43. 
 In D. nichil. —31, 7 2. 
 
 Sed nil reddit.—38, 7 48. 
 
 Et post, nichil. —41, 7 85. 
 
 In D. nichil modo.—44, 7 13. 
 
 Nichil in D.—47,7 41. 
 
 In D. nichil. —48, 7 44. 
 
 Sed nil ibi est.—52, 714. 
 
 Nil ibi fuit, nee est.—52, 7 48. 
 
 NIL (v. sub NIHIL). 
 
 NISI. 
 
 Non pertineret M. n. de scoto.—17,714. 
 
 NIS 
 
 Ibi nil est n. ii acrae prati,—27, 7 43. 
 Non tenet n. iii J.—32, 7 47. 
 
 Nullum servitium reddit, n. xxx soli¬ 
 dos.—48, 7 16 et 7 37. 
 NOLENTIBUS. 
 
 n. Ulis.—7, 7 43. 
 
 NOMINATUS. 
 
 De terris supra n. —3, 7 36. 
 
 NOMINE. 
 
 Pnepositus Brumannus n. —6, 7 42. 
 Parvum burgum n. Seseltke.—18, 7 
 16. 
 
 Quidam n. Blize tenet.—18, 717. 
 Mauerium n. Plumstede.—46, 7 3. 
 NONUS. 
 
 Tertia parte n. salime.—50, 7 44. 
 NOVUS. 
 
 In n. hospitatione.—12, 7 50. 
 
 Ibi n. pisearia.—17, 7 50. 
 
 Pro n. dono episcopi.—23,719 et 7 42. 
 Pro n. dono episcopi.—24, 7 3. 
 
 Pro n. dono episcopi.—26, 7 34. 
 
 Pro n. douo episcopi.—27, 7 11. 
 
 De n. dono episcopi.—27, 7 37. 
 
 De n. dono episcopi.—27, 7 43. 
 
 De n. dono episcopi.—34, 7 3. 
 
 De n. dono episcopi.—44, 7 23. 
 NUMERUS. 
 xxx libras ad n .—2, 7 25. 
 xxiv libras ad n. —6, 714. 
 vii libras et xxvi denarios ad n. —8, 7 
 13. 
 
 cc libras ad n. —9, 7 5. 
 
 Insuper xv libras, etc., ad n. —9,711. 
 Modo, c libras ad n. —-45, 7 44. 
 NUNQUAM. 
 
 n. reddidit scot.—17, 7 23. 
 
 Quod ». se quietavit apud regem.—23, 
 7 25. 
 
 n. geldavit.—48, 7 29. 
 
 OBOLUS (v. etiam APPRECIOR, BED- 
 DO, et VALEO.) 
 
 Aut liiii denarii et unus o. —49, 7 80. 
 OLIM. 
 
 o. xx solidos.—16, 7 41. 
 
 OMNIS. 
 
 o. hie consuetudines.—2, 7 18. 
 
 Hi o. de his domibus.—2, 7 33. 
 
 o. pene naves confringit.—2, 7 42. 
 Super o. alodiarios.—3, 7 15. 
 
 De aliis o. rex c solidos habebit.—3,7 42. 
 Super hu;c o. habet.—6, 7 15. 
 
 De his o. revocat.—6, 7 24. 
 xxiiii S. ham o. adquietant.—7, 7 33. 
 liiec o. valerent.—7, 7 37. 
 o. erant in firrna regis.—8, 7 18. 
 
 Bex habet o. servitium.—16, 7 36. 
 
 Ipsi habent o. consuetudines.—16, 7 37. 
 Inter o. habent xlv carucas.—36, 719. 
 Quietum ab o. scota regio.—49, 7 29. 
 OPUS. 
 
 Si plus o. esset.—2, 7 12. 
 
 Emendam ad o. regis.—6, 7 40. 
 
 OBA. 
 
 De denariis qui sunt xx in o. —2, 7 25. 
 Solidos de denariis xx in o. —8,713. 
 xv libras de xx in o.— 22, 7 7. 
 exxv libras et x solidos de xx in o. — 
 45, 7 44. 
 
 OVES. 
 
 Pastura c o. —23, 7 36. 
 
 Pastura cc o.— 34, 712. 
 
 Pastura ad ccc o. —35, 7 48. 
 
 PACE (INFBACTA v. PAX). 
 
 PACEM (FBACTAM v. PAX). 
 PALUM. 
 
 Foderit vel;>. fixerit.—6, 7 39. 
 PABAGIUM. 
 
 Tenuerimt ii homines in p. —27, 7 3. 
 Tenebant ii solins in —43, 7 31. 
 PABCUS. 
 
 Pro excambio p. episcopi Baiocensis.— 
 29, 7 37. 
 
 Et (in Ceiitii) p. silvaticarum bestia- 
 rum.—30, 7 13. 
 
 Ibi (Wicheham) unus p. —35, 7 46. 
 De hoc M. (Liteburne) episcopus Bai¬ 
 ocensis habet in suo —46, 7 35. 
 Abbas tenet Wakwintone, et dedit ei 
 episcopus pro excambio p. sui.—46, 
 7 37. 
 
 PARS. 
 
 Habebat rex E. duas p. —2, 7 3. 
 
 Duas p. cuidam V. abstulit.—9, 7 15. 
 
 PAR 
 
 Tenet aliam p. intra divisionein suam. 
 —45, 7 82. 
 
 Duas p. unius S.—45, 7 47. 
 
 Hujus burgi duas p. —47, 714. 
 Terciam p. qua; fuerat Goduini.—47,7 
 15. 
 
 p. abbatis, xxvi libras.—48, 7 34. 
 Tertia p. non® salime.—50, 7 44. 
 Sextam p. unius J.—51, 7 12. 
 
 De alia p. de novein S.—56, 7 15. 
 PAltUM. 
 
 p. valebat.—22, 7 23. 
 
 PABVUS. 
 viii dense p. —8, 7 8. 
 
 Una p. dena si 1 vie.—12, 7 30. 
 
 Et;;. silva.—14, 714. 
 p. burgum Seseltke. —18, 7 15. 
 
 Ibi p. nemus.— 36, 7 8. 
 
 Et p. silvula.—44, 7 28. 
 
 p. burgum quod vocatur Forewic. — 
 
 47.7 13. 
 
 Ibi p. silvula.—48, 7 50. 
 
 Silvula;;. ad clausuram.—56, 710. 
 PASNAGIUM. 
 
 De p. cl porci.—37, 7 40. 
 
 Silva ccc poreorum de p. —45, 7 41. 
 Silva v poreorum de p. —46, 7 6. 
 
 D ep. xxx porci.—46, 7 45. 
 
 D ep. exxx porci.—47, 7 10. 
 v porci de p. silva;.—47, 7 32. 
 
 Unde exeunt de p. xl porci.—49,7 30. 
 De silva, 1 porci de p. —49, 7 45. 
 
 Silva de iii porcis de p. —50, 7 45. 
 Reddens v denarios de p .—54, 7 6. 
 Unde exeunt lx porci de p .—55, 7 34. 
 De p. lx porci.—55, 7 40. 
 iii deme de silva reddentes xxx porcos 
 de ;;.—56, 7 9. 
 
 PASTURA. 
 
 De p. Medrecliue.—7, 7 23. 
 
 Una p. in Sibertesuualt.—7, 7 24. 
 
 Apud Scortebroc unit;).—7, 7 28. 
 
 p. xl acra;.—8, 7 7. 
 
 De p. xiii solidi et iiii denarii.—9, 7 2. 
 De p. silva; xxxi solidi et ii denarii.— 
 9, 7 22. 
 
 Et vi acrae;;.—22, 7 48. 
 p. c ovibus.—23, 7 36. 
 
 Et iii acre; 25, 714. 
 
 Et xl acra; 25, 7 25. 
 
 Et xx acne p .—26,7 19. 
 
 Et xxxv aerie 26, 7 45. 
 
 Et xxx acne p.— 27, 7 2. 
 
 Et i acra p.— 27, 7 17. 
 
 Et p. 1 animalibus.—28, 7 37. 
 
 Et p. de xv solidis.—31, 7 34. 
 
 Et viii acra; 31, 7 50. 
 
 Et lx acne 32, 717. 
 
 In Exesse, p. cc ovibus.—34, 712. 
 
 Et p. c ovium.—34, 7 36. 
 p. unde araverunt extranei homines vi 
 acres terne.—35, 719. 
 
 De p. xl denarii.—35, 7 34. 
 p. ad ccc oves, et ad xxxi animalia.— 
 35, 7 48. 
 
 Parvum nemus de xii acris p. —36, 7 8. 
 Et p. de xviii solidis et vii denariis.— 
 38, 7 28. 
 
 Inter silvam et p. —40, 7 49. 
 
 PATER. 
 
 p. ejusdem tenuit in prebenda.—4, 7 35. 
 p. hujus tenuit in prebenda.—4, 7 42. 
 p. ipsius tenuit in prebenda.—5, 7 32. 
 p. ejus tenuit.—5, 7 46. 
 p. suum se posse vertere.—39, 7 17. 
 PAULULUM. 
 
 p. terra;.—7, 713. 
 
 PAUPERCULA. 
 
 Ibi una p. mulier reddens iii denarios 
 et i obolum.—37, 7 16. 
 
 PAX. 
 
 Treuna i.e. p. regis.—2, 7 14. 
 
 iii forisfacturas, pace/ii f/'act am, etc.— 
 
 16.7 31. 
 
 Pi'ieter pacem iiifractam. —41, 7 53. 
 Quando /;. est in terra.—47, 7 5. 
 PECUNIA. 
 
 De p. ejus conducebatur.—2, 7 13. 
 Medietatem p. ejus.—3, 7 34. 
 
 Terra vastata est a p. —55, 7 9. 
 PENES. 
 
 Omnes p. naves.—2, 7 42. 
 
 PENSA (v. etiam PENSATA). 
 cxl libras ad ignem et ad p. —9, 711. 
 
 PEN 
 
 Consuetudo, id est xxviii p. caseorum. 
 —56, 7 14. 
 
 xxviii ja. caseorum et dim.—56, 716. 
 PENSATA (v. etiam PENSA). 
 xxx libras arsas et p. —6, 7 14. 
 
 Ixx libras p. —8, 7 12. 
 
 PERDO. 
 
 Rex p. consuetudinem.—2, 7 26. 
 PERDONO. 
 
 Eis p. sacam et socam.—2,7 8. 
 PERMANEO. 
 
 It p. et post mortem R.E.—8, 7 24. 
 PERSOLVO. 
 
 Quos p. in anno.—48,717. 
 PERTICA. 
 
 Unam leugam, iii p. et iii pedes.—6, 7 
 37. 
 
 PERTINEO. 
 
 Ad hanc terrain;;. xxv acne.—4, 7 30. 
 Qua; juste;;, uni Eccclesise.—6, 7 24. 
 Tantum prati quantum p. ad xx acres 
 terne.—S, 7 17. 
 
 In Cantuaria iii liaga; ad hoc M.—9, 
 7 24. 
 
 Ad hoe M. p. v burgenses.—10, 7 19. 
 Ad hoc M. p. Iii masune.—12, 7 48. 
 p. ad Estursete.—14,711. 
 
 Ad hanc terrain p. vii Burgenses in 
 Cantuaria.—14, 713. 
 
 In Romenel sunt lxxxv Burgenses qui 
 p. ad Aldinton.—14, 7 19. 
 
 Ibi p. vi burgenses in Hede.— 14,7 36. 
 Ad hoc M. p. ccxxv Burgenses in burgo 
 Hedffi.—16, 7 22. 
 
 Ad hoc M. p. xxi burgenses.—16, 7 34. 
 Non p. M. nisi de scoto.—17,7 14. 
 Huic M. p. c burgenses iii miuus.—18, 
 7 12. 
 
 p. coquina; Arcliiepiscopi.—18, 716. 
 p. ad D. monachorum.—19, 7 47. 
 lxxx mansuras terne que;;. ad Frandes- 
 berie, etc.—21, 7 26. 
 
 Nec p. ad illud M.— 22, 7 9. 
 iiii domos ad hoc M. p. —28,714. 
 Huic M. p. ii mansure.—30, 7 37. 
 
 Huic M. p. in Cantuaria, T.R.E., i do- 
 mus.—30, 7 49. 
 iii domus p. huic M.—31, 714. 
 
 Huic M. p. quiedamlibera terra.—31,7 
 36. 
 
 Huic M. p. ix domus.—32, 7 30. 
 
 Una liida qua; ad hoc M. p. —34, 7 6. 
 p. in Cantuaria iii masune.—35, 7 50. 
 xiii masune^. huic M.—38, 7 29. 
 
 Huic M. p. i masura.—38, 7 44. 
 
 Non p. ulli M.—42, 7 44. 
 xxxii masnras ad hoc M. p. —43, 7 27. 
 Isti M. p. saea ct soca.—45, 7 50. 
 Omnia forislactura qua; juste regi.— 
 45, 7 51. 
 
 Quod p. isti M.—46, 7 24. 
 
 Burgenses huic M. p. —46, 7 25. 
 
 Ixiii acres terra; quie p. in IIulvig. — 
 55, 7 26. 
 
 Ad hoc M. p. in Cantuaria iiii hag® et 
 ii in Rouecestre.—56, 7 11. 
 
 De xxviii S. de Mildentone,/). in Neuue- 
 tone x librae et x solidi.—56, 7 15. 
 De alia parte de novem S. de Middel- 
 tone, p. in Neutone xxviii pensai 
 caseorum et dim.—56, 7 16. 
 
 PES. 
 
 iii perticas et iii p. —6, 7 37. 
 PISCARIA. 
 
 Aufert unam p. —7, 7 42. 
 
 Ibi xxxii p. de xxii solidis et viii deua- 
 riis.—9, 7 1. 
 
 i molinus de x solidis cum una ;;.—11, 
 
 7 15. 
 
 Ibi ii;;. de cclxx anguillis.—11, 7 39. 
 
 ii p. et dim. de clxxx anguillis.—11, 7 
 44. 
 
 iii p. de xiii solidis et viii denariis.— 
 12, 7 5. 
 
 Et una p. —12, 716. 
 
 Et p. de x denariis.—13, 7 19. 
 
 Et unam 13, 7 42. 
 
 iii jo. de xxi denariis.—14, 7 7. 
 
 i;;. de xl anguillis.—14, 7 35. 
 
 Et unam p.— 15, 7 16. 
 
 vi p. de mcc anguillis.—17, 7 34. 
 
 Ibi nova;;.—17, 7 50. 
 
 viii p. cum gablo, de xxv solidis.—18, 
 
 7 18. 
 
PIS 
 
 Una/), de ccl anguillis.—18, Z 23. 
 
 vi p. de iii solidis et iiii denariis.—19, 
 Z 35. 
 
 Et una p. de iii solidis et iiii denariis. 
 
 —20, Z 12. 
 
 Et i p. —20, Z 33. 
 
 Et v p. de xxx denariis, et sexta quae 
 servit ad hallam.—22, Z 13. 
 
 Et iii p. de iiii solidis.—21, Z18. 
 
 i p. de xc anguillis.—25, Z 7. 
 
 Et/). de lx anguillis.—28, Z 37. 
 
 Et xii /). de vii solidis et vi denariis.— 
 29, Z 5. 
 
 Et p. vi de xii denariis.—32, Z 6. 
 
 Ibi ip. de ii solidis.—32, / 21. 
 
 Et ii/). de v solidis.—32, / 39. 
 
 Dim./), sine censu.—32, Z 43. 
 
 Et p. de ii solidis.—33, Z 5. 
 
 Et p. de xxx anguillis.—33, Z 12. 
 
 Et/). de iii solidis.—34, l 11. 
 p. de vi denariis.—35, l 19. 
 
 Dim. p. iiii denariorum.—35, l 33. 
 iii/). de iiii solidis.—35, / 47. 
 xxv p. de xxxv solidis. iiii denariis mi¬ 
 nus.—37, Z 38. 
 
 ii p. sine censu.—38, Z12. 
 ii/). de xii denariis.—38, Z 22. 
 ii/). dexvii denariis.—38, L 28. 
 p. de x denariis.—38, Z 37. 
 
 Et /). de xii denariis.—39, Z13. 
 
 Et dim. p. de ccc allecibus.—40, Z18. 
 v. p. de xii denariis.—41, Z 29. 
 ii p. de v denariis.—41, Z 41. 
 
 Et /). de ii solidis.—41, Z 50. 
 ii p. de v solidis.—42, Z 15. 
 
 vii p. de v. solidis.—46, Z 44. 
 ii p. de iii denariis.—47, Z1. 
 
 Dim. p. viii denariorum.—50, l 44. 
 
 Et iii p. de v solidis.—51, Z 46. 
 
 iiii p. de mille et septingentis anguillis, 
 xx minus.—55, Z 6. 
 
 Et ii p. de ii solidis.—55, l 33. 
 
 Ibi una/;.—55, Z 40. 
 
 Una/), semens halite.—56, Z 9. 
 PLACITUM. 
 
 Barones regis qui p. tenuerunt.—6, 1 47. 
 PLANUM. 
 
 Inter nemus et p. —7,Z16. 
 
 PONO. 
 
 Posit/e in calle regis.—6, Z17. 
 
 Posu.it extra M.—8, l 27. 
 
 PORCI (vide ctiam PASNAGIUM et 
 SILVA). 
 
 PORTO. 
 
 ltamum vel frondem/).—3, l 6. 
 PORTUS. 
 
 In introitu/). de Douere.—2, l 41. 
 ii hedas, i.e. ii p. —8, l 8. 
 
 De exitu p. xl solidi.—49, l 44. 
 POSSESS10. 
 
 p. S d M.—7, 1 1. 
 
 POSSUM. 
 
 Neque p. liabere dominum.—22, l 9. 
 p. ire quolibet sine licentia.—22, l 40. 
 p. eum terra sua vertere se.—23, l 9. 
 p. se vertere quo voluit.—23, 1 13. 
 p. se vertere cum terra.—23, l 20. 
 p. se vertere quo voluit.—23, l 28. 
 p. se vertere quo voluit.—23, l 3S. 
 p. se vertere cum terra.—24, l 4. 
 p. cum terra sua vertere.—27, l 4. 
 p. ire cum terra quo voluit.—31, 1 10. 
 pot.uit ire quo libuit.—31, l 16. 
 patrem suum se posse vertere.—39, 111. 
 potuit ire quo voluit cum terra.—40, 1 8. 
 /). ire quolibet cum terris.—41, l 37. 
 p. ire quolibet cum terns.—50, l 20. 
 POSTMODUM. 
 
 p. vero, regnante W. rege.—21, l 37. 
 POSTQUAM. 
 
 p. dedit M.—40, 1 10. 
 
 POTEEANT, POTUIT, etc. (v. sub 
 POSSUM). 
 
 POTUS. 
 
 Habent cibum et p. —3, l 38. 
 PEdSMONITI. 
 
 Si fuerint p. —3, l 39. 
 
 PE/EPOSITUS. 
 
 Inde p. regis accipiebat emendationem. 
 —2, 1 15. 
 
 p. inde reddit liiii libras.—2, l 23. 
 Sequitur ilium p. regis.—6, l 39. 
 
 /)., Brumannus nomine.—6, l 42. 
 p. vero Francigena.—8, 1 10. 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 (59 
 
 PRriE 
 
 Alestan p. Lundoniae.—8, l 20. 
 Vicecomiti dat p. xii libras.—9, 1 12. 
 Tamen/). reddit.—14, l 47. 
 PE/ESTLTIT. 
 
 Vieecomes p. ea Alestan.—8, Z 20. 
 PE/ETER. 
 
 D. p. regem.—22, l 9. 
 p. hoc, habet.—22, Z 39. 
 
 Omni consuetudiue/). tribus.—41, Z 52. 
 
 PRATUM. 
 
 viii acre /).... reddunt de censu xv 
 solidos.—6, Z 9. 
 
 [ii car. et dim.] et unum p. —7, Z 8. 
 Aufert eis unum p, —7, Z 40. 
 
 [Ibi lv car.] p. xxii acra.—8, Z 7. 
 Ablatum est unum/).—8, Z16. 
 
 Tantum p. quantum pertiuet ad x acras 
 terra;.—8, Z 17. 
 
 [Ibi xviii car.] et xliii acre/).—8, Z 35. 
 [Ibi clxx car,] et xviii acre/).—8, Z 47. 
 [Ibi xxvi car.] et ii acra p. —9, Z 22. 
 [Ibi viii car. et] viii acra /).—10, Z 20. 
 [Ibi li car.] et 1 acre/).—10, Z 26. 
 
 [Ibi vii car.] et xxviii acras p.— 10, Z 29. 
 [Ibi xi car. et] viii acne p.— 10, Z 36. 
 [Ibi xii car.] et viii acre /).—10, Z 42. 
 [Ibi x car.] et x acre p.—11, Z 2. 
 
 [Ibi viii car.] et xxi acre p.— 11 Z 9. 
 [Ibi xii car.] et xx acre p.— 11, Z15. 
 [Ibi xvii car.] et ix acre/).—11, Z 23. 
 [Ibi xxviii car.] et x acre p. —11,Z40. 
 [Ibi ix car. et dim.] et xiii acras/).— 
 11, Z 44. 
 
 [Ibi xvii car.] et xiiii acre /).—12, Z 6. 
 [Ibi xxx car.] et xxxiii acre/).—12,Z15. 
 [Ibi Ixi car. et dim.] et x acre p. —12, 
 Z 23. 
 
 [Ibi xxii car.] et xiii acre/).—12, Z 36. 
 [Ibi xx car.] et n acre p. —12, Z 47. 
 [Ibi vii car. et dim.] et xxiiii acras/).— 
 13, Z 5. 
 
 [Ibi xxxv car. et dim.] et xx acre p. — 
 13, Z 13. 
 
 [Ibi xvii car.] iiii acre p. —13, Z 18. 
 [Ibi xxxi car. et dim.] xxv acre/).— 
 13, Z 26. 
 
 [Ibi xiii car. et dim.] et xii acre p. et 
 dim.—13, Z 31. 
 
 [Ibi xix car.] et xiii acre p. —13, Z 51. 
 [Ibi lxxxiii car.] cLxx acre /).—14, Z 7. 
 [Ibi ix car.] et xx acre p. —14, Z 29. 
 [Ibi lix car.] et xxx acre /).—14, Z 35. 
 [x car. ,ct dim.] et xl acras p. —14, Z41. 
 Ibi v car. et dim.] vi acre/).—15, Z 5. 
 Ibi xx car.] et xxix acre/).—15, Z 13. 
 i car. et dim.] et iii acre p. —15, Z 21. 
 Ibi ix car.] et viii acre p. —15, Z 33. 
 Ibi ii car.] et ii acre/).—15, Z 40. 
 
 'Ibi iii car.] et x acre/).—15, Z 49. 
 
 Ibi vi car.] et vi acre /).—16, Z 3. 
 
 Ibi xi car. et dim.] et xxxiii acre p. 
 —16, Z 21. 
 
 ‘iii car. et dim.] xviii acre p. —16, Z 27. 
 Tbi xxv car.] et x acre /).—17, Z 5. 
 
 'vi car. et dim.] et vi acre p. —17, Z 12. 
 Tbi xxv car.] et viii acre /).—17, Z 21. 
 Ibi xxix car.] et xvi acre p. —17, Z 27. 
 Ibi xxxiv car.] xii acre/).—17, Z 35. 
 'Ibi v. car.] et iiii acras/).—17, Z 38. 
 Ibi vii car.] et xxxviacre/).—17, Z 44. 
 Tbi xix car, et dim.] et xxxv acre p. — 
 18, Z 6. 
 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et xxiiii acre/).— 
 18, Z13. 
 
 [Ibi vi car.] ii acre p.— 18, Z 24. 
 
 [Ibi xvii car. et dim.] et xxx acre p. — 
 18, Z 29. 
 
 [Ibi xix car.] et xii acre p.— 18, Z 35. 
 [Ibi xxiv ear. et dim.] et xxvii acre p. 
 —18, Z 40. 
 
 [Ibi i: 
 
 c car.] et xi acre p. 
 
 —IS Z 45. 
 
 [Ibi i 
 
 car.] et x acras /).- 
 
 -18, Z48. 
 
 [Ibi X 
 
 :vi car. et dim.] et 
 
 xx acra/).- 
 
 19, 
 
 Z 4. 
 
 
 [Tbi > 
 
 •xvii car.] et xviii a 
 
 icra /).—19, 
 
 11. 
 
 
 
 [Ibi xxxviii car. et dim.] 
 
 xiii acre p.- 
 
 19, 
 
 Z 20. 
 
 
 [Ibi ii 
 
 car.] xii acre p.— 
 
 19, Z 30. 
 
 [Ibix 
 
 iv car.] ii acre p.— 
 
 -19, Z 36. 
 
 [Ibi i 
 
 ii car. et dim.] et 
 
 vii acre/).- 
 
 19, 
 
 Z 42. 
 
 
 [Ibi X 
 
 iii ear.] ct xx acre; 
 
 ?).—20 Z 4. 
 
 [Ibi x 
 
 iii car.] et lxxii acre 
 
 :/).—20, Z1S 
 
 PRA 
 
 PRA 
 
 [Ibi v 
 
 car.] et iiii acre p .— 20, Z 20. 
 
 Tbi x 
 
 i car,] et ii acre/).—20, / 28. 
 
 Tbi v 
 
 i car.] et Lx acre p.— 20, Z 34. 
 
 Ibi ii 
 
 car.] ct ii acre p. — 20, l 44. 
 
 Tbi vi 
 Ibi v 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 i car.] et xxx acre /).—20, Z 49. 
 car.] et xx acre/).—21, Z 4. 
 car.] et iiii acre /).—21, Z S. 
 
 [Ibi ix 
 
 car.] et xxx acre p.— 21, Z12. 
 
 [Ibi x 
 Tbi v 
 
 i car.] et xl acre p.— 21, Z IS. 
 car.] 1 acre p.— 21, Z 22. 
 
 Ibi VI 
 
 car.] et iiii acre p.— 21, Z 32. 
 
 Tbi v 
 
 car.] et xii acre/).—22, Z 6. 
 
 Tbi x 
 
 i car. 1 et xl acre /).—22, Z 12. 
 
 Tbi i 
 
 car.] una acra /).—22, Z 28. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] et dim. acra p.— 22, Z 33. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] vaera/).—23, Z 3. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 boves] et ii acre p. — 23, Z 7. 
 
 Ibi i 
 
 ar.] et vi acre /).— 23, Z12. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 cm-.] v acre /).— 23, Z 17. 
 
 Ibi ii 
 
 ar.] et iiii acre p .— 23, Z 24. 
 
 [Ibi i 
 
 car.] et una acra et dim. p. — 
 
 23, 
 
 31. 
 
 [Ibi V 
 
 boves] et viii acre p. — 23, Z 35. 
 
 [Ibi ii 
 
 car.] iii acre /).—23, Z 41. 
 
 [Terra 
 
 i car. et dim.] iii acre/). — 23, Z 
 
 47. 
 
 Terra 
 
 iii car.] et vi acre p.— 24, Z 2. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] et ix acre p. — 24, Z 8. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] et viii acre p.— 24, Z12. 
 
 Ibi X 
 
 icar.] et xxx acre /).—24, Z19. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] et xii acre p .— 24, Z 26. 
 
 lbix 
 
 car.] et x acre/). — 24, Z 42. 
 
 Tbi v 
 Ibi ii 
 
 car.] et x acre p.— 24, Z 47. 
 car.] et i acra/i. — 25, Z 14. 
 
 Tbi vi 
 
 cm - .] et xxii acre p. — 25, Z 25. 
 
 ibi X 
 
 ii car.] et xxii acre/).—25, Z 31. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 
 car.] iiii acra p. — 25, Z 36. 
 
 [Ibi ii 
 
 i car.] et v acre p. —£5, Z 41. 
 
 [Ibi ii 
 
 i car.] et viii acre/).—25, Z 45. 
 
 [Ibi ii 
 
 ctu-.] et vi acre /).— 26, Z 19. 
 
 [Ibi 
 
 car. et dim.] xii acre p. — 26, Z 
 
 24. 
 
 
 [Ibi X 
 
 car.] et xii acre/). — 26, Z 31. 
 
 [Ibi i 
 
 car. et dim.] et i acra/). — 26, Z 
 
 39. 
 
 
 [Ibi v 
 
 car.] et viii acre/). — 26, Z 44. 
 
 Ibi ii 
 
 T bi i 
 
 car.] x acre /).— 27, Z1. 
 car.] et xi acre /).— 27, Z 8. 
 
 Tbi i 
 
 car. et iii boves] et v acre p. — 
 
 27, 
 
 Z 17. 
 
 Tbi v 
 
 car.] et ix acre p. — 27, Z 23. 
 
 Ibi ii 
 
 car.] et iiii acre p.— 27, Z 29. 
 
 Tbi ii 
 Ibi i 
 
 i car.] et viii acre p. — 27, Z 34. 
 car. et dim.] et v acre p. — 27, Z 
 
 39. 
 
 Ibi nil est nisi ii acre/).—27, Z 43. 
 [Ibi iii car.] et xii acre /).—27, Z 48. 
 [Ibi vii ear.] et iii acre p. et dim.— 
 
 28, Z 10. 
 
 Ibi ii car.] et vii acre p. —2S, Z 28. 
 Tbi vii car.] xii acre/).—28, Z 37. 
 
 Tbi viii car.] ct x acre p.— 28, Z 43. 
 Tbi vi car.] et iii acre/).—28, Z 49. 
 
 Ibi xviii car.] et xii acre/).—29, Z 5. 
 Terra vi car.] vii acre /).—29, Z 16. 
 Ibi dim. car.] et i acra p. et dim.— 
 
 29, Z 24. 
 
 [Terra iii car.] et ii acre p. et dim.— 
 29, Z 28. 
 
 [Ibi ix car.] et viii acre/).—29, Z 33. 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et vi acre /).—29, 
 Z 41. 
 
 Tbi viii'car.] v acre p. —30, Z1. 
 
 Tbi vi car.] et iiii acre/).—30, Z 7. 
 
 Tbi vii car.] et vi acre /).—30, Z12. 
 Tbi vi car.] et viii acre p.— 30, Z17. 
 [Ibi i car. et dim.] et vi acre p .—30, 
 Z 23. 
 
 [Ibi v car.] et iii acre p.— 30, Z 30. 
 [Ibi i car. et dim.] et i acra p .—30, Z 
 35. 
 
 [Ibi i car.] iiii acre p. —30, Z 41. 
 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et i acra p .—30, Z 
 46. 
 
 Tbi i car.] et ii acras p. —31, Z 3. 
 
 Tbi iicar. et dim.] et li acre p. —31, Z 8. 
 Tbi i car.] et iiii acre /).—31, Z 19. 
 
 Ibi ii car.] et iii acre p. —31, Z 24. 
 Tbi i car. et ii animalia] et iiii acre p. 
 —31, Z28. 
 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et viii acre p .— 
 31, Z 34. 
 
 [Ibi v car.] et iiii acre/).—31, Z 41. 
 [Ibi i car.] et i acra/). et dim.—31, Z 46. 
 
 31, Z 50. 
 
 [Ibi xiii car.] et xx acre/).—32, Z 5. 
 [Ibi iii car.] xii acre /).—32, Z 12. 
 
 [Ibi ii car.] et xii acre /).—32, Z 17. 
 [Ibi xlvii car.] et xxxii acre /).—32 
 Z 26. 
 
 [Ibi ii car. et dim.] et xii acre p — 
 
 32, Z 39. 
 
 [Ibi dim. car.] et iiii acras p. —32, Z 42. 
 
 [Ibi 
 [Ibi i 
 [Ibi v 
 [Ibi v 
 [Ibi ii 
 [lb‘ ‘ 
 
 33, Z 23 
 
 ■.] et x acre /).—32, Z 49. 
 
 .] et iii acras /).—33, Z1. 
 ir.] et vii acre /).—33, l 6. 
 r.] et ii acre p. —33, Z 12. 
 ir.] et iii acre p. —33, Z 18. 
 ct dim.] et viii acre p .— 
 
 [Ibi i .... 
 [Ibi i ca; 
 
 ir.] et una 
 
 • -ar.] ct iiii 
 
 [Ibi xix car.] et x 
 [Ibi i car.] et ii a 
 [Ibi iii car.] et ii. 
 [Ibi vii car.] et xv 
 
 :ra/).—33, Z 28. 
 re /).—33, Z 32. 
 acre />.—33, Z 37. 
 is /).—33, Z 40. 
 re /).—33, Z 44. 
 re/).—33, Z 52. 
 
 [Ibi ix car. et dim.] et xxx acre p .— 
 34, Z 11. 
 
 [Ibi ii car. et dim.] et v 
 Z17. 
 
 [Ibi i car. et dim.] et xii acre p. —34, 
 Z 28. 
 
 Tbi dim. car.] et x acre p. —34, Z 35. 
 Tbi ii car.] et vi acre p— 34, Z 40. 
 Tbi dim. car.] et iiii acre /).—34, Z 45. 
 Tbi i car.] et i acra /).—34, Z 48. 
 
 Ibi ii car. et dim.] et xiii acre p .— 
 35, Z 40. 
 
 Tbi xi car.] et xxxii acre p.— 35, Z 47. 
 Tbi lix car.] et c acre/).—36, Z 21. 
 Ibi ii car.] et xii acras/).—36, l 31. 
 Ibi i car.] et v acras/).—36, Z 33. 
 
 Tbi i ear.] et iii acras /).—36, Z 38. 
 Tbi v car.] et xx acre p. —36, Z 42. 
 Tbixxiii car.] et xxviii acre p. — 31,1 5. 
 Tbi xxi car.] et xx acre p.— 37, Z 40. 
 Tbi x car.] et xx acras p.— 37, Z 43. 
 Ibi iii car.] et ii acre/).—38, Z17. 
 Tbi xiv car.] et ix acre/).—38, Z 30. 
 [Ibi xi car.] et xiii acre/).—38, Z 38. 
 Ibi ii car. et dim.] et ii acra p. —38, 
 Z 48. 
 
 [Ibi i car. etdim.] et ii acre/).—40, Z 6. 
 [Ibi i car. et dim.] et viii acre /).—40, 
 Z27. 
 
 [Ibi ii carj et xiii acre/).—40, Z 32. 
 [Ibi i cm-.Jet x acre./).—40, Z 37. 
 
 [Ibi ii car. et dim.] xiiii acre p. —40, 
 Z 42. 
 
 Tbi v car.] xxxiii acre/).—40, Z 47. 
 [Ibi i car.] et una acra p. —41, Z 2. 
 
 Ibi v car.] et xx acre/).—41, Z 12. 
 Ibi ii car.] et viii acra p. —41, Z 19. 
 [Ibi i car. et dim.] et x acre p. —41, 
 
 [Ibi xix car.] et x acre p. —41, Z 41. 
 [Ibi iii car.] et iiii acre p — 42, Z 28. 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et iiii acre p .— 
 42, Z 51. 
 
 [Ibi ii ear. et dim.] et x acre p. —44, 
 Z19. 
 
 [Ibi xxvi car.] et cxxxiii acre p. —45, 
 Z 41. 
 
 [Ibi xviii car.] et viii acre p.— 46, Z13. 
 [Ibi ii car.] ct iii acre p. et dim.—4:6, 
 Z 19. 
 
 [Ibi viii car. et dim.] ct xvii acre/).— 
 46, Z 27. 
 
 [Ibi ix car. et dim.] et xxxviii acre p. 
 
 Tbi i car.] et xvi acre p. —46, Z 39. 
 Tbi xiv car.] et xxviii acre/).—46, Z 45. 
 Tbi xliiii car.] 1 acre p.— 47, Z 9. 
 
 Tbi i car.] et vii acre p. —47, Z 26. 
 Tbi ii car.] ii acre p.— 47, Z 32. 
 
 [Ibi i car;] et vi acre p.— -47, Z 35. 
 Terra dim. car.] et vii acre p.—47, 
 Z 38. 
 
 [Ibi i car.] xi ncra/).^47, Z 48. 
 
 [Ibi xl car.] xl acre /).—4S, Z 7. 
 
 Et xi acras p. de terra V.—48, Z 21. 
 [Ibi vi car.] x acre /).— 49, Z 22. 
 
 [Ibi xix car.] xxx acra/i.—49, Z 44. 
 [Ibi iii cai'. et dim.] et xii acre p .— 
 50, Z 6. 
 
 [Ibi i car.] et iii acre p.— 50, Z10. 
 [Ibi i car.] et viii acre p. —50, Z 14. 
 
TO 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 PRA 
 
 "Ibi ii car.] et viii acne p. —50, 718. 
 'Ibi i car.] et vi acras j».—50, 7 22. 
 'Ibi x car.] et xl acne p. —51, 7 17- 
 Terra est iii car. Nulla ibi car.] et v 
 acne p. —51, 7 25. 
 
 [Ibi ii car.] iii acne />. —51, 7 28. 
 
 [Ibi ix car.] et xxxviii acne /;.—51, 
 7 47. 
 
 [Ibi vii car.] et xxxvi acne p. —52,75. 
 [Ibi iii car. et dim.] et xxiiii acne p .— 
 52, 7 12. 
 
 [Ibi v car. et dim.] et xx acne p. —52, 
 
 [Ibi i car.] et x acne p. —52, 7 32. 
 
 [Ibi vii car.] et xxx acne p. —52, 7 37. 
 [Ibi i car.] et viii acne p. —52, 7 42. 
 [Ibi i car.] et iiii acne p. —62, 7 44. 
 [Ibi ii car.] et iiii acr* p. —53, 7 5. 
 [Ibi xii car.] et xx aerie/;.—53, 7 28. 
 [Ibi dim. car.] et v acne p. —53, 7 46. 
 [Ibi iii car.] et x acne p. —54, 7 5. 
 
 [Ibi i car.] et viii acne p. —54, 7 21. 
 [Ibi xxxii car.] et xvi acne p. —54, 
 7 32. 
 
 [Ibi xxxiii car.] et xxvi acne p. —54, 
 7 38. 
 
 [Ibi vii car. et dim.] v acne p. —55,77. 
 [Ibi vii ear.] et iiii acne p. —55, 713. 
 [Ibi v boves et x car.] xx acne p. —55, 
 7 21. 
 
 [Ibi xii ear.] xx acne p. —55, 7 34. 
 
 [Ibi iii car.] et ii acne/;.—55, 7 39. 
 [Ibi v car.] xii acne p. —56, 7 8. 
 PREBEND A. 
 
 Erant p. communes.—4, 714. 
 
 Tenet i M. in p. —4, 717. 
 
 Leuuinus tenuit in p. —4, 7 20. 
 
 Iste idem tenuit in p. —4, 7 28. 
 
 Elric tenuit in p. —4, 7 32. 
 
 Pater ejusdem tenuit in/;.—4, 7 36. 
 Alric tenuit in p. —4, 7 39. 
 
 Pater hujus tenuit in/;.—4, 7 42. 
 
 Sigar tenuit in p. —4, 7 48. 
 
 De hac p. sumpsit.—5, 7 9. 
 
 Hie c acne erant de p. —5, 715. 
 
 Tenuit in p. similiter.—5, 7 26. 
 
 Pater ipsius tenuit in/;.—5, 7 32. 
 Spirites tenuit in/;.—5, 7 35. 
 
 Sired tenuit in/;.—5, 7 38. 
 
 PRECIUM. 
 
 p. ejus non potuit computari.—2, 7 21. 
 PRESBYTER. 
 
 Ibi sunt vii p. qui reddunt vii libras et 
 v solidos.—14, 7 23. 
 
 Anscbitillus p. tenet de eo.—20, 7 22. 
 Unus p. qui dat xl solidos per annum. 
 —35, 7 45. 
 
 Eduni p. tenuit de rege E.—41, 7 30. 
 Ibi unmet unus/;.—44, 7 37. 
 
 Ibi iecclesia et unus p. qui dat xx soli¬ 
 dos per annum.—46, 7 50. 
 
 Quod Ylsi p. tenuit de rege E.—50, 7 8. 
 Ibi iecclesia et/;.—50, 7 14. 
 
 Ibi iecclesia et p. —50, 7 26. 
 
 Aluuinus p. tenuit.—53, 7 17. 
 PRETIUM (v. sub PRECIUM). 
 PRIMUS. 
 
 In ipso p. adventu.—2, 7 20. 
 PROFICUUM. 
 
 Sed non ad/;, canonicorum.—7, 7 26. 
 PROPRIA. 
 
 p. ejus M.—21, 7 26. 
 
 PltOSTR AVE It IT. 
 
 Aut arborem intra viam/;.—3, 7 5. 
 PROTECTOR. 
 
 Revocant ad p. —2, 7 34. 
 
 Revocat ad/;.—6, 7 25. 
 
 PUBLICUS. 
 
 Strictior fiat p. via.—3, 7 4. 
 
 Infra has/;, vias.—6, 7 38. 
 
 QUIA. 
 
 Dicit q. valet.—S, 711. 
 
 q. habuit T.R.E.—39, 7 16. 
 
 QUID AM. 
 
 Et q. silva.—8, 7 27. 
 q. nomine Blize tenet.—18,7 16. 
 q. inulier tenuit.—22, 7 20. 
 
 Ibi q. miles.—22, 7 38. 
 q. Francigena.—30, 7 45. 
 
 Pertinet q. libera terra.—31, 7 36. 
 q. miles ejus.—37, 7 30. 
 
 Terra cujusdam Rannulfi militis.— 37, 7 
 49. 
 
 q. Turstinus tenet i J.—38, 7 42. 
 
 QUI 
 
 Tenet q. miles.—38, 7 49. 
 
 Ibidem manet q. Altet.—42, 7 47. 
 Tenet q. miles.—42, 7 57. 
 
 Dedit cuidam suo fratri.—45, 7 22. 
 Tenuit q. soehmannus.—52, 7 47. 
 QU1ETO. 
 
 Nuuquam se q. apud regem.—23, 7 26. 
 QUIETUS. 
 
 q. erat de theloneo.—2,7 17. 
 
 q. erit erga regem.—3,7 12. 
 Consuetudines q. habuerint.—6, 7 46. 
 Sunt q. pro servitio man’s.—41, 7 52. 
 Semper q. fuit et sine consuetudine.— 
 
 46, 7 23. 
 
 Se defendil pro v S. qiiielis. —46, 7 42. 
 Dim. S. quod semper fuit q. —47, 7 25. 
 S cns A. habet i J. q. ab omni scoto re- 
 gio.—49, 7 28. 
 
 QUOLIBET. 
 
 Poterant ire q. sine licentia.—22, 7 40. 
 Poterant ire q. cum terris.—41, 7 37- 
 Potuerunt ire q. cum terris suis.—50, 
 7 21. 
 
 RAMUS. 
 
 Inde r. vel frondem, portaverit.—3,7 6. 
 RECEDUNT. 
 
 Sine forisfactura r .— 3, 7 39. 
 
 RECIPIO (v. etiam sub YALEO). 
 
 Qui exulem r. —3, 7 35. 
 
 Quando r. arcbiepiscopus.—10,710. 
 Quando r., iii juga.—43, 717. 
 
 Quando ?•., fecit unum M.—43, 7 32. 
 RECUAMO. 
 
 r. abbas S d A. quia habuit T.R.E.— 
 39, 7 15. 
 
 RECOG.NOSCO. 
 
 r. se injuste accepisse.—6, 7 45. 
 RECTUS. 
 
 Concordatum de r. —6, 7 34. 
 
 Similiter de r. callibus extra.—6, 7 36. 
 REDDO. 
 
 T.R.E. r. xviii libras.—2, 7 2. 
 r. regi consuetudiuem.—2, 717. 
 Pnepositus inde r. liiii libras.—2, 7 23. 
 Et r. Ixi libras.—4, 7 14. 
 
 Et r. ei xi solidos.—4,7 24. 
 
 Ii Burgenses r. gablum.—6, 7 2. 
 Burgenses gablum r. sunt xix.—6, 7 4. 
 iii molendina r. eviii solidos.—6,7 8. 
 Theloneum r. lxviii solidos.—6, 7 9. 
 r. de censu xv solidos.—6, 7 10. 
 r. xxx libras arsas et pensatas, et xxiiii 
 libras ad numenun.—6, 7 13. 
 r. xi solidos et ii denarios et i obolum. 
 —6, 7 30. 
 
 Qui tenet, r. xl libras.—6, 7 49. 
 r. xxii solidos.—7,7 4. 
 r. xvi solidos et viii denarios.—7, 7 7. 
 r. xvi solidos et viii denarios.—7, 7 9. 
 r. xx solidos ii deuariis minus.—7,711. 
 r. ix solidos iii denariis minus.—7,712. 
 r. 1 denarios.—7, 7 14. 
 r. xx solidos et vi denarios.—7, 7 17. 
 r. lx solidos ad caleiamenta.—7, 7 20. 
 S ca Margrita r. viii libras.—7, 7 20. 
 Tres iecclesia! r. xxxvi solidos et viii 
 denarios.—7, 7 22. 
 xvi deuarios r. —7, 7 24. 
 r. vii libras. T.R.E. tantundem r. —7, 
 7 25. 
 
 Una pastura r. ii solidos.—7, 7 28. 
 Nunquain r. aliquid consuetudinis vel 
 scoti.—7, 7 32. 
 
 Tamen r. lxx libras pensatas; et cxi 
 solidos de denariis xx in ora. Et 
 vii libras et xxvi denarios ad nume- 
 
 Super luce r. vicecomiti c solidos.—S, 
 7 14. 
 
 Tamen r. xxxi libras.—8, 7 37. 
 r. 1 solidos, pro Ineuuardo et aueris.— 
 9, 7 3. 
 
 r. cxl libras ad ignem et ad pensam, et 
 insuper xv libras et vi solidos, ii de¬ 
 nariis minus, ad numenun.—9,7 10. 
 r. xvi denarios per annum.—9, 713. 
 r. xxxv solidos.—10, 7 4. 
 r. simile servitium regi.—10, 7 7. 
 
 regi xv libras.—10, 7 9. 
 r. xl libras de firma et xl milia de alle- 
 cibus.—10, 710. 
 
 r. 1 libras de firma, et alleces sicut prius. 
 —10, 712. 
 
 vi solidos et viii denarios.—10, 719. 
 
 RED 
 
 Tamen qui tenet r. xviii libras.—10, 7 
 
 22. 
 
 Tamen r. xxiii libras, et unum militem 
 in servitio archiepiscopi.-—10, 7 38. 
 Tamen r. xxx libras et viii solidos.— 
 
 10, 7 44. 
 
 Tamen r. xxi libras.—11, 7 3. 
 
 Tamen r. xv libras.—11, 7 11. 
 
 Tamen r. xxxvii libras et x solidos.— 
 
 11, 717. 
 
 Tamen r. xxxv libras.—11, 7 32. 
 
 Tamen r. xxvi libras, xii denariis minus. 
 Quod tenet francigena xl solidos.— 
 
 12,7 9. 
 
 r. 1 libras, et xiiii solidos, et ii denarios. 
 
 Et arcliidiacono xx solidos.—12,7 26. 
 Et tamen r. lx libras.—13, 7 28. 
 
 Tamen r. xx libras.—13, 7 33. 
 
 Modo r. c libras et xx solidos.—14,7 9. 
 r. viii solidos et iiii denarios.—14, 713. 
 r. vii libras et v solidos.—14, 7 24. 
 Tamen r. xv libras.—14, 7 25. 
 
 Et tamen r. lx libras.—14, 7 37. 
 
 Tamen prmpositus r. xviii libras et x 
 solidos.—14, 7 47. 
 
 Tamen r. xii libras et x solidos.—16, 
 7 6. 
 
 Tamen r. c solidos.—16, 7 9. 
 
 Tamen r. xi libras.—16, 7 29. 
 
 Tamen r. xxviii libras.—17,7 7. 
 Nunquain r. scot.—-17, 7 23. 
 r. viii libras et iiii solidos.—18, 713. 
 Tamen r. xxx libras.—18, 7 31. 
 
 Tamen r. xxx libras.—18, 7 36. 
 
 Tamen r. xxvii libras.—18, 7 41. 
 
 Tamen r. xl libras.—19, 7 6. 
 
 Modo xlvi libras et xxvi solidos et 
 iiii denarios. Et archiepiseopo c so¬ 
 lidos de Garsumune.—19, 7 25. 
 Tamen xiii libras.—19, 7 27. 
 
 Tamen r. xxiiii libras et uuciam ami. 
 —20, 7 7. 
 
 Tamen r. xx libras, et unam unciam 
 auri, et unum marsum.—20, 714. 
 Tamen r. xxi libras, duos solidos mi¬ 
 nus.—20, 7 30. 
 
 Tamen per annum r. xi libras, et xiii 
 solidos, et iiii denarios.—21, 7 28. 
 Tamen r. qui tenet xiii libras et xx de¬ 
 narios.—21, 7 33. 
 
 Tamen qui tenet r. xxx libras.—24,7 21. 
 Tamen qui tenet r. xii libras.—24,7 32. 
 Tamen qui tenet r. xxxv libras.—24,7 
 44. 
 
 i domus r. xxx denarios.—28, 7 29. 
 Tamen r. xii libras.—28, 7 50. 
 
 Tamen r. xxv libras.—29, 7 35. 
 
 Tamen r. xii libras.—30, 7 2. 
 r. v solidos per annum.—30, 7 4. 
 Tamen r. xviii libras.—30, 7 8. 
 
 Tamen r. xviii libras.—30, 7 19. 
 
 Una domus r. xxv denarios.—30, 7 50. 
 iii domus r. xl denarios.—31, 7 14. 
 Tamen reddit xiiii [libras].—31, 7 42. 
 Tamen r. xxxv libras.—32, 7 7. 
 
 Tamen qui eum tenet r. cxiii libras.— 
 32, 7 29. 
 
 Et vi solidos r. —32, 7 30. 
 
 Tamen r. xx solidos.—32, 7 44. 
 iiii hag® r. iii solidos.—33, 714. 
 
 Et tamen r. lv libras.—33, 7 38. 
 
 Qui tenet r. xiiii libras.—34, 71. 
 Tamen r. x libras.—35, 7 25. 
 
 Tamen r. xviii libras.—35, 7 35. 
 r. vi solidos et viii denarios.—35, 7 51. 
 Qua: r. viii solidos.—36, 7 5. 
 
 Tamen r. 1 libras.—37, 7 6. 
 r. iii denarios et i obolum.—37, 7 16. 
 Unum V. r. ii solidos.—37, 7 25. 
 Tamen r. ei c libras.—37, 7 47. 
 
 Qui r. iiii solidos et vi denarios.—3S, 
 
 7 3. 
 
 iiii B. r. vi solidos.—38, 7 7. 
 xiii masurm r. xv solidos.—3S, 7 29. 
 Tamen r. lxxx libras et xl solidos.— 
 38, 7 32. 
 
 i J. quod r. v solidos.—38, 7 42. 
 
 Silva est, sed nil r .—38, 7 4S. 
 
 r. xiii denarios T.R.E.—39,7 7. 
 
 ii Y. r. 1 denarios.—39, 7 9. 
 
 i B. r. v denarios.—39, 7 19. 
 
 Et r. xx solidos.—39, 7 38. 
 
 ii B. r. ii solidos.—39, 7 47. 
 i V. r. vi solidos.—40, 7 2. 
 
 RED 
 
 ii V. habent ii car., et r. vi solidos.— 
 
 40.7 22. 
 
 Tamen r. de firma lxx libras.—41, 7 42. 
 r. xxii denarios per aunum.—42,7 11. 
 Et tamen r. xiii libras.—42, 7 22. 
 
 Et tamen r. xii libras et xii solidos.— 
 42, 7 30. 
 
 iii V. cum. i B. r. iiii solidos et vii de¬ 
 narios.—42, 7 40. 
 
 Unum molimun qui r. xlviii ferliugels 
 de frumento.—42, 7 44. 
 
 Et tamen r. iiii libras.—43, 7 2. 
 
 Et tamen r. iiii libras.—43, 710. 
 xxxii nmsurie r. xiii solidos et viii de¬ 
 narios.—43, 7 28. 
 
 Tamen r. viii libras.—43, 7 35. 
 
 Inde r. de firma vi libras.—44, 7 25, 
 iiii masune r. vi solidos, unum dena- 
 rium minus.—45, 7 13. 
 
 Unus V. r. xxx denarios.—45, 7 16. 
 Unus V. r. vi solidos.—45, 719. 
 
 Unus V. r. xxx denarios (valet x soli¬ 
 dos).—45, 7 23. 
 
 r. de consuetudine vi denarios.—45, 7 
 
 47. 
 
 Tenet ii partes i S. r. xii deuarios.— 
 45, 7 48. 
 
 Habet ii J. r. ccc anguillas et ii solidos. 
 —45, 7 49. 
 
 Sacam et Socam T.R.E. 45, 7 49. 
 Tamen r. xiiii libras et viii solidos et 
 iii denarios.—46, 7 7. 
 
 Et tamen liiii libras.—46, 7 47. 
 
 xcvii masurie r. xiii solidos.—47, 7 18. 
 Modo lxxiii masurie tantundem r. — 
 
 47.7 IS. 
 
 vi Burgenses r. xxii solidos.—47, 7 21. 
 r. ii solidos et unam summnrn farinas. 
 —47, 7 27. 
 
 Nullum servitium r. nisi xxx solidos.— 
 
 48, 7 16. 
 
 Ipse r. abbati xv solidos. — 48, 7 22. 
 r. inde 1 denarios.—48, 7 24. 
 
 Nullum servitium inde r. nisi xxx soli¬ 
 dos per annum abbati.—48, 7 37. 
 
 Et tamen viii libras.—48, 7 42. 
 
 r. inde c denarios per annum.—49,7 9. 
 viii libras et xii solidos r. —49, 7 44. 
 Niehil reddit nee reddidit. —53,7 15. 
 
 Et r. xxiiii solidos.—53, 718. 
 r. v denarios de pasnagio.—54, 7 6. 
 ii B. r. xxx deuarios.—54, 712. 
 ii B. r. iiii solidos.—54, 7 17. 
 
 Unus B. xii denarios r. —54, 7 24. 
 xi B. r. xii denarios.—55, 7 28. 
 iiii dense de silva r. xxx porcos de pas- 
 nagio.—56, 7 8. 
 
 Quie r. lxiiii denarios.—56, 712. 
 r. in Neuuetone una cousuetudo.— 
 56, 7 13. 
 
 De his ix S. r. averam.—56, 718. 
 REGINA. 
 
 Et Eddeuie r. —6, 7 32. 
 
 Sidgar tenuit de r. Eddid.—56, 7 2. 
 REGIUS. 
 
 Quietum ab omni scoto r. —49, 7 29. 
 REGNO. 
 
 W. rege.—21, 7 37. 
 
 RELEVAMEN. 
 
 De terns eoram habet r. —3, 7 23. 
 RELEVATIO. 
 
 Rex habet terrse.—3,7 17- 
 REMANEO. 
 
 In firma regis r. —S, 7 23. 
 
 Que r. extra divisionem.—37, 7 9. 
 
 Qua: r. extra divisionem.—41, 7 14. 
 r. foris divisionem suam.—41, 7 24. 
 Quie r. extra divisionem.—41, 7 44. 
 RET1NEO. 
 
 In manu sua r. episcopus.—34, 7 4. 
 REVOCO. 
 
 r. ad protectorem.—2, 7 34. 
 r. ad protectorem.—6, 7 25. 
 
 REX. 
 
 Dederunt xx naves r. —2, 7 6. 
 
 Quando missatici r. veniebant.—2,7 9. 
 Treuua r. erat in villa.—2,714. 
 
 Inde prmpositus r. —2, 7 15. 
 
 Reddebat r. consuetudinem.—2, 717- 
 r. quidem xxiiii libras. — 2, 7 24. 
 r. perdidit consuetudinem.—2, 7 26. 
 Dim. terra est r. —2, 7 36. 
 
 Forisfactura dim. est r. —2, 7 39. 
 
 Tenuit consuetudinem r. —2, 7 40. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 REX 
 
 Damnum faeit r .— 2, 7 44. 
 
 Has leges r, —3, 7 1. 
 
 Publica via r. —3, 7 5. 
 
 Solvet. r. c solidos.—3, 7 5. 
 
 Minister r. eum sequetur.—3, 7 9. 
 viii libris r. emendabit.—3, 711. 
 Quietus erit erga n—3, 712. 
 
 Has forisfacturas habet r.— 3, 7 IS. 
 r. iude habet relevationem.—3, 717. 
 Habet r. forisfacturam.—3, 7 22. 
 
 Habet r. has forisfacturas.—3, 7 29. 
 Habet r. hominem.—3, 7 31. 
 
 De quibus r. nichil habet.—3, 7 33. 
 Habet r. medietatem peeunhe.—3, 7 34. 
 Sine licentia r. —3, 7 35. 
 
 Inde habet r. forisfacturam.—3, 7 35. 
 Habet r. custodiam vi diebus.—3, 7 37. 
 Habent de r. cibum et potum.—3, 7 38. 
 De aliis omnibus r. c solidos habebit. 
 3, 7 42. 
 
 Habet r. consuetudinem.—3, 7 44. 
 Custodiebant r. —3, 7 49. 
 
 Si r. illuc venisset.—3, 7 50. 
 
 Habet r. saeam et socam.—6, 7 8. 
 Solebant esse legatorum r. —6, 7 10. 
 Posit® in calle r. —6, 7 17- 
 r. habebat saeam et socam.—6, 7 19. 
 Habebaut de r. xxxiii acras.—6, 7 20. 
 Tenebant in alodia de r. —6, 7 23. 
 
 De quibus est saca et soca r. —6, 7 28. 
 Habet r. saeam et socam.—6, 7 31. 
 r. emendabit.—6, 7 35. 
 
 Sequitur ilium prmpositus r. —6, 7 39. 
 Emendam aceipiet ad opus r. —6,7 40. 
 Judicio baronum r. —6, 7 47. 
 
 Terra r.— 8, 7 1. 
 
 De isto M. r. —8, 715. 
 
 In firma r. remanebat.—8, 7 23. 
 De.eodem M. r .— 8, 7 26. 
 
 De silva r.— 9, 7 13. 
 xl solidi de iiii S. r. —9, 717. 
 
 Hcddit simile servitium r. sicnt Dovere. 
 —10, 7 7. 
 
 Reddebat r. xv libras.—10, 7 9. 
 r. habet omne servitium.—16, 7 36. 
 
 Et sunt in manu r.— 16, 7 39. 
 
 Neque potuit habere dominum prater 
 r.— 22, 7 9. 
 
 r. habet inde ii denas.—22, 7 43. 
 r. habet in manu sua quod valet x so¬ 
 lidos.—22, 7 49. 
 
 De isto M. habet Rex quod valet x so¬ 
 lidos.—23, 7 4. 
 
 De hoc M. tenet r. quod valet viii soli¬ 
 dos.—23, 7 9. 
 
 r. habet silvam, pro novo dono epis- 
 copi, et valet iii solidos.—23,718. 
 Quod nunquam se quietavit apud r. — 
 23, 7 25. 
 
 >'■ habet de silva hujus M. quod valet 
 viii solidos.—23, 7 37. 
 r. habet de isto M. pro novo dono epis- 
 copi, quod valet x denarios.—23, 7 
 42. 
 
 r. habet pro novo dono episcopi, tan- 
 tum silva; de isto M. quod valet v 
 solidos.—24, 7 2. 
 
 Ording tenuit de r .— 24, 7 9. 
 
 Quod r. tenet de hoc M., xxii solidis. 
 —25, 7 10. 
 
 Aluuoldus tenuit de r. —25, 7 33. 
 Aluuinus tenuit de r .— 25, 7 42. 
 Tenuerunt de r. ii fratres. —25, / 47. 
 r. tenet pro novo dono episcopi quod 
 valet xxiiii solidos et ii denarios.— 
 26, 7 33. 
 
 r. viii solidos et v denarios pro novo 
 dono episcopi.—27, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet ad firmum de r. Totintdne, de 
 novo dono episcopi.—27, 7 36. 
 
 Tenet ad firmarn de r. —27, 7 42. 
 r. habet de hoc M. tres denas.—28, 7 
 50. 
 
 Eddeua tenuit de r. —29, 712. 
 
 Alnodus tenuit de r .— 32, 7 50. 
 r. habet de eodem M. quod valet xvi 
 denarios.—33, 7 47. 
 
 De hoc M. est in manu r. quod valet 
 vii solidos.—34, 7 2. 
 
 Quos abstulit villanis regia. —35, 7 15. 
 Nunc usque scotum r. non scotavit.— 
 37,719. 
 
 Werelin tenuit de r. —40, 7 39. 
 
 Hffic terra est in manu r. —41,7 6. 
 
 REX 
 
 Habet r. omne servitium.—41, 7 52. 
 De novo dono episcopi, habet, in manu 
 r., de llicardo filio Gisleberti x V. 
 cum iii car.—44, 7 23. 
 
 Omnia forisfaetura qua; juste pertinent 
 
 r. — 45, 7 50. 
 
 Abbas de Gand tenet de r. Levesham. 
 —49, 7 40. 
 
 Tenet Haintone de r. quod Ylsi pres¬ 
 byter tenuit de r. E.—50, 7 8. 
 
 Et fait de dominio r .— 53, 7 17. 
 
 Comes Eustachius tenet de r. Oistee- 
 ham.—54, 7 28. 
 
 Haimo Vieecomes tenet de r. unum M. 
 —55, 7 17. 
 
 Albertus Capellanus tenet de r. Newe- 
 tone.—56, 7 1. 
 
 ROT. 
 
 Quam Azor r. tenuit.—51,7 31. 
 RUSTICUS. 
 
 Ibi est unus r.— 7, 7 20. 
 xi moliui cum gablo r. —49, 7 43. 
 SACA et SOCA. 
 
 Eis perdonaverat s. et *.—2, 7 8. 
 
 Qui habent suam s. et s.—3, 7 24. 
 Habuerunt isti sachem et s. —4, 7 2. 
 Super quos habebat s. et s. —6, 7 3. 
 Super quos habet rex s. et s.—6, 7 8. 
 Rex autem habebat a. et a. —6, 719. 
 De quibus est s. et a. regis.—6, 7 28. 
 Per totam civitatem Cantuahl® habet 
 rex a. et a.—6, 7 31. 
 
 Si abbas liabuisset sacaa et aocas, xx li¬ 
 bris plus appreciaretur.—45, 7 45. 
 a. et s. T.R.E. reddebant.—45, 7 49. 
 De xxii hundredis pertinent isti M. *. 
 et a. et omnia forisfaetura quae juste 
 pertinent regi.—45, 7 50. 
 
 De illo qui earn tenebat, habebat abbas 
 
 s. et a.— 49, 7 38. . 
 SACRAMENTUM. 
 
 a. facto.—6, 7 45. 
 
 SAISITA. 
 
 Inde est modo a. —21, 7 39. 
 
 SAL. 
 
 xlvii salinse de 1 summis a. —47, 7 9. 
 SALINA. 
 
 Aufcrt unam a. —7, 7 41. 
 
 Ibi xxvii s. de xxvii solidis.—8, 7 47- 
 
 ii a. de iii solidis et ii denariis.—9, 7 23. 
 Et ii s.— 11, 7 44. 
 
 Et v a. de Ixiiii denariis.—12, 7 16. 
 vii a. de xxv solidis et iiii denariis.— 
 12, 7 29. 
 
 a. de xvi denariis.—13,7 19. 
 
 Cum a. de xxx denariis.—13, 7 43. 
 
 Et ii a. de v solidis.—13,7 51. 
 
 Et iiii a. de iiii solidis.—15, 7 49. 
 
 Ibi vii a. de viii solidis et ix denariis. 
 —16, 7 32. 
 
 Una a. de xv denariis.—18,71. 
 
 Et a. de vi denariis.—18, 7 40. 
 
 iii a. de iiii solidis.—19, 7 11. 
 
 Et s. de xii denariis.—35, 7 3. 
 
 Et una a. de xxx denariis.—35, 7 33. 
 Et ii a. de xxxii denariis.—35, 7 46. 
 Una a. de xxx denariis.—36, 7 27. 
 i a. de xxviii denariis.—38, 713. 
 
 Et a. de iiii denariis.—38, 7 37- 
 Ibi ii a. —39, 7 3. 
 x a. de c denariis.—41, 7 40. 
 
 Ibi una a. —47, 7 1. 
 
 xlvii a. de 1 summis salis.—47, 7 9. 
 
 Ibi viii a. cum tereia parte non® a. de 
 xx solidis.—50, 7 44. 
 
 SCIRA, SCYRA. 
 
 Ut conveniant ad a. —3, 7 40. 
 
 •Sci/ra testificatur.—49, 7 37. 
 SCOTARE (v. etiam ESCOTARE). 
 
 Scotum regis non s. —37, 7 19. 
 SCOTU3. 
 
 Aliquid consuetudinis vel s .—7, 7 33. 
 Cum his vi S. geldabat T.R.E. quamvis 
 non pertineret M-, nisi de a. quia li¬ 
 bera terra erat.—17,714. 
 
 Dim. S. quidem nunquam reddidit a. — 
 17, 7 23. 
 
 a. regis non scotavit.—37, 7 19. 
 Quietum ab omni a. regio.—49, 7 29. 
 SCRIPTUS. 
 
 Has infra a. leges regis.—3, 71. 
 
 Sicut superius a. est.—3, 7 43. 
 
 Supra a. est.—19, 7 47. 
 
 SCYRA (v. SCIRA). 
 
 SED 
 
 SEDET. 
 
 Terre in qua castellum a. —8, 7 41. 
 SEPEM. 
 
 Si quis fecerit a. —3, 7 4. 
 
 SEQUOR. 
 
 Miuister regis eum s.—3, 7 9. 
 a. ilium prapositus regis.—6, 7 39. 
 SERVIO. 
 
 Sexta piscaria qum s. ad hallam.—22, 
 7 13. 
 
 vii masuras terra; qua; T.R.E. a, S“ A. 
 —47, 7 23. 
 
 i piscaria -s. hall®.—56, 7 9. 
 
 SERVITIUM, 
 
 Simile a. regi sicut Dovere.—10, 7 7. 
 i militem in a. archiepiscopi.—10,7 38. 
 Rex habet omne a. ab eis.—16, 7 36. 
 Ipsi habent omnes consuetudincs, etc., 
 pro a. maris.—16, 7 37. 
 
 Avera, id est a. —37, 7 39. 
 s. unius militis.—40, 7 44. 
 
 Habet rex omne a. —41, 7 52. 
 
 Sunt quieti, pro a. maris, ab omni con- 
 suetudine pneter tribus, latricinio, 
 pace infracta, forstel.—11, 7 52. 
 Archiepiscopus aufert ei a. —47, 7 23. 
 Nullum a. reddit abbati nisi xxx soli¬ 
 dos quos persolvit in anno.—48,716. 
 Nullum a. inde reddit nisi xxx solidos 
 per annum abbati.—48, 7 37. 
 SERVUS. 
 
 Cum iiii a. —4, 7 35. 
 
 Ibi sunt iii a. —8, 7 6. 
 
 Ibi viii s. —8, 7 34. 
 
 In hoc M. sunt x a. —9, 7 4. 
 
 Ibi v *.—9, 7 21. 
 
 Ibi vi *.—10, 718. 
 
 Ibi viii a.— 10, 7 25. 
 
 Ibi v a.— 10, 7 2S. 
 
 Ibi viii a.— 10, 7 35. 
 
 Ibi v a.~ 11, 71. 
 
 Et v *.—11,7 8. 
 
 Et vii *.—11, 714. 
 
 Et x *.—11, 7 23. 
 
 Ibixs.—11, 7 30. 
 
 Etx*.—11, 7 38. 
 
 Et x *.—11, 7 43. 
 
 Et iii *.—12, 7 4. 
 
 Et v *.—12, 7 29. 
 
 Ibi ii s.—12, 7 36. 
 
 Et uno a. —13, 7 8. 
 
 Ibi xii *.—13, 7 25. 
 
 Ibi viii *.—13, 7 30. 
 
 Ibi viii *.—13, 7 38. 
 
 Et viii *.—13, 7 45. 
 
 Et xiii *.—14, 7 6. 
 
 Et viii *.—14, 7 30. 
 
 Et x *.—14, 7 34. 
 
 Et i *.—14, 7 40. 
 
 Et ix *.—15, 7 12. 
 
 Et iiii *.—15, 7 20. 
 
 Et xv *.—15, 7 26. 
 
 Ibi v *.—15, 7 49. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—16, 7 3. 
 
 Et iiii *.—16, 7 S. 
 
 Et ii *.—16, 7 20. 
 
 Etx*.—17, 711. 
 
 Et xii *.—17,7 21. 
 
 Et xvii *.—17, 7 27. 
 
 Ibi viii *.—17, 7 34. 
 
 Et iiii *.—17, 7 37. 
 
 Et ii *.—17, 7 44. 
 
 Etis.—18, 7 23. 
 
 Et i *.—18, 7 28. 
 
 Et ii *.—18, 7 34. 
 
 Ibi v*.—18, 7 39. 
 
 Cum iiii a. —18, 7 48. 
 
 Ibi vii *.—19,7 3. 
 
 Et iii *.—18, 7 20. 
 
 Etiis.—19, 7 11. 
 
 Ibi vii *.—20,7 4. 
 
 Et iiii *.—20,7 11. 
 
 Et iii *.—20,7 19. 
 
 Ibi vi *.—20, 7 33. 
 
 Et i *.—20, 7 44. 
 
 Et v *.—20, 7 48. 
 
 Et ii *.—21,7 4. 
 
 Et iiii «.—21,7 S. 
 
 Et ii *.—21, 7 12. 
 
 Etix*.—21, 717. 
 
 Et iiii *.—21,7 31. 
 
 Ibi iii *.—22, 7 5. 
 
 Et x *.—22, 7 12. 
 
 Ibi iii *.—22, 7 19. 
 
 SEIl 
 
 Et ii *.—22, 7 22. 
 
 Et iiii *.—22, 7 28. 
 
 Ibi v ».—22, 7 33. 
 
 viii inter s. et ancillas;—22, 7 38. 
 
 Ibi vii *.—22, 7 48. 
 
 Et i *.—23, 7 17. 
 
 Et v *.—23, 7 24. 
 
 Et v *.—23, 7 31. 
 
 Eti*.—23, 7 47. 
 
 Ibi unus *.—24, 7 12. 
 
 Ibi ii *.—24,7 18. 
 
 Et unus *.—24, 7 25. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—24, 7 41. 
 
 Ibi vi *.—24,7 47. 
 
 Ibi xiii *.—25, 7 2. 
 
 Ibi x *.—25, 7 7. 
 
 Et v *.—25, 7 IS. 
 
 Et v *.—25, 7 24. 
 
 Ibi ix «.—25, 7 31. 
 
 Ibi ii «.—25, 7 41. 
 
 Ibi ii *.—25, 7 45. 
 
 Ibi unus *.—26, 71. 
 
 Et xi *.—26, 7 10. 
 
 Et ix *.—26, 7 19. 
 
 Et iiii *.—26, 7 25. 
 
 Et x *.—26, 7 30. 
 
 Et ii *.—26, 7 38. 
 
 Et vi *.—26, 7 44. 
 
 Ibi vi *.—26, 7 50. 
 
 Ibi i *.—27, 7 S. 
 
 Etii*.—27,7 16. 
 
 Et x *.—27, 7 22. 
 
 Et iii *.—27, 7 28. 
 
 Ibi iii *.—27, 7 33. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—27, 7 39. 
 
 Et x *.—27, 7 47. 
 
 Et iii *.—28, 7 5. 
 
 Et i *.—28, 10. 
 
 iiii V. cum viii *.—28, 7 17. 
 
 Et iiii *.—28, 7 23. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—28, 7 27. 
 
 Et vi *.—28, 7 36. 
 
 Et vii *.—28, 7 42. 
 
 Et v *.—28, 7 47. 
 
 Et x *.—29, 7 4. 
 
 Et xi *.—29, 716. 
 
 Et v *.—29, 7 24. 
 
 Et xviii *.—29, 7 32. 
 
 Et iiii *.—29, 7 41. 
 
 Et ii «.—29, 7 46. 
 
 Et viii *.—29, 7 50. 
 
 Et viii a. —30, 7 12. 
 
 Et x *.—30,717. 
 
 Et iiii *.—30, 7 22. 
 
 Et ii *.—30, 7 26. 
 
 Et vii*.—30, 7 30. 
 
 Ibi ii *.—30, 7 35. 
 
 Et v *.—30,7 41. 
 
 Ibi v *.—30, 7 46. 
 
 Et ii *.—31,7 8. 
 
 Cum iii*.—31, 7 13. 
 
 Et ii *.—31, 7 19. 
 
 Et ii *.—31, 7 23. 
 
 Ibi xii*.—31, 7 34. 
 
 Et vi *.—31, 7 40. 
 
 Et ii *.—31, 7 45. 
 
 Et xv *.—32, 7 5. 
 
 Et vi *.—32,7 17. 
 
 Et xii s.—32, 7 26. 
 
 Ibi v *.—32, 7 38. 
 
 Cum ii s.—32, 7 42. 
 
 Et vii *.—32, 7 49. 
 
 Cum ix *.—33, 7 1. 
 
 Et xiiii *.—33, 7 5. 
 
 Ibi iii *.—33,717. 
 
 Ibi xii *.—33, 7 22. 
 
 Cum v *.—33, 7 27. 
 
 Cum v a. —33, 7 31. 
 
 Et xvi *.—33, 7 36. 
 
 Ibi ii *.—33,7 44. 
 
 Et iiii *.—33, 7 51. 
 
 Ibi xx *.—34, 710. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—34,717. 
 
 Et ii V. cum iiii *.—34, 7 31. 
 
 Et ix *.—35, 7 3. 
 
 Et uno a. —35, 7 7. 
 
 Et iiii *.—35, 710. 
 
 Et unus *.—35, 718. 
 
 Et v *.—35, 7 24. 
 
 Et vi *.—35, 7 32. 
 
 Et viii *.—35, 7 40. 
 
 Cum i *.—35, in margine. 
 
 Ibi iii *.—36, 7 20. 
 
 Ibi iiii *.—36, 7 41. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 SER 
 
 Et viii 87, 7 4. 
 
 Ibi ii 4.—37, 7 22. 
 
 Et vi s.—38, 717. 
 
 Ibi v 4.-38, 7 4S. 
 
 Et ii 4.-39, 7 13. 
 
 Ibi viii s.— 39, 7 27. 
 
 Et ii a.— 39, 7 33. 
 
 Et v 4.-39, 7 42. 
 
 Et xxviii a. —40,712. 
 
 Et vi «.—40, 7 17. 
 
 Ibi i 5.-40, 7 27. 
 
 Et iii s.—40, 7 32. 
 
 Et iii 5.-40, 7 37. 
 
 Et ii 5.-41, 7 2. 
 
 Et ix s.—41, 7 11. 
 
 Ibi iii s.—41, 7 19. 
 
 Et ii 5.-41, 7 29. 
 
 Ibi ii 5.-41, 7 47. 
 
 Ibi ii s.—42,7 51. 
 
 Et ii 5.-43, 716. 
 
 Et ii 5.-44, 7 9. 
 
 Ibi unus s.—44, 7 50. 
 
 Ibi iiii 5.-45, 7 34. 
 
 Et vii 5.-45, 7 40. 
 
 Ibi i 5.-46, 7 12. 
 
 Et xiiii 5.-47, 7 9. 
 
 Ibi sunt ii 5.-47, 7 38. 
 
 Et ii s.—48, 7 15. 
 
 Ibi iii 5.-49, 7 43. 
 
 Ibi x 5.-50, 7 6. 
 
 Ibi ii s.—50, 7 18. 
 
 Et iii 5.-50, 7 26. 
 
 Et unus 5.-51, 7 3. 
 
 Et ixs.—51, 7 46. 
 
 Et vii s.—52, 7 37. 
 
 Et iii s.—53, 7 10. 
 
 Et viii 0 5.-53, 7 27. 
 
 Ibi unus 5.-53, 7 38. 
 
 Et ii s.—53, 7 46. 
 
 Et viii 5.-54, 71. 
 
 Et unus 5.—54, 7 5. 
 
 Ibi unus 5.-54, 7 11. 
 
 Ibi x 5.—54, 7 31. 
 
 Et xvii 5.-54, 7 37. 
 
 Et xv 5.-55, 7 5. 
 
 Ibi xiii 5.—55, 7 12. 
 
 Et vii s.—65, 7 20. 
 
 Et is.-55, 7 33. 
 
 Et ii 5.-56, 7 9. 
 
 STOUT, SICUTI. 
 si cud. de Gribrige.—3, 713. 
 sicut superius scriptuin.—3, 7 43. 
 aicuti jus esset.—7, 7 38. 
 
 Alleces s. prius.—10,7 13. 
 s. bundredum testificatur.—56, 719. 
 SILVA. 
 
 Mille neno s. infruotuosae.—6, 711. 
 
 De 5. viii dense parne, et iii magnte.— 
 8,7 7. 
 
 Et qumdam 5.—8, 7 27. 
 
 5. lxx porcorura.—8, 7 35. 
 
 5. ccxx povcoruin.—9, 7 2. 
 
 De s. regis liabet Wadardus.—9, 7 13. 
 5. c porcorum. Et de pasture 5. xxxi 
 solidi et ii denarii.—9, 7 22. 
 
 5. xx porcorum.—10, 7 20. 
 
 5 . cl porcorum.—10, 7 26. 
 
 5. xxx porcorum.—10, 7 29. 
 
 5. Lx porcorum.—10, 7 36. 
 s. c porcorum.—10, 7 43. 
 s. xl porcorum.—11, 7 2. 
 
 5. Lx porcorum.—11, 7 9. 
 s. xx porcorum.—11, 7 16. 
 
 5., quando fructificat, quingentorum 
 porcorum.—11, 7 23. 
 s. xxx porcorura.—11, 7 40. 
 
 5. xxiii porcorum.—11, 7 45. 
 s. xx porcorum.—12, 7 6. 
 
 5. xx porcorum.—12, 716. 
 s. 1 porcorum.—12, 7 23. 
 
 Una parva dena 5.—12, 7 30. 
 s. xx porcorum.—12, 7 36. 
 s. 1 porcorum:—12, 7 48. 
 s. x porcorum.—13, 7 5. 
 s. xv porcorum, de lierbagio, xxvii de¬ 
 narii.—13, 7 13. 
 
 5. xlv porcorum.—13, 7 19. 
 
 5. xxvi porcorum.—13, 7 26. 
 
 5. cxl porcorum.—13, 7 32. 
 
 5. v porcorum, et ii silvuke ad clausu- 
 ram.—13, 7 39. 
 
 5. xxx porcorum.—13, 7 51. 
 s. lx porcorum.—14, 7 7. 
 
 Et parva s.—14,7 14. 
 
 SIL 
 
 5. x porcorum.—14, 7 30. 
 
 5. c porcorum.—14, 7 35. 
 
 5 . xi porcorum.—14, 7 41. 
 s. xl porcorum.—14, 7 45. 
 s. xx porcorum. Et Ricardus de Tone- 
 brige de eadem 5. tanturidem habet 
 in sua leuga.—15, 7 5. 
 
 5 . xx porcorum.—15,7 13. 
 
 Tantuin s. unde exire possunt xx porci. 
 —15, 7 15. 
 
 5. xi porcorum.—15, 7 21. 
 
 5 . quater xx porcorum et de lierbagio 
 ix solidi et vi denarii.—15, 7 26. 
 
 5. quater xx porcorum.—15, 7 34. 
 
 5. xvi porcorum.—15, 7 40. 
 
 5. v porcorum.—15, 7 45. 
 s. de x porcis.—16,7 5. 
 
 5. quater viginti porcorum.—16, 7 21. 
 
 5 . xx porcorum.—16, 7 27. 
 v denffi 5. de 1 porcis.—17, 7 5. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—17, 712. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—17, 7 16. 
 
 5. xl porcorum.—17, 7 21. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—17, 7 28. 
 
 5. xx porcorum.—17, 7 30. 
 s. cxv porcorura.—17, 7 35. 
 
 5. xxx porcorum.—17, 7 38. 
 s. de xii denariis.—17, 7 45. 
 s. x porcorum.—18,7 1. 
 s. xxx porcorum.—18, 7 6. 
 s. xxx porcorum.—18, 7 14. 
 s. x porcorum.—18, 7 19. 
 
 5. v porcorum.—18, 7 24. 
 
 5. xxv porcorum.—18, 7 29. 
 s. xl porcorum.—18, 7 35. 
 
 5 . c porcorum.—18, 7 40. 
 
 xv porcorum.—18, 7 45. 
 
 5. xx porcorura.— IS, 7 48. 
 
 5. quater viginti porcorum.—19, 7 4. 
 
 5 . x porcorum.—19, 7 12. 
 s. ad clausuram.—19, 7 21. 
 s. vi porcorum.—19, 7 30. 
 s. vi porcorum.—19, 7 36. 
 s. x porcorum.—19, 7 42. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—20, 7 5. 
 
 Tantuin de s. et de terra.—20, 7 8. 
 s. lx porcorum.—20, 7 13. 
 
 Tautum s. quod valet xx solidos.—20, 
 7 16. 
 
 5 . xxx porcorum.—20, 7 20. 
 s. c porcorum.—20, 7 28. 
 s. xx porcorum.—20, 7 34. 
 s. xx porcorum.—20, 7 39. 
 s. x porcorum.—20, 7 44. 
 s. iiii porcorum.—20, 7 49. 
 s. xv porcorum.—21, 7 8. 
 
 5 . v porcorum.—21, 713. 
 
 5. v porcorum.—21, 7 18. 
 
 Uua dena 5. de v porcis.—22, 7 6. 
 s. iii porcorum.—22, 7 12. 
 
 De s. M. tenet Ricardus in sua leuua 
 quod valet iiii solidos.—22, 714. 
 s. x porcorum.—22, 7 19. 
 s. viii porcorum et xvi denariorum plus. 
 —22, 7 28. 
 
 Una dena 5.—22, 7 33. 
 s. xx porcorum.—22, 7 48. 
 s. v porcorum.—23, 717. 
 
 Rex habet s. pro novo dono episcopi, 
 et valet iii solidos.—23, 7 18. 
 
 5. v porcorum.—23, 7 24. 
 s. viii porcorum, et xvi denariorum.— 
 23, 7 31. 
 
 5 . x porcorum et xiiii denariorum.—23, 
 7 36. 
 
 Rex liabet de s. quod valet viii solidos. 
 —23, 7 37. 
 
 s. iii porcorum.—23, 7 42. 
 
 5 . iii porcorum.—24, 7 2. 
 
 Rex habet pro novo dono episcopi 
 tantum 5. de isto M. quod valet v 
 solidos.—24, 7 3. 
 
 5. v porcorum.—24, 7 8. 
 s. xv porcorum.—24, 7 12. 
 s. xx porcorum.—24, 719. 
 s. iii porcorum.—24, 7 26. 
 s. v porcorum.—24, 7 31. 
 s. iii porcorum.—24, 7 37. 
 s. x porcorum.—24,7 42. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—24, 7 48. 
 
 Una 5. de x porcis.—25, 7 2. 
 s. Ixxv porcorum.—25, 7 8. 
 
 5. vii porcorum.—25,7 18. 
 
 5. x porcorum.—25, 7 25. 
 
 SIL 
 
 s. 1 porcorum.—25, 7 31. 
 s. xv porcorum.—25, 7 36. 
 s. x porcorum.—25, 7 41. 
 s. v porcorum.—25, 7 45. 
 a. vi porcorum.—26, 7 1. 
 s. xl porcorum.—26, 7 11. 
 
 Ibi s. v porcorum.—26, 7 14. 
 a. viii porcorum.—26, 7 20. 
 
 Et 4. lx porcorum.—26, 7 25. 
 
 4'. 1 porcorum.—26, 7 31. 
 a. viii porcorum.—26, 7 39. 
 a. vi porcorum.—26, 7 45. 
 a. x porcorum.—27, 7 8. 
 a. v porcorum.—27, 7 23. 
 s. x porcorum.—27, 7 29. 
 a. ii porcorum.—27, 7 39. 
 a. x porcorum.—27, 7 48. 
 v solidos in uua a. —28, 7 6. 
 s. xx porcorum.—28, 7 11. 
 a. iii porcorum.—28, 7 23. 
 a. x porcorum.—28, 7 28. 
 a. xl porcorum.—2S, 7 38. 
 a. xx porcorum.—28, 7 43. 
 a. x porcorum.—28, 7 49. 
 a. lx porcorum.—29, 7 5. 
 a. ii porcorum.—29,711. 
 a. xv porcorum.—29, 7 17. 
 a. ii porcorum.—29, 7 28. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—29, 7 33. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—29, 7 42. 
 
 4. xv porcorum.—29, 7 46. 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—30, 7 1. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—30, 7 8. 
 
 4 . 1 porcorum.—30, 712. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—30, 7 18. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—30, 7 23. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—30, 7 26. 
 
 4. xxv porcorum.—30, 7 31. 
 
 4. v porcorum.—30, 7 35. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—30, 7 41. 
 
 4. xv porcorum.—30, 7 47- 
 4. xx porcorum.—31, 7 3. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—31, 7 8. 
 
 4. v porcorum.—31, 7 13. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—31, 7 19. 
 
 4.. viii porcorum.—31, 7 24. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—31, 7 35. 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—31, 7 41. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—31, 7 46. 
 
 4 . i porci.—32, 7 6. 
 
 4. i porci.—32, 7 12. 
 
 4. xxx porcorum.—32, 7 27. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—32, 7 33. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—32,7 43. 
 
 4. xv porcorum.—32, 7 50. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—33, 71. 
 
 4. xxxv porcorum.—33, 7 6. 
 
 4. ii porcorum.—33, 712. 
 
 4. ii porcorum.—33, 7 18. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—33, 7 23. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—33, 7 28. 
 
 4. iii porcorum.—33, 7 32. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—33, 7 37. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—33, 7 40. 
 
 4. v porcorum.—33, 7 44. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—33, 7 47. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—34, 7 17. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—35, 7 3. 
 
 4 . iiii porcorum.—35.711. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—35, 7 20. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—35, 7 24. 
 
 4. ii porcorum.—35, 7 28. 
 
 a. vi porcorum et dim.—35, 7 34. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—35, 7 41. 
 
 4. quater xx porcorum.—35, 7 48. 
 xvi aerm 4. minutffi.—36, 7 11. 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—36, 7 22. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—36, 7 27. 
 
 4. iii porcorum.—36, 7 42. 
 
 4. c porcorum.—37, 7 5. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—38, 7 3. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—38, 7 7. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—38, 713. 
 
 4. lx porcorum.—38, 717. 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—38, 7 22. 
 
 4. quater xx porcorum.—38, 7 30. 
 4. de quater xx porcis.—38, 7 38. 
 4. est; sed nil reddit.—38, 7 48. 
 4. iiii porcorura.—39,7 14. 
 
 4. xx porcorum.—39, 7 43. 
 
 4 . xxx porcorum.—40, 7 12. 
 c acra 4. minutffi.—40, 7 28. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—40, 7 32. 
 
 4. v porcorum.—40, 7 42. 
 
 SIL 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—40, 7 48. 
 
 Inter 4. et pasturam.—40, 7 49. 
 
 4. vii porcorum.—41, 7 3. 
 
 4. lx porcorum.—41, 7 12. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—41,7 29. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—41, 7 41. 
 
 4. v porcorum.—42, 7 8. 
 
 4 . iiii porcorum.—42, / 28. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—42, 7 56. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—44, 7 19. 
 
 4.1 porcorum.—44, 7 24. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—45, 7 27- 
 Et 4. i porci.—45, 7 34. 
 
 Et 4. ccc porcorum de pasnagio.—45, 
 7 41. 
 
 4 . v porcorum de pasnagio.—46, 7 6. 
 
 4 . xl porcorum.—46,7 13. 
 
 4 . de v porcis.—46, 7 20. 
 
 4. iiii porcorum.—46, 7 33. 
 v porci de pasnagio a. —47, 7 32. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—47, 7 36. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—47, 7 48. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—48, 7 7. 
 
 Et 4. iiii porcorum.—48, 7 32. 
 
 Ibi 4. minuta.—48, 7 45. 
 
 4. xv porcorum.—49, 7 18. 
 
 4. ii porcorum.—49, 7 22. 
 
 Tantum 4. uiule exeunt de pasnagio xl 
 porci, aut liiii denarii et unus obolus. 
 —49, 7 30. 
 
 De 4.1 porci de pasnagio.—49, 7 45. 
 
 Et4_—50, 7 6. 
 
 4. de iii porcis de pasnagio.—50, 7 45. 
 4 . xl porcorum.—51,7 18. 
 
 4. xl porcorum.—51, 7 47. 
 
 4 . de vi porcis.—52, 7 6. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—52, 712. 
 
 4. vi porcorum.—52, 7 22. 
 
 De 4. i porous.—52, 7 27. 
 
 De 4. vi porci.—52, 7 32. 
 
 4. de xxv porcis,—53, 7 28. 
 
 i 4. de v porcis.—53, 7 42. 
 
 4. viii porcorum.—54,71. 
 
 4. reddens v denarios de pasnagio.—54, 
 7 5. 
 
 Et de 4., e porci.—54, 7 32. 
 
 4. cc porcorum.—54, 7 39. 
 
 4. cl porcorum.—55, 7 7. 
 
 4. x porcorum.—55, 7 13. 
 
 Et 4. xxx porcorum.—55, 7 22. 
 Tantum 4. unde exeunt lx porci de 
 pasnagio.—55, 7 34. 
 iii dense de 4 . reddentes xxx porcos de 
 pasnagio.—56, 7 8. 
 
 Tantum 4. unde exeunt xl denarii per 
 annum.—56, 7 24. 
 
 SILVAT1CA. 
 
 Parcus 4. bestiaruin.—30, 7 13. 
 SILVULA. 
 
 ii 4. ad clausuram.—13, 7 39. 
 
 Et 4. ad clausuram.—37, 7 22. 
 
 Et parva a. —44, 7 2S. 
 
 Ibi parva 4.—48, 7 50. 
 
 4 . parva ad clausuram.—56,710. 
 SIMILES. 
 
 Alnodi cild et 4. ejus.—3, 7 36. 
 SIMILITER. 
 
 Tenuit in prebenda 4.—4, 7 39. 
 
 Tenuit in prebenda a. —5, 7 26. 
 
 4. de callibus rectis extra.—6, 7 36. 
 Quando recepit 4.—6, 7 48. 
 
 Modo 4.-7, 716. 
 
 Et modo 4.—9, 7 5. 
 
 4. quando recepit. —11, 7 10. 
 
 Quando recepit a. —12, 7 IS. 
 
 Quando recepit a, —13, 7 40. 
 
 Et modo 4.—14, 7 37. 
 
 Quando recepit, 4. —19, 7 24. 
 
 Et modo 4 .—22, 7 42. 
 
 Et modo, 4 .—29, 7 8. 
 
 4 . quando recepit.—29, 7 34. 
 
 Quaudo recepit, 4 .—32, 7 28. 
 
 Quando recepit, a. —37, 7 46. 
 
 Modo, xxx libras, a. —38, 7 31. 
 
 Modo 4 .—40, 7 20. 
 
 Et post, et modo, 4 .—51, 7 40. 
 SIMUL. 
 
 Habent 4 . iii canonici.—7, 7 2. 
 
 Id est 4 . ccclxxxiii.—10, 7 14. 
 
 SINGULI. 
 
 Divisffi per 4 .—4, 7 15. 
 
 4 . annis.—7, 7 29. 
 
 4. annis.—7, 7 38. 
 
 4 . annis.—7,7 41. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 soc 
 
 SOCA (v. SAGA). 
 
 SOCHMANNUS. 
 
 Sex s. teunerunt T.R.E.—42, 7 5. 
 
 Duo «. tenuerunt T.R.E. sine aulis et 
 dominiis.—42, 7 12. 
 
 Hanc temrn tenuit unus s. et, de novo 
 dono episcopi, liabet, in mauu regis, 
 de Ricardo filio Gisleberti, x Y. cum 
 iii car.—44, 7 22. 
 
 Tenet uuam denam et unam .T. de terra 
 a. liujus M., reddens de consuetudine 
 vi denarios.—45, 7 47. 
 
 Medietatem liujus terra: tenuerunt ii s. 
 
 Et ii V. alia in .—50, 7 31. 
 
 Dim. J. cpiod tenuit i s. —50, 7 34. 
 
 Ibi xiiii a. liabent iii car.—51, 7 6. 
 
 Duo s. tenuerunt.—51, 7 9. 
 
 Unus a. tenuit.—51, 712. 
 xii a. tenueruut, et tenent.—51, 7 35. 
 Ibi xii a. cum viii B. babentes ii car.— 
 51, 7 39. 
 
 Dim. J. quod tenuerunt v a. Et modo 
 tenent, habentes ibi i car. cum iiii 
 B.—51, 7 49. 
 
 Quas tenuerunt iii a. de rege E.—52, 
 
 716. 
 
 Tenuerunt xi a. —52, 7 20. 
 
 Duo s. tenuerunt de rege E.—52, 7 30. 
 Quod tenuit unus a. de rege E.—52, 
 7 40. 
 
 Quod tenuit unus a. —52, 7 44. 
 
 Quod tenuit quidam a. de rege E.—52, 
 7 47. 
 
 Unus a. tenens xvi acras terra:.—53, 
 713. 
 
 Quam i s. tenuit de rege E.—53, 7 31. 
 Unus a. tenuit de rege E.—53, 7 45. 
 Sex a. tenuerunt de rege E.—54,710. 
 Tennit unus a. de rege E.—54, 7 24. 
 
 SOLEBANT. 
 
 a. esse legatonun regis.—6, 710. 
 
 SOLID L (v. etiam sub APPRECIO, 
 EXEO, HABEO, MOLENDI.XUM, 
 MOLINUS, PASTURA, PI8CA- 
 RIA, PRATUM, REDDO,SALINA, 
 et VALEO). 
 
 Solvet regi c a. —3, 7 7. 
 c a. emendabit.—3, 7 9. 
 
 Per c a. emendabit.—3, 714. 
 
 Rex c a. liabebit.—3, 7 42. 
 
 Habet vicecomes ex a. —6, 715. 
 liabet singulis minis lv a. —7, 7 29. 
 xlvii libras vi a. et iiii denarios.—7, 
 7 39. 
 
 Per quoddam vadimonium xl s.—8, 7 
 28. 
 
 De Theloneo xl a. —9, 7 2. 
 
 1 a. pro Ineuuardo et averis.—9, 7 3. 
 xl a. de iiii S. regis exeunt ei.—9,716. 
 liabent omni anno xx a. —11, 7 49. 
 Quod tenet Franeigena xl a. —12, 710. 
 De xl a. v denariis minus.—14, 7 45. 
 De herbagio ix s. et vi denarii.—15, 
 7 26. 
 
 De his liabent monaclii Cantuarienses 
 xx a.— 15, 7 60. 
 
 Tenet v a. in una silva.—27, 7 6. 
 liabet ix a. et x denarios.—28, 714. 
 Dat xl a. per annum.—35, 7 45. 
 
 De quibus habet lv a. —36, 7 20. 
 v hagie de vii a. et x denariis.—40, 
 7 IS. 
 
 /Ecclesiu de xii a. —47, 7 8. 
 
 De exitu portus xl s.—49, 7 44. 
 
 Est ad firmarn pro lx a. —56, 7 6. 
 Pertinent x libra: et x a. —56, 715. 
 
 Et lviii a. de gablo.—56, 7 17. 
 
 SOLINUM, SOLINUS, SOLIN (vide 
 etiam sub Cak.). 
 
 Habebant xxi a. —-4,7 10. 
 llabebant iii a. —4, 7 12. 
 
 Ilia iiii a. habent.—7,7 15. 
 cccc acra et dim., qua: Hunt ii s. et 
 dim.—7,7 31. 
 
 xxiiii a. lime adquietant.—7, 7 33. 
 
 Qua: se defendit pro dim. a. —8, 7 22. 
 viii a. qui erant, cum aliis a. in consue¬ 
 tudine.—9, 7 6. 
 
 xl solidi de iiii s. regis exeunt ei.—9, 
 
 717. 
 
 Dim. a. S ci M. et aliud dim. a. valebant 
 iiii libras.—14, 7 IS. 
 
 Jacet in vi a. de Holingeborne.—15, 
 38. 
 
 SOL 
 
 Tenet i homo arcliiepiscopi dim. a .— 
 17, 713. 
 
 Et cum his vi a. geldabat.—17, 713. 
 Dim. a. quidem nunquam reddidit Scot. 
 —17, 7 23. 
 
 Modo se defendit pro v a.—20, 7 5. 
 Excepto isto dim. a. tenet dim. J. in 
 eadem villa, quod nunquam se quie- 
 tavit apud regem.—23, 7 25. 
 
 Se defendebat T.R.E. pro x a. Modo, 
 pro iiii a.— 24, 7 21. 
 
 Hi ii a. fuerunt ii M.—25, 7 26. 
 
 Pro i a. et i J. se defendit.—26, 7 3. 
 
 De hoc M. habet dim. a.— 29, 7 36. 
 
 De isto M. habet unus homo i a., et 
 vocatur Merlea.—30,7 24. 
 
 Tenet dim. a. —32, 7 32. 
 
 De isto a. teuet i J. de episcopo.—32, 
 7 51. 
 
 De istis a. quos habet.—35,713. 
 
 Et iii a., et unum J. et dim., quos abs- 
 tidit villanis regis.—35, 714. 
 
 Dim. a. libenc teme.—35, 7 52. 
 
 De terra qua: data est ab his a. ad fir- 
 mam.—36, 7 43. 
 
 De isto a. tenet i J. et dim.—41, 7 3. 
 Habuit dim. a. et dim. J.—41, 7 4. 
 Tenebant ii a. in paragio.—43, 7 31. 
 Tenet i a. vacua: teme.—44, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet ii partes unius a. reddens xii de¬ 
 narios.—45, 7 48. 
 
 Dim. a. quod semper fuit quietiun.—47, 
 7 25. 
 
 Tenet dim. a., et xi acras prati, de terra 
 V.—48, 7 21. 
 
 Dim. a. de dominio monachoruin.—49, 
 7 8. 
 
 Cum his iiii a. habet i J.—49, 7 28. 
 Tenet dim. a. sine halla.—51, 7 22. 
 Tenet dim. a. in Maresch.—51, 7 34. 
 Tenet dim. a. —52, 7 24. 
 
 Pro ii a. se defendebat. Modo pro 
 uno.—53, 7 8. 
 
 Habet dim. a. S van ETON e.— 53, 7 40. 
 Dim. a., unam virgam minus.—54, 7 9. 
 Tenet dim. s.—54, 7 15. 
 
 T.R.E. pro i a. et dim. Modo pro uno 
 a. et iii J.—55, 7 IS. 
 
 Se defendit pro vii a. et dim.—56, 7 5. 
 De xxviii a. pertinent.—56, 7 14. 
 
 De alia parte de novem a. pertinent.— 
 56, 7 15. 
 
 lviii solidi de gablo de his novem a. et 
 de his a. reddebat averain.—56,717. 
 SOLYO. 
 
 a. regi e solidos.—3, 7 7. 
 
 SOT. 
 
 Seuuard s. tenuit T.R.E.—23, 7 20. 
 STICA. 
 
 ii a. anguillaram.—3, 7 45. 
 STIREMANNUM. 
 
 Burgenses inveniebant a. —2,7 11. 
 STO.. 
 
 arborem a. extra viam.—3, 7 5. 
 STRICTIOR. 
 
 Pro quo a. fiat via.—3, 7 5. 
 
 SUMMA. 
 
 xlvii salirne de 1 a. salis.—47, 7 9. 
 
 Et unam a. farinas.—47, 7 28. 
 
 SUMO. 
 
 De hac prebenda a. —5, 7 9. 
 
 SUPER. 
 
 a. aquam regis.—2, 7 39. 
 
 Habet rex a. omnes alodiarios.—3,715. 
 Et a. homines ipsorum.—3, 7 1.6. 
 a. istos habet rex.—3, 7 21. 
 
 s. lnec habet.—12, 718. 
 
 Calumniantur a. Hugonem.—50, 7 38. 
 
 SUPERIORA. 
 
 Ubi et a.— 7, 7 36. 
 
 SUPERIUS. 
 
 Sicut a. seriptum.—3, 7 43. 
 SUPRAD1CTUS. 
 
 Ilia iiii solina a. —7, 7 15. 
 
 Milites *.—36, 7 50. 
 SUPRASCRIPTUM. 
 
 Sandwic, a. est, pertinet.—19, 7 47. 
 TANTUM. 
 
 t. prati quantum pertinet.—8, 7 17. 
 
 7. de liae terra tenet.—8, 7 41. 
 
 Habet 7. quod reddit.—9, 7 13. 
 
 Tenet 7. silva: unde.—15, 714. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendebat.—15, 717. 
 
 Modo pro ii 7.—15, 7 31. 
 
 TAN 
 
 7. quod valet vii libras.—18,7 8. 
 
 7. de silva et de terra.—20, 7 8. 
 
 7. silva: quod valet.—20, 716. 
 
 Modo pro ii 7.—21,7 2. 
 
 7. silva: quod valet v solidos.—24, 7 3. 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—41, 7 49. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—42, 7 2 et 710. 
 
 Et 7. valet.—45, 719. 
 
 7. quod valet.—46, 7 35. 
 
 7. de terra V. quod valet.—47, 7 4. 
 
 7. silva: unde exeunt.—49, 7 29. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—50, 7 47. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—51, 7 6. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—51, 7 35. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—51, 7 38. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—52, 7 44. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—53, 7 41. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—54, 710. 
 
 Pro 7. se defendit.—54, 7 16. 
 
 7. silvse unde exeimt.—55, 7 34. 
 
 7. silvse unde exeunt.—56, 7 24. 
 TANTUNDEM. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—6, 7 12. 
 
 T.R.E. 7. reddidernnt.—7, 7 26. 
 
 7. quando vicecomes recepit.—8, 7 9. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—8, 7 36. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—9, 7 5. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—11, 7 3. 
 
 Et modo 7.—11, 710. 
 
 Et post, 7.—12, 7 25. 
 
 Et post 7.—12, 7 38. 
 
 Quando recepit, 7.—13, 7 27. 
 
 Et 7. quando recepit.—14, 7 8. 
 
 7. habet in sua leuua.—15, 7 6. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—15, 7 28. 
 
 Et post, 7.—17, 7 39. 
 
 Quando recepit 7.—19,7 6. 
 
 Quando recepit, 7.-24, 7 27. 
 
 Et modo, 7.—24, 7 32. 
 
 Quando recepit, 7.—2S, 718. 
 
 Quando recepit, 7.—28, 7 44. 
 
 7. quando recepit.—30,71. 
 
 Et post, 7.—30, 7 27. 
 
 Et modo, 7.—32, 7 29. 
 
 Et 7. semper valuit.—39, 7 38. 
 
 Et post, et modo 7.—40, 7 49. 
 
 7. reddentes.—47, 718. 
 
 TEIGNI. 
 
 De hoc M. tenent iii 7. i S. et dim.— 
 10, 7 27. 
 
 Appreciatur D. 7. xii libris.—10, 7 31. 
 Hoc M. tenuerunt... 7. de rege E.; et 
 iii manebant ibi assidui... tenebant 
 inde ii S. in paragio; sed non... nt 
 ibi.—43, 7 31. 
 
 Tenent de ipso Osberno x 7.—43, 7 40. 
 Tres 7. tenuerunt de rege E.—44,7 11. 
 Goduinus tenuit de rege E. Et alii v 
 7.-44, 7 15. 
 
 TEMPUS. 
 
 7. regis Edwardi (v. etiam T.R.E. pas¬ 
 sim).—2,7 1. 
 
 Ulo 7.-48, 7 30. 
 
 TENEO. 
 
 7. hue usque consuetudinem regis.—2, 
 7 40. 
 
 Qui 7. nunc reddit.—6, 713. 
 
 Qui placitum 7.—6, 7 47. 
 
 Qui 7. reddit xl libras.—6, 7 49. 
 ienentea terras in Client.—7, 7 49. 
 
 Qui 7. ad firmam.—8,7 11. 
 
 Qui 7. reddit cxl libras, etc.—9, 710. 
 Dim. denam 7. quam T.R.E. quidam 
 villanum tenuit. —9, 714. 
 
 Quas 7. clerici de villa.—10, 7 3. 
 Tainen qui 7. M. reddit xviii libras.— 
 10, 7 22. 
 
 De hoc M. 7. quidam franeigena terrain 
 ad i car.—12,7 7. 
 
 7. de archiepiscopo ad gablum.—17, 
 7 24. 
 
 Quod milites 7. valet xi libras. Tamen 
 reddunt xiii libras.—19, 7 27. 
 
 Reddit qui 7. xiii libras et xx denarios. 
 —21, 7 33. 
 
 ii hominibus qui eum 7. de episcopo.— 
 21, 7 35. 
 
 In hoc M. 7. unus homo xx acras terra: 
 valentes per annum v solidos ncc 
 pertinet ad ilium M., neqne potuit 
 habere dominura prater regem.—22, 
 7 9. 
 
 Qui 7. reddit.—24, 7 21. 
 
 Qui 7. reddit.—24, 7 32. 
 
 TEN 
 
 Qui 7. reddit.—24, 7 44. 
 
 7. ad firmam de rege.—27,7 36 ct 7 42. 
 7. ad firmam.—31, 7 26 et 7 31. 
 
 7. ad firmam de episcopo.—32, 7 2. 
 Tamen qui eum 7. reddit.—32, 7 29. 
 Robertus 7. ad firmam.—33, 7 20,7 26, 
 et 7 34. 
 
 Tamen qui 7. reddit.—34, 71. 
 
 7. Osuuardus ad gablum.—35, 714. 
 
 7. Rannulfus ad firmam.—35, 7 37. 
 
 7. iii villani ad firmam.—39, 7 37. 
 
 7. ad firmam de rege.—42,718. 
 
 7. ad firmam de rege W.—43, 719. 
 TERRA (v. etiam sub Cak.). 
 
 De ilia masura ... dim. 7. est regis.— 
 2, 7 36. 
 
 Rclevationem 7.—3,7 17. 
 
 Excepta 7. S'" T., etc.—3,7 18. 
 
 De his 7., Goslaches, etc.—3, 7 24. 
 Excepta 7. S'" T., etc.—3, 7 32. 
 
 De 7. supra nominatis.—3, 7 36. 
 
 Et in 7. Sophis.—3, 7 46. 
 
 Ila: 7. jacent in Wi.—3, 7 48. 
 
 Homines de his 7.—3, 7 49. 
 
 7. canoniconun, etc.—4, 7 8. 
 
 Ad hanc 7. pertinent xxv acne 7.—4, 
 7 30. 
 
 Et adhuc xxv acras 7.—5, 7 5. 
 
 Hanc 7. tenuit Stigandus.—5, 7 12. 
 
 1 acra 7. ad Delam.—-5,713. 
 xxxiii acras 7. in gildam suam.—6,7 20. 
 Has domos et hanc 7. tenet.—6, 7 21. 
 Ixxx acras 7. super hiec.—6, 7 22. 
 v acras 7. qua: pertinent.—6, 7 23. 
 Excepta 7. mcclesire, etc.—6, 7 32. 
 Utraque parte ubi 7. sua est.—6, 7 42. 
 In 7. S™ T., etc.—6, 7 43. 
 
 Utraque mcelesi® in sua 7.—6, 7 47. 
 
 In hac 7. sunt iiii V., etc.—7, 7 3. 
 
 In Brensete paululam 7.—7, 7 13. 
 
 7. Nordewode, et 7. Ripe, et 7. Brandet. 
 —7,7 17. 
 
 Communi 7. S ci M.—7, 7 31. 
 
 Hare 7. nunquam reddidit, etc.—7, 7 32. 
 In hac 7. sunt iii Y. et ix B.—7, 7 37. 
 Teuentes 7. in Chent.—7, 7 49. 
 
 7. Regis.—8,7 1. 
 xx acra 7.-8, 7 16. 
 
 Tautuin prati quantum pertinet ad x 
 acras 7.-8, 717. 
 
 Hanc 7. tenebat vicecomes.—8, 7 22. 
 Cum liiii acris 7. plus.—8, 7 25. 
 
 Adhuc stmt ablate vi acra: 7.—8, 7 26. 
 Tantum 7. quod appreciatur.—8, 7 39. 
 Pro excambio 7. in qua castellum.—S, 
 7 40. 
 
 Tantum de hac 7. tenet.—8, 7 41. 
 
 Htec 7. quam tenet.—9, 7 9. 
 
 7. archiepiscopi.—10, 71. 
 
 7. ad i carucam.—12, 7 7. 
 
 Unum J. et xii acres 7.—12, 7 28. 
 
 Ad hanc 7. pertinent.—14, 7 13. 
 
 7. militum ejus.—15,71. 
 
 Hte 7. valebant.—16, 716. 
 
 7. Monachorum Archiepiscopi.—17,71. 
 De 7. liujus M.—17, 7 13. 
 
 Quia libera 7. erat.—17,714. 
 
 De 7. liujus M.—17, 7 36. 
 
 De 7. liujus M.—18,7 8. 
 
 De 7. hujus M.—18, 7 47. 
 
 De 7. hujus M.—19, 7 22. 
 
 De hac 7. habet i J.—19, 7 46. 
 
 7. Episcopi Rovecestre.—20,7 1. 
 
 Ixxx mausuras teme. —21, 7 26. 
 
 7. Episcopi Baioceusis.—22, 71. 
 xx acras 7. valentes per annum v so¬ 
 lidos.—22, 7 8. 
 
 Et 7. ad unam carucam.—22, 7 39. 
 
 7. est ibidem ad unam car.—22, 7 41. 
 Una 7. vocatur Didele et alia So- 
 ninges.—22, 7 41. 
 
 Teuet dim. J. 7.—23, 7 6. 
 
 7. est iii bourn.—23, 7 7. 
 
 Potuit cum 7. sua verterc se quo vo- 
 luit.—23, 7 9. 
 
 Tenuit T.R.E. et potuit se vertere cum 
 7. sua quo voluit.—23, 7 21. 
 
 Potuit se vertere cum hac 7. quo voluit. 
 —24, 7 5. 
 
 Ha: du® 7. fuerunt ii M.—25, 7 20. 
 Hanc 7. tenuerunt pro ii M.—25, 7 46. 
 Teuuit hanc 7. pro ii M.—26, 7 6. 
 Hanc 7. tenuerunt T.R.E. duo homines 
 in paragio.—27, 7 3. 
 
'4 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 TER 
 
 Cum t. sua vertere quo voluerunt.-—27, 
 
 < 4. 
 
 Tenet de episcopo i J. libera t. —29, 
 
 < 23. 
 
 iii mansiones t. in Rouecestre.—30, < 3. 
 
 ii rnausur® t. in Cantuaria.—30, < 37. 
 Potuit ire cum t. sua quo voluit.—31, 
 
 <10. 
 
 Qusedam libera t. ad iii boves.—31, 
 
 < 36. 
 
 Hanc t. tenuerunt pro tribus M.—33, 
 
 < 25. 
 
 Hanc <. tenuerunt pro ii M.—33, < 48. 
 Hanc t. tenuerunt pro ii M.—34, <14. 
 Sunt adhuc xxx acra t. —34, < 26. 
 Pastura, unde araverunt extranei ho¬ 
 mines vi acras t. —35, < 20. 
 
 Dim. S. libera t. —35, < 52. 
 
 Has t. tenuerunt burgenses.—36,<13. 
 ix S. de t. V.—36, < 23. 
 
 Tenet de hoc M. iii J., et xii acras t. — 
 
 36, l 28. 
 
 Tenet i S., et xl acras t. —36, < 30. 
 i S., et i J., et vi acras t. —36, < 36. 
 
 De una dena et de t. quae data est ab 
 bis S. ad firmam, exeunt.—36, l 43. 
 Tenet Iviii acras t. —36, < 47. 
 
 Hanc t. tenuerunt ii liberi homines.— 
 
 37, < 29. 
 
 t. cujusdam Rannulfi militis.—37, < 49. 
 De t. hujus M. tenet.—38, < 39. 
 
 Tenet quidam miles t. ad i car.—38, 
 
 < 49. 
 
 Potuit ire quo voluit cum <.—40, < 8. 
 Hsec t. est in mauu regis.—41, < 6. 
 Hanc t. tenuerunt.—41, < 6. 
 
 Uuum J. <., et una virga.—41, < 15. 
 Hsec t. est de feudo episcopi Baiocensis. 
 —41, < 24. 
 
 Tenet xii acras <.—41, < 32. 
 
 Poterant ire quolibet cum t. suis.—41, 
 
 < 37. 
 
 H;ec t. est extra divisionem.—42,<16. 
 Tenet xvii acras t. —42, < 31. 
 
 De line t. tenet i S. —43, < 7. 
 i S. vacuse t. —44, l 2. 
 
 Defendit se cnm t. Osberti.—44, < 6. 
 Misit t. eorum in unuin M.—44, <16. 
 Tenet vi acras t. —44, <22. 
 
 Hanc t. tenuit unus sochmannus. —44, 
 
 < 23. 
 
 De hac t. liabet dim. S.—44, < 42. 
 Tenet xl acras t. —45, <17. 
 t. iceclesne de La Batailge. —45, <36. 
 De t. sochmannorum.—45, < 46. 
 t. cecclesim S cl A.—46, < 1. 
 
 Dim. S. et xlii acris t. —46, < 37. 
 Tantum de t. V.—47, < 4. 
 
 Quando pax est in <.—47, < 5. 
 c masura <., iiii minus.—47, <17. 
 xxiiii acra <. quas semper habuit.—47, 
 
 < 20. 
 
 In isto Burgo tenet vii masuras t. —47, 
 
 < 22 . 
 
 Ibidem iiii acra <.—47, < 26. 
 
 De <. V. hujus M.—48, < 10. 
 
 De eadem l. V. tenet.—48, <12. 
 
 iii S. lx acras minus, de <. Villanorum. 
 —48, < 14. 
 
 Tenet de eadem t. Villanorum.—48, l 
 18. 
 
 Tenet de eadem t. Villanorum.—48, < 
 20. 
 
 Tenet dim. S., et xi. acras prati, de <. 
 
 Villanorum.—48, < 21. 
 t. quam tenent monachi.—48, < 28. 
 t. qme T.It.E. semper geldavit.—48, < 
 29. 
 
 liabet xxv acras de hac <.—4S, < 46. 
 
 1 label iii virgas <.—49, 1 13. 
 t. Sancti Petri de Gand.—49, l 39. 
 t. Hugouis de Montfort.—50, < 1. 
 
 Ire quolibet cum t. suis.—50, < 21. 
 Medictatem hujus t. —50, <31. 
 
 ILec <. valuit et valet.—50, < 33. 
 
 Iiit'c <. appreciatur in Titentonf, quia 
 illuc arata est ciun dominicis caiTucis. 
 —50, < 35. 
 
 t . Etketone quam calumniantur cano- 
 nici. —50, < 37. 
 
 Use du<c t. valebant.—51, <29. 
 
 Tenet unam <. quam A nor tenuit sine 
 halla.—51, < 30. 
 
 II® dute t. valebant.—51, < 40. 
 
 TER 
 
 Hane t . tenuerunt xi soclimanni.—52, 
 < 20. 
 
 Tenet xiiii acras t . —52, <50. 
 
 Tenens xvi acras t. —53, < 13. 
 
 Una virga <.—54, < 23. 
 
 <. comitis Eustachii.—54, < 26. 
 t . Rieardi filii Gisleberti.—55, < 1. 
 t. vastata est a pecunia.—55, < 8. 
 t . Ilamonis Vicecomitis.—55, <15. 
 Habet Ixiii acras t . —55, < 26. 
 t. Alberti Capellani.—56, < 1. 
 
 <. quie fiiit in D. est ad firmam.—5 6, < 6. 
 De t. hujus M. tenet.—56, < 23. 
 TESTIFICOR. 
 
 Ut <.—5, < 15. 
 
 Homines de hundredo t . —8, <15. 
 
 Hoc <. homines de isto burgo.—10, < 7. 
 Scyra <.—49, < 37. 
 
 Sicut himdredum t. —56, < 20. 
 TESTOR. 
 
 <. quoque.—8, < 21. 
 hoc t. hundredus.—50, < 36. 
 T11ELONEUM. 
 
 Quietus eral de <.—2, <17. 
 t. reddens lxviii solidos.—6, < 9. 
 
 <. de Dome T.It.E. valebat viii libras. 
 
 Modo xxii libras.—7, < 21. 
 
 De <. xl solidi.—9, < 2. 
 
 TOTUM (v. etiam sub MANERIUM et 
 VALENTIIS). 
 
 Per <. AngUam.—2, < 18. 
 
 Alodiarios t. comitatus.—3, < 15. 
 
 Per <. Chent.—3, < 30. 
 lxi libras inter <.—4, <15. 
 
 Inter t . valet.—4, < 19. 
 
 Hoc t . valet.—4, < 25. 
 
 Inter t . valet.—4, < 27 et < 32. 
 
 Inter t . valet.—5, < 3 et < 16. 
 t. hoc valet lv solidos.—5, < 19. 
 
 Inter <. valuit.—6, < 12. 
 
 Per t. civitatem.—6, <31. 
 
 <. hoc valet xv libras.—8, < 25. 
 
 Inter t . valebat.—8, < 36. 
 
 Inter <. valebat.—9, < 4. 
 
 Inter t . valet.—12, < 30 et < 41. 
 
 Inter <. valet.—13, < 6. 
 
 Inter t. valebat.—13, < 32. 
 t. valet xl solidos.—13, < 43. 
 
 Inter l. valet.—13, <45. 
 
 Inter t. valet.—14, < 41. 
 
 Inter t . valebat.—14, < 45. 
 
 Inter l. valebat.—15, < 27 et < 34. 
 Inter t . valet.—15, < 41. 
 
 Inter <. valet.—16, < 5. 
 
 Modo, inter t . —16, < 24. 
 
 Et t. valet.—17, < 16. 
 
 Inter t . valebat.—17, < 22. 
 
 Inter t . valet.—18, < 14. 
 
 Inter t . valebat.—19, <15. 
 
 Inter <.—23, < 27. 
 
 <. valebat.—31, <15. 
 
 Inter <. valet ix libras.—36, < 44. 
 t . Eulchestan valebat.—36, < 48. 
 
 <. valuit.—37, < 31. 
 t. Beream valebat.—37, < 46. 
 
 Inter t. valebat.—38, < 49. 
 
 Valet hoc t. —42, < 16. 
 
 <. hoc valet.—47, <28. 
 t . hoc valebat.—49, < 31. 
 
 Terra est iii car. inter <.— 50, < 5. 
 t. T.R.E. valebat.—50, < 23. 
 
 i. T.R.E. valebat.—53, < 11. 
 
 <. valet iii libras.—55, < 28. 
 
 TRANSDUCO. 
 
 Pro caballo t . —2, < 10. 
 
 TREUVA. 
 
 t . regis erat in villa.—2, < 14. 
 TURBATIO. 
 
 Per magnara <. maris.—2, < 43. 
 UBICUNQUE. 
 
 it. abierit.—6, <39. 
 
 UNCIA. 
 
 Et a. auri.—20, < 7. 
 
 Unam a. auri.—20, < 15. 
 UNOQUOQUE. 
 
 «. anno.—49, < 11. 
 
 USQUE. ‘ 
 
 a. ad festum S ci Andree.—2, < 13. 
 Tenuit hue it. —2, < 40. 
 a. ad Pinnedennain.—3, < 40. 
 
 «. nunc non habuit.—6, <28. 
 
 u. ad unam leugam, etc.—6, <37. 
 
 ii. ad episcopum baiocensem.—36, < 13. 
 Nunc u. scotum non scotavit.—37, <19. 
 
 UTL 
 
 UTERQUE. 
 
 Rannulfus ipse habet a.—2, <37. 
 
 In viis u. parte.—6, <41. 
 
 Exinde it. mcclesiie.—6, <46. 
 
 Hoc «. valet xx solidos.—42, < 25. 
 Hoc a. valebat.—44, < 37- 
 
 UTLAGA. 
 
 Cujusdam exulis, i. e. w. —2, < 36. 
 
 VACUA. 
 
 i solin a. terra.—44, < 2. 
 
 VADIMONIUM. 
 
 Posuit extra Mauerium per quoddam v. 
 —8, < 28. 
 
 VALENTIIS. 
 
 In totis a.—9, < 24. 
 
 In totis a.—10, < 20, < 30, < 37, et 
 <43. 
 
 In totis a.—11, < 2, < 10, < 16, < 31, 
 et < 46. 
 
 In totis a.—12, < 8, < 17, < 24, et < 37. 
 In totis a.—13, < 1, < 14, < 20, < 27, 
 et < 39. 
 
 In totis a.—14, < 1 et < 8. 
 
 In totis a.—17, < 6 et < 28. 
 
 In totis a.—18, < 2. 
 
 VALEO. 
 
 Computari quantum a.—2, < 22. 
 a. lxx solidos. T.R.E. c solidos.—4, < 
 19. 
 
 a. vi libras. T.R.E. xii libras.—4, <25. 
 a. iv libras. T.R.E. c solidos.^t, <27. 
 a. xx solidos. T.R.E. x solidos.—4, < 
 32. 
 
 a. c solidos. T.R.E. iii libras.—4, <35. 
 a. Ixix solidos et ii denarios. T.R.E. iv 
 libras.—4, <38. 
 
 v. lx solidos. T.R.E. xx solidos.—4, 
 <41. 
 
 a. xxx solidos. T.R.E. xx solidos.—4, 
 <44. 
 
 a. lx solidos. T.R.E. lxx solidos.—4, 
 <47. 
 
 a. iii libras. T.R.E. iv libras.—5, < 3. 
 a. iii. libras. T.R.E. iv libras.—5, < 8. 
 a. viii libras. T.R.E. vii libras.—5, < 
 16 . 
 
 a. lv solidos. T.R.E. iv libras.—5, < 
 19. 
 
 a. et valuit semper lx solidos.—5, < 22. 
 a. xxx solidos. T.R.E. xl solidos.—5, 
 < 25. 
 
 a. lx solidos. T.R.E. xl solidos.—5, < 
 29. 
 
 a. xxv solidos. T.R.E. xxxv solidos.— 
 5, < 31. 
 
 a. xx solidos. T.R.E. xxv solidos.— 
 5, < 34. 
 
 a. iv libras. T.R.E. vi libras.—5, < 37. 
 a. iv libras. T.R.E. c solidos.—5, < 40. 
 a. vi libras. T.R.E. viii libras.—5, < 
 42. 
 
 T.R.E. a. c solidos. Modo lx solidos. 
 —5, <45. 
 
 T.R.E. a. Ii libras. Tantundem quando 
 vicecomes recepit. Modo 1 libris ap¬ 
 preciatur.—6, <12. 
 
 T.R.E. a. c solidos. Quando recepit, 
 similiter. Modo a. xx libras. Tamen 
 qui tenet reddit xl libras.—6, < 48. 
 T.R.E. a. x libras. Modo similiter.— 
 —7, < 16. 
 
 T.R.E. a. viii libras. Modo xxii libras. 
 —7, < 21. 
 
 Si haberent sicuti jus esset valerent lx 
 libras singulis annis; modo non ha- 
 bent nisi xlvii libras, et vi solidos, et 
 iiii denarios.—7, < 38. 
 
 T.R.E. a. lx libras. Tantundem, quando 
 recepit. Modo appreciatur ab anglis 
 lx libris, prapositus vero francigena, 
 qui tenet ad firmam dicit quia a. xc 
 libras.—8, < 10. 
 
 Hiec v. xx solidos.—8, < 18. 
 
 Totum hoc a. xv libras.—8, < 25. 
 a. lx solidos.—8, < 29. 
 a. T.R.E. xv libras. Tantundem quando 
 recepit. Modo a. xx libras.—8, < 36. 
 Quod xvii solidos et iiii" denarios. a.— 
 
 8, < 41. 
 
 a. cc libras ad numerum. Tantundem 
 quando recepit. Modo similiter.— 
 
 9, < 5. 
 
 a. xx libras.—9, < 9. 
 
 T.R.E. a. lx libras, v solidis minus. Et 
 
 VAL 
 
 post, lx libras. Modo a. quater xx 
 libras.—9, < 25. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xiiii libras. Quando recepit 
 x libras. Modo xv libras et x solidos. 
 Tamen qui tenet reddit xviii libras. 
 —10, < 22. 
 
 T.R.E. et post a.—10, < 30. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xii libras. Quando recepit 
 xvi libras. Et modo xviii libras. 
 Tamen reddit xxiii libras et i militem 
 in servitio arehiepiseopi.—10, < 37. t 
 
 T.R.E. et post a. xii libras. Et modo 
 xx libras. Tamen reddit xxx libras 
 et viii solidos.—10, < 43. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xii libras. Tantundem quando 
 recepit. Modo xvi libras. Tamen 
 reddit xxi libras.—11, < 2. 
 
 T.R.E. a. ix libras. Similiter quando 
 recepit. Modo tantundem. Tamen 
 reddit xv libras.—11, < 10. 
 
 T.R.E. a. x libras. Quando recepit xii 
 libras. Modo xxvii libras. Tamen 
 reddit xxxvii libras et x solidos.—11, 
 <17. 
 
 a. xxx solidos.—11, <18. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xv libras. Et post, xvi libras. 
 Modo appreciatur D. arehiepiseopi 
 xxiiii libris. Tamen reddit xxxv li¬ 
 bras. Militum, xi libris. Ricardus 
 de Tonebrige quod tenet xv libris.— 
 11, <31. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xiiii libras. Quaudo recepit, 
 xii libras. Modo D. arehiepiseopi a. 
 xx libras. Militum xv libras et x 
 solidos.—11, < 46. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xv libras. Quando recepit, 
 xii. Modo, xxiii. Tamen reddit 
 xxvi libras, xii denariis minus. Quod 
 tenet francigena xl solidos.—12, < 8. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xiiii libras. Quando recepit, 
 similiter. Modo xxxv libras.—12, < 
 18. 
 
 T.R.E. ’a. xxiiii libras et a. solidos. 
 Post tantundem. Modo reddit archi- 
 episcopo 1 libras et xiiii solidos, et ii 
 denarios. Et archidiacono xx solidos. 
 —12, < 24. 
 
 a. xiiii libras et vi solidos, et vi denarios. 
 —12, < 30. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xvii libras et vi solidos et iii 
 denarios. Post, tantundem. Modo 
 a. xx libras.—12, < 38. 
 
 Inter totum a. ix libras.—12, < 41. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, a. xxiiii libras et xii 
 solidos et vi denarios. Modo, a. xl 
 libras.—13, < 1. 
 
 Inter totum a. Lx libras.—13, < 6. 
 
 a. c solidos.—13, < 8. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, a. xx libras. Modo, 
 xxx libras.—13, < 14. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, a. xv libras et xvi so¬ 
 lidos, et iii denarios et i obolum. 
 Modo, a. xxx libras, et xvi solidos, 
 et iii denarios, et i obolum.—13, < 20. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xxiii libras. Quando rece¬ 
 pit tantuudem. Modo, appreciatur 
 xxxiiii libris. Et tamen reddit lx 
 libras.—13, < 27. 
 
 T.R.E., a. xii libras. Quando recepit, 
 viii libras. Et modo, xv libras. Et 
 tamen reddit xx libras.—13, < 32. 
 
 T.R.E. a. lxxvii libras. Quando re¬ 
 cepit, similiter. Et modo c libras. 
 —13, < 39. 
 
 Totum a. xl solidos.—13, < 43. 
 
 Inter totum a. xxi libras.—13, < 46. 
 
 T.R.E. a., et post x libras. Modo, xx 
 libras.—14, < 1. 
 
 T.R.E. a. lxii libras. Et tantundem 
 quando recepit. Modo reddit c li¬ 
 bras et xx solidos.—14, < 8. 
 
 T.R.E. a. vii libras. Dim. S. S' 1 M., 
 et aliud dim. S. a. semper iiii libras. 
 —14, < 17. 
 
 valuerunt et modo a. domino vi libras. 
 —14, < 20. 
 
 a. et valuit xii libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xv libras.—14, < 24. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, a. viii libras. Modo, 
 x libras.—14, < 30. 
 
 T.R.E. a. xxiiii libras. Et postea xl 
 libras. Et modo, similiter. Et ta¬ 
 men reddit lx libras.—14, < 36. 
 
 a. xi libra3.—14, <41. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . c solidos. Quantlo recepit, 
 xii libras. Et modo, x libras. Et 
 tamen propositus reddit xvdii libras 
 et x solidos.—14, 7 46. 
 
 T.E.E. o. vii libras.—Modo, xi libras. 
 —15, 7 6. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xxvi libras. Et modo v. xx 
 libras.—15, 713. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xl solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xx solidos. Et modo, 1 soEdos.— 
 15, 7 21. 
 
 T.E.E. v. x libras. Et tantundem 
 quando recepit. Et modo, xvii li¬ 
 bras,—15, 7 27. 
 
 T.E.E. v . x libras. Quando recepit, viii 
 libras. Modo, xi libras.—15, 7 34. 
 
 0 . et v. semper xl solidos.—15, 7 41. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xxx solidos. Modo, 
 xx solidos.—15, 7 45. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. c solidos. Modo, 
 vi libras.—15, 7 50. 
 
 v . viii libras. Et tamen reddit xii libras 
 et x solidos.—16, 7 6. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xxx solidos. Modo, 
 iiii libras. Et tamen reddit c soli¬ 
 dos.—16, 7 9. 
 
 Et v . x solidos.-—16, ill. 
 
 v. T.E.E. xl solidos. Quando recepit, 
 x solidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—16, 
 716. 
 
 v . T.E.E. xvi libras. Quando recepit, 
 viii libras. Modo, xxix libras et vi 
 solidos et iiii denarios.—16, 7 23. 
 
 T.E.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, vii libras. Tamen 
 reddit xi libras.—16, 7 29. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. x libras. Et modo, 
 xvi libras—16, 7 38. 
 
 Olim xx solidos. Modo, v . xxx soli¬ 
 dos.—16, 7 41. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xv libras. Quando recepit, 
 viii libras. Modo, xxv libras. Ta¬ 
 men reddit xxviii libras.—17, 7 6. 
 
 v . iiii libras.—17, 716. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xii libras.—Quando recepit, 
 viii libras. Et modo, quod babet-, 
 v . viii libras.—17, 717. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xx libras. Et modo, 
 0 . xxx libras.—17, 7 22. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xv libras et x solidos. Quando 
 recepit, xv libras. Modo, xxvi li¬ 
 bras.—17, 7 28. 
 
 Quod v . xviii solidos et vi denarios.— 
 17, 7 30. 
 
 Totum M. T.E.E. v . xvi libras. Et 
 post, tantundem. Et modo, xxii li¬ 
 bras. Quod Abel modo tenet vi li¬ 
 bras. Quod Godefridus ix libras. 
 Quod Bicardus iiii libras.—17, 7 39. 
 
 T.E.E. a. vi libras. Et post, vii libras. 
 Et modo, xvi libras.— 17, 7 45. 
 
 v . T.R.E., et post, xx libras. Modo, 
 xl libras.—18, 7 2. 
 
 v . T.E.E., et post, xxii libras. Modo, 
 xxxii libras.—18, 7 7. 
 
 Tantum quod v. vii libras.—18, 7 8. 
 
 v . et valu'd xvii libras.—18, 1 14. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xxv solidos. Et 
 modo, c solidos.—18, 1 19. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v . x libras. Modo, 
 xv libras.—18, l 25. 
 
 T.E.E., et quando recepit, v . xii libras. 
 Modo, xxv libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xxx libras.—18, l 30. 
 
 T.E.E., et quando recepit, v. xii libras. 
 Modo, xx libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xxx libras.—18, l 36. 
 
 T.E.E., et quando recepit, v. xii libras. 
 Modo, xx libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xxvii libras.—18, 7 41. 
 
 v. T.R.E., et post, c solidos. Modo, 
 viii libras et viii solidos, et iiii de¬ 
 narios.—18, 7 49. 
 
 T.E.E. v . xvii libras, et xi solidos, et 
 iiii denarios. Quando recepit, tan¬ 
 tundem. Modo, xxiiii libras et iiii 
 denarios. Et tamen reddit xl libras. 
 —19, l 6. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xxvi libras et x so¬ 
 lidos, et iiii denarios, et i ferding. 
 Modo, xxxvi libras et x solidos et iiii 
 denarios et i ferding.—19, l 15. 
 
 T.E.E. v. xl libras. Quando recepit, 
 similiter. Modo, reddit xlvi libras 
 
 VAL 
 
 et xxvi solidos, et iiii denarios. Et 
 c solidos de Garsumnne.—19, l 24. 
 v . xi libras. Et tamen reddunt xiii 
 ^ libras.—19, l 27. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v . xx solidos. Et 
 modo, lx solidos.—19, l 31. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. vi libras. Modo, 
 xvi libras et xvii solidos, et vi dena¬ 
 rios.—19, l 37. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 1 solidos. Modo, iiii 
 libras.—19, l 42. 
 
 v. et v. semper Iiii solidos.—19, l 45. 
 v. ei per annum x solidos.—19, l 46. 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xi libras. Modo, 
 xxi libras. Et tamen reddit xxiiii 
 libras et uneiam auri.—20, l 6. 
 T.E.E., et post, v. xiii libras. Et 
 modo, xvi libras. Et tamen reddit 
 xx libras et unain uneiam auri, et 
 unum marsum.—20, l 13. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. vii libras. Modo, 
 
 viii libras.—20, l 21. 
 
 ». lxx solidos. Et modo, c solidos.— 
 20, l 24. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . xii libras et x soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xviii libras. Et tamen 
 reddit xxi libras duos solidos minus. 
 —20, l 30. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, v. viii libras. Modo, 
 xii libras.—20, l 34. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . xl solidos. Et modo, 
 iiii libras.—20, l 39. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . lx solidos. Et modo, 
 vii libras.—20, l 45. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . vi libras. Modo, 
 
 ix libras.—20, l 50. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, a. iiii libras et x soli¬ 
 dos. Et modo, x libras et x solidos. 
 —21, l 6. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . c solidos. Et modo, 
 vii libras et xv solidos.—21, l 9. 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . vii libras. Modo, 
 xvi libras. Quod Eicardus tenet v. 
 
 vii solidos.—21, l 13. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . viii libras. Modo, 
 xxv libras. Quod Eicardus tenet, 
 in sua leuua v. x solidos.—21, 1 18. 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . vi libras. Et modo, 
 
 x libras.—21, l 23. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . iii libras. Modo, v. 
 
 viii libras. Et tamen, per annum 
 reddunt xi libras, et xiii solidos, et 
 iiii denarios.—21, l 27. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, et modo, v. viii libras 
 et xx denarios. Tamen reddit qui 
 tenet xiii libras et xx denarios.—21, 
 7 32. 
 
 0 . modo xv libras de xx in ora.—22, 7 7. 
 xx acres terra; v. per annum v. soEdos. 
 —22, 7 8. 
 
 Quod 0 . iiii solidos.—22, 715. 
 
 0 . xx libras. Et modo v. xxxii libras. 
 —22, 716. 
 
 0 . iii libras. Modo, c solidos.—22, 7 
 
 20. 
 
 T.E.E. partim v. —22, 7 23. 
 
 0 . iiii libras. Modo, ex soEdos.—22, 
 7 29. 
 
 0 . iii libras. Modo, ini Hbras et x so¬ 
 lidos.—22, 7 34. 
 
 Quando recepit, 0 . lx solidos. Modo, 
 c solidos. Ilex babet in manu sua 
 quod 0 . x solidos.—22, 7 49. 
 
 0 . lx soEdos. Modo, lxx soEdos.—23, 
 7 4. 
 
 Ilabet Eex quod 0 . x soEdos.—23, 7 5. 
 valu'd et 0 . xv soEdos.—23, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet Eex quod 0 . viii soEdos.—23, 7 
 
 10 . 
 
 valu'd et v. xvi soEdos.—23, 7 13. 
 
 0 . lx soEdos. Modo, lxxvH soEdos.— 
 23, 7 19. 
 
 Et 0 . iii soEdos.—23, 7 19. 
 
 0 . lx soEdos. Modo lxxvii soEdos.— 
 23, 7 19. 
 
 0 . ini Ebras. Modo, vi libras.—23,7 
 27. 
 
 0 . Ei Ebras. Et modo, vi Ebras.—23, 
 7 32. 
 
 Quod 0 . viH soEdos.—23, 7 37. 
 
 0 . iii Ebras. Modo xl solidos.—23, 7 
 38. 
 
 Quod 0 . x denarios.—23, 7 43. 
 valu'd et 0 . c soEdos.—23, 7 43. 
 
 VAL 
 
 0 . lx solidos. Modo, lxx soEdos.—23, 
 7 4S. 
 
 Quod 0 , v soEdos.—24, 7 3. 
 
 0 . iiii Ebras. Et modo, vi Ebras.—24, 
 7 4. 
 
 0 . xl soEdos. Et modo, lx soEdos.— 
 24, 7 9. 
 
 0 . iiii Ebras. Modo, c soEdos.—24, 7 
 13. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . xc Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 xviii Ebras. Modo, xxii libras. Ta¬ 
 men qui tenet reddit xxx Ebras.— 
 24, 7 20. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . lx soEdos. Quando recepit, 
 tantundem. Et modo, ini Ebras.— 
 24, 7 26. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . x Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 vui Ebras. Et modo, tantundem. 
 Tamen qui tenet reddit xu Ebras.— 
 
 24, 7 31. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . iiii Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 iii Ebras. Modo, csoEdos.—24, 7 37. 
 T.E.E. 0 . xvi Ebras. Et post, xii li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxv Ebras. Tamen qui 
 tenet reddit xxxv Ebras.—24, 7 43. 
 T.E.E. 0 . vi Ebras. Et post, iiii Ebras. 
 
 Et modo, x Ebras.—24, 7 48. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . viii Ebras. Et post, vi li¬ 
 bras. Et modo, xiH Ebras.—25,7 3. 
 0 . T.E.E. xxx Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 xvi libras. Et modo, xxiiH Ebras.— 
 
 25, 7 9. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . iiii Ebras. Et modo, 
 iii Ebras.—25,7 15. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . Eii Ebras. Et modo, 
 iii libras.—25, 7 19. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . viii Ebras. Modo 
 appreciantur xii libris.—25, 7 28. 
 T.R.E. 0 . xvi Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 
 xii Ebras. Et modo, xx Ebras.—25, 
 7 32. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . c soEdos. Quando recepit, 
 iiii Ebras. Et modo, e soEdos.—25, 
 7 37. 
 
 T.E.E., et quando recepit, 0 . Ei Ebras. 
 
 Modo, c soEdos.—25, 7 42. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, et modo 0 . vii Ebras.— 
 
 25, 7 16. 
 
 T.ll.E. 0 . iiii Ebras. Et post, Hi Ebras. 
 
 Modo, iiii Ebras.—26, 7 L. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . e soEdos. Et modo, 
 
 vi Ebras.—26, 7 6. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . xx libras. Et post, xvi li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxiiii Ebras.—26,7 11. 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . lx soEdos. Modo, 
 xl soEdos.—26, 7 15. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . viii Ebras. Et post, vi li¬ 
 bras. Modo, viii Ebras.—26, 7 20. 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . ix Ebras. Modo, 
 
 xiii libras.-—26, 7 26. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . viii Ebras.—Quando recepit, 
 
 vii Ebras. Modo, viii Ebras.—26, 
 7 31. 
 
 Quod 0 . xxiiii soEdos.—26, 7 33. 
 
 Quod 0 . xxiiii soEdos et u denarios.— 
 
 26, 7 34. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . c soEdos. Quando recepit, lx 
 solidos. Modo, c soEdos.—26, 7 39. 
 T.R.E. 0 . viii Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 c soEdos. Modo, vni Ebras.—26, 7 
 45. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . xl soEdos. Quando recepit, 
 iiii Ebras. Modo, c soEdos.—27, 7 2. 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . iii Ebras.—Modo, 
 iiii Ebras.—27, 7 9. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . xx soEdos. Quando recepit, 
 xxx soEdos. Modo, xl soEdos.—27, 
 717. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . viii Ebras. Quando recepit, c 
 solidos. Modo, vi Ebras.—27,7 24. 
 T.E.E. 0 . xl solidos. Quaudo recepit, 
 xx solidos. Modo, xxx soEdos.— 
 
 27, 7 29. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . Hi Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 iiii Ebras. Modo, v Ebras.—27,7 34. 
 T.E.E. 0 . xxx solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xx soEdos. Modo, xl soEdos.—27, 
 7 40. 
 
 0 . et valuil semper x soEdos.—27, 7 44. 
 T.E.E. 0 . vHi Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 c soEdos. Modo, vi libras.—27,7 49. 
 T.E.E. 0 . Hii libras. Et post, iii Ebras. 
 Modo, vi Ebras. Eicardus, quod 
 tenet in sua leuua v soEdos.—28, 7 5. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . vi Ebras. Et post, c soEdos. 
 Modo, viii Ebras. Eicardus quod 
 liabet in sua leuua xx denarios.—28, 
 712 . 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . x Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 tantundem. Modo, xi Ebras.—28, 
 7 18. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . iiii libras. Quando recepit, 
 iii Ebras. Modo, v Ebras.—2S, 7 23. 
 T.E.E. 0 . c solidos. Quando recepit, 
 iiii Ebras. Modo, iii Ebras, et ix 
 soEdos.—28, 7 29. 
 
 Quod tenet xi solidos 0.-28, 7 31. 
 T.R.E. 0 . xii libras. Quando recepit, 
 
 vi Ebras. Modo, xii Ebras.—2S, 7 
 38. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . x Ebras. Et quando recepit, 
 tantundem. Modo, xii Ebras.—28, 
 7 44. 
 
 Et 0 . vn soEdos.—2S, 7 45. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . xii Ebras. Modo, 
 viii Ebras. Tamen reddit xii Ebras. 
 —28, 7 50. 
 
 Et 0 . xl soEdos.—29,71. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, 0 . xxx Ebras. 
 —29, 7 6. 
 
 Et 0 . xx solidos.—29, 7 8. 
 
 0 . et n. semper xv soEdos.—29,712. 
 T.R.E. 0 . x Ebras. Quaudo recepit, 
 viii libras. Modo, x Ebras.—29,717. 
 T.E.E. 0 . iiii Ebras. Post, et modo, 
 iii libras.—29, 7 21. 
 
 0 . et 0 . semper xx solidos.—29, 7 25. 
 
 0 . et 0 . semper xx soEdos.—29, 7 29. 
 T.R.E. 0 . xvi Ebras. Similiter, quando 
 recepit. Modo, xx Ebras. Tamen 
 reddit xxv Ebras.—29, 7 34. 
 
 Q.uod 0 . x solidos.—29, 7 36. 
 
 Qua; 0 . xx soEdos.—29, 7 38. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . iiii Ebras. Modo, 
 
 vii Ebras.—29, 7 42. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . iiii Ebras. Modo, 
 vi libras.—29, 7 47. 
 
 T.R.E., 0 . ix libras. Tantundem, quan¬ 
 do recepit. Modo, x Ebras. -Tamen 
 reddit xii Ebras.—30, 71. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . xii libras. Quando recepit, 
 x Ebras. Modo, xiiii Ebras. Tamen 
 reddit xviii Ebras.—30, 7 8. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, et modo, 0 . xn Ebras. 
 —30, 714. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . x libras. Modo, xii 
 Ebras. Tamen reddit xviH Ebras.— 
 
 30, 719. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . vi Ebras. Et post, tantun¬ 
 dem. Modo, vii Ebras.—30, 7 27. 
 T.R.E. 0 . lx solidos. Quando recepit, 
 1 soEdos. Modo, ix soEdos.—30, 7 
 
 31. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . x soEdos. Modo, 
 xxx solidos.—30, 7 36. 
 
 T.ll.E., et post, et modo, 0 . xx soEdos. 
 —30, 7 42. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, 0 . iiii Ebras. 
 —30, 7 48. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . viii libras. Modo, 
 vi libras.—31, 7 4. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, 0 . iiii Ebras.— 
 31, 7 9. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . c soEdos. Et post, et modo, 
 xl soEdos.—31, 715. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, et modo, 0 . xl soEdos. 
 —31, 7 20. 
 
 T.E.E. 0 . iiii Ebras. Quando recepit, 
 iii Ebras. Modo, Hii libra3.—31,7 24. 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, 0 . lx soEdos. 
 Et tamen cst ad firmam pro iiii E- 
 bras.—31, 7 29. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . iiii Ebras. Modo, c 
 soEdos.—31, 7 35. 
 
 Et 0 . v soEdos.—31, 7 37. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . x Ebras. Modo, 
 xii Ebras. Et tamen reddit xHE.— 
 
 31, 7 42. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, 0 . xxx soE¬ 
 dos.—31, 7 46. 
 
 T.R.E. 0 . xl soEdos. Quando recepit, 
 xxx soEdos. Modo, lx soEdos.— 
 
 32, 71. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, 0 . xii Ebras. Modo, 
 xv libras. Tamen reddit xxxv li¬ 
 bras.—32, 7 7. 
 
 T.E.E., et post, 0 . iii Ebras. Et modo, 
 lxx soEdos.—32, 713. 
 
___ 
 
 CONCORDANCE. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. c solidos. 
 —32, 7 IS. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. c solidos. Modo, 
 cx solidos.—32, 7 22. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx libras. Quando recepit, 
 similiter. Modo, tantundem. Tamen 
 qui eum tenet reddit cxiii libras.— 
 32, 7 29. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. xl solidos. 
 —32, 7 33. 
 
 v. et v. xxx solidos.—32, 7 36. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. vi libras. Modo, 
 vi libras et v solidos.—32, 7 40. 
 
 T.R.E., v. vi solidos. Et post, v soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, x solidos. Tamen red¬ 
 dit xx solidos.—32, 7 44. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. vii libras. 
 —32, 7 50. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xx solidos. Modo, 
 xl solidos.—33, 7 2. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post, vi li¬ 
 bras. Modo, viii libras et v solidos. 
 —33, 7 6. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v . xl solidos. Modo, 
 vi libras.—33, 7 13. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. iiii libras. Modo, c 
 solidos.—33, 718. 
 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, lx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—33, 7 24. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xx solidos. Modo, 
 xl solidos.—33, 7 29. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xv solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos.—33, 
 
 7 32. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xxv libras. Modo, 
 xxx libras. Tamen Robertus reddit 
 lv libras.—33, 7 37. 
 
 Et v. xl solidos.—33, 7 40. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xl solidos. Modo lx 
 solidos et liiii denarios.—33, 7 45. 
 
 v. xiii solidos.—33, 7 46. 
 
 Quod v. xvi denarios.—33, 7 47. 
 
 T.R.E. v. vii libras. Et post, c solidos. 
 Modo x libras. Tamen qui tenet 
 reddit xiiii libras.—33, 7 52. 
 
 Quod t>. vii solidos.—34, 7 2. 
 
 Quffi v. 1 denarios.—34, 7 5. 
 
 T.R.E. v . xii libras. Et post, vi libras. 
 Modo, xv libras.—34, 713. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v . xl solidos. Modo, 
 iiii libras.—34, 718. 
 
 t>. vii solidos.—34, 719. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x solidos. Modo, 
 xv solidos.—34, 7 24. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xl solidos. Modo, 
 iii libras.—34, 7 28. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xxx solidos. Modo, xl solidos.—34, 
 
 7 32. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xxx solidos.—34, 7 
 36. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. 1 solidos. Modo, lx 
 solidos.—34, 7 40. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo v. xx solidos. 
 —34, 7 43. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v . xx solidos. Modo, 
 xxx solidos.—34, 7 46. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x solidos. Modo, 
 xxx solidos.—34, 7 49. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. vii libras. Modo, 
 viii libras.—35, 7 4. 
 
 v. vi libras.—35, 7 8. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. vii libras. Modo, x 
 libras et x solidos.—35,712. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xviii libras. Quando recepit, 
 x libras. Modo, xix libras.—35,721. 
 
 T.R.E. v. vii libras. Et post, c solidos. 
 Modo, vii libras. Tamen reddit x 
 libras.—35, 7 25. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, et modo, 
 xl solidos.—35, 7 29. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xii libras. Et post, vii libras. 
 Modo, xii libras. Tamen reddit xviii 
 libras. Quando Hugo de Montfort 
 tenuit v. v solidos.—35, 7 35. 
 
 T.R.E. v. vi libras. Et post, iiii lit 
 Modo, c solidos.—35, 7 41. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxv libras. Quando recepit, 
 xx libras. Modo, xxx libras.—35, 7 
 49. 
 
 v. xxx solidos.—35, in maryine. 
 
 o. et semper v. lx solidos.—36, l 2. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. iii libras- 
 36, l 9. 
 
 VAL 
 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, vi libras. 
 
 Et modo, ix libras.—36, 1 12. 
 v. xx libras.—36, l 27- 
 V. xxx solidos. — 36, l 29. 
 t>. iiii libras.—36, l 31. 
 v. xxx solidos.—36, l 33. 
 v. iiii libras.—36, 7 35. 
 v. 1 solidos.—36, 7 37. 
 v. xx solidos.—36, 7 39. 
 
 Inter totum v. ix libras.—36, 7 44. 
 v. xxx solidos.—36, 7 46. 
 v. x solidos.—36, 7 47. 
 
 Totum Fulchestan T.R.E. v. cx libras. 
 Quando recepit xl libras. Modo 
 quod habet in D. v. c libras. Quod 
 milites tenent v. xlv libras et x soli¬ 
 dos.—36, 7 48. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xxx libras. Modo, 
 xl. Tamen reddit 1 libras.—37, 7 6. 
 v. et v. lioc semper x solidos.—37,710. 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xxx solidos. Modo xl solidos.—37, 
 
 713. 
 
 v. et v. semper x solidos.—37, 717. 
 T.R.E. a. ix libras. Modo, xv.—37,7 
 22. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, et modo, 
 xxx solidos.—37, 7 25. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—37, 7 31. 
 T.R. E., et post, v. iiii solidos. Modo, 
 viii solidos.—37, 7 34. 
 
 Totum Berea m T.R.E. v. xl libras. 
 Quando recepit, similiter. Tamen 
 reddebat ei c libras. Modo, per se, 
 Berliam v . xl libras. Et Hucharn 
 x libras. Quod Osbernus habet, vi 
 libras. Et terra cujusdam Ranulti 
 militis v. xl solidos.—37, 7 46. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxi solidos. Quando recepit, 
 xii solidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—38, 
 
 7 4. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x solidos. Modo, 
 xx solidos.—38, 7 8. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, lx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—38, 7 13. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—38, 7 17. 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post vi libras. 
 
 Modo, xii libras.—38, 7 23. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xl libras. Et post, xxx libras. 
 Modo, xxx libras similiter. Tamen 
 reddebat episcopo baiocensi lxxx li¬ 
 bras et xl solidos.—38, 7 31. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx libras. Quando recepit, 
 xv libras. Modo, xx libras.—38, 7 
 
 43. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo iiii libras.—38, 7 50. 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, xl solidos. 
 
 Modo, c solidos.—39, 7 5. 
 
 T.R.E. v. 1 denarios. Modo, v. lx de¬ 
 narios.—39,7 10. 
 
 T.R.E. v . lx solidos. Et post, lx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, iiii libras.—39, 7 14. 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo v. xvi solidos. 
 —39, 719. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, s. xxiiii soli¬ 
 dos.—39, 7 23. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, iii libras. 
 
 Et modo, lxx solidos.—39, 7 28. 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos. Et post, et modo, 
 v. x solidos.—39, 7 30. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x solidos. Modo xxx 
 solidos.—39, 7 34. 
 
 Tantundem semper v. —39, 7 38. 
 T.R.E. v. vii libras. Et post, vi libras. 
 
 Modo, viii libras.—39, 7 44. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xx solidos. Modo, 
 xxv solidos.—39,7 48. 
 v. et v . semper xii solidos.—40, 7 2. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo xl solidos.—40, 7 7. 
 T.R.E. ». x libras. Quando recepit vi 
 libras. Modo, iiii libras. Tamen epi- 
 scopus habnit viii libras.—40, 7 13. 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Episcopus misit ad 
 firmam pro x libris. Quando Eul- 
 bertus recepit vi libras. Modo simi¬ 
 liter.—40, 719. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. xl solidos. 
 —40, 7 23. 
 
 T.R.E. v . xl. . . xxx solidos. Modo c 
 solidos.—40, 7 28. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Post, xx solidos. 
 Modo, iiii libras. Hugo de Montfort 
 tenet inde quod v. xx solidos.—40, 
 7 33. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xx solidos. Modo, 
 xl solidos.—40, 7 38. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, 1 solidos. 
 Modo, iiii libras, et servitium i mi¬ 
 litis.—40, 7 43. 
 
 Inter silvam et pasturam quod v. T.R.E. 
 vi libras. Et post, et modo, tantun¬ 
 dem.—40, 7 49. 
 
 Quod v. et v. semper x solidos.—41,7 4. 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos, et post, xx solidos. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos.—41, 7 5. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post, c soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, vi libras.—41, 713. 
 v. et v. semper xv solidos.—41, 7 16. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xl so¬ 
 lidos.—Modo lx solidos.—41, 7 19. 
 T.R.E. v. xxx solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xl solidos.—41, 7 23. 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xl solidos. Modo, 
 lx solidos.—41, 7 30. 
 v. per annum iiii solidos.—41, 7 32. 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, nichil. 
 
 Modo, vi libras.—41, 7 35. 
 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Et post, xxx libras. 
 Modo, 1 libras. Tamen reddit de 
 firma lxx libras.—41, 7 42. 
 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, 1 solidos. 
 
 Modo, iiii libras.—41, 7 48. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xl solidos. Modo, 
 
 1 solidos.—42, 7 1. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xxx solidos. Modo, 
 xl solidos.—42, 7 4. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xl solidos. Modo, 
 
 1 solidos.—42, 7 9. 
 v. et o. semper x solidos.—42,711. 
 v. hoc totum et v. xv solidos.—42, 
 
 7 16. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Quando recepit, 
 c solidos. Modo, viii libras.—42, 7 
 21. 
 
 Hoc utrunque v. xx solidos.—42, 7 25. 
 T.R.E. v. xii libras. Et post, c soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, x libras. Tamen reddit 
 xii libras et xii solidos.—42, 7 29. 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Quando recepit, 
 
 vi libras. Modo, viii libras.—42,7 
 35. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xv libras. Et post, et modo, 
 xxx solidos.—42, 7 41. 
 v. v solidos.—42, 7 46. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, vi libras.—42, 7 52. 
 Totum M. T.R.E. v. xii libras. Et 
 post, xx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. 
 Tamen quod Radulfus habet reddit 
 iiii libras.—43, 7 1. 
 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Quando recepit, 
 xxx solidos. Modo, xl solidos. Et 
 tamen reddit iiii libras.—43, 7 9. 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, x solidos. 
 
 Modo, xl solidos.—43, 7 13. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, lx. 
 
 Modo, xl.—43, 717. 
 v. et v. semper viii solidos.—43, 7 21. 
 T.R.E. v. xii libras. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, ix libras.—43, 7 26. 
 Quod v. x solidos.—43, 7 29. 
 
 T.R.E. et post [«.] iiii libras. Modo, 
 
 vii libras. Et tamen reddit viii li¬ 
 bras.—43, 7 34. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, 1 solidos.—43, 7 38. 
 T.R.E. o. c solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, lx solidos.—43, 7 42. 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, vi libras.—43, 7 45. 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos. Et post, x soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—43, 7 49. 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Et post, x solidos. 
 
 Modo, xxx solidos.—43, 7 53. 
 v. et v. semper lx solidos.—44, 7 4. 
 
 Et v. per annum iiii solidos.—44, 7 7. 
 T.R.E. v. 1 solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—44,710. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xxx so 
 lidos. Modo, xl solidos.—44, 714. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—44, 7 20. 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—44, 7 28. 
 
 VAL 
 
 T.R.E. v. xv solidos. Et post, x soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xx solidos.—44, 7 33. 
 T.R.E. v. xxx solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—44, 7 37. 
 T.R.E. v. iii libras et x solidos. Et 
 post, 1 solidos. Modo, vii libras.— 
 
 44, 7 43. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xii solidos. Et post, vi so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xvi solidos.—44, 7 46. 
 v. vi libras.—44, 7 50. 
 
 T.lt.E., et post, et modo, v. iiii libras. 
 —45, 7 4. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—45, 7 8. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—45, 7 13. 
 Et tantum v. —45,7 19. 
 
 Reddens xxx denarios. v. x solidos.— 
 
 45, 7 23. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo lx solidos.—45, 7 28. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, lx solidos.—45, 7 35. 
 T.R.E. v. lxxx libras et e solidos et viii 
 denarios. Quando recepit, exxv li¬ 
 bras et x solidos de xx in ora. Modo, 
 c libras ad numerum.—45, 7 43. 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x libras. Modo, xii 
 libras. Tamen reddit xiiii libras, et 
 viii solidos, et iii denarios.—46, 7 8. 
 T.R.E. v. xxviii libras. Et post, xvi 
 libras. Modo, xxviii libras.—46, 7 
 14. 
 
 Unum J. quod v. v solidos.—46, 715. 
 T.R.E. v. c solidos. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, c solidos.—46, 7 20. 
 T.R.E. v. xx libras. Et post, xviii li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxv libras et iiii soli¬ 
 dos.—46, 7 28. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxv libras. Et post, xx li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxxii libras.—46,7 34. 
 Tantum quod v. lx solidos.—46, 7 35. 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, xl soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, iiii libras.—46, 7 39. 
 T.R.E. v. 1 solidos. Quando abbas re¬ 
 cepit, xlv libras. Modo, 1 libras. 
 Tamen reddit liiii libras.—46, 7 46. 
 T.R.E. v. lxxx libras. Quando abbas 
 recepit, xl libras. Modo, c libras.— 
 
 47, 7 3. 
 
 Tantum quod v. ix libras quando pax 
 est in terra.—47, 7 5. 
 
 T.R.E. v. Iiii libras. Et post, xl libras. 
 
 Modo, Ixxviii libras.—47, 7 11. 
 
 Quod v. per annum xii libras.—47, 7 
 
 12. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. c solidos. Modo, 
 xi libras et ii solidos.—47, 7 19. 
 Totum hoe, T.R.E., et post, et modo, 
 v. iiii libras.—47, 7 28. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Quando recepit, xl 
 solidos. Modo, iiii libras.—47, 7 33. 
 T.R.E. [».] xl solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xl solidos.—47, 7 36. 
 v. et semper v. xx solidos.—47, 7 38. 
 T.R.E. v. xv libras. Quando recepit, 
 viii libras. Modo, xiii libras ct v 
 solidos.—47, 7 42. 
 v. et- v. semper xv solidos.—47, 7 45. 
 T.R.E., et post, v. iii libras. Modo, 
 iiii libras.—47, 7 50. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. xx solidos. Modo, 
 xxx solidos.—48, 7 3. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lxxx libras. Quando recepit, 
 xx libras. Modo, lxxvi libras.—48, 
 7 9. 
 
 v. iiii libras.—48,7 11 . 
 v. vi libras.—48, 7 13. 
 v. ix libras.—48, 7 16. 
 v. iii libras.—48, 719. 
 
 Quod v. viii solidos.—48, 7 20. 
 
 Quod v. xxv Solidos.—48, 7 21. 
 v. 1 denarios.—48, 7 23. 
 v. vi libras.—48, 7 26. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxii libras. Et post, x li¬ 
 bras. Pars abbatis, xxvi libras.— 
 
 48, 7 33. 
 
 v. et v. x libras.—48, 7 36. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Quando recepit, 
 xl solidos. Modo, vi libras. Tamen 
 reddit viii libras.—48, 7 41. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. xx solidos. 
 Tamen appreciatin' xl solidis eo quod 
 sit ad firmam.—48, 7 46. 
 
CONCORDANCE. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.Ti.E. v. x libras. Quando recepit, vi 
 libras. Modo v. xiiii libras quod ha- 
 befc abbas. Quod Vitalis tenet, c so- 
 lidos 49, l 2. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos. Et post, x soli- 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—49, Z 12. 
 T.R.E. v. x solidos. Et post, v soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xx solidos.—49, Z 14. 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, iiii libras.—49, Z 19. 
 T.R.E. v. vi libras. Et post, iiii libras. 
 
 Modo, viii libras.—49, Z 23. 
 v. x libras. Et post, viii libras. Modo, 
 xii libras et x solidos.—49, Z 32. 
 T.R.E. v. xx libras. Et post, x libras. 
 
 Modo, xxx libras.—49, Z 36. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xvi libras. Et post, xii li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxx libras.—49, Z 46. 
 T.R.E. v. lxx solidos. Et post, xxx 
 solidos. Modo, lxx solidos.—50, Z 7. 
 T.R.E., et post, et modo, v. xx solidos. 
 —50, Z10. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxx solidos. Et post, xx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—50, Z 15. 
 T.R.E. v. xxv solidos. Quando rece- 
 pit, xx solidos. Modo, xxx solidos. 
 —50, Z19. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos.—Et post, xv so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xx solidos.—50, Z 23. 
 T.R.E. v. lxx solidos. Et post lx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, c solidos.—50, Z 28. 
 valu'd et v. xii solidos.—50, Z 33. 
 v. et valu 'd x libras.—50, Z 40. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, v. x libras. Modo, xv 
 libras.—50, Z 46. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos.—50, Z 48. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, iii libras. 
 
 Modo, vi libras.—51, Z 4. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, iii li¬ 
 bras. Modo, c solidos.—51, Z 7. 
 T.R.E. v. xxx solidos. Et post, xv so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—51, Z 10. 
 r. et valu'd v solidos.—51, Z13. 
 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Et post, c solidos. 
 
 Modo, xiiii libras.—51, Z19. 
 
 Et v. xv solidos.—51, Z 21. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, lx solidos.—51, Z 29. 
 T.R.E., et post, v. viii libras. Modo, 
 ix libras.—51, Z 33. 
 v. et valuit lx solidos.—51, Z 36. 
 T.R.E. v. ex solidos. Et post, et inodo, 
 similiter.—51, Z 40. 
 
 T.R.E. ». xii libras. Et post, vi libras. 
 
 Modo, vii libras.—51, Z 48. 
 v. et v. semper v solidos.—51, Z 50. 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post, e soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, vii libras.—52, Z 7. 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos. Et post, xx. 
 
 Modo, lx solidos.—52, Z 13. 
 v. et v. semper x solidos.—52, Z 18. 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, c solidos.—52, Z 23. 
 T.R.E. v. 1 solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, 1 solidos.—52, Z 2S. 
 T.R.E. v. xl solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xxx solidos.—52, Z 33. 
 T.R.E. v. x solidos. Et post, iiii soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, viii libras.—52, Z 38. 
 T.R.E., et modo, v. xl solidos.—52, Z 
 42. 
 
 T.R.E., et modo, v. xxx solidos.—52, 
 Z 45. 
 
 v. et vadmit iiii solidos.—52, Z 47. 
 
 Et v. ii solidos.—52, Z 50. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xi libras. Et post, iiii libras. 
 
 Modo, viii libras.—53, Z 6. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xii libras. Et post, iii libras. 
 Modo, xii libras.—53, Z11. 
 
 YAL 
 
 T.R.E. v . xl solidos. Et post, xv so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—53, Z 21. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx libras. Et post, viii libras. 
 Modo, xvi libras.—53, Z 29. 
 
 v . iii solidos.—53, Z 31. 
 
 v. semper, et v. c denarios.—53, Z 34. 
 
 T.R.E. v. lx solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, iiii libras.—53, Z 39. 
 
 T.R.E. v . xxv solidos. Et post, xv so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, xxx solidos.—53, Z 
 43. 
 
 T.R.E. v . xx solidos. Et post, x soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xxv solidos.—53, Z 47. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, iii libras. 
 Modo, c solidos.—54, Z 2. 
 
 T.R.E. v. 1 solidos. Et post, xx soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, iiii libras.—54, Z 7. 
 
 T.R.E. v . lx solidos. Et post, xxx so¬ 
 lidos. Modo, iiii libras et xv soli¬ 
 dos.—54, Z12. 
 
 v. et v. semper v solidos.—54, Z14. 
 
 v. semper et v. x solidos.—54, Z 18. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xx solidos. Et post, x soli¬ 
 dos. Modo, xx solidos.—54, Z 22. 
 
 T.R.E. i\ xxx denarios. Et post, xviii. 
 Modo, iii solidos.—54, Z 25. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xxx libras. Quando recepit, 
 xxiiii libras. Modo, x libras.—54, 
 Z 33. 
 
 T.R.E. v . xx libras. Et post, xxx li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xl libras.—54, Z 40. 
 
 T.R.E., et post, o. xxx libras. Modo, 
 xx libras eo quod terra vastata est a 
 pecunia.—55, Z 8. 
 
 T.R.E. v. iiii libras. Et post, c solidos. 
 Modo, iiii libras.—55, Z 14. 
 
 T.R.E. v. x libras. Et post, vii libras. 
 Modo, xiii libras et vi solidos et vi 
 denarios.—55, Z 23. 
 
 v. lx solidos. — 55, Z 24. 
 
 Totura v. iii libras.—55, Z 28. 
 
 T.R.E., v . xii libras. Et post, x libras. 
 Modo, xix libras.—55, Z 35. 
 
 T.R.E. v. viii libras. Et post, et modo, 
 v. vi libras.—55, Z 41. 
 
 T.R.E. v. xl libras. Et post, xxxvi li¬ 
 bras. Modo, xxxiv libras.—56, Z 21. 
 
 v. xl solidos.—56, Z 22. 
 
 Et v. x solidos.—56, Z 23. 
 
 VASTATUS. 
 
 Sunt t>. xi in fossato civitatis.—6, Z 5. 
 
 Terra v. est a pecunia. — 55, Z 9. 
 VENDITIO. 
 
 Eo ignorante, facta est lirec v. —21, Z 36. 
 
 YENIO. 
 
 Q,uando missatici regis v. ibi.—2, Z 9. 
 
 Quando Willelmus rex in Angliam v — 
 2, Z 19. 
 
 Si non 3, Z 41. 
 
 Si rex illuc v. —3, Z 50. 
 
 VERTO. 
 
 Post mortem ejus, v. se ad Alnod Gilt. 
 — 22, Z 24. 
 
 Brunesune tenuit et potuit cum terra 
 sua v. se quo voluit.—23, Z 9. 
 
 Aluret tenuit T.R.E., et potuit se v . 
 quo voluit.—23, Z 15. 
 
 Seuuart sot tenuit T.R.E. et potuit se v. 
 cum terra sua quo voluit.—23, Z 20. 
 
 Estan tenuit T.R.E., et potuit se v . quo 
 voluit.—23, Z 27. 
 
 Deriug tenuit et potuit se v . quo voluit. 
 —23, Z 38. 
 
 Godel de Brixi tenuit, et potuit se v. 
 cum hac terra quo voluit.—24, Z 5. 
 
 Cum terra sua v. quo voluerunt.—27, 
 Z 4. 
 
 Hoc M. reclamat Abbas, quia liabuit 
 T.R.E.; sed filius hominis dicit pa- 
 
 VES 
 
 trem suum se posse v. ubi voluerit. 
 —39, Z 15. 
 
 YESTITUS. 
 
 Et est de v. monachorum.—10, Z 6. 
 Habent iiii libras ad v. suum.—15, Z 8. 
 VIA. 
 
 Strictior fiat publica v. regis.—3, Z 4. 
 Stantem extra v. —3, Z 5. 
 
 Infra has publicas 6, Z 38. 
 
 In v. extra eivitatem.—6, Z 41. 
 
 VICE. 
 
 Una v. in anno.—2, Z 6. 
 
 YICECOMES. 
 
 Quando Haimo v. recepit.—6, Z12. 
 Super luce habet v. ex solidos.—6, Z15. 
 Quando Haimo v. recepit.—8, Z 9. 
 Super htec reddit v. c solidos.—8, Z14. 
 Osuuard tunc o. prmstitit ea.—8, Z 19. 
 Hauc terram tenebat v. —S, Z 22. 
 Osuuardus v. posuit extra M.—8, Z 27. 
 Quando Haimo v. recepit.—8, Z 36. 
 
 Et v. inde habet iii libras.—8, Z 37. 
 Quando Haimo v. recepit.—9, Z 5. 
 llaimoni v. dat pnepositus.—9, Z12. 
 Tenet Haimo v. —13, Z 7. 
 
 Haimo v. tenet.—15, l 23. 
 
 Haimo v. tenet de episcopo.—25, Z 29. 
 Haimo v. tenet de episcopo.—26, Z 42. 
 Terra Hamonis v. —55, Z 15. 
 
 Haimo v. tenet de rege.—55, Z17. 
 VICECOMITATUS. 
 
 Quando v. amittebat.—8, Z 23. 
 VICTUS. 
 
 Ad v. monachorum.—10, Z11. 
 VIDUA. 
 
 Ibi una v. manet reddens xxii denarios 
 per annum.—42, Z11. 
 
 VILLA. 
 
 Treuva regis erat in v. —2, Z14. 
 Manens in v. assiduus.—2, Z 16. 
 
 Fuit ipsa v. combusta.—2, Z 20. 
 
 In eadem v. —4, Z 21. 
 
 Clerici de o.—10, Z 3. 
 
 Tenet v. quse vocatur.—14, Z10. 
 
 In hac v. tenet lladulfus.—14, Z 15. 
 Tenet dim. J. in eadem v. —23, Z 26. 
 
 In eadem v. habet i M. de episcopo.— 
 23, Z 45. 
 
 VILLANUS (v. sub CAR.). 
 
 Dim. denam tenet quam T.R.E. quidatn 
 v. tenuit.—9, Z14. 
 
 Duas partes cuidam v. per vim abstulit. 
 —9, Z14. 
 
 In D. nichil est. Sed iii v. et iiii B. 
 
 ibi sunt.—26, Z 4. 
 iii denas ubi maneut iiii v. —29, Z 1. 
 v molini villanorum. —29, Z 33. 
 
 Quos abstulit villa.im regis.—35, Z15. 
 De hoc M. tenet Hugo filius Willelmi 
 ix S. de terra villanorum. —36, Z 23. 
 Ibi habet unum v. reddentem ii solidos. 
 —37, Z 25. 
 
 ii v. reddentes 1 denarios.—39, Z 9. 
 llanc tenent iii v. modo ad firinam. Et 
 reddunt xx solidos.—39, Z 37. 
 
 Pro i J. Ibi est i v. reddens vi solidos. 
 —40, Z 2. 
 
 Ibi ii v. habent ii car., et reddunt vi 
 solidos.—40, Z 22. 
 
 Ibi unum J. leme et una virga. Et 
 ibi sunt iii v. —41, Z15. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. Ibi habet i v. et i B.— 
 
 42, Z45. 
 
 Tenent ad firinam de Rege, i J. et v 
 acras. Et ibi sunt ii v. cum ii B.— 
 
 43, Z 20. 
 
 Tenet i J. Et ibi sunt iii v. —44, Z 45. 
 Tenet i J. Et ibi est unus v. reddens 
 xxx denarios.—45, Z 16. 
 
 VIL 
 
 Tenet xl acras. Et ibi est unus v. red¬ 
 dens vi solidos.—45, Z 18. 
 
 Tenet dim. J. Et ibi est unus v. red¬ 
 dens xxx denarios. Valet x solidos. 
 —45, Z 23. 
 
 Tenent iii milites tantnm de terra v. 
 
 quod valet ix libras.—47, Z 4. 
 
 Ibi ii v. cum viii B.—47 ,1 50. 
 
 De terra villanorum, liujus M. tenet i S. 
 —48, Z10. 
 
 De eadem terra villanorum tenet ii S. 
 
 dim. J. minus, et ibi habet i car. Et 
 ^ iiii v. cum i car.—48, Z12. ' 
 
 Tenet de isto M., iii S., lx acras minus, 
 de terra villanorum. —48, Z 14. 
 
 Tenet de eadem terra v. i S.—48, Z 18. 
 Tenet de eadem terra ». quod valet viii 
 solidos.—48, Z 20. 
 
 Tenet dim. S., et xi acras prati, de 
 terra v.— 48, Z 21. 
 
 Quidam v. tenuit.—49, Z 19. 
 
 ... v. tenuerunt T.R.E.—49, Z 27. 
 Medietatem liujus terre tenuerunt ii 
 sochmanni. Et ii v. aliam.—50, Z 
 31. 
 
 VINEA. 
 
 Ibi ii arpendi v. —29, Z 32. 
 
 Ibi iii arpendi ».—30, Z13. 
 
 Ibi iii arpeimi v. —47, Z11. 
 VIOLENTIA. 
 
 Per v. Heraldi.—7, Z 45. 
 
 VIRGA. 
 
 Tenet iii v. —5, Z 21. 
 
 Dim. J. et dim. v. —14, Z 21. 
 
 Dim. S. et iii v. —38, Z 39. 
 
 Unum J. terra:, et una v. —41, Z 15. 
 Habet iii v. terra:.—49, Z 13. 
 
 Dim. J. et dim. v. —50, Z 47. 
 i S. dim. v. minus.—51, Z 6. 
 
 Tenet iii v. et dim.—52, Z15. 
 iii J. et dim. ».—52, Z 19. 
 
 Tenet de Hugone i v. —53, Z 30. 
 
 Dim. S. unam v. minus.—54, Z 9. 
 
 Una v. terra:.—54, Z 23. 
 
 VIS. 
 
 Cuidam V. per v. abstulit.—9, Z 15. 
 VIVO. 
 
 Regis E. dum v. —8, Z IS. 
 
 VOCOlt. 
 
 i M. Ceiilentone v .— 4, Z18. 
 
 Viliam qua: v. S cus M.—14, Z 10. 
 Vluret ».—22, Z 9. 
 
 Una terra v. Didele, et alia Soninges.— 
 22, Z41. 
 
 Habet unum S. et v. Merlea.—30, Z 
 
 M. quod v. Wi.—45, Z 37. 
 
 Parvum burgurn quod v. Eoeewic.— 
 47, Z 14. 
 
 Unum S., et v. Bevesfel.— 48, Z 25. 
 VOLO (v. etiam LIBU1T). 
 
 Potuit cum terra sua vertere se quo vo- 
 luit. —23, Z 9. 
 
 Potuit se vertere quo v. —23, Z13. 
 Tenuit T.R.E. et potuit se vertere cum 
 terra sua quo v. —23, Z 21. 
 
 Potuit se vertere quo ».—23, Z 27. 
 Potuit se vertere quo v. —23, Z 38. 
 Potuit se vertere cum hac terra quo v. 
 —24, Z 5. 
 
 Cum terra sua vertere quo ».—27, Z 4. 
 Potuit ire cum terra sua quo v .—31, 
 Z 10. 
 
 Se posse vertere ubi v. —39, Z17. 
 Poluit ire quo v. cum terra.—40, Z 8. 
 WALTO. 
 
 Homines de w. —9, Z 3. 
 
 WIT. 
 
 Wluuardus w. —4, Z 4. 
 
INDEX OE NAMES AND TITLES 
 
 ABB 
 
 ABBAS S cI AUGUSTINI (v. etiam sub 
 SANCTUS AUGUSTINUS). 
 
 In Addelam, tenet a. S ci A. i S. Ante¬ 
 cessor ejus tenuit in prebeuda simi¬ 
 liter.—5, 7 24. 
 
 a. S ci A. habet alios xiiii (burgenses in 
 Cantuarin) pro excambio castelli.— 
 6, 7 6. 
 
 a. S ci A. (annotatin' inter “Tenentes 
 Terras in Client.”)—7, 7 50. 
 
 yEeclesias et decimas hujus M. (Mid- 
 deltune) tenet a. S ci A. —9, 7 10. 
 
 Hoc M. (Briestede) tenuit Alnod a. 
 de archiepiscopo.—15, 7 29. 
 
 a. S cl A. tenet de episcopo Baiocensi 
 Plumestede.—24, 7 28. 
 
 De hoc M. (Esledes) liabet a. S ci A. 
 dim. S.—29, 7 36. 
 
 Hoe M. (Badlesmere) reelamat a. S ci 
 A. quia liabuit T.R.E.—39, 7 15. 
 
 Terra mcclesiie S ci A .— 46, 7 1. 
 
 a. S ci A. habet inium M. nomine 
 Plumstede.—46, 7 3. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Lertham. — 46,710. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Borne. — 46, 717. 
 
 a. tenet M. Lanport.—46, 7 22. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Lttbbcrne. —46, 7 30. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Warwxntone.—46, 7 36. 
 
 Modo tenet Radulfus de a.—46, 7 40. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Esturat.—46, 7 41. 
 
 Quando a. recepit.—46, 7 46. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Tanet M.—46, 7 48. 
 
 Quando a. recepit.—47, 7 3. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Cistelet. —47, 7 6. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Porewic. — 47, 713. 
 
 iiii aerie teme quas tenent iiii moniales 
 in elemosinn de a.—47, 7 27. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Wirentone. —47, 7 30. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Esmerfel et Ansehitil de 
 eo.—47, 7 34. 
 
 In Darenden tenet Adam de a. dim. 
 S.—47, 7 37. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Setlinges M.—47, 7 39. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet dim. J. in Kotinge. — 
 47, 7 43. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet unum J. Rapentone, et 
 Anseredus de eo.—47, 7 46. 
 
 Qua; de suo D. dedit ei a.—47, 7 49. 
 
 Tenet de a. Cherinchehelle. — 48, 
 
 71. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Norborne. —48,7 5. 
 
 Nullum servitium red-lit abbuti nisi xxx 
 solidos quos persolvit in anno.—48, 
 716. 
 
 Ipse reddit abhatl xv solidos.—48, 7 22. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Mundingeiiam. — 48, 7 
 27. 
 
 Pars abbalis xxvi libras.—48, 7 34. 
 
 Nullum servitium reddit nisi xxx soli¬ 
 dos per annum abbati. —48, 7 37. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Siberteswalt.—48,7 3S. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Peatenout. — 4S, 7 43. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Prestetune.—48, 7 48. 
 
 Yalet xiiii libras quod habet a.—49,7 3. 
 
 Tenet de a. Alvetone. — 49, 7 5. 
 
 Tenet Bodesham de a.—49, 7 17. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet in Lanport ii S. et unum 
 Jugum.—49, 7 20. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Chenetone.—49, 7 25. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Burwar Mareso.—49, 
 
 7 33. 
 
 De illo qui earn (Bedenesmere) tene- 
 bat habebat a. sacmn et sociun.—49, 
 
 7 38. 
 
 ABB 
 
 Testatur lmndredns et homines a. S ci 
 A. et Estrealest.—50, 7 36. 
 
 ABBAS DE LA BATAILGE. 
 a. de B. (annotatin' inter “Tenentes 
 Terras in Ghent.”)—7, 7 55. 
 a. S ci M. de loco belli tenet M. quod 
 vocatur Wi.—45, 7 37. 
 
 Si a. liabuisset sacas et socas.—45 7 45 
 
 ABBAS DE GAND. 
 a. de G. (annotatur inter “Tenentes 
 Terras in Client.”)—7, 7 50. 
 a. de G. tenet de rege Lkvesham et 
 de rege E. tenuit.—49, 7 40. 
 
 ABEL. 
 
 Quod a. tenet (dePERLAGA).—17,7 40. 
 
 ACC l PIT RAH I US, WILLELMUS. 
 
 W . a. tenuit de rege E. lxiii acras qua? 
 pertinent in Hulviz.—55, 7 27. 
 
 ADAM. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Leleburne.—26, 
 7 27. 
 
 De isto M. (Bogelei) habet unus homo 
 a. unum S. et vocatur Merlea.— 
 30, 7 24. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo i J. in Pinpa.— 
 32,7 41. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Celca.— 33, 7 49. 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Hecuaji.— 
 34, 7 8. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo in Colin ge 
 i S. et dim.—34, 7 15. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Biceelei. 
 —34, 7 21. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Ore.— 38, 710. 
 a. tenet de episcopo Stanefelle.— 
 38, 7 35. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo i J. in Ore.—39, 
 
 7 36. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Panne.— 40,7 20. 
 a. tenet, de feudo episcopi, in Hamolde 
 dim. J. lliculfus tenet de a .— 42, 
 
 7 23. 
 
 In Darenden tenet a. de Abbate S ci A. 
 
 dim. S.—47,7 37. 
 
 Jacuit in Pane M. a. —54, 713. 
 
 ADAM FILIUS HUBERTI (v. FI- 
 L1U3 HUBEHTI). 
 
 ADELELMUS. 
 
 a. tenuit dim. J. et dim. virgam (in Est- 
 brige?) de rege E. —50, 7 47. 
 
 ADELOLDUS et ADELUUOLDUS). 
 a. de Elteham, liabuit sacham et socam. 
 —4, 7 2. 
 
 In Addelam tenet a. iii vii'gas, Istemet 
 tenuit T.R.E.—5, 7 21. 
 a. Camerarius, et Hugo nepos Herbert! 
 tenent de episcopo Fredenestede. 
 —29, 7 26. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Esledes.—29,7 
 
 30. 
 
 a. tenuit IIerbretitov de episcopo.— 
 
 31, 7 26. 
 
 a. tenuit Brunfelle de episcopo.—31, 
 
 7 31. 
 
 a. tenuit de episcopo Testan.—33, 7 
 
 20 . 
 
 Isdem a. tenuit de episcopo Benede- 
 stede.—3S, 7 26. 
 
 a. tenuit de episcopo Eswalt.—37, 7 
 
 20 . 
 
 a. tenuit de episcopo Dene. liabuit 
 dim. S. et dim. J. — 41, 7 1. 
 ade/moldus (in Gollesberge) habet i 
 J.—43, 7 28. 
 
 ADE 
 
 ADELULFUS. 
 
 a. tenet dims partes i S. (in Wi).—45, 
 7 47. 
 
 ADELUUOLDUS (v. etiam ADELOL¬ 
 DUS). 
 
 AGELRED. 
 
 a. tenuit Eddintune de rege E. —27, 
 7 50. 
 
 AILRICUS. 
 
 a. tenuit Betmontesten de rege E.— 
 40, 7 50. 
 
 AISIIIOLTE DE, EDID. 
 
 e. de a. habuit sacham et socam.—4.7 7. 
 
 ALAN. 
 
 Dedit Episcopus Baiocensis a. clerico 
 suo —5, 7 9. 
 
 ALBERTUS CAPELLANUS. 
 a. c. (annotatur inter “ Tenentes Terras 
 in Client.”)—7, 7 55. 
 a. c. tenet de rege Newetone. —56, 7 3. 
 
 ALDRED (v. sub ALRET). 
 
 ALDRET (v. sub ALRET). 
 
 ALESTAN. 
 
 Osuuard Vicecomes, T.R.E. pnestitit ea 
 (terras in Tarentefort) a. prmpo- 
 sito Lundonife.—8, 7 19. 
 
 ALFER. 
 
 Hoc M. (Olecumbe) tenuit a. de Archi¬ 
 episcopo.—15, 7 35. 
 
 ALI1AM DE, EDRICUS. 
 e. de a. tenuit Ewelle de rege E.— 
 42, 7 30. 
 
 e. de a. tenuit Ticheteste de rege E. — 
 44 7 29. 
 
 ALNOD (v. etiam Alnod CILD). 
 a. tenuit Ferlaga de rege.—32, 7 50. 
 a. tenet de Hugone Hortone. Et i J. 
 ibidem.—52, 7 8 et 714. 
 
 ALNOD ABBAS. 
 
 Hoc M. (Briestede) tenuit a. a. de 
 Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi.—15, 7 
 29. 
 
 ALNOD CILD (et CILT). 
 a. c. Alodiarius et quietus de relevn- 
 tione.—3, 7 20. 
 
 De terris a. c. et similium ejus, habet 
 rex custodiam.—3, 7 36. 
 
 Excepta terra a. c. —6, 7 32. 
 a. c. per violentiam Heraldi, abstulit S™ 
 Martino Merclesham et Hauocliesten. 
 —7, 7 45. 
 
 Et a. c. duas partes cnidam Yillano (in 
 Middeltune) abstulit.— 9,713. 
 Post mortem regis E., Lestan (qui te¬ 
 nuit Eddintone) vertit se ad a. e.— 
 22, 7 25. 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit Craie de a. cilt. —25, 
 
 7 30. 
 
 Vluric tenuit (Elentun) de a. c. —26, 
 
 7 41. 
 
 Hoc M. (Aiglessa) tenuit a. c.—27, 
 
 713. 
 
 Vluric tenuit Ofeham de a. c.—28,732. 
 a. c. tenuit Certh. —30, 714. 
 
 De isto S. (in Ferlaga) tenuit a. c. i 
 J. in M. Pinpe de rege E.—33, 7 2. 
 Godricus tenuit Benedestede de a. c. 
 —33, 7 29. 
 
 a. c. tenuit Boselev.— 33, 7 38. 
 a. c. tenuit Eswalt de rege E. —37, 
 
 7 23. 
 
 a. c. tenuit Bilsvitone.—41, 7 43. 
 
 ALREBOT (v. sub ALRET). 
 
 ALRED (v. sub ALRET). 
 
 ALR 
 
 ALRET (v. etiam ALDRED, ALDRET, 
 ALRED). 
 
 a. de Ellinges, habuit sacham et so- 
 cam.—4,7 7. 
 
 aired tenet i S. in S ea Margarita. 
 T.R.E. pater hujus tenuit in pre- 
 benda.—4, 7 40. 
 
 a. tenuit Stellinges de rege E.— 35, 
 7 29. 
 
 a. tenuit Essamelesford de rege E. 
 —41, 7 20. 
 
 aldred Bot, tenuit dim. S. (in Pos¬ 
 tin' ges?) de rege E. sine halla.— 
 51, 7 22. 
 
 alrebot tenuit Obtrepole de rege E.— 
 
 54, 7 3. 
 
 aldrcl tenuit Hallinges de rege E.— 
 
 55, 7 2. 
 
 a. tenuit Bermelinge de rege E.— 
 55, 7 10. 
 
 ALRIC. 
 
 a. tenuit i S. in S“ Margarita, in pre- 
 benda T.R.E.—4, 7 39. 
 
 ALSI. 
 
 a. tenuit de Goduino Comite 1 burgenses 
 in burgo de Romenel. —42, 7 1. 
 a. tenuit Estbkige de Goduino Comite. 
 50, 7 42. 
 
 ALTET. 
 
 Ibi (in Leueberge) mansit quidam a. 
 qui tenuit de rege E. ii acras in alo¬ 
 dium, et tenuit eas de Ansirido.— 
 
 42.7 47. 
 
 ALUIN (v. sub ALUUINUS). 
 ALUREDUS. 
 
 a. tenet (de Fulchestan) i S. et x 
 acres.—36, 7 30. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Midelea.—44, 
 717. 
 
 ALUREDUS BIG A. 
 a. b. tenuit Wicheham de rege E.— 
 35, 7 51. 
 
 Sired tenuit dim. S. liberie terra?, (in 
 Wicheham) de a. b. — 36,71. 
 ALUREDUS DAPIFER. 
 a. tenet (de Fulchestan) i S. et i J. 
 et vi acras.—36, 7 36. 
 
 ALURET. 
 
 a. tenuit Pinnedene, T.R.E. et potuit 
 se vertere quo voluit.—23,7 13. 
 ALURIC. 
 
 a. tenuit Tarent de rege E.— 23, 7 
 44. 
 
 a. tenuit Riesce de rege E.—27, 7 25. 
 a. tenuit Herbretitov de Goduino Co¬ 
 mite.—31, 7 30. 
 
 a. et Ordric duo fratres, tenuerunt Clive 
 de rege E.—34, 7 37. 
 ALUUARDUS. 
 
 a. tenuit de Heraldo i S. in Hortune. 
 —24, 714. 
 
 a. tenuit de rege E. Rochelei. — 24, 
 
 7 38. 
 
 Hanc terram (Cerletone) tenuerunt 
 de rege ii fratres pro ii M., Goduin 
 et a.—25, 7 47. 
 
 a. tenuit hoc M. (Otringedene) de 
 rege E.—30, 7 38. 
 
 a., Ylnod, Wana, et Vlueron hanc ter¬ 
 ram (Dene) tenuerunt de rege E.— 
 
 41.7 7. 
 
 ALUUINUS et ALUIN. 
 
 In Bocheland tenet alum i S. Idem, 
 T.R.E. tenuit in prebeuda.—4, 7 26. 
 
80 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 ALU 
 
 ANS 
 
 ARC 
 
 ARC 
 
 a. tenuit Craie <le Alnod Cilt.—25, 
 
 7 20 . 
 
 a. tenuit Lee de rege.—25, 7 42. 
 a. tenuit Croctune de rege E. pro duo- 
 Lus M.—26, 7 6. 
 
 a. tenuit Fereburne de Goduino Co- 
 mite.^!), 7 22. 
 
 a. tenuit i J. in Selesburne de Go¬ 
 duino oomite.—29, Z 25. 
 a. et Goduinus tenuerunt Audi stone 
 de rege E. pro ii M.—29, 7 43. 
 a. tenuit Bolton e de Goduino Comite. 
 —31, 7 5. 
 
 a. tenuit Oteham de rege E.—31,725. 
 a. tenuit Brunff.lle de Goduino Co- 
 mite.—31, Z 36. 
 
 a. tenuit i S. in Selinge T.R.E.—37, 
 
 7 26. 
 
 ALUUINUS HOB. 
 
 a. h. habnit sacbam et socam.—4, l 3. 
 ALUUINUS PRESBYTER. 
 
 a. p. tenuit.—53, Z17. 
 
 ALUUOLDUS. 
 
 a. tenuit Alteiiam de rege.—25, l 33. 
 ANSCHIL. 
 
 a. de Bechettam liabuit sacliam et so¬ 
 rt. de rege E. tenuit Hov.—24, l 27. 
 a. tenuit Witenemers de rege E.—25, 
 l 38. 
 
 a. tenuit Bacheham de rege E.—26, 
 l 26. 
 
 a. tenuit Stocties de rege E.—32, 1 19. 
 ANSCHITIL (v. etiam FILIUS AN- 
 SCHTTIL). 
 
 a. Arehidiaconus tenet i S. in Addelam. 
 Huic eidem a. dedit episcopus Baio- 
 eensis 1 aeras ad Del am et 1 acras 
 apud S cam Margaritam de preben- 
 dis.— 5, 713. 
 
 a. presbyter (tenet Langafel) de cpi- 
 scopo Roueeestre.—20, 7 22. 
 a. tenet de episcopo Croctune. —26, 
 7 3. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Elentun. —26, l 
 36. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Ofeham. —28, 7 25. 
 a. tenet Esmerefel de Abbate S ci A. 
 —47. 7 34. 
 
 ANSCHITIL DE ROS. 
 
 a. de r. tenet Tarent de episcopo.— 
 23, 7 39. 
 
 In eadem villa (Tarent) babet isdem 
 i7. i M, de episcopo.—23, l 45. 
 a. de r. tenet de episcopo Hoktune. — 
 23, l 50. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo in eodem M. 
 
 (IIortune) dim. S.—24, 7 6. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo in eodem M. 
 
 (IIortune) unum S.—24, l 10. 
 n. de r. tenet de episcopo Craie.—25, 
 Z 1.2. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo aliam Craie. 
 —25, Z16. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de ipso M. (Hov) iii S.— 
 32, 7 37. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de feudo episcopi Acres. 
 —45, 7 24. 
 
 ANSEREDUS. 
 
 a. tenet i J. Rapentone de Abbate S cl 
 A.—47, 7 46. 
 
 ANSFRIDUS. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo in Bocheland 
 dim. S.—37, 1 11. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Cildresham. — 
 
 38, 7 46. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Ernoltun. 
 —39, 7 1. 
 
 Isdem tenet de episcopo Machf.iievet. 
 —39, 7 8. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Badles- 
 mere. —39, Z11. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Perie. — 
 
 39, 7 18. 
 
 Isdem n. tenet de episcopo Perie. — 
 39, 7 21. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Hortone. —40, Z 
 25. 
 
 a. tenet de feudo episeopi in Leuebf.rge 
 dim. J.—12, l 45. 
 
 Ibi (in Leuebergf.) mansit quidam 
 Altet, qui tenuit de rege E. ii acras 
 in alodium; et tenuit eas de a. —42, 
 7 47. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Gollesberge.— 
 
 43, l 23. 
 
 Quando a. recepit, fecit unum M.—43, 
 l 32. 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Soles.—43, 743. 
 a. tenet de Abbate Cherinchehelle. 
 —48, 71. 
 
 a. tenet de Abbate Elvetone, et in isto 
 M. tenet dim. S. de dominio mona- 
 chorum.—49, l 5. 
 
 a. tenet de Hngone i J., quod tenuit in 
 eodem hundredo (Estraites) i soch- 
 mannns de rege E.—52, 7 39. 
 
 ANSGOTUS. 
 
 De boo M. (Elesford) tenet a. juxta 
 Roueeestre tantnm terr®,etc.—8,738. 
 a. tenet de arcliiepiscopo Forninge- 
 
 a. tenet de episcopo Hov.—24, l 23. 
 
 ANSGOTUS DE ROUECESTRE. 
 a. de r., tenet de episcopo Maplede- 
 scam.— 22, 7 26. 
 
 a. de r., tenet de episcopo Bacheham. 
 —26, 7 22. 
 
 a. de r., tenet de episcopo Addintone. 
 —29, 7 39. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Stochinge- 
 berge.—29, 7 44. 
 
 a. de r., tenet de episcopo Delce.—32, 
 7 15. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Stoches. — 
 32, 1 19. 
 
 a. de r., tenet Hanehest.—34, 7 30. 
 
 APPEVILE DE WALTERUS. 
 to. de a. tenet de hoc M. (Fulctiestan) 
 iii J. et xii acras.—36, 7 28. 
 
 ARCHIIHACONUS. 
 
 Anschitil n. tenet i S. in Addelam. 
 Huic eidem Anscbitillo dedit Epi¬ 
 scopus Baiocensis 1 acras ad Delam 
 et 1 acras apud S cam Margaritam. 
 Hsb c acim eraut de prebendis.—5, 7 
 13. 
 
 Reddit (Nortone) a. xx solidos.—12, 
 7 26. 
 
 ARCIIIEPISCOPUS. 
 a. babet mulierem.—3, 7 31. 
 
 Hanc teiram (i S. in Addelam) tenuit 
 Stigandus a. —5, Z12. 
 a. babet ex eis (burgeusibns in Can- 
 tuarta) vii.—6, 7 6. 
 a cal t fo sfaeturam in viis extra 
 civitatem (Cantuari/e) ubi terra sua 
 est.—6, 7 41. 
 
 Ante a. Lanfrancum recognovit.—6, Z 
 
 44. 
 
 De hao communitate S'-' M. babet a. 
 
 singvdis annis Iv solidos.—7, 7 29. 
 a. Cantuariensis et monaohi et homines 
 ejus (annotantur inter “ Tenentes 
 Terras in Client”).—7, / 51 et 7 52. 
 Terra a. Cantuariensis.—10, 7 1. 
 
 In civitate Cantuauia habet a. xii 
 Burgenses et xxxii mansuras quas 
 tenent clerici de villa in gildain suam. 
 — 10 , 7 2 . 
 
 Hoc burgum (Sandwice) tenet a. —10, 
 7 5. 
 
 Quando recepit (Sandwice) a. —10, 7 
 
 10. 
 
 a. tenet in D. Tarent. —10,Z16. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Otefort in D.—10, 7 23. 
 Appreciatin' D. a. lx libris.—10, Z 31. 
 lose a. tenet Sondresse. —10, Z 33. 
 Reddit unum militem inservitio a. —10, 
 7 38. 
 
 Ipse «. tenet Bix.—10, 7 40. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Erhede. —10, 7 46. 
 
 Ipse <7. tenet in D.Metlinges. —11,7 6. 
 Ipse a. tenet in D. Norflvet. —11, 
 712. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Broteiiam. —11, 7 20. 
 De endein M. (Broteiiam) tenet Gois- 
 fridus de a. i S.—11, 7 27. 
 
 De ipso M. (Broteham) tenet Fnrman 
 i J. et dim. de a. —11, 7 29. 
 Appreciatur D. a. xxiiii libris.—11, 7 
 32. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Meddestane. —11,7 36. 
 De hoc M. (Meddestane) tenent de 
 a. iii milites iiii S.—11, 7 41. 
 
 D. a. valet xx libras.—11, 7 47. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Gelingeham.— 12, l 2. 
 
 I Ipse a. tenet Roculf. —12,712. 
 
 Super base habet a. vii libras et vii so¬ 
 lidos.—12, 7 19. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Nortone in D.—12, 7 20. 
 Reddit a. 1 libras, etc.—12, 7 25. 
 
 De hoc M. (N ortone) tenet Vitalis de 
 a. iii S., etc.—12, 7 28. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Piteham.—12, 7 33. 
 
 De hoc M. (Piteham) tenent Gode- 
 fridus et Nigellus de a. i S. et dim., 
 etc.—12, 7 39. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Estursete in D.—12,7 44. 
 In nova hospitatione a. —12, 7 50. 
 
 De hoc M. (Estursete) liabent v ho¬ 
 mines a. i S. et vi J.—13, 7 3. 
 
 De ipso M. (Estursete) tenet Haimo 
 171060011163 dim. S. de a. —13,7 7. 
 Ipse a. tenet in D. Burnes. —13,710. 
 Ipse a. tenet in D. Boltune. —13,716. 
 a. tenet in D. Cheringes. —13, 7 23. 
 a. tenet in D. Pluchelei. —13. 7 29. 
 a. tenet YVingeham in D.—13, 7 35. 
 De ipso M. (YVingeham) tenent v ho¬ 
 mines a. v S. et dim., etc.—13,7 44. 
 a. tenet in D. Merseham. —13, 7 48. 
 a. tenet Aldintone in D.—14, 7 3. 
 Ipse a. tenet villam que vocatur S cus M. 
 
 et pertinet ad Estursete. —14,710. 
 In hac villa (S cus M.) tenet Radulfus 
 dim. S. de a. —14, 715. 
 
 In Romenel xxv burgenses pertinent 
 ad Aldinton M. a. —14, 7 19. 
 
 De ipso M. Aldinton jacet in Limes 
 dim. J. et dim. virga. a. tenet in D. 
 —14, 7 21. 
 
 a. tenet in D. Leminges. —14, 7 32. 
 De hoe M. (Leminges) tenent iiii ho¬ 
 mines a. ii S., etc.—14, 7 38. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Newedene.— 14, 7 43. 
 Terra Militum ejus.—15,71. 
 
 Tenet de a. Forningeham. —15,7 2. 
 Tenet Elesford de a. —15,7 9. 
 
 Tenet de a. iii juga in Orpinton.—15, 
 717. 
 
 Tenet de a. Briestede. —15, 7 23. 
 Tenuit de a. (Briestede). —15, 7 29. 
 Tenet de a. Olecumbe. —15, 7 30. 
 Tenuit (Olecumbe) de a. —15, 7 35. 
 Tenet Boltone de a. —15, 7 37. 
 Ricardus homo a. tenet de eo Leve- 
 lant. —15, 7 43. 
 
 Isdem Ricardus tenet de a. Gravenel. 
 —15, 7 46. 
 
 Tenet de a. Lerham. —16, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet de a. in Scape. —16,7 7. 
 
 Tenet i J. de a. in Bocoland. —16, 
 7 10. 
 
 Tenet de a. Flengdessam. —16, 7 12. 
 Tenet Estenberge de a .—16, 714. 
 Quando a. recepit.—16, 7 16. 
 
 Tenet de a. Salteode. —16, 7 18. 
 Tenet de a. Berevvic pro i M.—16, 7 
 25. 
 
 Tenet de a. Lamport. —16, 7 30. 
 xxi burgenses in Romenel de quibus 
 babet a. iii forisf'aeturas.—16, 7 35. 
 Tenet de o.Tilsmanestone. —16,7 39. 
 Terra Monacborum a. —17, 7 1. 
 a. tenet Orpintun. —17, 7 2. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Peoheham. —17,7 9. 
 Tenet unus homo a. dim. S.—17, 713. 
 Quando recepit a .—17, 7 17. 
 a. tenet Hoti.ingeborde. —17,719. 
 Ipse a. tenet Mepeham. —17, 7 25. 
 Ipse a. tenet Ferlaga.— 17, 7 31. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Clive. —17,7 42. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Monocstune. —17, 7 47. 
 Ipse a. tenet Gecham.^ —18, 7 3. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Nordeude. —18, 7 9. 
 Proprie pertinet (Seseltre) coquinte a. 
 —18, 7 16. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Prestetone. —18, 7 21. 
 Ipse a. tenet Certeham. —18, 7 26. 
 Ipse a. tenet Gomersham. —18, 7 32. 
 Ipse a. tenet Certh. —18, 7 37. 
 
 Ipse a tenet Litelceut.— 18, 7 42. 
 Tenet de a. dim. S.—18, 7 47. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Welle.—19, 71. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Estrei.—19, 7 8. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Edesiiam. —19,718. 
 
 De terra lmjns M. (Edesiiam) tenent 
 ii miiites de a. iii S.—19, 7 22. 
 
 Et a. c solidos de Garsumnne.—19, 
 7 25. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Weraiiorne.—19, 7 28. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Apeldres. —19,7 33. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet i M. in hundredo de Wi. 
 —19, 7 38. 
 
 Ipse a. tenet Asmeslant. —19, 7 43. 
 
 Diracionavit illud Lanfrancus a. contra 
 Baiocensem Episcopum.—21,7 3S. 
 
 Bonde tenuit Sentlinge de a. —26, 
 7 21. 
 
 Ibi (Fulchestan) v meclesia;, dc qui¬ 
 bus habet a. lv solidos.—36, 7 20. 
 
 Hoc M. (Berham) tenuit, Stigandus a. 
 sed non erat de archiepiscopatu.— 
 37, 7 50. 
 
 In Sanduuic habet a. xxxii inasuras 
 ad hoe M. (Gollesberge) perti- 
 nentes.—43, 7 27. 
 
 In isto burgo Eorewic tenet a. Lan¬ 
 francus vii inasuras terrse.—47, 7 22. 
 
 Modo, a. aufert ei servitium.—47, 7 
 23. 
 
 a. inde (Newetone) babet vi libras.— 
 56, 7 22. 
 
 AJtCIS DE WILLIAM. 
 
 to. de a. de hoe M. (Wingeham) tenet 
 i S. in Fletes.— 13, 7 41. 
 
 to. de a. tenet Fulchestan. —36,716. 
 
 ASCORED. 
 
 a. tenuit Apletone de rege E.—43, 7 
 14. 
 
 AZOR. 
 
 a. alodiarius et quietus de relevatione.— 
 3, 7 21. 
 
 a. de Lesneis, habuit sacbam et socam. 
 —4,7 3. 
 
 a. tenuit Loisnes T.R.E.—24, 7 22. 
 
 n. tenuit Hardes de rege E.—35, 7 42. 
 
 AZOR ROT. 
 
 a. r. tenuit terrain in Newecerce hun¬ 
 dred o de rege E., sine halla.—51, 
 l 31. 
 
 BAIOCENSIS EPISCOPUS (v. sub 
 EPISCOPUS). 
 
 BALDRICUS. 
 
 b. tenet (de Fulchestan) dim. S.— 
 36, 7 45. 
 
 BALDUINUS. 
 
 In Hicham, tenet b. i S —5, 7 39. 
 
 BARBES DE ROBEllTUS. 
 
 De bac terra (Svanetone) tenet r. de b. 
 i S.—43, 7 7. 
 
 BATAILGE, LA. 
 
 Abbas S ci M. de loco belli tenet M. 
 quod vocatur Wi.—45, 7 37. 
 
 BATAILGE, ABBATIA DE. 
 
 a. de b. (annotatur inter “ Tenentes Ter¬ 
 ras in Cbent”).—7, 7 55. 
 
 BATAILGE, riiCCLESIA DE LA. 
 
 Terra m. de la b .—45, 7 36. 
 
 BEC1IEHAM DE ANSCHIL. 
 
 a. de b. babuit sacbam et socam.—4,7 3. 
 
 BERNOLTUS. 
 
 b. tenuit i J. in Ece de rege E.—44, 
 7 47. 
 
 BERTRANNUS. 
 
 b. tenet de llugone dim. J. et dim. vir- 
 gam (in Estbiuge?) —50, 7 47. 
 
 BLACHEMAN. 
 
 b. tenuit Blachemenestone T.R.E. 
 —50, 7 49. 
 
 BLIZE. 
 
 Quidam nomine b. tenet (Seseltre) de 
 inonachis.—18, 7 17. 
 
 BOCHE. 
 
 b. tenuit i J, et v acras in Leueberge 
 de rege E.—43, 7 21. 
 
 BONDE. 
 
 b. tenuit Sentlinge de arcliiepiscopo. 
 —26, 7 21. 
 
 BOT ALDRED. 
 
 a. b. tenuit dim. S. (in Postinges ?) 
 de rege E. sine halla.—51, 7 22.^ 
 
 a. b. tenuit Obtrepole de rege E.— 
 54, 7 3. 
 
 BRA1BONE DE HUGH. 
 
 h. de b. tenet de episcopo Otring- 
 berge.—33,715. 
 
 BRES1BALT. 
 
 b. tenuit Seivetone de rege E.—50, 
 7 12. 
 
 BRIXI. 
 
 Godel tenuit de b. Hortune, et potuit 
 se vertere quo voluit.—24, 7 5. 
 
 b. tenuit aliura (de ii M. Grenviz). — 
 25, 7 27. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES ANI) TITLES. 
 
 81 
 
 BRI 
 
 BRIXI CLLT. 
 
 b. c. habiiit sacham et socliam.—4, l 2. 
 b. c. tenuit Lolingestone de rege E. 
 —22, l 50. 
 
 b. c. tenuit de rege E. Plumestede. — 
 24, l 33. 
 
 b. c. tenuit Lasela de rege E.—25, 
 
 711. 
 
 BRUMANNUS. 
 
 Pnepositus (CantuarI/F.) b. nomine, 
 'l'.lt.E. cepit consuetudines, etc.— 
 6, l 42. 
 
 BRUNESUNE. 
 
 b. tenuit (Berlin gehasi) et potuit 
 cum terra sua vertere quo voluit.— 
 23, l 8. 
 
 BRUNING. 
 
 b. tenuit (Lolingestone) de rege E. 
 —23, l 5. 
 
 BURNES, GODRIC EE. 
 tj. de b. alodinrius, et quietus de releva- 
 tione.—3, l 19. 
 
 g. de b. tenuit Breburne de rege E. 
 —53, l 23. 
 
 BURNOD. 
 
 b. de rege E. tenuit (Ernoltun).— 
 
 39, l 6. 
 
 CAMERARIUS (v. ADELOLDUS). 
 
 CAPELLANUS, ALBERTUS. 
 a. c. (annotate inter “Tenentes Ter¬ 
 ras in Client”).—7, l 55. 
 a. c. tenet de rege Newetone. —56, 
 7 3. 
 
 CARLESONE GODRIC (v. GODRIC). 
 
 CILLEPIAM, SIRET DE. 
 s. de c. alodinrius et quietus de releva- 
 tione.—3, l 21. 
 
 Excepta terra s. de c. —6, l 33. 
 
 CILLESFELL® ESBERN DE. 
 
 Habuit sacham et socain.—4, L 5. 
 
 COCUS, ROTBERTUS. 
 r. c. tenet de Hugone (? in Estraites) 
 i J. quod tenuit i soclimauuus.—52, 
 l 43. 
 
 COLOEN. 
 
 c. tenuit Svanetone de rege E.—43, 
 1 10. 
 
 COLUMBELS, RANNULFUS DE. 
 r. de c. liabet i domum in Douere. — 
 2, l 32, l 35, et l 37. 
 
 Has domos (Burgensium in Cantu- 
 aria) et banc terrain tenet r. de e. 
 liabet etiam lxxx acres super luce, 
 quas tenebant burgenses in alodia de 
 rege. Tenet quoque v acras qme 
 juste pertinent uni lecclesim. De bis 
 omnibus revocat isdem r. ad protec- 
 torem episcopum Baiocensem.—6, l 
 21. 
 
 r. de c. anfert eis unutn pratum.—7, l 
 
 40. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Essedene. — 
 27, l 31. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Ferlaga. — 
 32, l 46. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Bermelie. 
 —33, l 30. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo IIardes. — 
 35, l 38. 
 
 r. de c. tenet ibi (in Berfrestone) i 
 J. quod in IIardes escotavit, et 
 nunc usque scotum regis non sco- 
 tavit.—37, 1 18. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Selixges.-— 
 45, l 5. 
 
 r. de c. tenet i J. (de Norborne).-— 
 48, l 23. 
 
 COMES (v. etiam sub EUSTACHIUS, 
 —GISLEBERTUS,—GODU1NUS, 
 —HERALDUS et 11EROLDUS,— 
 LEUUINUS,—cle OW). 
 
 Et c. Godiunus teroiam partem.—2, 1 4. 
 c. Eustachius (annotatin' inter “ Tenen¬ 
 tes Terras in Client ”).—7, 7 52. 
 Tenet c. de Ow.—14, 7 26. 
 c. de Ow tenet.—16, 7 30. 
 
 Godiunus c. T.R.E. emit illud.—21, 7 
 35. 
 
 Unuin tenuit Heroldus c.—25, 7 20. 
 Tenuit Turgis deGoduino c. —26, 7 35. 
 Leuuiuus c. tenuit.—27, 7 35. 
 
 Leuuinus c. tenuit.—28, 7 6. 
 
 Leuuinus o. tenet.—28, 7 14. 
 
 Tenuit Leuuinus c.—28, 7 46. 
 
 COM 
 
 Leuuinus c. tenuit.—29, 71. 
 
 Tenuit de Goduuino e.—29, 7 22. 
 Tenuit de Goduino c. —29, 7 25. 
 Leuuinus c. tenuit.—29, 7 35. 
 c. de Ow liabet iiii denas.—29, 7 37- 
 Leuuinus e. tenuit.—30, 7 9. 
 
 Aluuiuus tenuit de Goduino c.—31, 7 5. 
 Aluricus tenuit de Goduino c.—31,7 30. 
 Aluuinus tenuit de Goduino c.—31, 7 
 
 36. 
 
 Goduinus c. tenuit.—32, 7 8. 
 
 Tenuit Goduinus e. —32, 7 31. 
 
 Tenuit de Leuuino c.—34, 7 20. 
 
 Tenuit de Leuuino c.—34, 7 23. 
 
 Tenuit de Heraldo c. —34, 7 29. 
 
 Tenuit de Goduino c.—34, 7 33. 
 
 Hoc M. tenuit Goduinus e. —36, 7 22. 
 Turgis tenuit de Goduino c. —38, 718. 
 Extra divisionem a. de Ow.—41, 7 44. 
 Tenuit de Goduino c.—42, 7 1. 
 
 De Ricardo filio Gisleberti c.—44, 7 
 
 24. 
 
 Q.uie fuerat Goduini c.—47, 7 15. 
 Tenuit de Goduino c. —50, 7 16. 
 
 Alsi tenuit de Goduino c.—50, 7 42. 
 Terra c. Eustacliii.—54, 7 26. 
 c. Eustachius tenet de rege.—54, 7 28. 
 Goduuinus c. tenuit de rege E.—54, 
 7 28. 
 
 Ipse c. (Eustachius) tenet Boltune.— 
 54, 7 35. 
 
 Goduinus c. tenuit.—-54, 7 35. 
 COltBIN US. 
 
 c. tenet de episcopo Pecheiiam.—2S, 
 7 47. 
 
 CURBESPINE, RADULFUS 1)E. 
 r. de r. liabet iii mansuras in Douere. 
 —2, 7 28. 
 
 r. de c. liabet iiii mansuras in civifnte 
 (Cantuaeia) quas tenuit coucubina 
 Ileraldi.—6, 7 26. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet (in Cantuaria) xi mn- 
 suras de episcopo Baiocensi quie fue- 
 runt Sbern biga.—6, 7 29. 
 r. de c. (abstulit) i molendinum (de ea- 
 nonicis S cl M.).—7, 7 44. 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Berlin qe.— 
 
 25, 7 33. 
 
 Isdem r . tenet de episcopo Boruam.— 
 28, 7 40. 
 
 r. c. tenet de episcopo Turneham.— 
 31,7 3S. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo Ferebcrne. 
 —31,7 44. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo unum J. in 
 Berfrestone.—37,7 15. 
 r. de c. tenet dim. J. in Popessale.— 
 
 37, 7 32. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Betmon- 
 testdn.—10, / 45. 
 
 r. de c. de isto S. (Dene) tenet i J. et 
 dim.—41, 7 4. 
 
 r. de c. tenet Piventone de feudo epi- 
 scopi.—41, 7 9. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet iii denas qute remanse- 
 ruut extra divisionem llugonis de 
 Montfort de Pistinges M.—41, 7 
 14. 
 
 r. de c. tenet Coluet de episcopo.— 
 42, 7 49. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet Ewelle. De hoc M. 
 tenet quidam miles i S. de r. —42, 7 
 54. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo Svanetone. 
 —43, 7 4. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo Apletone. 
 —-43, 7 11. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo ii S. in Wal- 
 
 WALESEKE.-44, 7 40. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Essewelle. 
 —44, 7 48. 
 
 r. de c. tenet de episcopo Danetone. 
 —45, 710. 
 
 Isdein r. tenet de episcopo i J. in Bito- 
 chestele.—45,715. 
 r. de c. tenet xl acras terns in Bevs- 
 berge IIundredo.—45, 717. 
 r. de c. tenet i denam, et i J. de terra 
 soclimannorum liujus M. (Wi).—45, 
 7 46. 
 
 r. de c. habet xxv acras de hac terra 
 (Platenout).— 4S, 7 46. 
 
 Do isto M. (Postinges) tenet r. de c. 
 iii denas.—51, 7 20. 
 
 DAP 
 
 DAPIFER ALUREDUS. 
 
 a. d. tenet (de Fulciiestan) i S. et i 
 J., et vi acras.—36, 7 36. 
 
 DAPIFER GODEFRIDUS. 
 g. d. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de ar- 
 cliiepiscopo Lerham. —16, 7 2. 
 Isdein g. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de 
 archiepiscopo in Scape dim. S.—16, 
 7 7. 
 
 DAPIFER HELTUS. 
 
 Modo tenent (terras in Tarentefort) 
 h. d., et nepos cjus.—8, 7 20. 
 DERINC et DERING. 
 
 Derive filius Sired tenuit dim. S. et dim. 
 
 J. in Addelam. —5, 7 29. 
 
 Dering tenuit Ferningeiiam, et potuit 
 se vertere quo voluit.—23, 7 3S. 
 DISPENSATOR WILLELMUS. 
 
 De hoc M. (Bkoteham) tenet w. d. i 
 
 S. —11, 7 25. 
 
 DOUUAI, WALTERIUS DE. 
 
 w. de d. tenet de episcopo Lee. —25, 7 
 39. 
 
 DURANDUS. 
 
 d. liabet i domum in Douere.—2, 7 32. 
 EDDESHAM, WILLELMUS DE. 
 
 io. de e. tenet de archiepiscopo Bere- 
 wiq pro uno M.—16, 7 25. 
 EDDEUA. 
 
 Excepta terra e. Regime.—6, 7 32. 
 
 e. tenuit Haslow de rege E.—29, 7 6. 
 e. tenuit Tivedele deregeE.—29,712. 
 
 EDDID et EDID. 
 
 edid de Aisiliolte habuit sacliam et so- 
 
 e. tenuit West Selve de rege E.—30, 
 7 48. 
 
 e. tenuit IIertange de rege E.—43,7 
 50. 
 
 EDDID REGINA. 
 
 Sidgar tenuit Newetone de r. e. —56, 
 7 4. 
 
 EDEltlCUS (v. EDRICUS). 
 
 EDID (v. sub EDDID). 
 
 EDRICUS et EDEltlCUS. 
 
 Edericus tenuit Alliam de rege E.— 37, 
 7 7. 
 
 e. de Alliam, tenuit Eweli.e de rege E. 
 —42, l 30. 
 
 e. tenuit Wesclivf, deregeE.—42, 7 37. 
 e. de Alliam, tenuit Ticueteste de 
 rege E.—44, 7 29. 
 
 e. tenuit Warwintone de Sbern Biga. 
 —46, 7 40. 
 
 Edericus tenuit Nevf.ntonf, de rege E. 
 —53, 7 7. 
 
 EDU1NUS (v. EDUUINUS). 
 EDUUARDUS. 
 
 e. de Estan, habuit sacliam ct socam.— 
 4,7 5. 
 
 e. tenuit Testan de rege E.—33, 7 24. 
 e. tenuit Soaneclive de rege E.—38, 
 7 5. 
 
 e. tenuit Hingetone de rege E.—42, 
 7 22. 
 
 e. tenuit Chenoltone de rege E.—43, 
 7 35. 
 
 EDUUL PRESBYTER. . 
 
 Tenuit Palestrf.i de rege E.—41,7 30. 
 EDUUINUS, EDUINUS. 
 
 Eduuine tenet dim. S., et adhuc xxv 
 acras in S™ Margarita. —5,7 5. 
 Habet isdem edatdwts lxxxv acras, in 
 Cornelai bundredo. Jpsemet tenuit 
 
 T. R.E.—5,7 7. 
 
 eduinus, T.R.E. tenuit i S. in Hicham. 
 —5, 7 40. 
 
 ednuinus tenuit Godeselle de rege E. 
 et potuit ire cum terra sua quo voluit. 
 —31, 7 9. 
 
 Hanc terrain (Litelurotiiam) T.R.E. 
 temierunt Goduiuus et eduinus pro 
 ii M.—33, 7 4S. 
 
 eduinus tenuit Hardes de rege E.— 
 35, 7 25. 
 
 ELLINGES, ALRET DE. 
 
 Habuit sacham et socam.—4, 7 7. 
 ELMER. 
 
 e. tenuit Soles de rege E.—43, 7 46. 
 ELRIC. 
 
 e. tenuit i J. in Gocistone in prebenda 
 T.R.E.—4, 7 32. 
 
 ELTEHAM, ADELOLD DE. 
 a. de e. habuit sacham et socam.—4,7 2. 
 
 ELU 
 
 ELUEUA. 
 
 e. tenuit Stochingeberge de rege E. 
 —29, 7 47. 
 
 ELURET. 
 
 e. Lcl'stan, Leuuin, Sired, et alii ii te- 
 nueruut Pesinges et Piiiam de rege 
 E., et poterant ire quolibet cum terns 
 suis.—41, 7 37. 
 
 EPISCOPUS BAIOCENSIS. 
 
 Qunndo e. b. earn ^Douere) recepit.— 
 2, 7 22. 
 
 Revocaut e. b. nd protectorem et libera- 
 torem (de domibus in Douere).— 
 2, 7 34. 
 
 e. b. concessit ilium (molendinum in 
 portu Douere) fieri.—2, 7 45. 
 
 Prebendie S ci M. sunt divisas per e. b .— 
 4, 7 15. 
 
 Tenet i monasteriuni in Douere de e. — 
 4, 7 24. 
 
 De line prebenda surapsit e. b. viii 
 acras, et dedit Alan cierico suo.—5, 
 l 9. 
 
 Iluic eidem Anscliitillo dedit e. b. 1 
 acras ad Delam, et 1 acras apud 
 genm Margaritam. Hie c acne 
 erant de prebendis.—5, 7 13. 
 
 Revocat ad protectorem (de domibus et 
 terns in Cantuaria) e. b. —6, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet xi musuras de e. b. in ipsa civi- 
 tate (Cantuaria).—6, 7 29. 
 
 Ante arcliicpiscopum Lanfrancum et 
 e. b. rccognovit.—6, 7 44. 
 
 Dedit e. b. markam auri.—7, 7 42. 
 
 e. b. (annotatin' inter “Tenentes Ter¬ 
 ras in Client.”)—7, 7 54. 
 
 Ilunc (dim. S. in Hoilinoeborde) 
 tenet e. b. de archiepiscopo ad ga- 
 bluin.—17, 7 24. 
 
 Diracionavit illud Lanfrancns nrchiepi- 
 scopus, contra b. e. —21, 7 3S. 
 
 Terra e. b.— 22,71. 
 
 De e. b. tenet Hagelei.—22, 7 3. 
 
 Tenet Svinescamp de e. —22, 710. 
 
 Tenet de e. Erclei.—22, 7 17. 
 
 Tenet de e. Eddintone.—22, 7 21. 
 
 Tenet de e. Mapledesoam. —22, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet de e. Redlege.—22, 7 31. 
 
 Tenet de e. Eisse.—22, 7 36. 
 
 De e. tenet Lolingestone.—23, 71. 
 
 Tenet in Pinnedene dim. S. de e. — 
 23, 7 11. 
 
 Tenet in Lolingestone dim. S. de e. 
 —23,715. 
 
 Rex liabet silvnm (in Lolingestone) 
 pro novo dono e . —23, 7 19. 
 
 Tenet de e. dim. S. in Ferningeiiam. 
 —23,7 22. 
 
 Tenet de e. Maplescamp.—23, 7 29. 
 
 Tenet 'Parent de e. —23, 7 39. 
 
 Rex liabet de isto M. (’Parent) pro 
 novo dono e. —23, 7 43. 
 
 In eodem villa (’Parent) liabet i M. 
 de e. —23, 7 45. 
 
 Tenet de e. Hortone.—23, 7 50. 
 
 Rex liabet de isto M. (IIortune) pro 
 novo dono <?.—24, 7 3. 
 
 Tenet de e. in eodem M. (IIortune) 
 dim. S.—24, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet de e. in eodem M. unum S.—24, 
 7 10. 
 
 Tenet dee. Loisnes.—24, 716. 
 
 Quando e. recepit.—24, 7 20. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ilov.—24, 7 23. 
 
 Tenet de e. b. Plumestede.—24,7 28. 
 
 Tenet de e. Rochelei.— 2 1, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ciresfel.—24, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet de e. Sudckai.—24, 7 45. 
 
 Tenet de e. Wicheham.—24, 7 50. 
 
 Tenet de e. Lasela.—25, 7 5. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ciiaie.—26, 712. 
 
 Teuet de e. aliam Craie.— 25, 7 16. 
 
 Tenet de e. b. Grenviz.—25,7 22. 
 
 Tenet de e. Altehasi.—25, 7 29. 
 
 Tenet de e. Witenemers.—25, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet de e. Lee.—25, 7 39. 
 
 Quando e. recepit.—25, 7 42. 
 
 Tenet de e. Cekletone.—25, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet de e. Crai.—25, 7 4S. 
 
 Teuet de e. Croctuxe.—26, 7 3. 
 
 Tenet de e. Cqdeiiam. —26, 7 S. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ciiestan. —26, 7 13. 
 
 Tenet de e. Sentlinge.—26,7 17. 
 
 Tenet de e. Bacheuam.—26, 7 22. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 82 
 
 EPI 
 
 Tenet de c. Leleburne.—26, l 28. 
 
 Ilex tenet pro novo dono e. quod valet, 
 etc.—26, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet de e. Elentun. —26, 7 36. 
 
 Tenet de e. Dictune. -26, 7 42. 
 
 Tenet de e. Sifletone.—26, 7 48. 
 
 Tenet de e. Aiglessa. —27, 7 6. 
 
 Ilex, viii solidos, etc., pro novo dono e. 
 —27,7 11. 
 
 In Rouecestre liabuit e. iii domos quns 
 cepit de isto M. (Aiglessa) in sua 
 manu.—27, 711. 
 
 Tenet de e. Pellesorde. —27, 714. 
 
 Tenet de e. Hibsoe. —27, 7 20. 
 
 Tenet do e. Offeham.—27, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet de e. Essedene. —27, 7 31. 
 
 Tenet ad firmam de rege Totintune 
 de novo dono e. b .—27, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet in Totintune ad firmam de rege 
 i J., et istud est de novo dono e. !. 
 —27, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet de e. Eddintune. —27, 7 45. 
 
 Tenet de e. Meletune. —28, 7 1. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ledesdune. —28, 7 7. 
 
 e. tenet in sua manu inti's civitatern 
 llouecestre iiii domos ad hoc M. 
 (Ledesdune) pertinentes.—28, 713. 
 
 Tenet de e. Gravesham.—28, 1 15. 
 
 'L'euet de e. NoTestede.—28, 7 21. 
 
 Tenet de e. Offeham. —28, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet de e. Beui.inge.— 2S, l 33. 
 
 Tenet de e. BoRHAH.—28, 7 40. 
 
 'I'enet de e. Peoheham.—28, 7 47. 
 
 Tenet de e. Haslow.— 29, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet de e. dim. S. in Estochinge- 
 beugb.—29, 7 7. 
 
 Tenet de e. Tivedele. —29, l 10. 
 
 Tenet dee. Hariardesiiaji. —29,714. 
 
 Tenet de e. Fereburne. —29, l 19. 
 
 Tenet de e. i J. liberie teme in Sei.es- 
 burne.—29, 7 23. 
 
 Tenent <le e. Fredenestede. —29,726. 
 
 Tenet de e. Esledes. —29, 7 30. 
 
 Pro exeambio parclri e. b. —29,7 37. 
 
 Tenet de e. Audintone. —29, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet de e. Stocuingeberge. —29, 
 
 7 44. 
 
 Tenet de e. Sudtone.—30, 7 5. 
 
 Tenet de e. Cbrtii.—30,7 10. 
 
 Tenet de e. Sudtone.— 30, 7 15. 
 
 Tenet de e. Bogelf.i.—30, 7 20. 
 
 Tenet de e. Languelei. —30, 7 28. 
 
 Tenet de e. Otringedene.—30, 7 33. 
 
 Tenet de e. Est Serve.—30, 7 39. 
 
 Tenet de e. West Selve. —30, 7 41. 
 
 Tenet de e. Bolton e. —31,71. 
 
 Tenet de e. Godeselle.—3 L, 7 6. 
 
 Tenetdee.WiNCHEi.ESM ere.—31,711. 
 
 Tenet de e. Estselve.— 31, 7 17. 
 
 Tenet de e. Oteham. —31,7 21. 
 
 Ilot.bertus Latinos tenet ad firmam Her- 
 bretitov. Adelolilus tenuit de e.— 
 31, 7 26. 
 
 Isdein Rotbertns tenet ad firmam Brus- 
 fflle. Adeloldus tenuit de e . —31, 
 
 7 31. 
 
 Tenet de e. Turnkham.—31, 7 38. 
 
 Tenet de e. Fereburne.—31, 7 44. 
 
 Tenet de r. Gelingeham.—31,7 48. 
 
 Tenet ad firmam de e . Cetkiiam. —32, 
 
 7 2. 
 
 Tenet de e. Delce. —32, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet de e. Delce.—32, 7 15. 
 
 Tenet de e. Stooiies. —32,7 18. 
 
 Ipse e. b. tenet in 1). Hov.—32, 7 23. 
 
 Q.umulo e. recepit.—32, 7 28. 
 
 lie eodom M. (Hov) tenet i S. et i J. 
 de e.—32, 7 34. 
 
 Tenet de e. i J. in Pinfa.—32,7 41. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ferlaga. —32, 7 46. 
 
 De isto S. (in Ferlaga) tenet i J. de 
 e. in M. Pixpe.—32, 7 51. 
 
 Tenet de e. Nedestbdf..—33, 7 3. 
 
 De islo M. (Nedestede) liabet e. xxx 
 solidos pro ii liagas.—33, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet de e. Otringeberge.—33, 7 9. 
 
 Adeloldus tenuit de e. Testan et Rol- 
 bertus modo tenet ad firmam.—33, 
 
 7 20. 
 
 Isdem Adeloldus tenuit de e. Benede- 
 stf.de et llotbertus tenet ad firmam. 
 —33, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet de e. Bermblie.-33, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet de e.LlTELBROTE ham.—33,741. 
 
 EPI 
 
 Tenet de e. Celca. —33, 7 49. 
 
 De hoc M. (Celca) est in manu regis 
 quod valet vii solidos, de novo dono 
 e. —34, 7 3. 
 
 In manu sua retinuit e. iii hagas in 
 Roueeestre.—34, 7 4. 
 
 Tenet de e. Hecham. —34, 7 S. 
 
 Tenet de e. in Colinge. —34,715. 
 Tenet de e. Bicuelei. —34, 7 21. 
 Tenet de e. Arc lei. —34, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet de e. Clive. —34,7 34. 
 
 Tenet de e. IIadone. —34, 7 38. 
 
 Tenet de e. in eadem IIadone i J.— 
 34,7 42. 
 
 Tenet de e. Colinges. —34,7 44. 
 Tenet de e. Melestun.— 34, 7 47. 
 Tenet de e. Tunestelle. —35, 7 1. 
 Tenet de e. Ceuce. —35, 7 6 . 
 
 Tenet de e. Tangas.—35, 7 9. 
 
 Tenet de e. Borne.— 35,717. 
 
 Ipse e. b. tenet in D. II ardB fs.—35,722. 
 Isdein e. tenet in D. Stellinges. —35, 
 7 26. 
 
 Isdem e. tenet in D. Burnes. —35,7 30. 
 lime iii M. e. b.— 35, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet de e. IIardes. —35, 7 38. 
 e. tenet in D. Wioheham. —35, 7 43. 
 Tenet de e. Stepedone. —35, in mar- 
 
 Modo tenet de e. b. dim. S. liberie 
 terras (in Wiciieham). —36, 7 2. 
 
 In Civitate Cantuari/E liabet de r. iiii 
 domos et ii foris civitatern.—36, 7 4. 
 Tenet de e. Latintone. —36, 7 6. 
 
 Tenet de e. dim. S. (Latintone) —36, 
 
 7 10. 
 
 Usque ad e. h. qui ab eis eepit (dim. S. 
 
 Latintone).—36,713. 
 e. b. tenet in D. Aluam.—37, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet de e. i deiinin—-jacuit in Belicf.. 
 —37,7 S. 
 
 Tenet de e. in Bocheland dim. S.— 
 37, 711. 
 
 Tenet de it. i J. in Berfrestone. —37, 
 
 7 15. 
 
 Tenuit de e. Eswalt.— 37, 7 20 . 
 
 Tenet de e. i S. in Sellingk.— 37,7 24. 
 Tenet de e. Popesei.le. —37, 7 27. 
 Tenuit de c. Berham. —37, 7 35. 
 
 De isto M. (Berham) dedit e. imam 
 berewieham Herbertin filio Iuoiiis 
 qum vocatur IIdham.—37, 7 41. 
 
 De eodem M. dedit 0 . Osberno Paisforere 
 i S. et ii molinos.—37, 7 44. 
 
 Qiinndo e. recepit.—37, 7 46. 
 
 De e. tenet Soaneglive. —38, 7 1. 
 Tenet de e . i J.—38, 7 6 . 
 
 Tenet de e. Ore.—38, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet de e . Stanefellij. —38,715. 
 Tenet de e. Norton®.—38,719. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Cilleham. —38, 7 25. 
 Tamen reddebat e. b. —38, 7 32. 
 
 Tenet de e. Ospimxges. — 38, 7 34. 
 Tenet de e. Cildrbsham. —3S, 7 46. 
 Tenet de e. Ernoltun. —39, 7 1. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Machevet.—39, 7 8. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Badlesmeue. —39, 7 11. 
 Tenet de 0 . Peuie.—39, 7 18. 
 
 Tenet de e. Peiue. —39, 7 21. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Bocheland. —39, 7 25. 
 Tenet i J. de 0 . in eodem M.— 39, 7 29. 
 Tenet de 0 . Herste.— 39, 7 32. 
 
 Tenet i J. in Ore.— 39, 7 36. 
 
 Tenuit de e. Nordeslinge. —39,7 46. 
 Hiec ii M. tenuit de c. 7.-39, 7 50. 
 Tenet, in Bochelande, i J. de e.— 
 40, 7 1. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Eslinges.—40, 7 4. 
 
 Tenet de e. Eslinges. —40, 7 9. 
 Postqimm 0 . dedit M. (Eslinges) Hu- 
 goni filio Fulberli.—40, 7 10. 
 
 Tamen 0 . liabuit viii libras.—40, 7 14. 
 Tenet de 0 . Dodeham.—40, 7 15. 
 
 0 . misit ad firmam.-40,7 19. 
 
 Tenet de e. Rongostone. —40, 7 21. 
 Tenet de e. Hortone.—40, 7 25. 
 
 Tenet de e. Fanne.—40, 7 30. 
 
 Tenet de e. Berciievelle.— 40, 7 35. 
 Tenet de 0 . Cum be.—40,7 40. 
 
 Tenet dee. Betmontestun. —40,7 45. 
 Adeloldus tenuit de 0 . Dene. Tenet 
 Radulfus de Curbespiue i J. ct dim. 
 Adeloldus liabuit dim. S. et dim. J. 
 
 Hme terra est in manu regis.—41,71. 
 
 EPI 
 
 Tenet Piventone defeudo e. —41,7 9. 
 Tenet Essamelesford de feudo e.—41, 
 7 17. 
 
 Hiee terra (Aldelose) est de feudo 
 e. b.— 41, 7 24. 
 
 Tenet de e. Palestrei. —41, 7 27. 
 Tenet de e. xii acras teme.—41, 7 31. 
 Tenet de 0 . 1’esinges ct Piham. —41, 
 7 33. 
 
 0 . b. tenet in D. Bilsvitone. —41,7 39. 
 Tenet de e. Afettune. —41, 7 45. 
 Tenet de e. iu Maresco dim. S.—41, 7 
 49. 
 
 Tenet de e. dim. S. in Maresco.—42,7 2. 
 Tenet de e. Benindene. —42, 7 6 . 
 Tenet de e. dim. J.—42, 7 10. 
 
 Tenet de e. dim. denam de M. Titen- 
 tone.—42,713. 
 
 Ringetone de feudo est 0 .—42, 7 18. 
 Tenet de feudo e. iu Hamolde. —42, 
 7 23. 
 
 Tenet Ewelle de 0 .—42, 7 26. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Wesclive. —42, 7 33. 
 Isdein tenet Soltone de e. —42, 7 38. 
 Tenet de feudo 0 . in Leueberge. —42, 
 
 7 45. 
 
 Tenet Colret de e .—42, 7 49. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Svanetone. —43, 7 4. 
 Tenet de e. Apletone. —43, 7 11. 
 Tenet Brociiestele, et est de feudo e. 
 —43,7 15. 
 
 Tenet de e. Gollesberge. —43, 7 23. 
 Tenet de 0 . Chenoltone. —1-3, 7 33. 
 Tenet de 0 . Bedesham. —43, 7 36. 
 Tenet de 0 . Soles. —43, 7 43. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . IIertange. —43, 7 47. 
 Tenet de 0 . i J. et dim. in eodem liun- 
 dredo (Estrei). —43, 7 51. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . i S. vacua; terra;, et adjacuit 
 Neventone M.—44, 7 2. 
 
 Tenet de e. Hama. —44, 7 8 . 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Cilleden. —44, 7 12. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Midelea. —44, 7 17. 
 
 De novo dono 0 . liabet, in manu regis, 
 de Ricardo filio Gisleberti coinitis 
 x V., etc. (in Summekdene liun- 
 dredo).—44, 7 23. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Tjchf.teste. —44, 7 26. 
 Tenet de 0 . iri Wanesberge. —44,7 30. 
 Tenet de 0 . i J. in Eoe.—44, 7 32. 
 
 Tenet de e. in Masseberge.— 44, 7 34. 
 Tenet de 0. in Esmetone.— 44, 7 36. 
 Tenet de e. ii S. in Walivalesere. — 
 
 44, 7 40. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . i .T. in Ece. —44, 7 45. 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Essewelle.— 44, 7 48. 
 Tenet de 0 . uiniin M.—45, 7 1 . 
 
 Tenet de 0 . Selinges. —45, 7 5. ‘ 
 Tenet de 0 . Danetqne. —45, / 10 . 
 
 Tenet de 0 . i J. in Brochestele. — 
 
 45, 7 15. 
 
 Dim. J. iu Hamestede. Dieit quod 
 e. b. dedit cuidaiu suo fratri.—45, 
 
 7 22. 
 
 Tenet de feudo 0 . Acres. —45, 7 24. 
 Tenet de feudo 0 . Hastingelai. —45, 
 
 7 30. 
 
 De lioc M. (Liteburne) liabet e. b. in 
 suo parco.—46, 7 35. 
 
 Dedit (Warwintone) abbati S t-i A. 
 
 0 . b. pro cxcainbio parci sui.—46,7 
 36. 
 
 Tercimn partem (Forewic) e. b. con¬ 
 cessit cidem Saucto (Augustino).— 
 47,7 15 
 
 Hugo de Moutfort tenet Estwelle et 
 est de feudo e. b . —50, 7 4. 
 
 Earn (partem de Brebuune) tenet 0 . b. 
 —53, 7 26. 
 
 iii denas liabet 0 . b. (in Neivetone). — 
 56, 7 22. 
 
 [Sa$ lilnlo “ Terra Epincopi 
 Bniacenm ” annotantur etiarn 
 alii Tenenles, ut infra."] 
 
 Goisfridus de llos tenet Lolinge- 
 stone.—2, 7 46. 
 
 Malgerius tenet in Feklingeham, dim. 
 
 J. teme.—23, 7 6 . 
 
 Ernulfus de Hesding tenet Fern in ge- 
 ham.—23, 7 33. 
 
 lingo de Port tenet Alnoitone.—27, 
 
 7 48. 
 
 EPI 
 
 Radulfus filius Turaldi tenet Otringe¬ 
 berge.—33, 7 9. 
 
 Rotbertus Latiuus tenet ad firmam 
 Boselea.—33, 7 34. 
 
 Ansgotus de llouecestre tenet IIane- 
 hest.—34,7 30. 
 
 WiUelmus de Arcis tenet Fulchestan. 
 —36,716. 
 
 Radulfus de Curbespiue tenet dim. J. in 
 Popessale.—37, 7 33. 
 
 Ilerefridus tenet Trevelai. —39, 7 40. 
 Osbertus tenet de Willebuo filio Tatim 
 Aldelose, luee terra est de feudo 
 e. b. —41,7 21. 
 
 Hugo tenet in Doverf. imum molinuiu, 
 et non pertinet idli M.—42, 7 43. 
 Radulfus tenet Ewelle. —42, 7 54. 
 Turstinus Tinel et uxor ejus, tenent ad 
 firmam de rege W. in Leueberge 
 i J. et v acras'.—43, 7 19. 
 
 Wibertus tenet dim. J. quod jacuit in 
 gildam de Dovere. — 44 , 7 6 . 
 Radulfus de Cnrbespina tenet xl acras 
 in Beusberge Hundredo. —45, 7 
 17. 
 
 Rannulfus de Valbadon tenet dim. J. in 
 Hamestede.—45, 7 20. 
 EPISCOPUS LISIACENSIS. 
 
 0 . 7. tenet de episeopo Baiocensi Gken- 
 vi!5.—25, 7 22 . 
 
 EPISCOPUS DE ROUECESTRE. 
 e. Ilofecestrensis (annotatur inter “Te- 
 nentes Terras in Client”). 
 
 Quando e. recepit (Rovecestre) simi¬ 
 liter.—6, 7 48. 
 
 -dScclesiam liujus M. (Tarentefort) 
 tenet 0 . ue 0 .- 8 , 7 29. 
 
 0 . tie r. taiituin de lmc terra (juxta 
 Rouecestre, de M. Elesford) 
 tenet quod xvii solidos et iiii de- 
 narios valet, pro exeambio terre in 
 qua castellum sedet.— 8 , 7 40. 
 
 Terra 0 . r.— 20, 7 1. 
 
 0. r. tenet Sudfleta.—20, 7 2. 
 
 Isdein 0. tenet Estanes. —20, 7 9. 
 Isdem e. tenet Fachesham. — 20 ,7 17. 
 Isdem 0 . tenet Langaff.l, et Ansehi- 
 tillus presbyter de eo.—20, 7 22. 
 Isdem e. tenet Bronlei. —20, 7 25. 
 Isdein 0 . tenet Oldeham. —20, 7 31. 
 
 Isd em e. tenet M elli n g etes.— 2 0,736. 
 Isdem e. Totesclive. —20, 7 41. 
 
 Isdem 0 . tenet Esnoiland. —20, 7 46. 
 Isdein 0 . tenet Coclestane. —21, 7 1. 
 Isdem 0 . tenet Danitone. —21, 7 6 . 
 Isdem e. tenet IIai.linges. —21, 7 10. 
 Isdem 0 . tenet Frandesberie. —21, 
 
 715. 
 
 Isdem e.tenetBoRCHETELLE.—21,7 20. 
 In Rovecestre liabuit e., et liabet 
 lxxx mansuras terre.—21, 7 25. 
 
 Isdein 0 . tenet Estoches.— 21, 7 29. 
 Godtiinus comes emit illud (Esto- 
 cues) de duobus hominibus qui euin 
 tenebaut de 0 ., et, eo ignorante, facta 
 est luee veudilio.— 21, 7 35. 
 
 Inde (Estoches) est modo saisita ro- 
 fensis iecclesia.—21, 7 39. 
 e. de r. liabet domos de hoc M. (Bor- 
 ham).—28, 7 45. 
 
 ERNOLD. 
 
 0 . tenuit i J. et dim. in eodem hundredo 
 (Estrf.i) de rege E.—43, 7 54. 
 ERNULFUS DE HESDING. 
 e.deh. tenet Ferningeham.—23,7 33. 
 
 0 . de h. tenet de episeopo Cjresfel. — 
 24, 7 39. 
 
 0 . de h. tenet de episeopo Clive.—34, 
 
 7 34. 
 
 Isdem 0 . tenet de episeopo IIadone. — 
 34,7 38. 
 
 ESBER BIGA. 
 
 e. b. alodiarius et quietus de relevntionc. 
 —3, 7 20. 
 
 Exeepta terra 0 . b. — 6 , 7 33. 
 
 ESBEllN DE C1LLESFELLE. 
 
 e. de c. liabuit sacham et socam.—4, / 5. 
 ESMELLT. 
 
 e. Gapellanus R.E. tenuit, T.R.E. i S. 
 in S CB Margarita.—4, 7 45. 
 
 ESTAN. 
 
 0. tenuit dim. S. in Ferningeham 
 T.R.E., et potuit se vertcrc quo vo- 
 luit.—23,7 28. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 83 
 
 EST 
 
 ESTAN DE EDUUARD. 
 
 e. de e. habuit sacham et socam.—4, 7 5. 
 
 EUDO. 
 
 e. tenet (de Eulchestan) dim. S.— 
 36, 7 38. 
 
 EUSTACHIUS COMES. 
 c. e. (annotatur inter “Tenentes Ter¬ 
 ras in Client”).—7, 7 52. 
 
 Terre c. e. —54, 7 26. 
 
 c. e. tenet de rege Oistreiiam.—54, 
 
 7 28. 
 
 Ipse c. tenet Boltune. —54, 7 35. 
 
 EUSTAN. 
 
 e. tenuit Mapledescam de rege E.— 
 22, 7 30. 
 
 E ARMAN. 
 
 De ipso M. (Broteham) tenet /. i J. 
 et dim.—11, 7 29. 
 
 EILIUS ANSCIIITIL, ROGERUS. 
 r.f. a. tenet de episcopo Eslinges. — 
 40, 7 4. 
 
 r. f. a. tenet de feudo episcopi IIas- 
 tingelai. —45, 7 29. 
 
 EILIUS CARLE, GODIUC. 
 
 /. c. tenuit Wicheham de rege E.— 
 25, 7 4. 
 
 EILIUS CARLI, GODUIN. 
 g.f c., et Toli lianc terrain (IIecham) 
 tenuerunt T.R.E. pro ii M.—34,714. 
 
 EILIUS DUD EM AN, GODUIN. 
 g. f. cl. tenuit unam liidam in Exesse 
 qua juste ad hoc M. (Celca) per- 
 tinet.—34, l 7. 
 
 EILIUS ENGELBERTI, WALTERUS. 
 w.f. e. tenet (de Eulchestan) dim. S. 
 et xl acras.—36, l 82. 
 
 FILIUS FULBERTI, HUGO. 
 
 Postquam episcopus dedit M. (Es¬ 
 linges) h. f. f. —40, l 10. 
 
 EILIUS GAUFRIDl, WILL ELM US. 
 w. f. //. tenet i S. in Ferlingelai. — 
 5, l 36. 
 
 FILIUS GISLEBERTI. 
 
 Terra RicardI /. g. (i. e. Ricardi de 
 Tonebrige, q. v.).—55, l I. 
 
 EILI US GISLEBERTI COMITIS, ltl- 
 CARDUS. 
 
 De novo dono episcopi liabet in mann 
 regis (Rotbertus Latinus) de r. f. g. 
 comitis (in Summerdene hun- 
 dredo) et reddit de firm a vi libras. 
 —44, l 23. 
 
 FILIUS GOISFRIDI, WILLELMUS. 
 w.f. g. habet iii mansuras in Dooeke. 
 —2, l 30. 
 
 FILIUS GllOSSE, WILLELMUS. 
 w.f. g. tenet dc llugone Bonintone. 
 —53, l 48. 
 
 FILIUS HUBERT I, ADAM. 
 a. j.U. tenet de episcopo Redlege.— 
 22, l 31. 
 
 a. f. h. tenet de episcopo Sudcrai. — 
 24, l 45. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Wicheiia.m. 
 —24, l 50. 
 
 a.f. h. tenet de episcopo Sudtone. — 
 30, l 5. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Gertie — 
 30, 1 10. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Sudtone. 
 —30, 1 15. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Bogelei. 
 —30, l 20. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Langvelei. 
 —30, l 28. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Otringe- 
 dene.—30, l 33. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Est Selye. 
 —30, l 39. 
 
 a.f. It. tenet de eodem M. (IIov) unum 
 S. et unum J.—32, l 34. 
 a. f. h. habet iiii domos in IIundret 
 et Civitate Cantuariensi, et ii foris 
 civitatem.—36, l 3. 
 
 a. f. h. tenet de episcopo i denam de 
 dim. J. qmc remansit extra divisionem 
 Hugonis de Montfort et jacuit in Be- 
 lice. —37, l 8. 
 
 a.f. h. tenet (de M. Newrtone) tan- 
 tum silva; unde exeunt xl denarii per 
 annum.—56, l 24. 
 
 EILIUS 1VONIS, HERBERTUS. 
 
 De hoc dicit, nepos Herbert! quod epi¬ 
 scopus Baioceusis concessit illuui I 
 
 FIL 
 
 (molendinum in porta Doucrc) fieri 
 avunculo suo h.f. i. —2, l 46. 
 
 Ji.f. i. dedit episcopo Baiocensi markam 
 auri pro i molino eonim.—7, l 42. 
 h. f. i. tenet dc episcopo Gravesiiam. 
 —28, l 15. 
 
 De isto M. (Beuuam) dedit episcopus 
 unam Berewiehain li. f. i. qute voca- 
 tur Huuam. —37, l 42. 
 lime ii M. (Trevelai et Nordf.s- 
 linge) tenuit 1. f. i. de episcopo 
 Baiocensi.—39, l 50. 
 
 Dc Etwelle quod tenet It. f. i. extra 
 divisionem Hugonis, tenet ipse Hugo 
 xim acras infra suain divisionem.— 
 52, l 49. 
 
 EILIUS LETARDI, OSBERNUS. 
 o.f. 1. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet i J. 
 de arcliiepiscopo in Bocoland.—16, 
 l 10. 
 
 o. f. 1. tenet de episcopo i S. in Se- 
 linge.—37, l 24. 
 
 Isdem o. tenet de episcopo Popeselle. 
 —37, l 27. 
 
 Oshc.rlmf. 1. tenet de episcopo Bedes- 
 ham.— 43, l 36. 
 
 In eodem M. tenent de ipso osberno x 
 teigni unum S. et dim. J.—43, l 40. 
 Modo defendit se cum terra Osberti f. 1. 
 
 (Dovere)—44, l 6. 
 o. f. 1. tenet de episcopo Hama. —44, 
 l 8. 
 
 Isdem o. tenet de episcopo Cilleden. 
 —44, 1 12. 
 
 o. misit terras eorum in unum M.—44, 
 1 16. 
 
 Ooberlus f. 1. tenet de episcopo i J. in 
 Ece.—44, l 45. 
 
 Osbertm f. 1. tenet dim. S. et xi acras 
 prati de terra villanorum (Nor- 
 bone).—48, 7 21. 
 
 EILIUS MAL/E TERR2E, GOIS- 
 FRIDUS. 
 
 g. f. in. tenet dim. S. libera: terra: (in 
 Wicheham) de episcopo Baiocensi. 
 —36, l 2. 
 
 FILIUS MODBERTI. 
 
 /. m. habet i (domum in Douere). — 
 2, l 33. 
 
 FILIUS OGERr, WILLELMUS. 
 w. f . o. habet i mansurain in Douere. 
 —2, l 28. 
 
 w.f. ogi-rii tenet i S. in Cerlentoxe. — 
 4, l 21. 
 
 Isdem w. tenet i monasterium in Douere. 
 —4, l 24. 
 
 to. f. ogerii tenet de episcopo Cerle- 
 tone.—25, l 43. 
 
 Isdem to. tenet de episcopo Crai. —25, 
 7 48. 
 
 EILIUS RICARDI, RADULFUS. 
 r.f. r. tenet de Hugone dim. S. in Ro- 
 cliinges.—52, 7 24. 
 
 (EILIUS RICARDI?) RADULFUS. 
 r. tenet de Hugone, IIortun. —52, 7 29. 
 
 EILIUS ROBERTI, RADULFUS. 
 r.f. r. tenet de episcopo Hertange. — 
 43, 7 47. 
 
 FILIUS ROBERTI, WILLELMUS. 
 w.f. r. tenet de episcopo West Serve. 
 —30, 7 43. 
 
 EILIUS SIRED, DERINC. 
 
 T.R.E. d.f s. tenuit dim. S. et dim. J. 
 in Addelam.—5, 7 29. 
 
 EILIUS TAUM, WILLELMUS (v. 
 ctinin FILIUS WILLELMITAHUM). 
 Osbertus tenet de w.f. 7. Aldelose. — 
 41, 7 21. 
 
 FILIUS TEDALDI, WILLELMUS. 
 w. f . t. habet i mansurain in Douere. — 
 2. 7 27. 
 
 io. f. ledoldi et Robertus Niger habent 
 vi mansuras in Douere.—2, 7 29. 
 io. f. t. tenet dim. S. et dim. J. in Ad¬ 
 delam. —5, 7 27. 
 
 EILTUS TEDOLDI (i. q. FILIUS TE¬ 
 DALDI, q.v.). 
 
 FILIUS TURALDI, RADULFUS. 
 r.f. t. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet Bol- 
 TONE de arcliiepiscopo.—15, 7 37. 
 r.f. 7. tenet de episcopo Erolei. —22, 
 
 7 17. 
 
 r . tenet de episcopo Eddintone.—22, 
 
 7 21. 
 
 FIL 
 
 FILIUS TURALDI. 
 f 7. dc Roueeestre tenet de episcopo 
 Witenemers.—25, 7 34. 
 
 FILIUS TURALDI, RADULFUS. 
 r. f. Turoldi tenet de episcopo Ai- 
 glessa.—27, 7 6. 
 
 r . f. t. tenet de episcopo Eddintune. 
 —27, 7 45. 
 
 r.f. Turoldi tenet de episcopo Mele- 
 tune.—28,71. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo Ledesdune. 
 —2S, 7 7. 
 
 r.f. Turoldi tenet de episcopo dim. S. 
 
 in Estochingebergk.—29,7 7. 
 r.f t. tenet Otringeberge.—33, 7 9. 
 r.f. t. tenet de episcopo Litelbrote- 
 ham.—33, 7 41. 
 
 r.f. t. tenet de episcopo Arclei.—34, 
 7 25. 
 
 FILIUS TUROLDI (i. q. FILIUS TU¬ 
 RALDI, q.v.). 
 
 FILIUS UNSPAC, RADULFUS. 
 r. f n. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de 
 arcliiepiscopo Elesford.—15, 7 9. 
 
 FILIUS VLUITN, VLSTAN. 
 
 /. v. tenet i S. in Sibertesuuald.— 
 5, 7 44. 
 
 FILIUS WILLELMI, HUGO. 
 h.f. io. tenet ix S. (in Fulchestan) 
 de terra Villanorum.—36, 7 23. 
 
 FILIUS WILLELMI, RICARDUS. 
 r.f. w. tenet de episcopo Borne. — 35, 
 / 16. 
 
 FILIUS WILLELMI TAHUM (v. etinra 
 FILIUS TAUM). 
 
 f. io. t. tenet de episcopo Delce. —32, 
 710. 
 
 FITZ (v. sub FILIUS). 
 
 FOLET WILLELMUS. 
 io. f. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de 
 arcliiepiscopo Flencuessam.—16,7 
 12 . 
 
 Isdem io. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet 
 Estenberge de arcliiepiscopo.—16, 
 7 14. 
 
 io. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de nrchi- 
 episcopo Tilsmanestone.—16, 7 
 39. 
 
 De line terra (Asmeslant) habet w. f. 
 i J.—19, 7 46. 
 
 FREDERIC. 
 
 M. Estwelle quod tenuit f. de rege 
 E.—50, 71. 
 
 FULBERTUS. 
 
 /. tenuit de episcopo Berham.—37, 7 
 35. 
 
 f. tenet de episcopo Cilleham.—38, 7 
 25. 
 
 /. tenuit de episcopo Eslinges.—40, 
 7 9. 
 
 Isdem f. tenet de episcopo Dodeham. 
 —40, 7 15. 
 
 Quando/. recepit.—40,7 20. 
 
 In eodem huiulredo (Bevsberue)/. ha¬ 
 bet de Hugoue i molinum.—53, 1 18. 
 
 GAND, ABBAS ET ABBATIA DE. 
 a. de g. (annotatur inter “ Tenentes 
 Terras in Client”).—7, 7 50. 
 
 Terra Sancti Petri de/;.—49, 7 39. 
 a. de g. tenet de rege Levesham, et 
 de rege E. tenuit.—49,7 40. 
 
 GAUFRIDUS. ' 
 
 g. tenet Bodesiiam de abbatc.—49, 7 
 17. 
 
 GIRUNDE DE TURSTINUS. 
 
 7. de g. tenet in Boon eland i J. de 
 episcopo.—40,7 1. 
 
 GISLEBERTUS. 
 
 De terra Villanorum (Norborne) g. 
 
 tenet ii S. dim. J. minus.—48, 7 12. 
 g. tenet de Hugone unum J. in Lange- 
 brige Hundredo.—52, 7 46. 
 
 GISLEBERTUS COMES. 
 
 Ricnrdus filius g. c. (v. sub Filius Gisle- 
 berti). 
 
 GOD. 
 
 g. tenuit Colinges de rege E.—34,7 46. 
 y.tenuitT’EVEGATE dc rege E.—54,719. 
 
 GODEFRIDUS. 
 
 De hoc M. (Piteiiam) tenent g. et 
 Nigellus i S. et dim. et J.—12,7 40. 
 De terra liujus M. (Ferlaga) tenet g. 
 
 in feuo dim. S.—17, 7 36. 
 
 Quod g. tenet ix libras.—17, 7 40. 
 
 GOD 
 
 GODEFRIDUS DAPIFER. 
 g. d. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de arclii- 
 episcopo Leihinn.—16, 7 2. 
 
 Isdem g. tenet de arcliiepiscopo in 
 Scape, dim. S.—16,7 7. 
 
 GODEL (v. sub GODIL). 
 
 GODESA et GODESSA. 
 g. tenuit Bedesham de rege E.—43, 
 7 39. 
 
 godemi tenuit Alvetone in alodium.— 
 49, 7 10. 
 
 GODIL et GODEL. 
 godel tenuit de Brixi Hortone, et po- 
 tuit se vertere quo voluit.—24, 7 5. 
 godil tenuit Otringberge de rege E. 
 —33, 719. 
 
 GODllIC et GODRICUS. 
 
 In Bociielaxd tenet g. i S.—5, 7 41. 
 g. Cationieus S d M.—7, 7 3. 
 g. tenuit Eisse de rege E.—22, 7 44. 
 g. tenuit Wicheham dc rege E.—25, 
 7 4. 
 
 g. tenuit Pellesorde de rege E.—27, 
 7 19. 
 
 g. tenuit Ofeiiam de rege E.—27, 7 30. 
 g. tenuit Est Selve de rege E.—30, 
 7 42. 
 
 g. tenuit Delce de rege E.—32,714. 
 g. tenuit i J. in Pinpa de rege E.—32, 
 7 41. 
 
 g. tenuit Benedestede de Alnodo 
 cut.—33, 7 29. 
 
 g. tenuit Hortone de rege E.—40, 7 
 29. 
 
 g. tenuit Aldelose de rege E. cum 
 Bradeburne M.—41, 7 25. 
 
 In hoc M. (Soltone) mans® g. et. te¬ 
 nuit xx acras de alodio suo.—42, 7 
 42. 
 
 g. tenuit Midelea de rege E.—44, 7 
 
 21 . 
 
 GODRIC DE BURNES. 
 
 Alodiarius, et quietus de relevationc.— 
 3, 7 19. 
 
 g. de b. tenuit Breburne de rege E. 
 —53, 7 23. 
 
 GODRIC CARLESONE. 
 
 Alodiarius et quietus de relevationc.;— 
 3, 7 20. 
 
 g. filius Carle tenuit Wicheham de 
 
 GODUINUS et’oODUUINUS. 
 
 Uanc terrain (CeRletone) tenuerunt 
 de rege ii fratres pro ii M. g. et 
 Aluuard.—25, 7 47. 
 g. Sot, tenuit Crai de rege E.—26, 7 2. 
 g. tenuit i J. in Totinitne de rege E. 
 —27, 7 44. 
 
 g. Leuric et Vluuin tenuerunt Graves- 
 n am (tunc iii M ).—28, 7 19. 
 g. et Aluuiniis tenuerunt Audintone 
 de rege E. pro ii M.—29, 7 43. 
 g. et Edvvinns linuc terrain (Litel- 
 broteham) T.R.E. tenuerunt pro ii 
 M.—33, 7 48. 
 
 g. filius Dudeman tenuit unam liidam 
 in Exesse qua: juste ad hoc M. 
 (Celca) pertinet.—34, 7 7. 
 g. filius Carli, et Toli, luuic terrain (IIe- 
 cham) tenuerunt T.lt.E. pro ii M. 
 —34, 714. 
 
 g. tenuit Hanehest de Goduino Co- 
 inite.—34, 7 33. 
 
 g. tenuit Cilleuen de rege E. Et alii 
 v teigni. Osbemus misit terras eo¬ 
 rum in unum M.—44, 716. 
 rj. tenuit i J. et x acras iii Masseberge 
 de rege E.—44, 7 34. 
 
 GODUIN US COMES. 
 c. g. habebat tereiam partem (Douere). 
 —2, 7 4. 
 
 g. c. T.R.E. emit M. (Estoches) do 
 duobus lioiniiiibus qui eiim tenebant 
 de episcopo Roffensi.—-21, 7 34. 
 
 Hoc M. (Leleburne) tenuit Turgis de 
 g. c.—26, 7 35. 
 
 Aluuiniis tenent Fekeburne de g. c .— 
 29, 7 22. 
 
 Aluuinns tenuit i J. in Selesbcrne de 
 g. c.— 29, 7 25! 
 
 AJuuinus tenuit Boltone de g. c. —31, 
 
 7 5. 
 
 Alurie tenuit IIerbketitov dc g. c.— 
 31, 7 30. 
 
84 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 GOD 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit Brunff.lle de g. c .— 
 31, Z 36. 
 
 g. c. tenuit Ceteham.—32, Z 8. 
 
 Hoc M. (Hov) tenuit g. c. —32, l 31. 
 
 Goduinus tenuit IIanehest de g. c. — 
 34, Z 33. 
 
 Hoe M. (Fulchestan) tenuit g. c. — 
 36, Z 22. 
 
 Turgis tenuit Stake fe lee de g. c. — 
 38, Z IS. 
 
 Alsi tenuit de g. c. 1 burgenses in burgo 
 de Romenel.—42, Z 1. 
 
 Tereiam partem (de Forewic) qua: 
 fuerat g. c. —47, Z 15. 
 
 Turgisius tenuit Estefort de g. c. — 
 50, Z 16. 
 
 Alsi tenuit Estbrige de g. c. —50, Z 
 42. 
 
 g. c. tenuit Oistreham de rege E.— 
 54, Z 28. 
 
 g. c. tenuit Boi.tune.—54, Z 35. 
 
 GODUU1NUS (v. GODUINUS). 
 
 GOISFRIDUS. 
 
 De eodem M. (Broteham) tenet g. i S. 
 —11, Z 27. 
 
 GOISFRIDUS DE ROS. 
 
 g. de r. tenet Lolingeston'e.—22, Z 
 46. 
 
 g. de r. tenet de episeopo Lasela. —25, 
 Z 5. 
 
 g. de r. tenet de episeopo Oteham.— 
 31, l 21. 
 
 De terra liujiis M. (Newetone) tenet 
 g. de r. uniim J.—56, Z 23. 
 
 GOISFRIDUS FILIUS MAL/E 
 TER1LE. 
 
 g.f m. tenet dim. S. libera; terra; (in 
 VVicheuam) de episeopo Baiocensi. 
 —36, Z 2. 
 
 GOLDSTAN. 
 
 g. tenuit T.lt.E. (? dim. S. in S™ Mar¬ 
 garita et) dim. S. in Coruilai liuu- 
 (I redo.—5, Z 4. 
 
 HA1MO. 
 
 1. tenet de episeopo Nedestede.—33, 
 Z 3. 
 
 h. tenet de episeopo Latintone.—36, 
 Z 6. 
 
 Isdem 7i. tenet de episeopo dim. S.— 
 36, Z 10. 
 
 HAIMO VICECOMES. 
 
 Quando h. v. recepit (Civitas Can- 
 tdaria).— 6, Z 12 
 
 h. v. (annotatur inter “ Tenentes Terras 
 in Client”).—7, Z 54. 
 
 Quando 7i. v. recepit (Tarentefort). 
 — 8, Z 9. 
 
 Tantundem quando h. v. recepit (Eles- 
 ford).— 8, Z 36. 
 
 Tantundem quando h. v. recepit (Mid- 
 deltune). —9, Z 5. 
 
 Jiaimoni vicecomHi dat prarpositus (Mid- 
 deltune) xii libras.—9, Z12. 
 
 De ipso M. (Estursete) tenet h. v. 
 dim. S.—13, Z 7. 
 
 h. v. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet de ar- 
 cliiepiscopo Biuestede. —15, Z 23. 
 
 h: v. tenet de episeopo Alteilam.—25, 
 Z 29. 
 
 h. v. tenet de episeopo Dictune. —26, 
 Z 42. 
 
 Terra h. a.—55, Z15. 
 
 h. v. tenet de rege unum M. in Wit 
 liundredo.—55, Z17. 
 
 Habet It. lxiii acras qua; pertinent in 
 Hulviz.—55, Z 25. 
 
 Ipse h. tenet Marourde.—55, Z 30. 
 
 Ipse h. tenet Bleuem.—55, Z 37. 
 
 IIELTO. 
 
 h. tenet Svinescamp de episeopo.— 
 
 22, Z 10. 
 
 De hoc M. (Boseleu) tenet 7i. dim. S. 
 33, Z 39. 
 
 h. tenet de episeopo Meleston.—34, 
 Z 37. 
 
 IIELTUS DAPIFEll. 
 
 Modo tenet h. d. et nepos ejus.—8, Z 20. 
 
 HERALDUS. 
 
 iiii mansuras in (CaNTUaria) quas te¬ 
 nuit concubina h .—6, Z 27. 
 
 Alnod Gild per violentiam h. abstulit 
 S c0 M.—7, Z 45. 
 
 Ultanus tenuit Maplescamp sub 7. — 
 
 23, Z 32. 
 
 HER 
 
 Aluuardus tenuit de 7i. unum S. in 
 IIortune.—24, Z14. 
 
 T.R.E. fuerunt (Grenviz) ii M. Uniun 
 tenuit Heroldus comes. —25, Z 26. 
 
 Hunef tenuit Arclei de Jleraldo co¬ 
 mite. —34, Z 29. 
 
 7i. tenet dim. S. unnin yirgam minus 
 . . . Et adliuc liabet imam dennin 
 qua; jacuit in Fane M. Adam.—54, 
 Z 9. 
 
 IIERBERTU8. 
 
 De terra hujus M. (Ospringes) tenet li. 
 dim. S., ete.—38, Z 39. 
 
 Quando h. recepit.—38, Z 43. 
 
 h. tenuit de episeopo Nordesi.inge. — 
 39, Z 46. 
 
 1. tenet ad firmam de rege Ringetone. 
 —42, Z 18. 
 
 Tenet h. de Hugone nepote Herberti 
 dim. J. de Aimolde (i.q. IIamoldk) 
 de fcudo episeo]ii.—42, Z 23. 
 
 Quaiulo h. recepit (Brockestele). — 
 43, Z17. 
 
 HERBERTUS FILIUS IVONIS (v. 
 FILIUS IVONIS). 
 
 HERFRIDUS. 
 
 h. tenet Trevelai. —39, Z 40. 
 
 li. tenet de t'emlo episcopi Essameles- 
 ford.—41, Z17. 
 
 h. tenet de Hugone Brochestelle et 
 est de feudo episcopi —43, Z15. 
 
 7i. tenet de Hugone Poltone.—53, Z 
 19. 
 
 HEROLDUS (v. HERALDUS). 
 
 HERUEUS. 
 
 h. tenet de Hugone, Blachemenf.- 
 stone.—50, l 49. 
 
 li. tenet de Hugone Sedlinges. —52, 
 Z 1. 
 
 h. tenet de Hugone Obtrepole. —54, 
 Z 3. 
 
 IIESDING, ERNULPHUS DE. 
 
 e. deli. tenet Ferningeham.—23, Z 33. 
 
 e. de h. tenet de episeopo Ciresfel. — 
 24, Z 39. 
 
 e. de h. tenet de episeopo Ci.ive. —34, 
 Z 34. 
 
 Isdem e. tenet de episeopo IIadone.— 
 34, Z 37. 
 
 IIOR ALUUINUS. 
 
 Habuit saeliam et socam.—4, l 3. 
 
 HORTONE, ORDINC DE. 
 
 o. deli, liabuit saelnim et socam.—4, Z4. 
 
 HUGO. 
 
 Radtilfus de Curbespine tenet Piyen- 
 ton E de feudo episcopi et 7 i. de eo. 
 —41, Z 9. 
 
 7. teuet Ewelle de episeopo.—42, Z 
 26. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet de episeopo Wesclive. 
 —42, Z 33. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet Soltone de episeopo. 
 — 42, Z 38. 
 
 Idem h. tenet in Dovere i molinum et 
 non pertinet ulli M.—42, Z 43. 
 
 Q.uidam 7i. Icnet i S. (de Svanetone). 
 —43, Z 8. 
 
 Ilerfridus tenet de h. Brochestelle, 
 et est de feudo episcopi.—43, Z 15. 
 
 HUGO DE BRA1BO UE. 
 
 h. de b. tenet de episeopo Otringe- 
 berge.—33, Z 15. 
 
 HUGO DE M ANNE VILE (v. MANNE- 
 VILE). 
 
 HUGO DE MONTFOltT (v. MONT¬ 
 FORT). 
 
 HUGO, NEPOS HERBERTI. 
 
 It. n. It. tenet de episeopo Sentlinge. 
 —26, Z 17. 
 
 It. n. 7. tenet de episeopo Hariardesliam. 
 —29, Z13. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet de episeopo Ferebdrne. 
 —29, Z 19. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet de episeopo i J. libene 
 terra in Selesburne. —29, Z 23. 
 
 Isdem h. et Adeloldus Camerarius tenet 
 de episeopo Fredenestede. —29, Z 
 26. 
 
 h. it. A. tenet de episeopo Boltone. — 
 31, Z 1. 
 
 Isdem It. tenet de episeopo Godeseli.e. 
 —31, Z 6. 
 
 Isdem h. teuet AVinciielesmere.—31 1 
 
 Z11. 
 
 HUG 
 
 Isdem 7. tenet de episeopo Estselve. 
 —31, Z17. 
 
 h. n. h. tenet de episeopo Ospringes. 
 —3S, Z 34. 
 
 Iierbertus tenet de 7. n. Ti. dim. J. in 
 Aimolde. —42, Z 23. 
 
 HUGO DE POET (v. PORT). 
 
 HUNEF. 
 
 h. tenuit Arclei de Ileraldo Comite. 
 —34, Z 29. 
 
 HUNFRIDUS LORIPES. 
 
 Tenet i mansuram (in Douere).—2, 
 Z 37. 
 
 LANBERTUS. 
 
 Z. (abstulit) i molendinum (de canonicis 
 S ci M.).—7, l 43. 
 
 LANFRANCUS ARCHIEPISCOPUS. 
 
 Ante a. Z. recognovit se injuste accepisse. 
 —6, Z 44. 
 
 Z. a. diratiocinavit illud (M. Estoches) 
 contra Baiocensem Episcopum.—21, 
 Z 38. 
 
 In isto burgo (Forewic) a. 1. tenet vii 
 masuras.—47, Z 22. 
 
 LATINUS, ROTBERTUS. 
 
 robertus l. tenet de episeopo Loisnes. 
 —24, Z 16. 
 
 r. 1 . tenet ad firmam de rege Totin- 
 tdne, de novo dono episcopi Baio- 
 censis.—27, Z 36. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet in Totintune, ad firmam 
 de rege, i J.; et istud est de novo 
 dono episcopi Baiocensis.—27, Z 42. 
 
 r. 1. tenet ad firmam Herbretitov.— 
 31, Z 26. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet ad firmam Brunfelle. 
 —31, Z 31. 
 
 r. 1 . tenet ad firmam de episeopo Cete¬ 
 ham.— 32, Z 2. 
 
 r. 1. tenet ad firmam Boseleu. —33, Z 
 34. 
 
 r. 1 . tenet vi acras (in Sdmmerdene 
 Hundredo), et de novo dono epi¬ 
 scopi liabet in maim regis de Ricardo 
 filio Gisleberti comitis x V. et inde 
 reddit de firma vi libras.—44, Z 22. 
 
 De hoc M. (Lartuam) tenet r. 1. unum 
 J.—46, Z 15. 
 
 LEFSTAN. 
 
 Z., Leuuin, Elueret, Sired, et alii ii te- 
 nuerunt Pesinges et Piham de 
 rege E., et poterant ire quolibet cum 
 terris suis.—41, Z 37. 
 
 LESNEIS, AZOR DE. 
 
 liabuit saeliam et soeam.—4, Z 3. 
 
 LEST AN. 
 
 Z. tenuit Eddintone de rege E., et 
 post mortem ejus vertit se ad Alnod 
 Gilt.—22, Z 24. 
 
 LETJENA. 
 
 Z. tenuit Otringeberge de rege E.— 
 33, Z13. 
 
 LEU KNOT. 
 
 Z. de Sudtoue habuit saeliam et socam. 
 —4, Z 5. 
 
 Z. tenuit Sudtone derege E.—30, Z19. 
 
 LEUINC. 
 
 Z. tenuit Burnes de rege E.—35, Z 34. 
 
 LEURET. 
 
 Z. de Rocliinge tenuit de rege E.—40, 
 Z 44. 
 
 Z. tenuit dim. S. in Rociiinges de rege 
 E.—52, Z 25. 
 
 LEUR1C. 
 
 Z. tenuit Cratge de rege E.—25, Z 15. 
 
 Z. Vluuin et Goduiu tenuerunt Graves- 
 iiam (tunc iii M.).—28, Z 19. 
 
 LEUIUC DE OTRINBERGE. 
 
 habuit saeliam et socam.—4, Z 6. 
 
 LEUUARDUS. 
 
 Z. tenuit i J. (in Bocheland) de rege 
 E.—39, Z 31. 
 
 LEUUINUS. 
 
 T.R.E., Z. tenuit Cerlentone in pre- 
 benda.—4, Z 20. 
 
 Z. et Vluuiuus tenuerunt Sifletone in 
 paragio, et potuerunt cum terra sua 
 se vertere quo voluernnt.—27, Z 5. 
 
 Z. tenuit Fredenestede de rege E.— 
 29, Z 29. 
 
 Z. Lefstan, Eluret, Sired, et alii ii te¬ 
 nuerunt Pesinges et Piham de 
 rege E., et poterant ire quolibet cum 
 terris suis.—41, Z 37. 
 
 LEU 
 
 Z. tenuit dim. J. in Leueberge de 
 rege E.—42, Z 45. 
 
 Z. tenuit Hortone de rege E.—52, Z 9. 
 
 LEUUINUS COMES. 
 
 Z. c. tenuit Essedene. —27, Z 35. 
 
 Z. e. tenuit Meletune.—28, Z 7. 
 
 Z. c. tenuit Ledesdune. —2S, Z14. 
 Hoc M. (Borham) tenuit Z. e.—2S, Z 
 46. 
 
 Z. c. tenuit Pecheham.—29, Z1. 
 
 Z. c. tenuit Esledes. —29, Z 35. 
 
 Z. c. tenuit Sudtone.— 30, Z 9. 
 Vluuinus tenuit Colinge de Z. c.—34, 
 Z 20. 
 
 Vluuinus tenuit Bichelei de Z. c.—34, 
 Z 23. 
 
 LEUUOLP. 
 
 Z. tenuit i. J. in Ore de rege E.—39, Z 
 39. 
 
 LISIACENSIS EPISCOPUS. 
 
 Z. e. teuet de episeopo Baiocensi Gren¬ 
 viz. —25, Z 22. 
 
 LORIPES 1IUMFRIDUS. 
 h. 1. teuet i masuram (in Douere).—2, 
 Z 37. 
 
 MAIGNO. 
 
 m. tenet de Hugone (de Montfort) 
 Seivetone.—50, Z12. 
 
 Ipse m. tenet de Hugone (de Montfort) 
 Estefort.—50, Z16. 
 
 Aliam Essetesford tenet m. de Hu¬ 
 gone (de Montfort).—50, Z 24. 
 
 MAL/E TERILE FILIUS (v. sub FI¬ 
 LIUS). 
 
 MALGERIUS. 
 
 (Miles Archiepiscopi) m. tenet de Arclii- 
 episcopo iii J. in Orpinton.—15, Z17. 
 De episeopo tenet in. Lolingestone. 
 —23, Z 1. 
 
 Isdem m. tenet in Ferlingeham dim. 
 J. terra.—23, Z 6. 
 
 Isdem m. tenet in Pinnedene dim. S. 
 
 de episeopo.—23, Z11. 
 m. tenet de episeopo Rochelei. —24, 
 Z 34. 
 
 MAM I NOT GISLEBERTUS. 
 
 g. m. tenet de episeopo Codeiiam.—26, 
 Z 8. 
 
 Isdem g. tenet de episeopo CkestaN. 
 —26, Z 12. 
 
 MANNEVILE, HUGO DE. 
 
 h. de in. tenet de Hugone (de Mont¬ 
 fort) Estraites.—52, Z 34. 
 
 MARCHERIUS. 
 
 m. tenet de terra Villanorum (Norbone) 
 quod valet viii solidos.—48, Z 20. 
 
 MARIS, RICAltDUS DE. 
 
 r. de in. tenet dim. S. de hoc M. (Os- 
 fiiinges).—38, Z 41. 
 
 MOLLEUE. 
 
 m. tenuit Colret de rege E.—42, Z 53. 
 m. tenuit Ewelle de rege E.—13, Z 3. 
 m. tenuit Essewelle de rege E.—44, 
 Z 51. 
 
 m. tenuit Danetone de rege E.—45, 
 Z 14. 
 
 m. tenuit i J. in Brochestele de rege 
 E.—45, Z 16. 
 
 in. tenuit xl acras terre in Bevsberge 
 Hundredo de rege E.—45, Z18. 
 m. tenuit Etwf.lle.—53, Z1. 
 
 MONTFORT, HUGO DE. 
 h. de m. habet i domum (in Douere). 
 —2, Z 31. 
 
 h. de in. (annotatur inter “Tenentes 
 terras in Clieut”).—7, Z 51. 
 h. de m. (miles archiepiscopi) tenet do 
 Archiepiscopo Salteode. —16, Z17. 
 Quando //.. de in. tenuit Burnes vale- 
 bat v solidos.—35, Z 36. 
 i dena, de dim. J. qua; remansit extra 
 divisionem h. de in. et jacuit in Be- 
 lice.—37, Z S. 
 
 7i. de m. tenet inde (Fanne) quod valet 
 xx solidos.—40, Z 34. 
 
 De isto M. (Betmontestun), tenet 
 7i. de m. inter silvam et pasturam, etc. 
 —40, Z 48. 
 
 iii denas qua! remanserunt extra divi¬ 
 sionem h. de m. de Pistinges M.— 
 41, Z 14. 
 
 Rotbertus de Romenel tenet de episeopo 
 dim. denam de M. Titentone quod 
 tenet h. de m. —42, Z13. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 85 
 
 MON 
 
 De isto M. (Ewelle) tenet It. de in. 
 xvii acres et unam denara.—42, Z 31. 
 
 De lioc M. (Wesclive) tenet h. de m. 
 ii molinos.—42, Z 36. 
 
 It. de m. habet caput Manerii (Ewelle). 
 —43, Z 2. 
 
 It. de m. tenet de episcopo i S. vacute 
 terra, extra divisionem suara, et ad- 
 jacuit Neventone M.—44, Z 2. 
 
 It. de m. tenet aliam partem (Hastin- 
 gelai) intra divisionem suam.—45, 
 
 zsi. 
 
 It. de m. habet ii J. (in Wi).—45,Z48. 
 
 Terra A. de m.— SO, Z1. 
 
 It. de m. tenet unum M. Estwelle. — 
 50, 11. 
 
 Tria J. sunt infra divisionem h. et 
 quartnm J. est extra.—50, l 3. 
 
 Ipse It. tenet Haintone de rege.—50, 
 Z 8. 
 
 Maigno tenet de h. Seivetone. —50, l 
 12 . 
 
 Maigno tenet de 1. Estefort. —50, l 
 16. 
 
 Ipse It . tenet Essella. —50, l 20. 
 
 Aliam Essetesfoud tenet Maigno de 
 1. —50, l 24. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet in Maresco de Romenel 
 i J.—50, Z 30. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet dim. J. quod tenuit 
 unus socbmannus. Hiec terra ap- 
 preciatur in Titentone quia illuc 
 arata est cum dominicis carrucis.— 
 50, Z 34. 
 
 Canonici S C1 M. de Dome ealuinniantur 
 super h. de m. terrain Etretone. — 
 50, Z 37. 
 
 Ipse h. tenet Estbrige in dominio.— 
 50, l 41. 
 
 Bertrannus tenet de A. dim. J. et dim. 
 virgarn (in Estbrige P).—50, l 47. 
 
 Herueus tenet de h. Blachemene- 
 stone.—50, l 49. 
 
 Isdem It. tenet in Maresco be Rome¬ 
 nel i S. dim. virga minus.—51, l 6. 
 
 Rogerius tenet de h. i J. in maresco de 
 Romenel.—51, l 8. 
 
 Rotbertus tenet de h. in eodem maresc 
 (Romenel) sextam partem uuius J. 
 —51, 1 11. 
 
 Rogerius tenet de 7i. Postinges. —51, 
 Z 14. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet dim. S. (in Postinges?) 
 quod Aldred Bot tenuit de rege E., 
 sine halla.—51, l 22. 
 
 Isdem A. tenet Belice. —51, l 26. 
 
 Ipse h. tenet terrain in Newecerce 
 Hundredo quain Azor Rot tenuit 
 de rege E. sine India.—51, l 30. 
 
 Ipse A. tenet dim. S. in Marescii de 
 Romenel.—51, Z 34. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet in ipso Maresch (Ro¬ 
 menel) i J.—51, l 37. 
 
 Ipse h. tenet Tintentone.—51, l 42. 
 
 Isdem h. tenet dim. J. (? in Tinten¬ 
 tone) quod tenuerunt v sochmanni. 
 —51, l 49. 
 
 Herueus tenet de Sedlinges. —52, 1 1. 
 
 Alnod tenet de It. IIortone et i J. 
 ibidem.—52, l 8. 
 
 Ipse A. tenet iii virgas et dim. in eodem 
 Lest (Limowast) quas tenueruut iii 
 sochmanni de rege E.—52, 1 15. 
 
 Willielmus tenet de h. iii J. et dim. 
 virgarn in Orlavestone. —52, 1 19. 
 
 Radulfus filius Ricardi tenet de h. dim. 
 S. in Rochinges.—52, l 24. 
 
 Radulfus tenet de A. IIortun. —52, l 
 29. 
 
 Hugo de Mannevile tenet de 7t. Es- 
 traites.—52, l 34. 
 
 Ansfridus tenet de 7. i J. quod tenuit 
 in eodem hundredo (Estraites) i 
 sochmannus de rege E.—52, l 39. 
 
 Rotbertus Cocus tenet de It. i J. quod 
 tenuit unus sochmannus.—52, l 43. 
 
 Gislebertus tenet de 7i. unum .7. (in 
 Langebrige Hundredo) quod te¬ 
 nuit quidam sochmannus dc rege E. 
 52, l 46. 
 
 De Etwelle quod tenet Herbertus fi¬ 
 lius Ivonis extra divisionem h. tenet 
 ipse 7t. xiiii acras infra suam divisio¬ 
 nem.—52, l 49. 
 
 MON 
 
 OID 
 
 Ipse h. de m. tenet Etwelle.—53, Z1. 
 
 o. tenet de hoc M. (Norborne) i S., 
 
 Ipse Jt. tenet Neventone.—53, Z 7. 
 
 et vocatur Bevesfel.—48, Z 26. 
 
 Modo (valet) xii libras quod habet It. 
 
 ORD1NC et ORDING. 
 
 intra divisionem suam.—53, Z 12. 
 
 ordinc de Hortone habuit sacham et 
 
 Tenet idem It. unam partem Jaonei 
 
 socam.—4, Z 4. 
 
 quie nichil reddit nee ad ullum M. 
 
 ording tenuit de rege dimidium S. in 
 
 jacuit sed est intra divisionem suam. 
 
 IIortun e.—24, Z 9. 
 
 et fuit de D. regis.—53, Z16. 
 
 ORDRIC. 
 
 In eodem hundredo (Bevsberge) habet 
 
 o. et Alurie, duo fratres, tenuerunt 
 
 Fulbertus de It. unum moliiium.—53, 
 
 Clive de rege E.—34, Z 37. 
 
 Z 18. 
 
 OSBERNUS. 
 
 Herfridus tenet de It. Poltone.—53, 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo Bocheland.—39, 
 
 Z19. 
 
 Z 25. 
 
 Isdem It. tenet Breburne.—53, Z 23. 
 
 Isdem o. tenet i J. de episcopo in eo¬ 
 
 Alia pars est extra divisionem It., et 
 
 dem M. (Bocheland).—39, Z 29. 
 
 earn tenet Episcopus Baiocensis.— 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo i J. et dim. in 
 
 53, Z 25. 
 
 eodem hundredo (Estrei).—43, Z 
 
 In hundredo de Certh tenet qufcdam 
 
 51. 
 
 femina de It. i virgarn.—53, Z 30. 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo unum M., quod 
 
 Ipse It. tenet dim. J. in Tepindene.— 
 
 tenuerunt iii liberi homines de rege 
 
 53, Z 32. 
 
 E. (in Estrei Hundredo?).—45, 
 
 Ipse A. tenet Siborne.—53, Z 36. 
 
 Z1. 
 
 Isdem It. habet dim. S. Svanetone.— 
 
 OSBERNUS FILIUS LETARDI (v. 
 
 53, Z 40. 
 
 FILIUS LETARDI). 
 
 Nigellns tenet de It. unum J. Et in 
 
 OSBERNUS PAISFORER (v. PAIS¬ 
 
 Aia vii acras.—53, Z'44. 
 
 FORER). 
 
 Willelmus filius Grosse tenet de/s. Bo- 
 
 OSBERTUS. 
 
 nintone.—53, Z 48. 
 
 o. tenet de Willelmo Filio Taum Alde- 
 
 Herueus tenet de It. Obtrepole.—54, 
 
 lose.—41, Z 21. 
 
 Z 3. 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo i J. et x acras iu 
 
 Ipse It. tenet dim. S. in HastingElie. 
 
 Masseberge.—44, Z 34. 
 
 —54, Z 15. 
 
 Isdem o. tenet de episcopo xv acras in 
 
 Modo tenet quidam homo de It. —54, Z 
 
 Esmetone.—44, Z 36. 
 
 17. 
 
 OSBERTUS, FILIUS LETARDI (v. 
 
 Ipse It. tenet in dominio i J. et dim. in 
 
 FILIUS LETARDI). 
 
 Tevf.gate.—54, Z 19. 
 
 OSIER et OSIAR. 
 
 De isto M. (in Wit Hundredo) tenet 
 
 o. tenuit Benindene de rege E.—42, 
 
 It. de tn. iii J. et dim.—55, Z 24. 
 
 Z 9. 
 
 o. tenuit Siborne de rege E.—53, Z 36. 
 
 [Sub titulo “ Terra ITvgmi.ii de 
 
 OSIERT. 
 
 Mon If art ” annotantur ut 
 
 o. tenuit (in Parent) i maneriura de 
 
 infra.-] 
 
 rege E.—23, Z 49. 
 
 OSTREIIAM, ROGERUS DE. 
 
 Heraklus tenet dim. S. unam virgarn 
 
 r. de o. fecit domum super aquam regis 
 
 minus. Sex sochmanni tenuerunt de 
 
 (in Douere).—2, Z 40. 
 
 rege E. . . . Et adhuc habet uuam 
 
 OSUUARDUS. 
 
 denain qum jacuit in Fane M. Adam. 
 
 o. de Nortone habuit sacham et socam. 
 
 —54, Z 9. 
 
 —4, Z 7. 
 
 Iu eodem hundredo est una virga terra 
 
 o. tenuit Hariardesham de rege E.— 
 
 in Svestone, quam tenuit unus soch¬ 
 
 29, Z 18. 
 
 mannus de rege E.—54, Z 23. 
 
 o. tenuit Alnoitone de rege E.—30, 
 
 MULLER. 
 
 Z 4. 
 
 Qiuedam m. tenuit Erclei.—22, Z 20. 
 
 o. tenuit Delce de rege E.—32, Z18. 
 
 NIGELLUS. 
 
 o. tenuit Hadone de rege E.—34, Z 
 
 ti. Medicus apud S cam Margaritam 
 
 41. 
 
 tenet i J. et dim.—5, Z 33. 
 
 o. tenuit Tunestelle de rege E.—35, 
 
 De hoc M. (Piteham) tenent Godefri- 
 
 Z 5. 
 
 dus et n. i S. et dim. et J.—12, Z 40. 
 
 o. tenuit Cerce.—35, Z 8. 
 
 n. tenet de Hugone unum J. Et in 
 
 o. tenebat Stepedone, T.R.E.—35, in 
 
 Aia vii acra.—53, Z 44. 
 
 rnargine. 
 
 NIGER, ROBERTUS. 
 
 o. tenuit Tangas.—35, Z12. 
 
 Willelmus filius Tedoldi et r. n. habent 
 
 De istis S. quos Hugo de Port habet 
 
 vi (mansuras in Doueke).—2, Z 30. 
 
 (? iu Tunestelle, Cerce, Stepe¬ 
 
 r. n. tenet i S. in S c “ Margarita.— 4, 
 
 done et- Tangas) tenuit o. v ad ga- 
 
 Z 43. 
 
 blum et iii S. et i J. et dim. quos 
 
 NORDTONE, OSUUARD DE. 
 
 abstulit Viliams regis.—35, Z13. 
 
 o. de n. liabuit sacham et socatn.—4, Z 6. 
 
 o. tenuit Nortone de rege E.—38, Z 
 
 NORMAN. 
 
 24. 
 
 n. alodiarius et quietus de relevatione.— 
 
 o. tenuit Herste de regeE.—39, Z 35. 
 
 3, Z 22. 
 
 o. tenuit Sedlinges de rege E.—52, 
 
 ti. tenuit Nedestede de rege E.—33, 
 
 Z 2. 
 
 Z 7. 
 
 OSUUARD VICECOMES. 
 
 n. tenuit dim. J. in Tepindene de rege 
 
 o. tunc v. prastitit ea (i. e. terras in 
 
 E.—53, Z 32. 
 
 Tarentefort) Alestan, T.R.E. pra- 
 
 n. tenuit dim. S. Svanetone de rege 
 
 posito Lundonim.—8, Z19. 
 
 E.—53, Z 40. 
 
 Quas isdem o. v. posuit extra M. per 
 
 n. tenuit Bonintone de rege E.—53, 
 
 quoddam vadimoniuin.—8, Z 27. 
 
 Z 49. 
 
 OTRINBERGE, LEURIC DE. 
 
 n. tenuit Marourde de rege E.—55, 
 
 Z. de o. habuit sacham et socam.—4, 
 
 Z 30. 
 
 Z 6. 
 
 n. tenuit Blehem de rege E—55,Z 37. 
 
 (OTRINBERGE, VLESTAN DE?) 
 
 ODELINUS. 
 
 v. (de o.I) liabuit sacham et socam.—4, 
 
 o. tenet de terra Villanorura (Norborne) 
 
 Z 6. 
 
 i S.—48, Z18. 
 
 OW, COMES DE. 
 
 ODO. 
 
 c. de o. De eodem M. (Aldinton) tenet 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo Gelingeham.— 
 
 Estotinghes pro i M.—14, Z 26. 
 
 31, Z 48. 
 
 c. de o. (miles arcbiepiscopi) tenet de 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo iu eadem Hadone 
 
 Arehiepiscopo Olecumbe.—15, Z 30. 
 
 i J.—34, Z 42. 
 
 c. de o. habet iiii denas de isto M. (Es- 
 
 Isdem o. tenet de episcopo Colinges. 
 
 LEDES).—29, Z 37. 
 
 —34, Z 44. 
 
 In hoc M. (Bilsvitone) misit episco¬ 
 
 OIDELARDUS. 
 
 pus Baiocensis iii denas, qum reman- 
 
 De terra Villanorum hujus M. (Nor- 
 
 serunt extra divisionem c. de o.—41, 
 
 borne) tenet o. i S.—48, Z 10. 
 
 Z 43. 
 
 OXE 
 
 OXENFORD, VLRIC. DE. 
 
 v. de u. habet viii acras in Cornelai 
 hundredo.—5, l 10. 
 
 PAISFORER, OSBERNUS. 
 
 o. paislforeire tenet in Lolingeston dim. 
 S. de episcopo.—23, l 15. 
 
 De eodem M. (Berham) dedit episco- 
 pus o. p. i S., etc.—37, l 44. 
 
 Hoc quod o. habet (valet) vi libras.— 
 37, Z49. 
 
 o. p. tenet de episcopo Palestrei.- — 
 41, l 27. 
 
 Isdem o. tenet de episcopo xii acras. 
 In Beusberge Hundredo. —41, i 
 32. 
 
 PEUREL, RANNULFUS. 
 
 r.p. tenet unam hidam in Exesse, 
 qute juste ad hoc M. (Celca) perti- 
 net.—34, l 7. 
 
 PICTAVENSIS, WILLELMUS. 
 
 w. p. tenet dim. S. et xii acras in Si- 
 bertesuualt ; et in ADDELAMdim. 
 S. xii acras minus.—5, 1 18. 
 
 PORT, HUGO DE. 
 
 It. de p. tenet Hagelei cum liiii acris 
 tens plus.—8 l 21. 
 
 De hoc M. (Middeltune) tenet 7t. de 
 p., etc.—9, Z 6 et 9. 
 
 De episcopo Baiocensi tenet It. de port A 
 Hagelei.—22, l 3. 
 
 7t. de p. tenet de episcopo Eisse.—22, 
 l 36. 
 
 Prater hoc habet It. duos homines te- 
 nentes dim. S. (in Eisse) qui pote- 
 rant T.lt.E. ire quolibet sine liceutiu. 
 22, l 40. 
 
 fi. de p. tenet de episcopo Pellesorde. 
 —27, L 14. 
 
 Isdein It. tenet de episcopo Riesce.— 
 27, l 20. 
 
 Isdein It. tenet de episcopo Ofeham.— 
 27, l 26. 
 
 7. de p. tenet Alnoitone.—29, l 48. 
 
 h. de p. tenet de episcopo Tun estelle 
 —35, 1 1. 
 
 It. de p. tenet de episcopo Cerce.—35, 
 
 l 6 . 
 
 Isdem ft. tenet de episcopo Stepedone. 
 —35, in rnargine. 
 
 Isdem It. tenet de episcopo Tangas.— 
 35, l 9. 
 
 De istis S. quos It. de p. habet (Pin 
 Tunestelle, Cerce, Stepedone, et 
 Tangas) tenuit Osuuardus v ad ga- 
 blum ct iii S. et i J. et dim. quos 
 abstulit Villanis regis.—35, l 13. 
 
 It. de porth tenet de episcopo Nortone. 
 —38, l 19. 
 
 It. de porth tenet de episcopo Herste. 
 —39, l 32. 
 
 7. de porth tenet de episcopo Pesinges 
 et Pi ham. —41, l 33. 
 
 PRESBYTER, EDUUI. 
 
 e.p. tenuit Palestrei de rege E.— 
 41, l 30. 
 
 RADULFUS. 
 
 r. tenet i S. in S e “ Margarita. —4, l 
 37. 
 
 In hae villa (S cus Martinus) tenet r. 
 dim. S. de arcliiepiseopo.—14, 1 15. 
 
 r. (Filius Turaldi) tenet de episcopo 
 Eddintone.—22, l 21. 
 
 r. tenet Warwintone de Abbate S cl A. 
 —46, l 40. 
 
 r. tenet de Hugone Hortun.—52, 1 29. 
 
 RADULFUS 1)E CUllBESPINE (v. 
 CURBESPINE). 
 
 RADULFUS DE SANCTA SANSON E 
 (v. S“ SANSONE). 
 
 RANNULFUS. 
 
 Hmc iii M. (IIardes, Stellinges, et 
 Burnes) episcopi Baioceusis tenet r. 
 ad firmam.—35, Z 37. 
 
 Terra cujusdam r. militis (in Beriiam) 
 valet xl solidos.—37, Z 49. 
 
 De isto M. (Ernoltun) tenet r. x 
 acras.—39, Z 7. 
 
 RANNULFUS DE COLUMBELS (v. 
 COLUMBELS). 
 
 RANNULFUS DE VALBADON (v. 
 VALBADON). 
 
 RAYNEIUJS. 
 
 De isto S. (Ferlaoa) tenet r. i J. de 
 episcopo in M. Pinpe. —32, Z 51. 
 
86 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 REG 
 
 REGINA EDDEUA. 
 
 Excepta terra e. r. — 6 , 7 32. 
 
 REGINA EDDID. 
 
 Sidgar tcnuit Newetone de r. e .— 56, 
 7 4. 
 
 REX (i.e. REX AVILLELMUS). 
 
 Terra r.~ 8,71. 
 
 r. habet (de Lolingestone) in manu 
 sua quod valet x solidos.—22, 7 50. 
 
 r. de isto M. (Lolingestone) babet 
 quod valet x solidos.—23, 7 4. 
 
 De hoc M. (Ebrlingeham) tenet r. 
 quod valet viii solidos.—23, 7 10. 
 
 r. liabet (in Lolingestone) silvara 
 pro novo dono episeopi.—23, 718. 
 
 r. habet de silva hujus M. (Ferninge- 
 ham) quod valet viii solidos.—23, 7 
 36. 
 
 r. habet de isto M. (Tarent) pro novo 
 dono episeopi quod valet x denarios. 
 —23, 7 42. 
 
 r. habet, pro novo dono episeopi, de 
 isto M. (Hortune) quod valet v so¬ 
 lidos.—24, 7 2. 
 
 Quod r. tenet de hoc M. (Lasela) .— 
 25, 7 10. 
 
 r. tenet (deLELEBURNE), pro novo dono 
 episeopi, quod valet, etc.—26, 7 33. 
 
 r. viii solidos et v denarios (in Atglessa) 
 pro novo dono episeopi.—27, 710. 
 
 r. habet de hoc M. (Pecheham) tres 
 deuas.—28, 7 50. 
 
 Do hoc M. (Cei.ca) est in manu r. 
 quod valet vii solidos, de novo dono 
 episeopi.— 34, 7 2. 
 
 Iltcc terra (Dene) est in manu r, — 
 41, 7 6 . 
 
 r. habet oinne servitium de 1 burgensi- 
 bus de Romenel.—41, 7 51. 
 
 Herbertus tenet ad firmam de r. Ringe- 
 tone, de I'eudo episeopi.—42, 7 17. 
 
 Abbas de Gand tenet de r. Levesham. 
 —49, 7 40. 
 
 REX E. 
 
 Tempore R. E. T.R.E., passim. 
 
 Habebat r. E. duas partes (Douere). 
 —2, l 3. 
 
 Esmellt capellanus r. E.—4, l 45. 
 
 In Civitate Cantuaria habuit r. E. li 
 burgenscs reddentes gabluiu, et alios 
 ccxii super quos habebat sacham et 
 socam et iii molendina.— 6 , l 1 . 
 
 Suas consuetudines quietas habuerint 
 r. E. tempore.— 6 , l 46. 
 
 Erant in firma r. E. (in Tarentefoiit) 
 dum viveret.—8, l IS. 
 
 (IIagelei) in firma r. [E.] remanebat. 
 Ita permansit et post mortem r. E. 
 — 8 , l 23. 
 
 Antequain r. E. dedisset ilium (Sand- 
 WIOe) S'” T.—10, l 8. 
 
 Tempore mortis r. E. non erat (Sand- 
 wice) ad firmam.— 10 , l 9. 
 
 Lestan tenuit de r. E.—22, l 24. 
 
 Eustan tenuit de r. E.—22, 7 30. 
 
 Siuuard tenuit de r. E.—22, l 35. 
 
 Godric tenuit de r. E.—22, l 45. 
 
 Brixe Gilt tenuit de r. E.—22, l 50. 
 
 Bruniug tenuit de r. E.—23, l 5. 
 
 Aluric tenuit de r. E.—23, l 44. 
 
 Osiert tenuit de r. E.—23, l 49. 
 
 Ording tenuit de r. [E.]—24, l 9. 
 
 Anschil de r. E. tenuit.—24, l 27. 
 
 Brixi Gilt tenuit de r. E.—24, l 32. 
 
 Aluuard tenuit de r. E.—24, l 38. 
 
 Tochi tenuit de r. E.—24, l 44. 
 
 Toli tenuit de r. E.—24, l 49. 
 
 Godric filius Gai-le tenuit de r. E.—25, 
 
 7 4. 
 
 Brixi Cilt tenuit de r. E.—25, 711. 
 
 Leuric tenuit de r. E.— 25,7 15. 
 
 Aluuoldus tenuit de r. [E.j—25, 7 33. 
 
 Anschil tenent de r. E.—25, 7 38. 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit de r. [E.]—25, 7 42. 
 
 Tenuemnt de r. [E.] ii fratres Goduin 
 et Aluuard.—25, 7 47. 
 
 Goduinus (sot) tenuit de r. E.—26, 7 2. 
 
 Aluuinus tenuit de r. E.—26, 7 7. 
 
 Sberne biga tenuit de r. E.—26, 716. 
 
 Anschil tenuit de r. E.—26, 7 26. 
 
 Sbern tenuit de r. E.—26, 7 47. 
 
 Godric tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 19. 
 
 Aluric tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 25. 
 
 Godric tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 30. 
 
 REX 
 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 41. 
 Goduinus tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 43. 
 Agelred tenuit de r. E.—27, 7 50. 
 Vlstan tenuit de r. E.—28, 7 24. 
 
 Sbern biga tenuit de r. E.—28, 7 39. 
 Eddeua tenuit de r. E.—29, 7 6 . 
 Eddeua tenuit de r. [E.]—29, 712. 
 Osunardus tenuit de r. E.—29, 7 18. 
 Leuuinus tenuit de r. E.—29, 7 29. 
 Goduuinus et Aluuinus tenuerunt de r. 
 E.—29, 7 43. 
 
 Elueua tenuit de r. E.—29, 7 47. 
 Osunardus tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 4. 
 Leuenot tenuit de r. E.—30,719. 
 Turgis tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 27. 
 Turgis tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 32. 
 Aluuardus tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 38. 
 Godric tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 42. 
 Eddid tenuit de r. E.—30, 7 48. 
 Eduuinus tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 9. 
 Vluiet tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 16. 
 
 Vluiet tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 20. 
 Aluuinus tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 25. 
 Sbern biga tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 43. 
 Sbern biga tenuit de r. E.—31, 7 47. 
 Godricus tenuit de r. E.—32, 714. 
 Osunardus tenuit de r. E.—32, 718. 
 Anschil tenuit de r. E.—32, 7 22. 
 Godricus tenuit de r. E.—32, 7 45. 
 Alnodus tenuit de r. [E.]—32, 7 50. 
 Alnod cilt tenuit de r. E.—33, 7 2. 
 Norman tenuit de r. E.—33, 7 7. 
 Leuena tenuit de r. E.—33, 713. 
 
 Godil tenuit de r. E.—33, 719. 
 Ednuardus tenuit de r. E.—33, 7 25. 
 Duo fratres tenuerunt de r. E. Aluric 
 et Oniric.—34, 7 37. 
 
 Osunardus tenuit de r. E.—34, 7 41. 
 God tenuit de r. E.—34, 7 46. 
 Vluuurdus tenuit de r. E.—34, 7 50. 
 Osuuard tenuit de r. E.—35, 7 5. 
 Eduinus tenuit de r. E.—35, 7 25. 
 Alret tenuit de r. E.—35, 7 29. 
 
 Leuinc tenuit de r. E.—35, 7 34. 
 
 Azor tenuit de r. E.—35, 7 42. 
 
 Tenuit Aluredus biga de r. E.—35, 7 
 
 51. 
 
 Tenuit Edericus de r. E.—37, 7 7. 
 Alnod cit tenuit de r. E.—37, 7 23. 
 Tenuerunt ii liberi homines de r. E.— 
 37, 7 29. 
 
 Vluric tenuit de r. E.—37, 7 34. 
 
 Fuit de dominion firma r. E.—37, 7 50. 
 Ednuardus tenuit de r. E.—38, 7 5. 
 VIsi tenuit de r. E.—38, 7 S. 
 
 Turgis tenuit de r. E.—3S, 714. 
 Osuuardus tenuit de r. E.—38, 7 24. 
 Sired tenuit de r. E.—3S, 7 33. 
 
 Bumod de r. E. tenuit.—39, 7 6 . 
 
 Wlui tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 20. 
 
 Vlueua tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 23. 
 Seuuardus tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 28. 
 Leuuardus tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 31. 
 Osuuardus tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 35. 
 Leuuold tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 39. 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—39, 7 45. 
 
 Turgot tenuit de r. E.—40, 7 3. 
 
 Vnlot tenuit de r. E. et potuit ire quo 
 voluit cum terra.—40, 7 8 . 
 
 Sired tenuit de r. E.—40, 7 14. 
 
 Sired tenuit de r. E.—40, 7 20. 
 
 Vluiet tenuit de r. E.—40, 7 23. 
 Godricus teuuit de r. E.—40, 7 29. 
 AVerelin tenuit de r. [E.]—40, 7 39. 
 Leuret de Eochinge tenuit de r. E.— 
 40, 7 44. 
 
 Aiirious tenuit de r. E.—40, 7 50. 
 Tenuerunt ATnod, et \A r ana, et Aluuard, 
 et Vlucron de r. E.—41, 7 7. 
 
 Sbern biga tenuit de r. E.—41, 713. 
 Alrec tenuit de r. E.—41, 7 20. 
 
 Godric tenuit de r. E.—41, 7 25. 
 
 Eduui presbyter teuuit de r. E.—41,7 
 30. 
 
 Osier tenuit de r. E.—42, 7 9. 
 Eduuardus tenuit de r. E.—42, 7 22. 
 Edrieus de Alham tenuit de r. E.—42, 
 
 7 30. 
 
 Edrieus tenuit de r. E.—42, 7 37. 
 Leuuinus tenuit de r. E.—42, 7 46. 
 Quidam Altet qui tenuit de r. E. ii 
 acras in alodium.—42, 7 47. 
 
 Molleue teuuit de r. E.—42, 7 53. 
 Molleue tenuit de r. E.—43,7 3. 
 
 REX 
 
 Coloen tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 10. 
 Ascored tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 14. 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—43,718. 
 
 Boche tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 21. 
 Tenuerunt v teigni de r. E.—43, 7 30. 
 Eduuardus tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 35. 
 Godesa tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 39. 
 Elmer tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 46. 
 
 Eddid tenuit de r. E.— 43 , 7 50. 
 Ernold tenuit de r. E.—43, 7 54. 
 
 Tres teigni tenuerunt de r. E.—44, 7 
 
 11 . 
 
 Goduuinus tenuit de r. E. et alii v. 
 
 teigni.—44, 7 15. 
 
 Godricus tenuit de r. E.—44, 7 21. 
 Edrieus de Alham tenuit de r. E.—44, 
 7 29. 
 
 Tochi tenuit de r. E.—44,7 31. 
 Goduinus tenuit de r. E.—44, 7 35. 
 Sired tenuit de r. E.—44, 7 38. 
 Wluuardus tenuit de r. E. —44, 7 44. 
 Bernoltus tenuit de r. E.—44, 7 47. 
 Molleue tenuit de r. E.—44, 7 51. 
 Quod tenueruut iii liberi homines de r. 
 E.—45, 7 1. 
 
 A r luuic tenuit de r. E.—45, 7 9. 
 Molleue tenuit de r. E.—45, 7 14. 
 Molleue tenuit de r. E.—45,716. 
 Molleue tenuit de r. E.—45, 718. 
 Quod tenuerunt ii liberi homines de r. 
 
 E. in Bocheland.—45, 7 21. 
 
 Quod tenuit Vlnod de r. E.—45, 7 30. 
 Hujus burgi (Forewtc) duas partes 
 dedit r. E. S“ A.—47, 714. 
 
 Abbas de Gand tenet de r. Levesham, 
 et de r. E. tenuit.—49, 7 40. 
 
 Quod tenuit Frederic de r. E.—50,71. 
 Vlsi presbyter tenuit de r. E.—50, 7 8 . 
 Bresibalt tenuit de r. E.—50, 712. 
 
 Tres homines tenuerunt de r. E. et po- 
 tuerunt ire quolibet cum terris suis. 
 —50, 7 20. 
 
 AYirelmus tenuit de r. E.—50, 7 24. 
 Adelelmus tenuit de r. E.—50, 7 48. 
 Aldred hot tenuit de r. E.—51, 7 22. 
 Turgis tenuit de r. E.—51, 7 26. 
 
 Azor Rot tenuit de r. E.—51, 7 31. 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—51, 7 43. 
 Osuuard tenuit de r. E.—52, 7 2. 
 Leuuinus tenuit de r. E.—52, 7 9. 
 Tenuerunt m sochmanni de r. E.—52, 
 
 7 16. 
 
 Leuret tenuit de r. E.—52, 7 25. 
 
 Duo sochmanni tenuerunt de r. E.— 
 52, 7 30. 
 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—52, 7 35. 
 
 Tenuit i sochmaunus de r. E.—52, 7 
 40. 
 
 Tenuit quidam sochmannus de r. E.— 
 
 52, 7 47. 
 
 Edericus tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 7. 
 
 Est unus sochmannus tenens xvi acras, 
 et ipse idem tenuit de r. E.—53, 
 713. 
 
 Vluuinus tenuit de r. E.—53, 719. 
 Godricus de Burnes teuuit de r. E.— 
 
 53, 7 23. 
 
 i sochmannus tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 31. 
 Tenuit Norman de r. E.—53, 7 32. 
 Osiar tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 36. 
 
 Norman tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 41. 
 i sochmannus tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 45. 
 Norman tenuit de r. E.—53, 7 49. 
 Alrebot tenuit de r. E.—54, 7 3. 
 
 Sex sochmanni tenuerunt de r. E.— 
 
 54, 7 10. 
 
 Vlnod tenuit de r. E.—54, 7 16. 
 
 God tenuit de r. E.—54, 7 20. 
 
 Tenuit i sochmannus de r. E.—54,7 24. 
 Goduuinus Comes tenuit de r. E.—54 
 7 28. 
 
 Aldret tenuit de r. E.—55, 7 2. 
 
 Alret tenuit de r. E.—55, 710. 
 Willelmus accipitrarius tenuit de r. E. 
 —55, 7 27. 
 
 Norman tenuit de r. E.—55, 7 30. 
 Norman tenuit de r. E.—55, 7 37 
 REX WILLELMUS. 
 
 QuandoW. r. in angliam venit.—2,719. 
 Tempore r. AV. (T.R.W.)— 6 , 7 44. 
 r. AV. (annotatin' inter “Teuentes Ter¬ 
 ras in Ghent”).—7, 7 50. 
 r. AV. tenet Tarrntefort.— 8 , 7 3. 
 r. AV. tenet Elesford. — 8 , 7 32. 
 
 REX 
 
 r. AV. tenet Middeltone.—8, 7 43. 
 r. AV. tenet Favreshant. —9,719. 
 Regnante AV. r. —21, 7 37. 
 
 Tenet ad firmam de r. AV. in Leuebcrge 
 i J. et v acras.—43,719. 
 
 Annuente rege AV.—47,716. 
 RICARDUS. 
 
 r. homo urchiepiscopi tenet de eo Leve- 
 LANT.—15, 7 43. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de archiepiscopo Gra- 
 VENEB.—15, 7 46. 
 
 r. tenet (de Fulchestan) lviii acras. 
 —36, 7 47. 
 
 r. tenet de episcopo Rongostone. — 
 40, 7 21. 
 
 RICARDUS FILIUS GISLEBERTI (v. 
 
 FILIUS GISLEBERTI). 
 RICULFUS. 
 
 r. tenet de Adam in IIamolde dim. J. 
 de feudo episeopi.—42, 7 23. 
 ROBERTUS. 
 
 Isdem r. habet dim. S. in Cornilai Ilun- 
 dredo.— 5, 7 2. 
 
 r. modo tenet Testan ad firmam.—33, 
 7 20. 
 
 r. tenet Benedestede ad firmam.— 
 33, 7 26. 
 
 De hac terra (in Walwalesere) habet 
 r. dim. S.—44, 7 42. 
 rotbertus tenet de Hngone in eodem 
 Maresc (Romenel) sextain partem 
 unius J.—51, 7 11. 
 
 rolberlus Cocus tenet de Hugone (? in 
 Estraites) i J. quod tenuit i soeh- 
 mannus.—52, 7 43. 
 
 ROBERTUS LATINUS (v. sub LA- 
 T1NUS). 
 
 ROBERTUS NIGER (v. sub NIGER). 
 ROBERTUS DE ROMENEL (v. sub 
 ROMENEL). 
 
 ROCH1NGE DE LEURET. 
 
 7. de r. tenuit Cumbe de rege E.—40, 
 
 7 44. 
 
 ROGERIUS. 
 
 r. tenet de Ilugone i J. in Maresco de 
 Romenel.—51, 7 8. 
 
 r. tenet de Hugone Posttnges.—51,7 
 14. 
 
 ROGERUS DE OSTREHAM. 
 
 r. de o. fecit domum super aquam regis 
 in Douere.—2, 7 40. 
 
 ROMENEL, ROTBERTUS DE. 
 r. de r. habet duas, (mansuras in 
 Docere). —2, 7 27. 
 r. de r. aufert eis, singidis annis, xx 
 denarios, etc.—7, 7 40. 
 r. de r. tenet Merclesham et IIano- 
 chesten, quod ei canonici (S d M.) 
 calumniantur semper.—7, 7 45. 
 r. de r. (miles urchiepiscopi) tenet de 
 archiepiscopo Lamport. —16, 7 30. 
 r. de r. tenet de episcopo Afbttone. 
 —41, 7 46. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo in Maresco 
 dim. S.-—41, 7 49. 
 
 Isdem r. habet 1 burgenses in burgo de 
 Romenel, et de eis habet Rex omne 
 semtium.—-41, 7 51. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo dim. S. in 
 Maresco.—42, 7 2. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo Benindene. 
 —42, 7 6. 
 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo dim. J. in 
 Adilovtesbrige liundredo.—42, 7 9. 
 Isdem r. tenet de episcopo dim. denam 
 de M. Tttentone quod tenet Hugo 
 de Montfort.—42,7 13. 
 
 ROS, ANSCHITILLUS DE. 
 a. de r. tenet Tarent de episcopo.— 
 23, 7 39. 
 
 In eadem villa (Tarent) habet isdem 
 a. i M. de episcopo. — 23, 7 45. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo IIortone. 
 —23, 7 50. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo in eodem 
 M. (Hortune) dim. S.— 24, 7 6. 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo in eodem 
 M. (Hortune) i S.— 24,710. 
 a. de r. tenet de episcopo Craie. —25, 
 
 7 12. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo aliam Craie. 
 —25, 716. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de ipso M. (Ilov) iii S. 
 —32, 7 37. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 ROS 
 
 a. de r. tenet de feudo episcopi Acres, 
 quod tenuerunt duo fratres, et quis- 
 que liabuit haulam.—45, 7 24. 
 
 ROS, GOISFRIDUS DE. 
 
 g. de r. tenet de episcopo Lasela.— 
 25,7 5. 
 
 g. de r. tenet Lolingestone. — 22, 7 
 46. 
 
 g. de r. tenet de episcopo Oteham.— 
 31, 7 21. 
 
 De terra hujus M. (Newetone) tenet 
 g. de r. unum J.—56, 7 23. 
 
 ROT, AZOR. 
 
 a. r. tenuit terrain in Newecerce 
 hundredo, de rege E. sine halla. — 
 51, 7 31. 
 
 ROUECESTRE, ANSGOTUS DE. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de episcopo Mapledes- 
 camp.—22, 7 26. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de episcopo Bacheham. 
 —26, 7 22. 
 
 a. de r. teuet de episcopo Audintone. 
 —29, 7 39. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Stociiinge- 
 berge.—29, 7 44. 
 
 a. de r. tenet de episcopo Delce. — 32, 
 
 715. 
 
 Isdem a. tenet de episcopo Stoches. 
 —32, 719. 
 
 a. de r. tenet Hanehest.—34, 7 30. 
 
 ROUECESTRE, EPISCOPUS DE (v. 
 
 sub EPISCOPUS). 
 
 S“ AUDOENO, BERNARDUS DE. 
 
 b. de s eo a. tenet (de Fulchestan) iiii 
 S.—36, 7 40. 
 
 S CU9 AUGUSTINUS (v. etiam sub 
 ABBAS). 
 
 Excepta terai s ci a. —3,718. 
 
 Excepta terra s'* a. —3, 7 32. 
 
 Excepta terra fficclesite s ci a. — 6 , 7 32. 
 
 Oonsuetudines in terra s ci a. — 6 , 7 43. 
 
 abbaiia s ci a. (annotatur inter “Teneutes 
 Terras in Client”).—7, l 56. 
 
 Terra Ecclesim s ci a .—46, 1 1. 
 
 a. x ci a. liabet unum M. nomine Pldji- 
 STEDE.—46, l 3. 
 
 Hujus burgi (Eorewic) ii partes dedit 
 rex E. s c " a. Terciam vero partem 
 qua; fuerat Goduini comitis, Episco- 
 pus Baiocensis concessit eidem sanclo 
 annuente rege W. —47, 1 14. 
 
 Ibidem (Eorewic) sunt xxiiii acrae 
 quas semper liabuit s‘" s a. —47, l 20. 
 
 In bin-go (Fouewic) tenet archiepi- 
 scopus Lanfrancus vii inasuras teme 
 qine T.R.E. serviebant s co a. —47, l 
 22 . 
 
 Juxta civitatem Cantuariam liabet 
 s cm a. dim. S.— 47, l 24. 
 
 Reddit inde (ASlvetone) s ao a. c dena- 
 rios per annum.—49, 7 9. 
 
 Godessa dedit iude (/Elvetone) s cn a. 
 xxv denarios in elemosina unoquoque 
 anno.—49, 7 11. 
 
 In hundredo de Estrei liabet s cus a. 
 iii virgas terra;.—49, 1 13. 
 
 Cum his iiii S. liabet s cm a. i J. (in 
 Cbenetone) quieten ab omni scoto 
 regio.—49, l 29. 
 
 Scyra testilicatur quod Bedenesmere 
 fuit s ci a. T.R.E.—49, 7 37. 
 
 S ™ 9 MARTINUS. 
 
 Canonici de s eo in. habebant medietatem 
 (redditus de Douere).—2, 1 4. 
 
 Excepta terra s ci in. —3, 718. 
 
 Excepta terra s ci in. —3, l 32. 
 
 Terra canonicorum s ci m. —4, 7 8 . 
 
 lTaliebant canonici de s c0 in. xxi S., etc. 
 —4, 7 10. 
 
 T.R.E. erant prebenda; (s cf m.) com¬ 
 munes ... modo sunt divisa; per sin- | 
 gulos.—4, 715. 
 
 Possessio s. in. — 7,1 1. 
 
 iii canonici s ci m., i. e. Sired, Godric et 
 Seuuen, liabeut simul i S. et xvi 
 acras.—7, 7 2. 
 
 In Stret hundredo jacet i S. de Sta- 
 netdeste (terra s ci in.). —7,7 7. 
 
 In Bilesold hundredo i S. de Stane- 
 stede (terra s ci in .).— 7,7 9. 
 
 In Brensete (habent) paululum terra;. 
 —7,7 13. 
 
 Ilia iiii S. habent canonici s ei in. in 
 communitate.—7, 7 15. 
 
 SAN 
 
 Terra Nordeuuode, et Ripe, et Brandet 
 reddunt xx solidos et vi denarios ad 
 s c ‘ m. in elemosina.—7, 7 18. 
 
 In Inland s ci in. mauent, etc.—7, 7 
 19. 
 
 S c " Margarita reddit (s c0 in.) viii li¬ 
 bras.—7, 7 20. 
 
 (Habet) Tkeloneum de Douere.—7, 7 
 
 21. 
 
 iii ajcclesice apud Doueram reddunt 
 (*™ m.) xxxvi solidos et viii dena¬ 
 rios.—7, 7 22. 
 
 i pastura in Sibertesuualt reddit 
 (s ct> in.) xvi denarios.—7, 7 24. 
 
 s : " s ii. habet x molendina et dim.—7, 
 7 25. 
 
 Apud Scortebroc i pastura reddit 
 (tt c0 in.) ii solidos.—7, 7 28. 
 
 In communi terra s c0 m. sunt cccc acne 
 et dim.—7, 7 31. 
 
 De pastura Medrecltue et de liortis 
 Douere exeunt (s™ in.) ix solidi et 
 iiii denarii.—7, 7 33. 
 
 (s cus in. habet) apud Ripam c acras, et 
 apud Noruende 1 acras, et c acras 
 apud Brand.—7, 7 34. 
 
 Rannulfus de Columbels aufert eis unum 
 pratum.—7, 7 40. 
 
 Rotbertus de Romenel aufert eis, sin¬ 
 gulis annis, xx denarios et i salinam 
 et i piscariam.—7, 7 40. 
 
 Herbertus lilius Ivonis dedit episco]io 
 Baiocensi markam auri pro i molino 
 eorura (canonicorum s' 1 ' in.), nolenti- 
 bus illis. Lanbertus i molinum. Wa- 
 dard i molinum. EadiUfus de Cur- 
 bespine unum.—7, 7 42. 
 
 Alnod, per violentiam Heraldi, abstulit 
 s e0 in. Merclesuam et Hauoche- 
 
 STAN. 
 
 Canonici calumniantur terrain Et re¬ 
 tone super llugonem de Mont fort. 
 —50, 7 38. 
 
 S m9 MARTINUS DE LOCO BELLI 
 
 (v. BATAILGE). 
 
 S cu9 PETRUS DE GAND (v. GAND). 
 
 S“ SANSONE, RADULFUS DE. 
 
 r. de s. tenet i M. Cerlentone in pre- 
 benda.—4,717. 
 
 SANCTA TRINITAS. 
 
 Excepta terra d* t .—3, 718. 
 
 Excepta terra s'" 7.—3, 7 32. 
 
 Excepta terra tecclesiie .v™ t. —6, 7 32. 
 
 Consuetudines in terra S'" 7.—6, 7 43. 
 
 Antequam rex Edu ardos dedisset ilium 
 (Sandwice) s'" 7.—10, 7 8. 
 
 SBERN. 
 
 s. tenuit Dictune de rege E.—26, 7 
 
 46. 
 
 SBERN BIGA. 
 
 xi masuras (in Cantuaria) qua; fue- 
 runt s. b. —6, 7 30. 
 
 s. b. tenuit de rege E. Chestan.—26, 
 
 716. 
 
 s. b. tenuit Berlinge de rege E.—28, 
 
 7 39. 
 
 s. b. tenuit Turneham de rege E.—31, 
 
 7 43- 
 
 Tenuit Fereburne de rege E. —31,7 
 
 47. 
 
 s. b. tenuit Piventone de rege E. — 
 41, 7 12. 
 
 Hoc M. (Warwintone) tenuit Edricus 
 de s. b. —46, 7 40. 
 
 s. b. tenuit Postinges.—51, 7 14. 
 
 SEUUARDUS. 
 
 s. tenuit Bocheland de rege E. —39, 
 
 7 27. 
 
 SEUUART SOT. 
 
 s. s. tenuit (Lolingeston) T.R.E. et 
 potuit se vertere cum terra sua quo 
 voluit.—23, 7 20. 
 
 SEUUEN. 
 
 s. canonicus S oi M.—7, 7 3. 
 
 SEUUOLD. 
 
 s. tenuit Macheiievet T.R.E. —39,7 
 
 10 . 
 
 SIDGAR (v. SIGAR). 
 
 SIGAR. 
 
 T.R.E. tenuit s. in prebenda i S. in S ca 
 Margarita.—4, 7 48. 
 
 s. tenet i J. et dim. in Sibertesuualt. 
 Pater ipsius, T.R.E. tenuit in pre¬ 
 benda.—5, 7 30. 
 
 SIG 
 
 sidgar tenuit Newetone de regina 
 Eddid.—56, 7 4. 
 
 signr reddebat apud Mildetone ave- 
 ram.—56, 7 IS. 
 
 SIRED et SIRET. 
 
 T.R.E. 8. tenuit i S. in Cerlenton e, 
 et i monasterium in Douere.—4,7 
 24. 
 
 8. liabet i S. in S“ Margarita. T.R.E. 
 pater ejus tenuit in prebenda.—4, 7 
 
 34. 
 
 T.R.E. tenuit s. in Ferlingelai i S. 
 in prebenda.—5, 7 38. 
 
 8. canonicus S ci M.—7, 7 3. 
 
 Dim. S. libera; tcrne (in Wiciieiiam) 
 quam s. tenuit de Aluredo Biga.— 
 36, 7 1. 
 
 s. tenuit Cileham de rege E.—38, 7 
 33. 
 
 8. tenuit Eslinges de rege E.— 40, 7 
 14. 
 
 8. tenuit Dodeham de rege E.— 40, 7 
 20 . 
 
 Lefstan, et Leuuin, et Eluret et .s., et 
 alii ii tenuerunt Pesinges et Pi iia.m 
 T.R.E., et poternnt ire quolibet cum 
 terris sms.—41, 7 36. 
 
 s. tenuit xv acras in Esmetone de rege 
 E.—44, 7 38. 
 
 SIRET DE C1LLEHAM. 
 
 s. de c. alodiarius et quietus de releva- 
 tione.—3, 7 21. 
 
 Excepta terra s. de c. — 6 , 7 33. 
 
 SIUUARD. 
 
 8. tenuit Redlege de rege E.—22, 7 
 
 35. 
 
 SPIRITES. 
 
 T.R.E. tenuit s. i J. et dim. apud S cnm 
 Margaritam in prebenda.—5, 7 35. 
 
 STIGANDUS, ARCI11EP1SCOPUS. 
 
 s. a. tenuit i S. in Addelam. — 5,7 12. 
 
 Hoc M. (Berham) tenuit s. a. sed non 
 
 crat de archiepiscopatii ; sed fuit de 
 dominica finna regis E.—37, 7 50. 
 
 SUDTONE, LEUENOT DE. 
 
 7. de 8. habuit sacliam et socam.—4, 
 7 5. 
 
 TAIIUM, F1LIUS WILLELMI. 
 
 /. m. t. teuet de episcopo Deuce.—32, 
 7 10. 
 
 T1NEL, TURSTINUS. 
 
 I. 1. et uxor ejus tenent ad firmam de 
 rege W. in Leueberge i J. et v 
 acras.—43, 719. 
 
 TOC HI. 
 
 7. tenuit de rege E. Ciresfel. — 24,7 
 44. 
 
 t. tenuit i J. in Wanesberge de rege 
 E.—44, 7 31. 
 
 TOLL 
 
 7. tenuit de rege E. Sudcrai. — 24, 7 
 49. 
 
 7. ct Goduuin lilius Carli, lianc terrain 
 (Hecham) tenuerunt pro ii M.—34, 
 
 714. 
 
 TONEBEIGE DE, RICARDUS 
 
 II. de T. (annotatur inter) “ Tcnentes 
 Terras in Client.”—7, 7 53. 
 
 [Otefort] R. de T. quod in sua leuga 
 tenet.—10, 7 32. 
 
 [Norfluet] R. de T. quod tenet in sua 
 leuga.—11,718. 
 
 [Broteiiam] R. de T. quod tenet in 
 sua leuga.—11, 7 33. 
 
 [Forningeham] 11. de T. de eadem 
 silva tantundein habet in sua leuua. 
 —15, 7 5. 
 
 [Elesford] tenet R. de T. tantum silva; 
 unde exire possunt xx porch—15, 7 
 14. 
 
 [Peciieiiam] de eadem M. tenet R. 
 de T. ii S. et unum J.—17, 715. 
 
 [Mepeham] R. de T. habet in sua 
 leuga quod valet xviii solidos et vi 
 denarios. Silvam xx porcorum.— 
 17, 7 29. 
 
 [Ferlaga] quod R. tenet in sua leuga 
 (valet) iiii libras.—17, 7 40. 
 
 De isto Manerio (Sudfleta) est in T. 
 tantum de silva et de terra quod ap¬ 
 preciate xx solidis.—20, 7 8 . 
 
 [Estanes] R. de T. teuet de isto M. 
 tantum silva; quod valet xv solidos. 
 —20, 715. 
 
 TON 
 
 [IIai.t.inges] Quod Ricardua tenet in 
 sua leuua valet vii solidos.—21,713. 
 
 [Frandesberie] quod R. tenet in sua 
 leuua valet x solidos.—21, 7 19. 
 
 [Svinescamp] de silva hujus M. tenet 
 Ricardua in sua leuua quod valet iiii 
 solidos.—22, 7 15. 
 
 [Redlege] una dena silva; quam tenet 
 R. de I— 22,7 33. 
 
 [Eisse] quod R. tenet de T. xl solidis 
 appreciate.—22, 7 43. 
 
 [Lasela] R. de T. quod tenet in leuua 
 sua appreciate vi libris.—25, 7 9. 
 
 [Leleburne] R. de T. tenet in sua 
 leuua quod valet xxiiii solidos—26, 
 7 32. 
 
 [Aiglessa] Ricardus quod tenet in sua 
 leuua, xv denarios.—27, 710. 
 
 [Meletune] R. quod tenet in sua leuua, 
 v solidos in una silva.—28, 7 6. 
 
 [Ledesdune] R. quod habet in sua 
 leuua xx denarios.—28, 7 12. 
 
 [Ofeham] R. de T. quod tenet xi soli¬ 
 dos valet.—28. 7 31. 
 
 R. de T. tenet de episcopo Haslov.— 
 29, 7 2. 
 
 R, de T. de episcopo Tivedele.—29, 
 
 710 . 
 
 De hoc M. [Hov] tenet R. de T. i S. et 
 silvam xx porcorum.—32, 7 32. 
 
 [Litelbroteham] R.de T. habet in sua 
 leuua quod valet xiii solidos.—33,746. 
 
 [Colin ge] R. de T. quod habet in sua 
 leuua valet vii solidos.—34, 7 19. 
 
 R. de T. tenet Hallinges.—55, 7 2. 
 
 Isdem Ricardua tenet Berjielinge.— 
 55,710. 
 
 TURBATUS. 
 
 t. tenet dim. S. in S ca Margarita. — 
 5,71. 
 
 TURGIS. 
 
 7. alodiarius et quietus de relevatione.— 
 3, 7 21. 
 
 Hoc M. (Leleburne) tenuit 7. de Go- 
 duino Coraite.—26, 7 35. 
 
 7. tenuit Bogelei de rege E.—30, 7 
 27. 
 
 7. tenuit Langvelei de rege E. —30, 
 
 7. tenuit Ore de rege E.—38, 714. 
 
 7. tenuit Stanefelle de Goduino Co- 
 mite.—38, 7 18. 
 
 7. tenuit Estefort de Goduino Co¬ 
 mite.—50, 7 16. 
 
 7. tenuit Belice de rege E. —51, 7 26. 
 
 TURGOD et TURGOT. 
 
 7. tenuit Nordeslinge T.R.E.—39, 7 
 49. 
 
 turgot tenuit i J. in Bocheland de 
 rege E.—40, 7 3. 
 
 TURSTINUS. 
 
 7. tenet in Ospringes i J. —38, 7 42. 
 
 7. tenet de episcopo Chenoltone. — 
 43, 7 33. 
 
 7. tenet de episcopo Ticheteste.—44, 
 7 26. 
 
 Isdem 7. tenet de episcopo i Jugum in 
 Wanesberge.—44, 7 30. 
 
 Isdem 7. tenet de episcopo i Jugum in 
 Ece.—44, 7 32. 
 
 TURSTINUS, GLRUNDE DE. 
 
 7. de g. tenet in Bochelande i J. de 
 episcopo.—40,71. 
 
 TURSTINUS TINEL. 
 
 7. 7. et uxor ejus tenent ad firmam de 
 rege W. in Leueberge i J. et v 
 acras.—43, 7 19. 
 
 ULRIC (v. etiam VLURIC etVLURET). 
 
 it. tenet i J. in Gocistone.—4, 7 30. 
 
 vine de Oxenford habet viii acras in 
 Cornelai hundredo. —5,710. 
 
 VALBADON, RANNULFUS DE. 
 
 r. de v. tenet dim. J. in IIamestede 
 quod tenuerunt ii liberi homines de 
 rege E. in Bocheland.—45, 7 20. 
 
 r. de v. tenet i J. (de Nouborne).— 
 48, 7 24. 
 
 VITAL1S. 
 
 De hoc M. (Nortone) tenet t>. iii S. et 
 iJ. ctxii acras.—12, 7 28. 
 
 v. tenet de episcopo Sifletone.—26, 
 
 7 48. 
 
 v. de episcopo tenet Soaneclive.—38, 
 
 7 1. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES. 
 
 YIT 
 
 o. tenet de episcopo i J. in eodem bun. 
 dredo (Witenestaplf,). —38, 7 6. 
 
 v. de hoc M. (Prestetcne) tenet i S. 
 et dim. J.—49, 7 1. 
 
 Quod v. tenet c solidos valet.—49, 7 4. 
 
 VLESTAN (DE OTRINBERGE?). 
 
 v. de o. habuit sacliam et socam.—4, l 6. 
 
 VLNOD. 
 
 o. tenuit Totiktune de rege E.—27, 
 7 41. 
 
 v. tenuit Trevelai de rege E.—39, 7 
 45. 
 
 Iianc terrain (Dene) tcnuenint v., et 
 Wana, et Aluuard et Vlueron de rege 
 E.—41, 7 7. 
 
 v. tenuit Brociiestelle de rege E.— 
 43,718. 
 
 v. tenuit Hastingelai de rege E.— 
 45, 7 30. 
 
 v. tenuit Tintentone de rege E.— 
 51, 7 42. 
 
 v. tenuit Estraites de rege E.—52, 7 
 35. 
 
 v. tenuit dim. S. in Hastingelie de 
 rege E.—54, 7 16. 
 
 VLRIC (v. ULltlC). 
 
 VLSI. 
 
 v. tenuit i J. in eodem liundredo (Wite- 
 n estaple) de rege E.— 38, 7 8. 
 
 v. presbyter tenuit IIaintone de rege 
 E.—50, 7 8. 
 
 VLSTAN et VLTAN. 
 
 »., fllins Yluuin, tenet i S. in Siber- 
 TESUUALT.—5, 7 44. 
 
 vllan tenuit Maplescamp sub lleraldo. 
 —23, 7 32. 
 
 v. tenuit Notestede de rege E.—28, 
 7 24. 
 
 VLUERON. 
 
 Iianc terrain (Dene) tenuerunt Vlnod, 
 et Wana, et Aluuard et v. de rege E. 
 —41, 7 7. 
 
 VLU 
 
 VLUEUA. 
 
 v. tenuit Perie de rege E.—39, 7 24. 
 VLUIET. 
 
 v. tenuit Wincheeesmere de rege E. 
 
 et potuit ire quo libuit.—31, 7 16. 
 v. tenuit Estselve de rege E.—31, 7 
 20 . 
 
 v. tenuit Rongostone de regeE.—40, 
 7 23. 
 
 VLURET. 
 
 In hoc M. (Hagelei) tenet v. xx 
 acrns, nee pertinet ad iUud M., neque 
 potuit habere doiniuum nisi regem. 
 —22, 7 8 . 
 
 VLURIC (v. etiam ULRIC). 
 v. tenuit Elentun de Alnod Cilt.— 26, 
 7 41. 
 
 v. tenuit (Ofeiiam) de Alnod Cilt.— 
 28, 7 32. 
 
 v. tenuit Popessale de rege E.— 37, 
 7 34. 
 
 VLUUARDUS. 
 
 v. tenuit Melestcn de rege E.— 34, 7 
 50. 
 
 VLTJUIC. 
 
 v. tenuit Sei.inges de rege E.—45,79. 
 VLUUILE WILDE. 
 v. tenuit Etretone in alodio T.R.E. 
 —50, 7 38. 
 
 VLUUINUS. 
 
 v. T.R.E. tenuit i S. in Sibertesuuald. 
 —5, 7 46. 
 
 v. et Leuuinus tenuerunt Sifletone in 
 paragio, et potuerunt cum terra sua 
 se vertere quo voluerant.—27, 7 5. 
 Leurie, et v. et Goduinus tenuerunt 
 Gravesham (tunc iii M.).—2S, l 
 19. 
 
 v. tenuit Colinge de Leuuino comite. 
 —34, l 20. 
 
 v. tenuit Bichelei de Leuuino Comite. 
 34, l 23. 
 
 VLU 
 
 v. tenuit Poltone de rege E. —53, l 
 19. 
 
 VNLOT. 
 
 v. tenuit de rege E. Eslinges. Et po¬ 
 tuit ire quo voluit cum terra.—40, 
 l 8. 
 
 WADARDUS. 
 
 w. liabet vi (domos in Dotiere). —2, l 
 32. 
 
 to. (abstulit) i molendinum (de canonicis 
 S ci M.).—7, l 43. 
 
 De silva regis (in Middeltune) babet 
 w. tantum, etc.—9, l 13. 
 
 to. tenet de episcopo dim. S. in Eer- 
 ningeham.—23, l 22. 
 
 Excepto isto dim. S. tenet to. dim. J. 
 in eadem villa quod nunquam se 
 quietavit apud regem. —23, l 25. 
 
 Isdem w. tenet de episcopo Maples¬ 
 camp.—23, l 29. 
 
 to. tenet de episcopo Notestede.—28, 
 l 21. 
 
 to. tenet de episcopo Beuchvelle.— 
 40, l 35. 
 
 to. tenet de episcopo Cvmbe. —40, 1 40. 
 
 to . tenet de isto M. (Norborne) iii S., 
 lx acras minus, de terra Villanorum. 
 —48, l 14. 
 
 to. tenet ibi (Mundingeiiam) terram 
 quas T.R.E. semper geldavit.—48, l 
 29. 
 
 to. babet in D. (Mondingeham) i car., 
 etc.—48, l 35. 
 
 WALTERUS. 
 
 Tenet to. (in S ca Margarita) i S. —4, 
 
 7 46. 
 
 to. de Douuai tenet de episcopo Lee. — 
 25, 7 39. 
 
 WANA. 
 
 Hanc terram (Dene) tenuerunt Vlnod, 
 et v:., et Aluuard, et Vlueron de rege 
 E.—41,7 7. 
 
 WER 
 
 WERELIN. 
 
 to. tenuit Berchvelle de rege E.—40, 
 7 39. 
 
 WESMAN. 
 
 to. tenet (de Eulcilestan) i S.—36,7 
 34. 
 
 WIBERTUS. 
 
 to. tenet dim. J. quod jacuit in gildam 
 de Doveue.—44, 7 5. 
 
 WILDE, VLUUILE. 
 
 v. to. tenuit Etretone T.R.E. in alodio. 
 —50, 7 39. 
 
 WILLELMUS. 
 
 to. (Folet) tenet de arcbiepiscopo Tils- 
 MANESTONE.—16, 7 39. 
 
 to. bomo arcbiepiscopi de terra bujus M. 
 (Gecliain) tenet tantum, etc.—18,7 8 . 
 
 De terra hnjus M. (Litelcert) tenet to. 
 de arcbiepiscopo dim. S.—18, 7 47. 
 
 Quod to. tenet, appreciatur xl solidis 
 18, 7 50. 
 
 to. tenet, de Ilugone iii J. et dim. vir- 
 gam in Orlavestone.—52, 719. 
 
 to. accipitrarim tenuit lxiii acras in 
 Holviz de rege E.—55, 7 27. 
 
 WILLELMUS PICTAVENSIS. 
 
 to. p. tenet dim. S. et xii acras in Si- 
 b e ut e s OB alt ; et in Addelam dim. 
 S. xii acras minus.—5, 718. 
 
 WILLELMUS REX (v. REX WIL¬ 
 LELMUS). 
 
 WIRELMUS. 
 
 to. tenuit Essetesford de rege E.— 
 50, 7 24. 
 
 WIT, WLUUARDUS. 
 
 to. to. babuit saebam et socam.—4,7 4. 
 
 WLUI. 
 
 to. tenuit Perie de rege E. — 39, 1 18. 
 
 WLUUARDUS. 
 
 to. tenuit ii S. in Walwalesere de 
 rege E.—44, 7 44. 
 
 to. Wit habuit saebam et socam.—4,7 4. 
 
[JVo Manuscript for the Introduction to this section of the Work has been 
 found among the Author's papers, and probably none mas ever prepared,^ 
 
KENT. 
 
 ya 
 
 yjOUERE, in the time of King Edward, rendered eighteen pounds, of which moneys King Edward had 
 two parts, and Earl Godwin the third. On the contrary, the Canons of St. Martin had another moiety. 
 
 ihe Burgesses gave the King twenty ships, once a year, for fifteen days, and in each ship were twenty-one 
 men. This they did, in return for his having endowed them with Saca and Soca. 
 
 When the King’s Messengers came there, they gave for the passage of a horse threepence in winter, and two¬ 
 pence in summer. But the Burgesses found the Pilot, and one other to assist him. And if he wanted more, it 
 was hired at his own cost. 
 
 h rom the festival of St. Michael to the feast of St. Andrew, the King’s truce (i. e. peace) was in the town. If 
 any one broke it, thereupon the King’s Reve received a common emend. 
 
 Whoever resided constantly in the town and rendered custom to the King, was quit of Thol throughout all 
 England. All these customs were there when King William came into En°-land. 
 
 On his very first arrival in England the said town was burnt, and therefore no computation could be made of 
 what it was really worth at the time when the Bishop of Baieux received it. Now, it is appraised at forty pounds, 
 yet the Reve renders fifty-four pounds from it. To the King, twenty-four pounds, in pence of twenty to the ore; 
 but to the Earl, thirty pounds, by tale. 
 
 In Douere there are twenty-nine messuages, of which the King has lost the custom. Of these, Robert de 
 Romenel has two;— Ralph de Curbespine, three;— William, Son of Tedald, one;— William, Son of Oger, one;— 
 William, Son of Tedold, and Robert Niger, six;— William, Son of Goisfrid, three, in which was the Gihalla of 
 the Burgesses;— Hugh de Montfort, one house;— Durand, one;— Rannulpii de Columbels, one;— Wadard, six; 
 —The Son of Modbert, one. And these all in respect of these houses avouch the Bishop of Baieux as their 
 protector and liveror, ( and donor.) 
 
 Of that messuage which Rannulpii de Columbels holds, which belonged to a certain exile (i. e. an outlaw), 
 they agree that half the land is the King’s, and Rannulpii himself has both. Humphrey ( the Bandylegged) holds 
 one messuage, of which half the forfeiture was the King’s;— Roger de Ostreiiam built a certain house over the 
 King’s water, and has to this day kept to himself the King’s custom, nor was there a house there in the time of 
 King Edward. 
 
 In the entrance of the Port of Douere, there is one mill which shatters almost every ship, by the great swell of 
 the sea, and does very great damage to the King and his Men; and it was not there in the time of King Edward. 
 Concerning this, the Nephew of Herbert says, that the Bishop of Baieux granted leave for its erection to his 
 Uncle, Herbert, Son of Iuo. 
 
 The Men of four Laths, that is, Boruuar Lath, and Estre Lath, and Linuuart Hath, and Wiuuart 
 Lath, agree that these underwritten, are the King’s Laws. 
 
 If any one shall make a hedge or ditch, by which the King’s Highway is narrowed; or shall throw, withinside 
 of the way, a tree standing on the outside, and shall carry away bough or twig thereof; for each of these forfeitures 
 he shall pay to the King an hundred shillings; and if he shall have gone home, not apprehended, or bailed, yet the 
 King’s officer shall follow him, and he shall emend in an hundred shillings. 
 
 Concerning Gribrige: If any one shall commit it, and be challenged in the way, or bailed, he shall emend to 
 the King in eight pounds; but if otherwise, he shall be quit as to the King; not as to the Lord whose Man he 
 may be. 
 
 Concerning other forfeitures: The same as for Gribrige; but he shall emend by an hundred shillings. 
 
 These forfeitures the King has over all the allodiaries in the entire county of Kent, and over their Men. 
 
 And when an allodiary dies, the King thereupon has relief of his land, except the land of St. Trinity, and 
 St. Augustine, and St. Martin : And except these; Godric de Burnes, and Godric Carlesone, and Aldnold Cilt, 
 and Esber Biga, and Siret de Cilleilam, and Turgis, and Norman, and Azor. Over these, the King has forfeiture 
 from their persons only. 
 
 And from the lands of those who have their own Saca and Soca, he has relief. 
 
 And from these lands, namely, Goslaches, and Bociieland, and another Bocheland, and a third Bociie- 
 land, and Herste, one yoke of Ore, and one yoke of Herte, Sciiildricheiiam, Maciieiieue, Ernulfitone, 
 OSLACIHNTONE, Piria, and another Piria, Brulege, Osprdtges, Hortone, the King has these forfeitures, 
 Handsoc, Gribrige, Foristel. 
 
 Concerning adultery: Throughout the whole of Kent, the King has the man, and the Archbishop the woman; 
 except the land of St. Trinity, and St. Augustine, and St. Martin, from which the King has nothing. 
 
 From the robber who has been condemned to death, the King has the moiety of his money. 
 
 And he who shall harbour an exile without the King’s license, the King has forfeiture for it. 
 
 2 A 
 
94 
 
 KENT. 
 
 3 - 3(5 From the lands above named, of Alnod (Gild) and his peers, the King has guard for six days at Canterbury 
 
 or at Sanuuic, and there they have from the King meat and drink. If they shall not have it, they go away 
 without incurring forfeiture. 
 
 3-39 If they shall have premonition to meet at a Shire Mote, they shall go as far as PiNNEDENN, not further. And, 
 
 if they shall not come; for this forfeiture, and for all others, the King shall have an hundred shillings; except 
 Gribrige, which is emended by eight pounds. 
 
 3—43 And concerning the highways, as is above written. 
 
 3- 44 In Linuuart Lath, in Briseuuei, the King has custom, namely, two crates and two sticks of eels, in lieu of 
 
 one Inward; and in the land of Sopihs he has twelve pence in lieu of one Inward; and from one yoke of North- 
 burgii twelve pence, or one Inward; and from Dene eighteen pence; and from Gare one Inward. These lands 
 lie in Wi; and the Men of these lands used to guard the King at CANTERBURY and at SANUUIC, for three days, 
 if the King came there. 
 
 -l-i In the Lath of Sudtone, and in the Lath of Ailesford, these had Saca and Soca. Brixi Cilt, Adelold de 
 
 Elteiiam, Anschil de Becheham, Azor de Lesneis, Aluuin ( Ilor ), Wlward Wit, Ordinc de Hortone, Esbern de 
 
 OlLLESFELLE, LEUENOT DE SUDTONE, EDWARD DE ESTAN, VlESTAN and LeURIC DE OTRINBERGE, OSWARD DE NORDTONE, 
 
 Edid de Aisiiiolte, Alret de Ellinges. 
 
 THE LAND OF THE CANONS OF ST. MARTIN OF DOVRE. 
 
 4 - o In the Lath of Estrede, the Canons of St. Martin, in the time of King Edward, had twenty-one sulings in 
 
 the hundred of Cornely and in the hundred of Beusberge. 
 
 4 -h In the Lath of Linuuarlet they had three sulings, one in ESTRET hundred, another in BELISSOLT hundred, 
 
 and the third in Blaciieborn hundred. 
 
 4 -H In the time of King Edward the prebends were in common, and rendered sixty-one pounds in all. Now, they 
 
 have been severally apportioned by the Bishop of Baieux. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 4 -if> Ralph de St. Sansone holds one Manor as a prebend, it is called CERLENTONE, and answers for one suling. 
 
 He has there three villans, and four bordars, with one team. In all, it is worth seventy shillings. In the time of 
 King Edward, an hundred shillings. Leuuin held it as a prebend. 
 
 4-21 In the same ville, William Son of Oger holds one suling. And has there one villan, and seven bordars, with 
 
 half a team. And one mill of forty shillings. A certain Frenchman has one team there. 
 
 4-23 The same William holds, of the Bishop, one Monastery in Douere, and renders him eleven shillings. The 
 
 Canons claim it. All this is worth six pounds. In the time of King Edward, twelve pounds. Sired held it. 
 
 4-26 In Bociielande, Alujn holds one suling. And has there six villans, and ten bordars, with one team and a half. 
 
 Altogether it is worth four pounds. In the time of King Edward, an hundred shillings. The very same held it as 
 a prebend. 
 
 4-29 In GOCISTONE, Ulric holds one yoke. And has there two villans, and one bordar, with one team. To this 
 
 land there pertain twenty-five acres of land in Corneli hundred. And there there are five bordars, with half a 
 team. In all, it is worth twenty shillings. In the time of King Edward, ten shillings. Elric held it as a prebend. 
 
 4-33 IN THIS SAME HUNDRED LIES ST. MARGARET. 
 
 There Sired has one suling. And one team in demesne. And six bordars. With four slaves. It is worth an 
 hundred shillings. In the time of King Edward, four pounds. The father of the same Sired held it as a prebend. 
 4-37 In the same place, Ralph holds one suling. And has one team in demesne. And seven bordars. It is 
 
 worth sixty-nine shillings and two pence. In the time of King Edward, four pounds. Alric held it similarly as a 
 prebend. 
 
 4-40 In the same place, Alred holds one suling. And has, in demesne, one team. And two villans, and two 
 
 bordars, with half a team. It is worth sixty shillings. In the time of King Edward, twenty shillings. His father 
 held it as a prebend. 
 
 4-43 In the same place, Robert Niger has one suling. And has there three villans, and six bordars, with one team. 
 
KENT. 
 
 95 
 
 It is worth thirty shillings. In the time of King Edward, twenty shillings. Esmellt, chaplain to King Edward, 
 held it. 
 
 In the same place, Walter holds one suling. And has there three villans, and five bordars, with one team and 
 a half. It is worth sixty shillings. In the time of King Edward, seventy shillings. Sigar held it as a prebend. 
 
 In the same place, Turbat holds half a suling. And has there two villans, and one bordar, with half a team. 
 And the same Robert has half a suling in CORNELAI Hundred. And half a team there in demesne. And five 
 bordars. Altogether, it is worth three pounds. In the time of King Edward, four pounds. Goldstan held it. 
 
 In the same place, Eduuine holds half a suling, and twenty-five acres of land besides. In demesne he has half 
 a team. And one villan with half a team. 
 
 IN CORNELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Eduuine has fourscore and five acres. And one villan there with one team. It is worth three 
 pounds. In the time of King Edward, four pounds. He himself held it in the time of King Edward. From this 
 prebend the Bishop of Baieux took eight acres, and gave them to his clerk Alan. Now, Vlric de Oxenford has 
 them. 
 
 IN CORNELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 In Addelam, Anschitil (the Archdeacon) holds one suling. And has there in demesne two teams. With 
 six bordars. Stigand the Archbishop held this land. To this same Ansciiitil the Bishop of Baieux gave fifty 
 acres of land at Deal, and other fifty acres at St. Margaret’s, where he has one villan, and half a team. These 
 hundred acres were part of the prebends, as they testify. Altogether, it is worth eight pounds. In the time of 
 King Edward, seven pounds. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 In SlBERTESUUALT, William of Poitiers holds half a suling and twelve acres. And in Addelam half a suling, 
 less twelve acres. And he has there two villans, and three bordars, with one team and a half. All this is worth 
 fifty-five shillings. In the time of King Edward, four pounds. 
 
 IN CORNELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 In Addelam, Adelold holds three virges. And has there three villans, and eight bordars, with one team. 
 It is worth, and always was worth, sixty shillings. The same held it in the time of King Edward. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG HUNDRED, AND IN CORNELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 In Addelam, the Abbot of St. Augustin holds one suling. And has there three villans, and seven bordars, 
 with one team and a half. It is worth thirty shillings. In the time of King Edward, forty shillings. His 
 predecessor held it, in like manner, as a prebend. 
 
 In Addelam, William, Son of Tedald, holds half a suling and half a yoke. And has there in demesne one 
 team. And two villans, and two bordars. It is worth sixty shillings. In the time of King Edward, forty 
 shillings. Derinc (son of Sired) held it. 
 
 In SlBERTESUUALT, Sigar holds one yoke and a half. And has there in demesne half a team. And two villans 
 and one bordar. It is worth twenty-five shillings. In the time of King Edward, thirty-five shillings. The father 
 of the same held it as a prebend. 
 
 Nigell the physician holds one yoke and a half at St. Margaret’s. And has there one villan, with two 
 oxen. It is worth twenty shillings. In the time of King Edward, twenty-five shillings. Spirites held it as a 
 prebend. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 In Ferlingelai, William, Son of Geffrey, holds one suling. And has there in demesne one team. And 
 four villans, with one team. It is worth four pounds. In the time of King Edward, six pounds. Sired held it 
 as a prebend. 
 
 In Hicham, Baldwin holds one suling. And has there four villans, and five bordars, with two teams. It is 
 worth four pounds. In the time of King Edward, one hundred shillings. Eduin held it. 
 
KENT. 
 
 96 
 
 In Bociielaxd, Godrio holds one suling. And has there two teams in demesne. And three villans, and four 
 bordars, with one team. And one Church. It is worth six pounds. In the time of King Edward, eight pounds. 
 
 In Sibertesuuald, Vlstan, Son of Vluuin, holds one suling. And has there half a team. And three villans, 
 and nine bordars, with one team. In the time of King Edward, it was worth an hundred shillings. Now, sixty 
 shillings. His father held it. 
 
 IN THE CITY OF CANTERBURY King Edward had fifty-one burgesses rendering gafol. And two hundred 
 and twelve others over whom he had Saca and Soca. And three mills of forty shillings. Now, the Burgesses 
 rendering gafol are nineteen. Of the other thirty-two which there were, eleven have been destroyed in making the 
 city ditch, and the Archbishop has seven of them, and the Abbot of St. Augustin has the other fourteen, for the 
 exchange of the Castle. And still there are two hundred and twelve Burgesses over whom the King has Saca and 
 Soca. And three mills rendering an hundred and eight shillings. And Thol rendering sixty-eight shillings. 
 
 There eight acres of meadow, which used to belong to the King’s legates, now render fifteen shillings of rent. 
 
 And one thousand acres of unproductive wood, the proceeds of which are twenty-four shillings. 
 
 Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth fifty-one pounds. And as much when the sheriff 
 (Ilaimo) received it. And now, it is appraised at fifty pounds. Yet the present tenant renders thirty pounds 
 assayed by fire and weighed, and twenty-four pounds by tale. Besides all these, the Sheriff has an hundred 
 and ten shillings. 
 
 A certain monk of the Church of Canterbury has taken away two houses of two of the Burgesses, one 
 without the City, and the other within. These were situated in the King’s highway. 
 
 The Burgesses had forty-five messuages without the city, of which they themselves had the gafol and custom; 
 but the King had the Saca and Soca. The same Burgesses also had of the King thirty-three acres of land for their 
 guild. These houses and this land Rannulpii de Columbels holds. Besides these, he has fourscore acres of land 
 which the Burgesses held of the King in Alodia. He also holds five acres of land which in just right belong to 
 a church. Of all these the same Rannulf avouches the Bishop of Baieux as protector. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine has four messuages in the city, which a certain concubine of Harold held, the Saca and 
 Soca of which belong to the King, but up to this time he has not had it. 
 
 The same Ralph holds of the Bishop (of Baieux), in the same city, eleven other messuages, which belonged to 
 Sbern Biga, and render eleven shillings and two pence and one halfpenny. 
 
 Throughout the whole City of Canterbury the King has Saca and Soca, except the land of the Churches 
 St. Trinity and St. Augustine, and Queen Eddeua, and Alnod Cild, and Esber Biga, and Siret de Cilleham. 
 
 It is agreed concerning the direct roads which have entrance and exit through the city. Whoever commits 
 forfeiture in them shall emend to the King. In like manner, with regard to the direct roads without the city, as 
 far as one leuga and three perches and three feet. If, therefore, any one dig or fix a stake in these public ways, 
 within the city or without, the King’s Reve follows him wherever he may have gone, and shall receive emend to 
 the King’s use. The Archbishop claims forfeiture in the ways without the city, on each side, where his land is. 
 
 A certain Reve named Brumann, in the time of King Edward, took customs of foreign merchants in the 
 land of St. Trinity and St. Augustine ; who afterwards, in the time of King William, acknowledged before 
 Archbishop Lanfranc and the Bishop of Baieux, that he had unjustly taken it; and being put upon his oath, swore 
 that the said churches had their customs undisturbed in the time of King Edward. And thenceforward both 
 churches have had their customs in their own lands, by judgment of the King’s Barons who held the plea. 
 
 The City of Rochester, in the time of King Edward, was worth an hundred shillings. When the Bishop 
 received it, likewise. Now, it is worth twenty pounds, yet the tenant renders forty pounds. 
 
 ITEM. THE POSSESSION OF ST. MARTIN. 
 
 Of the community of St. Martin, three canons together hold one suling and sixteen acres, that is, Sired, 
 Godric, and Sewen. 
 
 In this land there are four villans, and nine bordars, with one team. They render twenty-two shillings. 
 
 Of the Lath of Limwarlet, one suling in Blacheburne Hundred. And there are there nine villans, with 
 two teams. They render sixteen shillings and eight pence. 
 
KENT. 
 
 In Stbet Hundred there lies one soling of Stahetdeste. There, seven villans have two teams and a half. 
 And seven bordars. And one meadow. They render sixteen shillings and eight pence. 
 
 In Bilesold Hundred, one suling of Stanestede. There are there seven villans, and seven bordars. And 
 they have four teams. And render twenty shillings, less two pence. In addition to those three sulings, there are 
 five denns. And six villans, and five bordars. And they render nine shillings, less three pence. They have three 
 teams and a half. 
 
 In Bhensete, but little arable land. There are two villans, and three bordars. And they have half a team. 
 They render fifty pence. 
 
 The Canons of St. Martin have these four sulings aforesaid, wood and open together, in common. In the 
 time of King Edward it was worth ten pounds. Now, likewise. 
 
 The land of NORDEUUODE, and the land of RlPA, and the land of Brandet render twenty shillings and six 
 pence to St. Martin, in alms. 
 
 In the Inland of St. Martin there dwell seven bordars, with half a team. They render sixty shillings for the 
 shoes of the Canons. 
 
 St. Margaret renders eight pounds. (There is one rustic there.) 
 
 The Thol of DOURE, in the time of King Edward, was worth eight pounds; now, twenty-two pounds. 
 
 Three churches at Douer render thirty-six shillings and eight pence. 
 
 From the pasture of Medrecliue and the gardens of Douere there issue nine shillings and four pence. 
 
 One pasture in Sibertesttualt. It renders sixteen pence. 
 
 St. Martin has ten mills and a half. They render seven pounds. In the time of King Edward, they rendered 
 as much. Now, they are appraised at twelve pounds, but not to the profit of the Canons. In those mills reside 
 eight Men. 
 
 At SCORTEBROC one pasture. It renders two shillings. From this community the Archbishop has fifty-five 
 shillings every year. There are six Men there, with one team and a half. 
 
 In the common land of St. Martin there are four hundred acres and a half, which make two sulings and a 
 half. This land never rendered any custom or scot, because the twenty-four sulings acquit all these. 
 
 At RlPA there are one hundred acres which acquit themselves where they acquitted themselves in the time of 
 King Edward. 
 
 At Nordeude there are fifty acres. And one hundred at Brand, which acquit themselves in the same place as 
 the above. In this land there are three villans and nine bordars; they have one team and a half. All these, if 
 the Canons had as their right is, would be worth to them sixty pounds every year; now, they have only forty- 
 seven pounds and six shillings and four pence. 
 
 Rannttlf de Columbels takes away from them one meadow. 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel takes away from them every year twenty pence, and one saltwork, and one fishery. 
 
 Herbert, Son of Ivo, gave the Bishop of Baieux a mark of gold for one of their mills, against their will; 
 Lanbert one (mill ); Wadard one (mill ); Ralph de Curbespine, one. 
 
 Alnod (cild), by Harold’s violence, took from St. Martin MERCLESHAM and Hauochesten, for which he gave 
 the Canons an unequal exchange. 
 
 Robert de Romenel now holds what the Canons always claim from him. 
 
 HERE ARE NOTED THE HOLDERS OF LANDS IN KENT. 
 
 I. King William. 
 
 II. The Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 III. and the Monks, and his men. 
 
 IV. The Bishop of Rochester. 
 
 V. The Bishop of Baieux. 
 
 VI. The Abbey of Battle. 
 
 VII. The Abbey of St. Augustine. 
 
 VIII. The Abbey of Gand. 
 IX. Hugh de Montford. 
 X. Earl Eustace. 
 
 XI. Richard de Tonebrige. 
 
 XII. Haimo the Sheriff. 
 XIII. Albert the Chaplain. 
 
 2 B 
 
98 
 
 KENT. 
 
 THE KING'S LAND. 
 
 IN THE HALE LATH OF SUDTONE. IN ACHESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 1. King William holds Tarentefort. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable land of forty 
 teams. In demesne there are two teams. And one hundred and forty-two villans, with ten bordars, have fifty-three 
 teams. There are three slaves there, and one mill. Of meadow, twenty-two acres. Of pasture, forty acres. Of 
 wood, eight small and three large denns. Two hythes, that is two ports there. In the time of King Edward it was 
 worth sixty pounds, and as much when Haimo (the Sheriff) received it. It is now appraised by the English at sixty 
 pounds; but the Reve, a Frenchman, who holds it to farm, says that it is worth four score pounds and ten pounds. 
 Yet he himself renders from that Manor seventy pounds weighed, and one hundred and eleven shillings in pence of 
 twenty to the ore, and seven pounds and twenty-six pence by tale. Besides these, he renders to the Sheriff one 
 hundred shillings. 
 
 The Men of the hundred testify, that there have been taken away from this Manor of the King, one meadow, 
 and one alder bed, and one mill, and twenty acres of arable land, and as much meadow besides as pertains to ten 
 acres of arable land; all which were in King Edward’s Farm, while he lived. These are worth twenty shillings. 
 They say also, that Osward, the then Sheriff, mortgaged them to Alestan, the Reve of London. And now, Helt, 
 the Sewer, and his nephew, hold them. 
 
 They testify also, that HAGELEI, which answers for half a suling, has been taken away from this Manor. The 
 Sheriff held this land, and, when he lost the Shrievalty, it remained in the King’s Farm. So it remained also after 
 the death of King Edward. Now, Hugh de Port holds it, with fifty-four acres more of arable land. All this is 
 worth fifteen pounds. From the same Manor of the King six acres of arable land besides have been taken away, 
 and a certain wood which the same Osward (the Sheriff) put out of the Manor by a certain mortgage of forty 
 shillings. 
 
 The Bishop of Rochester holds the Church of this Manor, and it is worth sixty shillings. Over and above this 
 there are there three chapels besides. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORD, IN LAVROCIIESFEL HUNDRED. 
 
 King William holds Elesford. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of fifteen teams. In 
 demesne there are three teams. And forty villans, with five bordars, have fifteen teams. Eight slaves there. 
 And one mill of forty pence. And forty-three acres of meadow. Wood of seventy hogs. Altogether it was 
 worth, in the time of King Edward, fifteen pounds, and as much when TIaimo (the Sheriff) received it. Now, it is 
 worth twenty pounds. Yet it renders thirty-one pounds. And the Sheriff has three pounds of it. 
 
 Of this Manor, Ansgot holds, near Rochester, as much arable land as is appraised at seven pounds. 
 
 The Bishop of Rochester also holds as much of this land as is worth seventeen shillings and four pence, in 
 exchange for the land on which the castle stands. 
 
 IN THE (HALF) LATH OF MIDDELTUNE, IN MIDDELTUN HUNDRED. 
 
 King William holds Middeltune. It answers for four score sulings. Besides these, there are four sulings in 
 demesne. And three teams there in demesne. In this Manor, three hundred and nine villans, with seventy-four 
 bordars, have one hundred and sixty-seven teams. There are six mills there of thirty shillings. And eighteen 
 acres of meadow. Twenty-seven saltworks there of twenty-seven shillings. Thirty-two fisheries there of twenty- 
 two shillings and eight pence. Of Thol, forty shillings. Of pasture, thirteen shillings and four pence. Wood of 
 two hundred and twenty hogs. And the Men of the Weald render fifty shillings for Inward and Averages. 
 
 In this Manor are ten slaves. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth two hundred pounds by 
 tale. And as much when Haimo (the Sheriff) received it. And now, likewise. 
 
 Of this Manor, Hugh de Port holds eight sulings and one yoke, which in the time of King Edward were, with 
 other sulings, in customary tenure. He has there three ploughs in demesne. 
 
 This land which Hugh de Port holds is worth twenty pounds, which are computed in the two hundred pounds 
 of the entire Manor of MiDDLETUN. The tenant renders one hundred and forty pounds assayed by fire, and by 
 weight, and besides that, fifteen pounds and six shillings, less two pence, by tale. The Reve gives to Haimo (the 
 Sheriff) twelve pounds. 
 
 Of the King’s wood Wadard has as much as renders sixteen pence per annum; and he holds half a denn, 
 
KENT. 
 
 99 
 
 II. 
 
 which a certain villan held in the time of King Edward. And Arnold Cild took away by violence two parts from 
 a certain villan. 
 
 The Abbot of St. Augustine holds the churches and tythes of this Manor. And forty shillings issue to him 
 out of the King’s four sulings. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWARLET, IN FAVRESHANT HUNDRED. 
 
 King William holds Favreshant. It answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of seventeen teams. 
 In demesne there are two. Thirty villans there, with forty bordars, have twenty-four teams. Five slaves there. 
 And one mill of twenty shillings. And two acres of meadow. Wood of one hundred hogs, and of wood pasturage 
 thirty-one shillings and two pence. A market of four pounds. And two saltworks of three shillings and two pence. 
 And in the City of Canterbury, three Haughs of twenty pence belong to this Manor. In aggregate value, in the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth sixty pounds, less five shillings. And afterwards sixty pounds. It is now worth 
 four score pounds. 
 
 THE LAND OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 
 
 In the City of Canterbury the Archbishop has twelve burgesses, and thirty-two messuages which the clergy 
 of the town hold for their guild, and render thirty-five shillings. And one mill of five shillings. 
 
 SANDWICE lies in its own hundred. This burgh the Archbishop holds, and it is for the clothing of the monks, 
 and renders to the King the like service as DOVERE. And the Men of that burgh testify this, that before King 
 Edward gave it to St. Trinity, it rendered to the King fifteen pounds. At the time of the death of King Edward, 
 it was not at farm. When the Archbishop received it, it rendered fourteen pounds of farm, and forty thousand 
 herrings for the sustenance of the monks. In the year in which this description was made, SANUUIC rendered fifty- 
 pounds of farm, and herrings as formerly. In the time of King Edward there were three hundred and seven mes¬ 
 suages with residencies there; now, there are seventy-six more, that is, together, three hundred and eighty-three. 
 
 IN ACHESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury holds in demesne 'Parent. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable 
 land . In demesne there is one team. And twenty-two villans, with seven cotars, have seven 
 
 teams. Six slaves there, and two mills of fifty shillings. 
 
 To this Manor pertain five burgesses in Rochester. They render six shillings and eight pence. Eight acres 
 of meadow there. Wood of five hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth fourteen 
 pounds. When he received it, ten pounds. Now, fifteen pounds and ten shillings. Yet the tenant of the Manor 
 renders eighteen pounds. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Otefort in demesne. It answers for eight sulings. There is the arable land of 
 forty-two teams. In demesne there are six teams. One hundred and one villans there, with eighteen bordars, 
 have forty-five teams. Eight slaves there. And six mills of seventy-two shillings. And fifty acres of meadow. 
 Wood of one hundred and fifty hogs. 
 
 Of this Manor ten Thanes hold one suling and a half, and have there in demesne three teams. And sixteen 
 villans, with eleven bordars, having four teams. Five slaves there. And two mills of twenty-four shillings. And 
 twenty-eight acres of meadow. Wood of thirty hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, and after¬ 
 wards, it was worth Now, the demesne of the Archbishop is appraised at sixty pounds. That of 
 
 the Thanes at twelve pounds. 
 
 "What Richard de Tonebrige holds in his Lowy is appraised at ten pounds. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Sondresse. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne there are three teams. And twenty-seven villans, with nine bordars, have eight 
 teams. Eight slaves there. And three mills and a half of thirteen shillings and a half, (i. e. sixpence). Eight 
 acres of meadow there. Wood of sixty hogs. A Church there. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward 
 it was worth twelve pounds. When he received it, sixteen pounds. And now, eighteen pounds. Yet it renders 
 twenty-three pounds, and one Knight in the service of the Archbishop. 
 
 IN HELMESTRE1 HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Bix. It answered for three sulings in the time of King Edward, and now for two. 
 
 9-16 
 
 9-is 
 
 10-2 
 
 10 -:, 
 
 10-16 
 
 10-10 
 
 10-23 
 
 10-27 
 
 10-31 
 
 10-33 
 
 10-40 
 
100 
 
 KENT. 
 
 There is the arable land of . In demesne there are two teams. And forty-one villans, with fifteen 
 
 bordars, have ten teams. A Church there. And three mills of forty-eight shillings. And eight acres of meadow. 
 Wood of one hundred hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twelve 
 pounds. And now, twenty pounds. And yet it renders thirty pounds and eight shillings. 
 
 IN LITELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 10 - 4G The same Archbishop holds Erhede. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land of eight teams. In 
 
 demesne there are two. And twenty-seven villans, with two bordars, have eight teams. A. Church there. And 
 
 11— 1 three mills of fifty shillings and six pence. Five slaves there. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of forty hogs. 
 
 In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. And as much when he received it. 
 Now, sixteen pounds. And yet it renders twenty-one pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORT, IN LAVROCHESFEL HUNDRED. 
 
 11—6 The same Archbishop holds in demesne METLINGES. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 seven teams. In demesne there are three teams. And thirty-eight villans, with twelve bordars, have five teams. 
 A Church there. And five slaves. And two mills of ten shillings. And twenty-one acres of meadow. Wood of 
 sixty hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth nine pounds. Likewise, when he 
 received it. And now, as much. And yet it renders fifteen pounds. 
 
 IN TOLLENTREU HUNDRED. 
 
 1 1-12 The same Archbishop holds in demesne Norfleut. It answered for six sulings in the time of King Edward. 
 
 And now, for five. There is the arable land of fourteen teams. In demesne there are two. And thirty-six villans 
 have ten teams. A Church there. And seven slaves. And one mill of ten shillings, with one fishery. And 
 twenty acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 ten pounds. When he received it, twelve pounds. And now, twenty-seven pounds. And yet it renders thirty- 
 seven pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 1 l-is What Richard de Tonebridge holds of this Manor, in his Lowy, is worth thirty shillings. 
 
 IN BROTEHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 11-20 The same Archbishop holds Broteiiam. It answers for eight shillings. There is the arable land of twenty 
 teams. In demesne there are three teams. And seventy-six villans, with eighteen bordars, have fourteen teams. A 
 Church there. And ten slaves. And three mills of fifteen shillings. And nine acres of meadow. Wood, when it 
 is in bearing, of five hundred hogs. 
 
 11_25 Of this Manor William The Steward holds one suling. And has there one team in demesne. And two 
 
 villans with half a team. 
 
 H_27 Of the same Manor Goisfrid holds, of the Archbishop, one suling, and has there one team. And six villans, 
 
 with one bordar, having two teams. 
 
 H _29 Of the same Manor Farman holds, of the Archbishop, one yoke and a half. And has there three teams. 
 
 And six villans, with twelve cotars, having two teams. Ten slaves there. 
 
 11-31 In the aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, this manor was worth fifteen pounds. And afterwards, 
 
 sixteen pounds. Now, the demesne of the Archbishop is appraised at twenty-four pounds. And yet it renders thirty- 
 five pounds. That of the Knights, eleven pounds. 
 
 11-33 What Richard de Tonebridge holds in his Lowy is appraised at fifteen pounds. 
 
 IN MEDDESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 11-35 The same Archbishop holds Meddestane. It answers for ten sulings. There is the arable land of thirty teams. 
 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And twenty-five villans, with twenty-one bordars, have twenty-five teams. 
 A Church there. And ten slaves. And five mills of thirty-six shillings and eight pence. Two fisheries there of 
 two hundred and seventy eels. Ten acres of meadow there. Wood of thirty hogs. 
 
 11-41 Of this Manor three Knights hold, of the Archbishop, four sulings. And have there three teams and a half 
 
 in demesne. And thirty-two villans, with ten bordars, having six teams. And ten slaves. And they have a mill 
 of five shillings. And thirteen acres of meadow. And two fisheries and a half of one hundred and eighty eels. 
 And two saltworks. Wood of twenty-three hogs. 
 
KENT. 
 
 101 
 
 In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, this Manor was worth fourteen pounds. When he received 
 it, twelve pounds. And now, the demesne of the Archbishop is worth twenty pounds. That of the Knights, fifteen 
 pounds and ten shillings. The Monks of Canterbury have twenty shillings every year from two Men of this 
 Manor. 
 
 IN CETEHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Gelingham. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of fifteen teams. 
 In demesne, there are two teams. And forty-two villans, with sixteen bordars, have fifteen teams. A church 
 there. And three slaves. And three fisheries of forty-two shillings and eight pence. And one mill of sixteen 
 
 shillings and eight pence. And fourteen acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. 
 
 Of this Manor, a certain Frenchman holds the arable land of one team, and has there two bordars. 
 
 In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, this Manor was worth fifteen pounds. When he received it, 
 twelve pounds. And now, twenty-three pounds; and yet it renders twenty-six pounds, less twelve pence. That 
 which the Frenchman holds, forty shillings. 
 
 IN ROCULF HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Roculf. It answers for eight sulings. There is the arable land of thirty teams. 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And four score and ten villans, with twenty-five bordars, have twenty-seven 
 teams. A Church there. And one mill of twenty-five pence. And thirty-three acres of meadow. Wood of 
 
 twenty hogs. And five saltworks of sixty-four pence. And one fishery. In aggregate value, in the time of King 
 
 Edward, this manor was worth fourteen pounds. When he received it, likewise. And now, thirty-five pounds. 
 Besides this, the Archbishop has seven pounds and seven shillings. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Nortone in demesne. It answers for thirteen sulings. There is the arable land 
 of twenty-six teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And four score and twelve villans, with forty bordars, 
 have fifty-nine teams and a half. A Church there. And ten acres of meadow 7 . Wood of fifty hogs. In aggre¬ 
 gate value, in the time of King Edward, this manor was worth twenty-four pounds and five shillings. And after¬ 
 wards, as much. And now, it renders to the Archbishop fifty pounds and fourteen shillings and tw r o pence, and to 
 the Archdeacon twenty shillings. 
 
 Vitalis holds of this Manor, of the Archbishop, three sulings and one yoke. And twelve acres of arable land. 
 And has there five teams. And twenty-nine bordars. And five slaves. And seven saltworks of twenty-five 
 shillings and four pence. There is a Church there. And one small denn of wood. Altogether, it is worth 
 fourteen pounds and six shillings and six pence. 
 
 IN BOROWARTLEST. IN PITEHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds PiTEHAM. It answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of twenty teams. 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And thirty-two villans, with twenty-one bordars, have nineteen teams. 
 Two Chinches there. Two slaves there. And thirteen acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In aggregate 
 value, in the time of King Edward, this Manor was worth seventeen pounds and six shillings and three pence. 
 And afterwards, as much. And now, it is worth twenty pounds. 
 
 Of this Manor, Godefridus and Nigellus hold, of the Archbishop, one suling and a half and a yoke. And 
 have there four teams. And four villans, with eight bordars, having three teams. Altogether, it is worth 
 nine pounds. Of this, the Monks have eight shillings per annum. 
 
 IN ESTURSETE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Estursete in demesne. It answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land 
 of twenty teams. In demesne, there are four teams. And seventeen villans, with four score and three bordars, 
 have sixteen teams. A Church there. And twelve mills of four pounds and five shillings. And one hundred 
 acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time of King Edward fifty-two messuages in the City, pertained to 
 this Manor, and now, there are not more than twenty-five, because the others have been destroyed for the new 
 dwelling-house of the Archbishop. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth 
 twenty-four pounds and twelve shillings and six pence. Now, it is worth forty pounds. 
 
 Of this Manor, five of the Archbishop’s Men have one suling and six yokes. And have there five teams and 
 a half in demesne. And eight villans, with twenty-six bordars, having two teams. And three mills. And 
 twenty-four acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. Altogether it is worth nine pounds. 
 
 12-27 
 
 13-1 
 
KENT. 
 
 102 
 
 13-7 Of this Manor Haimo the Sheriff, has half a suling, of the Archbishop. And has there two teams. With 
 
 five bordars. And one slave. And two mills of fifteen shillings. It is worth one hundred shillings. 
 
 IN BERHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 13-9 The same Archbishop holds in demesne Burnes., It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of fifty 
 
 teams. In demesne, there are five teams. And sixty-four villans, with fifty-three bordars, have thirty teams 
 and a half. A Church there. And two mills of eight shillings and six pence. And twenty acres of meadow. 
 Wood of fifteen hogs. Of herbage, twenty-seven pence. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, and 
 afterwards, it was worth twenty pounds. Now, thirty pounds. 
 
 IN BOLTUN HUNDRED. 
 
 13-16 The same Archbishop holds BoLTUNE in demesne. It answers for five sulings and a half. There is the arable 
 land of . In demesne, there are two teams. And thirty-one villans, with thirty-one 
 
 bordars, having fifteen teams. Four acres of meadow there. And a fishery of ten pence. A saltwork of sixteen 
 pence. Wood of forty-five hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth 
 fifteen pounds and sixteen shillings and three pence and one halfpenny. Now, it is worth thirty pounds and 
 sixteen shillings and three pence and one halfpenny. 
 
 IN GALE HELLE HUNDRED. 
 
 13-23 The same Archbishop holds Ciieringes in demesne. It answers for eight sulings. There is the arable land of 
 forty teams. In demesne, there is one suling; and four teams and a half there. Twenty-six villans there, with 
 twenty-seven bordars, have twenty-seven teams. Twelve slaves there. And one mill of forty pence. Twenty- 
 five acres of meadow there. Wood of twenty-six hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth twenty-three pounds. When he received it, as much. Now, it is valued at thirty-four pounds; and yet it 
 renders sixty pounds. 
 
 13-29 The same Archbishop holds Pliichelei in demesne. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 twelve teams. In demesne, there are two teams and a half. And sixteen villans, with seven bordars, have eleven 
 teams. Eight slaves there. And twelve acres and a half of meadow. Wood of one hundred and forty hogs. Alto¬ 
 gether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. When he received it, eight pounds. And now, 
 fifteen pounds; and yet it renders twenty pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ESTREI. IN WINGEHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 13-35 The same Archbishop holds WlNGEllAM in demesne. It answered for forty sulings in the time of King 
 
 Edward. And now, for thirty-five. There is the arable land of . In demesne, there are eight teams. 
 
 And four score and five villans, with twenty bordars, having fifty-seven teams. Eight slaves there. And two mills 
 of thirty-four shillings. Wood of five hogs. And two little woods for fencing. In aggregate value, in the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth seventy-seven pounds. When he received it, likewise. And now, one hundred pounds. 
 
 13-41 Of this Manor William de Arcis holds one suling in Fletes, and has there in demesne one team. And four 
 villans. And one Knight, with one team. And one fishery. With a saltwork of thirty pence. The whole is 
 worth forty shillings. 
 
 13-44 Of the same Manor, five of the Archbishop’s Men hold five sidings and a half, and three yokes, and have there 
 
 in demesne eight teams. And twenty-two bordars. And eight slaves. Altogether, it is worth twenty-one pounds. 
 
 13- 47 IN LINGEBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Merseham in demesne. It answered for six sulings in the time of King Edward. 
 And now, for three. There is the arable land of twelve teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And thirty-nine 
 villans, with five bordars, having sixteen teams. A Church there. And two mills of five shillings. And two salt- 
 
 14- 1 works of five shillings. And thirteen acres of meadow. Wood of thirty hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of 
 
 King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth ten pounds. Now, twenty pounds. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN BELICOLT HUNDRED. 
 
 14-3 The same Archbishop holds Aldintone in demesne. It answered for twenty-one sulings in the time of King 
 
KENT. 
 
 103 
 
 Edward. And now, for fifteen sidings. There is the arable land of one hundred teams. In demesne, there are 
 thirteen teams. And two hundred villans, less ten, with fifty bordars, have seventy teams. A Church there. And 
 thirteen slaves. And three mills of sixteen shillings. And three fisheries of twenty-one pence. One hundred and 
 seventy acres of meadow there. Wood of sixty hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 sixty-two pounds. And as much when he received it. Now, it renders one hundred pounds and twenty s hill ings. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds the ville which is called St. Martin, and it pertains to Estursete, and lies in 
 that hundred, and answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable land of . In demesne, 
 
 there are two teams and thirty-six bordars. Seven burgesses in Canterbury, rendering eight shillings and four 
 pence, pertain to this land. There are five mills of twenty shillings, and a small wood. 
 
 In this ville, Ralph holds half a suling, of the Archbishop. And has there two teams in demesne. And five 
 villans, with three bordars, having two teams and a half. In the time of King Edward it was worth seven pounds. 
 The half suling of St. Martin, and the other half suling, were always worth four pounds. 
 
 In Romenel there are twenty-five burgesses who pertain to Aldinton, the Archbishop’s manor, and they were 
 and are now worth to the Lord six pounds. 
 
 Of the same Manor of Aldinton, half a yoke and half a virgate lie in Limes. The Archbishop holds them in 
 demesne, and has there one team and one villan, with eighteen bordars, having one team and a half. Seven pres¬ 
 byters there, who render seven pounds and five shillings. There is the arable land of two teams. It is worth, and 
 was worth, twelve pounds ; and yet it renders fifteen pounds. 
 
 Of the same Manor, the Earl of Ow holds Estotinghes for one Manor. It answered for one suling and a half, 
 in the time of King Edward. And now, for one suling only. There is the arable land of eight teams. In demesne, 
 there are two. And twenty-seven villans, with thirteen bordars, having seven teams. And one mill of twenty-five 
 pence. A church there. And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. And eight slaves. In the time of 
 King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eight pounds. Now, ten pounds. 
 
 IN MONIBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Leminges in demesne. It answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of 
 sixty teams. In demesne there are four. And one hundred and one villans, with sixteen bordars, having fifty-five 
 teams. A Church there. And ten slaves. And one mill of thirty pence. And one fishery of forty eels. And 
 thirty acres of meadow. Wood of one hundred hogs. Thereto pertain six burgesses in Hede. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth twenty-four pounds. And afterwards, forty pounds. And now, likewise. And yet it 
 renders sixty pounds. 
 
 Of this Manor, three of the Archbishop’s Men hold two sulings and a half, and half a yoke. And they have 
 five teams there in demesne. And twenty villans, with sixteen bordars, having five teams and a half. And one 
 slave. And two mills of seven shillings and six pence. And forty acres of meadow. Wood of eleven hogs. Two 
 Churches there. Altogether, it is worth eleven pounds. 
 
 IN SELEBRIST HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds NEWEDENE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 There are twenty-five villans there, with four bordars, having five teams. There is a Market there, of forty 
 shillings less five pence. Wood of forty hogs. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth one 
 hundred shillings. When he received it, twelve pounds. And now, ten pounds. And yet the Reve renders 
 eighteen pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 THE LAND OF HIS KNIGHTS. IN ACHESTAN HUNDRED 
 Ansgot holds, of the Archbishop, Forningeham. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams, and thirteen villans, with five bordars, having three teams and 
 a half. Six acres of meadow there. Wood of twenty hogs. And Richard de Tonebrige has as much of the 
 same wood in his Lowy. In the time of King Edward, this Manor was worth seven pounds. And now, eleven 
 pounds. Of these, the Monks of Canterbury have four pounds for their clothing, and 
 
 14-10 
 
 14-15 
 
 14-19 
 
 14-21 
 
 14-26 
 
 14-32 
 
 14-38 
 
 14-13 
 
 15-2 
 
KENT. 
 
 104 
 
 15-9 Ralph Son of Vnspac holds Elesford, of the Archbishop. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable 
 
 land of . In demesne, there are five teams. And twenty-nine villans, with nine bordars, have fifteen 
 
 teams. Two churches there. And nine slaves. And two mills of forty-three shillings. And twenty-nine acres of 
 meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixteen pounds. And now, it is 
 worth twenty pounds. 
 
 15-14 Of this Manor, Richard de Tonebrige holds as much wood as can produce a rental of twenty hogs, And one 
 
 mill of five shillings, And one fishery, in his Lowy. 
 
 15-17 Malger holds, of the Archbishop, three yokes in Orpinton. And it answered for as much without Orpinton 
 
 in the time of King Edward. Now, there are two yokes within Orpinton, and a third, without. There is the 
 arable land of . In demesne, one team. And four villans, with one bordar, and four slaves, and half 
 
 a team. And three acres of meadow. And wood of eleven hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 forty shillings. When he received it, twenty shillings. And now, fifty shillings. 
 
 15-23 TIaimo the Sheriff holds, of the Archbishop, Briestede. It answers for one suling and a half. There is 
 
 the arable land of ten teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty-four villans, with sixteen bordars, have 
 twelve teams. A Church there. And fifteen slaves. And two mills of twenty-four shillings. Wood of four score 
 hogs. And of herbage nine shillings and six pence. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth ten 
 pounds. And as much when he received it. And now, seventeen pounds. Abbot Alnod held this Manor of the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 15-30 The Earl of Ow holds, of the Archbishop, Olecumbe. It answered for two sulings and a half in the time of 
 King Edward. And now, for two only. There is the arable land of nine teams. In demesne, there are two teams. 
 And twenty-three villans, with eight bordars, have seven teams. A Church there. And one mill of four shillings. 
 And eight acres of meadow. Wood of four score hogs. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth ten 
 pounds. When he received it, eight pounds. Now, eleven pounds. Alfer held this Manor of the Archbishop. 
 
 IN IiAIBORNE HUNDRED. 
 
 15-37 Ralph Son of Turald holds Boltone, of the Archbishop. It answers for half a suling; and lies in the six 
 sulings of Holingeborne. There is the arable land of one team and a half. In demesne, there is one team. And 
 three villans, with two bordars, have one team. A Church there. And two acres of meadow. And wood of 
 sixteen hogs. Altogether, it is worth, and always has been worth, forty shillings. 
 
 IN FAVRESIIAM HUNDRED. 
 
 15-43 Richard, the Archbishop’s Man, holds of him Levelant. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land 
 
 of • In demesne, one team. And two villans, with one bordar, have one team. Wood of five hogs. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth thirty shillings. Now, twenty shillings. 
 
 IN BOLTONE HUNDRED. 
 
 15- 46 The same Richard holds, of the Archbishop, Gravenel. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land 
 
 of • In demesne, is one team. And eight villans, with ten bordars, have two teams. Pive slaves there. 
 
 And ten acres of meadow. And four saltworks of four shillings. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 was worth a hundred shillings. Now, six pounds. Of these, the Monks of Canterbury have twenty shillings 
 
 IN CALEHELLE HUNDRED. 
 
 16- s Godfrey The Sewer holds, of the Archbishop, Lebham. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable 
 
 lancl of ■ In demesne, there are two teams. And fifteen villans, with two bordars, have fonr teams. 
 
 Pour slaves there. And six acres of meadow. And one mill of seven shillings. And wood of ten hogs. Alto- 
 gether, it is worth eight pounds. And yet it renders twelve pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 IN THERHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Godfrey holds, of the Archbishop, half a suling in Scape. There is the arable land of 
 
 16-7 
 
KENT. 
 
 105 
 
 In demesne, one team with two bordars. And four slaves. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth thirty shillings. Now, four pounds. And yet it renders one hundred shillings. 
 
 IN ESTBEI HUNDRED. 
 
 Osbern Son of Letard holds one yoke, of the Archbishop, in Bocolani). And has there in demesne one 16-10 
 team. And it is worth ten shillings. 
 
 William Folet holds, of the Archbishop, Flexgdessa. It answers for half a suling. He has there six 16-12 
 villans, with one team and a half. 
 
 I he same William holds Estenberge of the Archbishop. And it answers for half a suling. And he has IG-i-t 
 
 there twelve villans, with a team and a half. These lands were worth, in the time of King Edward, forty shillings. 
 
 When the Archbishop received them, ten shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 IN HEN HUNDKED. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort holds, of the Archbishop, SALTEODE. It answered for seven sulings in the time of King 16 —17 
 Edward. And now, for three sulings. There is the arable land of fifteen teams. In demesne, there are two 
 teams. And thirty-three villans, with twelve bordars, having nine teams and a half. A Church there. And two 
 slaves. And nine mills of twenty shillings. And thirty-three acres of meadow. Wood of four score hogs. 
 
 To this Manor pertain two hundred and twenty-five Burgesses in the Borough of Heda. 
 
 Between the Borough and Manor, it was worth, in the time of King Edward, sixteen pounds. When he 
 received it, eight pounds. Now, altogether, twenty-nine pounds and six shillings, and four pence. 
 
 IN ESTBAITES HUNDRED. 
 
 William de Eddesham holds, of the Archbishop, BEREWIC for one Manor. It answers for half a suling. 16-25 
 There is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there are two. And nine villans, with nine bordars, have one 
 team and a half. Eighteen acres of meadow there. And wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, seven pounds. And yet it renders eleven pounds. 
 
 IN LAMPORT HUNDRED. 
 
 Robert de Romenel holds, of the Archbishop, Lamport. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the 16-30 
 arable land of six teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty-nine villans, witli nine bordars, have nine teams. 
 
 Seven saltworks there of eight shillings and nine pence. 
 
 To this Manor pertain twenty-one Burgesses who are in Romenel, of whom the Archbishop has three 16 —34 
 forfeitures, Robbery, Breach of the Peace, Foristel. But the King has all service from them. And they themselves 
 have all the customs, and other forfeitures, in return for sea service, and are in the King’s hands. In the time 
 of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth ten pounds. And now, sixteen pounds. 
 
 William holds, of the Archbishop, Tilemanestone. It answers for one suling. In demesne, there are two 16—39 
 teams. And five bordars. Formerly, it was worth twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 THE LAND OF THE ARCHBISHOP’S MONKS. IN HELMESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 III. The Archbishop oe Canterbury holds ORPINTUN. It answered for three sulings in the time of Kin°- Edward. 17-s 
 And now, for two sulings and a half. There is the arable land of . In demesne there are two teams 
 
 And forty-six villans, with twenty-five bordars, having twenty-three teams. Three mills there of sixteen shillino- s 
 and four pence. And ten acres of meadow. And five denns of Wood, of fifty hogs. In aggregate value, in the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth fifteen pounds. When he received it, eight pounds. And now, twenty-five 
 pounds. And yet it renders twenty-eight pounds. There are two Churches there. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORD. IN LITEFELLE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Pecheiiam. It answered for six sulings in the time of King Edward. And now 17-y 
 
 1 d 
 
KENT. 
 
 IOC 
 
 lor five sidings and one yoke. There is the arable land of ten teams. In demesne, there are two. And sixteen 
 villans, with fourteen bordars, have four teams and a half. A Church there. And ten slaves. And one mill. And 
 six acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. 
 
 17-13 Of the land of this Manor, one Archbishop’s Man holds half a suling. And it gelded with these six sulings, in 
 
 the time of King Edward ; although it did not pertain to the Manor except for scot, because it was free land. 
 
 17-15 Of the same Manor, Richard de Tonebrige holds two sulings and one yoke. And has there twenty-seven 
 
 villans, having seven teams. And wood of ten hogs. And the whole is worth four pounds. In time of King 
 Edward, the Manor was worth twelve pounds. When the Archbishop received it, eight pounds. And now, what 
 he has is worth eight pounds. 
 
 IN AIHORDE HUNDRED. 
 
 17-19 The same Archbishop holds Holixgeborde. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of twenty- 
 
 four teams. In demesne, there are two. And sixty-one villans, with sixteen bordars, have twenty-three teams. A 
 Church there. And twelve slaves. And two mills. And eight acres of meadow. Wood of forty hogs. Altogether, 
 in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty pounds. And now, it is worth thirty pounds. 
 To this Manor is attached half a suling which never rendered scot. The Bishop of Baieux holds this of the Arch¬ 
 bishop, by gafol. 
 
 IN TOLLENTREN HUNDRED. 
 
 17-25 The same Archbishop holds Mepeham. It answered for ten sulings in the time of King Edward. Now, for 
 
 seven. There is the arable land of thirty teams. In demesne, there are four. And twenty-five villans, with 
 seventy-one bordars, have twenty-five teams. A Church there. And seventeen slaves. And sixteen acres of 
 meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In aggregate value, in the time of King Edward, it was worth fifteen pounds and 
 ten shillings. When he received it, fifteen pounds. Now, twenty-six pounds. 
 
 17-29 Richard de Tonebrige has, in his Lowy, what is worth eighteen shillings and six pence. Wood of 
 
 twenty hogs. 
 
 IN MEDESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 17-31 The same Archbishop holds Ferlaga. It answers for sLx sulings. There is the arable land of twenty-six 
 
 teams. In demesne there are four. And thirty-five villans, with fifty-six bordars, have thirty teams. A Church 
 there. And three mills of twenty-seven shillings and eight pence. Eight slaves there. And six fisheries of one 
 thousand two hundred eels. Twelve acres of meadow there. Wood of a hunched and fifteen hogs. 
 
 17-36 Of the land of this Manor, Godfrey holds half a suling in fee. And has there two teams. And seven villans, 
 
 with ten bordars, having three teams. And four slaves. And one mill of twenty pence. And four acres of 
 meadow. And wood of thirty hogs. 
 
 17-39 The entire Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth sixteen pounds. And afterwards, as much. And 
 
 now, twenty-two pounds. What Abel now holds, six pounds. What Godfrey, nine pounds. What Richard, 
 in his Lowy, four pounds. 
 
 IN ESSAMELS HUNDRED. 
 
 17-42 The same Archbishop holds Clive. It answers for three sulings and a half. There is the arable land of six 
 
 teams. In demesne, there is one team and a half. And twenty villans, with eighteen bordars, have five teams and 
 a half. A Church there. And two slaves. And thirty-six acres of meadow. Wood of twelve pence. In the time 
 of King Edward, the entire Manor was worth six pounds. And afterwards, seven pounds. And now, sixteen 
 pounds. 
 
 IN BOROWART LATH. IN TANET HUNDRED. 
 
 17- 47 The same Archbishop holds Monocstune. In the time of King Edward, it answered for twenty sulino-s. And 
 
 now, for eighteen. There is the arable land of thirty-one teams. In demesne, there are four. And four score and 
 nine villans, with twenty-one bordars, have twenty-seven teams. Two Churches there. And one mill of ten shil- 
 
 18- 1 lings. A new fishery there. And one saltwork of fifteen pence. Wood of ten hogs. In aggregate value, it was 
 
 worth, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, twenty pounds. And now, forty pounds. 
 
 IN DUNEIIAMFORT HUNDRED. 
 
 18-3 The same Archbishop holds Geciiam. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land of twelve teams. 
 
 In demesne there are three. And twenty-nine villans, with sixty cotars, have sixteen teams and a half. A Church 
 
KENT. 
 
 107 
 
 there. And four mills of a hundred shillings. And thirty-five acres of meadow. And wood of thirty hogs. The 
 entire Manor was worth, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, twenty-two pounds. Now, thirty-two pounds. 
 
 Of the land of this Manor, William, his Man, holds as much as is worth seven pounds. 18—s 
 
 IN CANTERBURY HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Nordeude. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 18-9 
 
 In demesne, one team and a half. And seven villans, with twenty-six bordars, have two teams. 
 
 To this Manor pertain a hundred burgesses, less three, in the City of Canterbury, rendering eight pounds and 18-11 
 four shillings. Eight mills there of seventy-one shillings. And twenty-four acres of meadow. Wood of thirty 
 hogs. Altogether, it is worth, and was worth, seventeen pounds. 
 
 In the same Borowart Lath lies a small burgh, called Seseltre, which properly pertains to the Archbishop’s 18-15 
 kitchen. One, named Blize, holds it of the Monks. In demesne, there is one team. And forty-eight bordars 
 with one team. A Church there. And eight fisheries (with a gafol) of twenty-five shillings. Wood of ten hogs. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty-five shillings. And now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 IN WIWARLET LATH. IN EAVRESHANT HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds PRESTETONE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of six teams. 18-21 
 In demesne, there are three. And thirteen villans, with fourteen bordars, have three teams. A Church there. 
 
 And one slave. And one mill without rent. And one fishery of two hundred and fifty eels. Two acres of meadow 
 there. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth ten pounds. Now, fifteen 
 pounds. 
 
 IN FELEBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Certeham. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land of fourteen 18-26 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And sixty villans, with fifteen cotars, have fifteen teams and a half. A Church 
 there. And one slave. And five mills and a half of seventy shillings. And thirty acres of meadow. And wood 
 of twenty-five hogs. In the time of Kang Edward, and when he received it, it was worth twelve pounds. Now, 
 twenty-five pounds. And yet it renders thirty pounds. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Gomersham. It answers for eight sulings. There is the arable land of twelve 18-32 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And sixty villans, with eight cotars, have seventeen teams. A Church there. 
 
 And two slaves. And a mill of twenty-five shillings. And twelve acres of meadow. Wood of forty hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, and when he received it, it was worth twelve pounds. Now, twenty pounds. And yet it 
 renders thirty pounds. 
 
 IN CERT HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Certh. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of twelve teams. 18-37 
 In demesne, there are two. And thirty-six villans, with eleven cotars, have twenty-two teams and a half. Five 
 slaves there. And two mills of six shillings. And a saltwork of six pence. And twenty-seven acres of meadow. 
 
 And wood of one hundred hogs. In the time of King Edward, and when he received it, it was worth twelve pounds. 
 
 Now, twenty pounds. And yet it renders twenty-seven pounds. 
 
 IN CALEHELLE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Archbishop holds Letelcert. In the time of King Edward, it answered for three sulings". And 18-42 
 now, for two hides and a half. There is the arable land of In demesne, there are two. And nine¬ 
 
 teen villans, with five bordars, have seven teams. Two mills there of five shillings and ten pence. And eleven 
 acres of meadow. And wood of fifteen hogs. 
 
 Of the land of this Manor, William holds, of the Archbishop, half a suling. And has there in demesne one 18—47 
 team, with four slaves. And ten acres of meadow. And wood of twenty hogs. The entire Manor was worth, in 
 the time of King Edward, and afterwards, a hundred shillings. Now, eight pounds and eight shillings and four 
 pence. What William holds is appraised at forty shillings. 
 
108 
 
 KENT. 
 
 19-1 The same Archbishop holds Welle. In the time of King Edward, it answered for seven sulings. And now, 
 
 for five. There is the arable land of eighteen teams. In demesne, there are four. And four score and one villans, 
 with five bordars, have twelve teams and a half. Seven slaves there. And one mill of thirty pence. And twenty 
 acres of meadow. Wood of four score hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth seventeen pounds and 
 eleven shillings and four pence. When he received it, as much. Now, twenty-four pounds and four pence. And 
 yet it renders forty pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ESTREI. IN ESTIiEI HUNDRED. 
 
 19-8 The same Archbishop holds Estrei. It answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And seventy-two villans, with twenty-two bordars, have twenty-four teams. A 
 mill and a half there, of thirty shillings. And three salt works of four shillings. And eighteen acres of meadow. 
 Wood of ten hogs. 
 
 19-13 And in Getinge the Monks of Canterbury hold half a suling, and one yoke, and five acres. And have there 
 
 six villans, with two teams and a half. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth 
 twenty-six pounds and ten shillings and four pence and one farthing. Now, thirty-six pounds and ten shillings and 
 four pence and one farthing. 
 
 19—is The same Archbishop holds Edesiiam. It answers for seventeen sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there are two teams and a half. And one hundred villans, with fourteen bordars, have thirty- 
 six teams. Thirteen acres of meadow there. And three slaves. Wood for fencing. 
 
 19-22 Of the land of this Manor, two Knights hold, of the Archbishop, three sulings. And have four teams there, in 
 
 demesne. And eighteen villans, with five bordars, have one team. The entire Manor, in the time of King 
 Edward, was worth forty pounds. W'hen he received it, likewise. Now, it renders forty-six pounds and sixteen 
 shillings and four pence. And to the Archbishop, one hundred shillings by way of fine. What the Knights hold 
 is worth eleven pounds. And yet they render thirteen pounds. 
 
 IN HAME HUNDRED. 
 
 19—as The same Archbishop holds Werahorne. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. And six villans, with three bordars, have one team. Twelve acres of meadow 
 there. And wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty shillings. And 
 now, sixty shillings. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN BLACHEBORNE HUNDRED. 
 
 19-33 The same Archbishop holds Apeldres. In the time of King Edward it answered for two sulings. And now, 
 for one. There is the arable land of eight teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And thirty-seven villans, 
 with forty-one bordars, have eleven teams. A Church there. And six fisheries of three shillings and four 
 pence. Two acres of meadow there. And wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth six pounds. Now, sixteen pounds and seventeen shillings and six pence. 
 
 IN THE HUNDRED OF WI. 
 
 19-38 The same Archbishop holds one Manor, which answered for one suling in the time of King Edward. And now, 
 
 for half. There is the arable land of two teams. In demesne, there is one. And three villans, with four bordars, 
 have two teams and a half. A Church there. And one mill of two shillings. And two slaves. And seven acres 
 of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, fifty shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 IN ROMENEL MARSH. 
 
 19-43 The same Archbishop holds Asmeslant. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of three teams. 
 
 There are twenty-one villans there, having seven teams. It is worth, and was worth, fifty-three shillings. 
 
 Of this land, William Folet has one yoke. And it is worth to him ten shillings a year. 
 
 19-47 
 
 SANDWIC,—it is written above,—pertains to the demesne of the Monks. 
 
KENT. 
 
 109 
 
 THE LAND OF THE BISHOP OF ROVECESTRE. 
 
 IIII. The Bishop of Rochester holds Sudfleta. It answered for six sidings. There is the arable land of thirteen 20—2 
 teams. In demesne, there is one team. And twenty-five villans, with nine bordars, having twelve teams. Seven 
 slaves there. And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. Now, it answers for five sulings. There is a 
 Church there. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eleven pounds. Now, twenty-one 
 pounds. And yet, it renders twenty-four- pounds, and an ounce of gold. 
 
 Of this Manor, there is in TONEBRIGE, as much of wood and of land as is appraised at twenty shillings. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Estanes. In the time of King Edward, it answered for six sulings. And now, 20—9 
 for foui- sulings. There is the arable land of eleven teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty villans, with 
 twelve bordars, have eleven teams. A Church there. And four slaves. And seventy-two acres of meadow. And 
 one mill of six shillings and eight pence. And one fishery of three shillings and four pence. Wood of sixty hogs. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth thirteen pounds. And now, sixteen pounds. And yet, 
 it renders twenty pounds, and one oimce of gold, and one Marse. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrjge holds of that Manor as much wood as is worth fifteen shillings. 20-15 
 
 The same Bishop holds Fachesiiam. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of . 20-17 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. And fifteen villans, with three bordars, have four teams. A Church there. And 
 1 three slaves. And two mills of fifteen shillings. And four acres of meadow. Wood of thirty hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth seven pounds. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Laagafel, and Anschitil (the Presbyter) of him. It answers for one suling. There 20-22 
 is the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And nine villans, with seven bordars, have two 
 
 teams. It was worth seventy shillings. And now, a hundred shillings. 
 
 IN BRONLEI HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Bishop hold Bronlei. It answered for six sulings in the time of King Edward. And now, for 20-25 
 three. There is the arable land of thirteen teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And thirty villans, with 
 twenty-six bordars, have eleven teams. One mill there of four shillings. And two acres of meadow. Wood of 
 one hundred 'hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twelve pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 Now, eighteen pounds. And yet it renders twenty-one pounds, less two shillings. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Oldeham. It answered for six shillings in the time of King Edward. And now, for 20-31 
 three. There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there are two. And eighteen villans, with sixteen 
 bordars, have six teams. Six slaves there. And one fishery. And sixty acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. 
 
 A Church there. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eight pounds. Now, twelve pounds. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Mellingetes. It anwered for three sulings in the time of King Edward. And now, 20-36 
 for one and a half. There is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there is one. And five villans, with six 
 bordars, have two teams. A Church there. And one mill of two shillings. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. And now, four pounds. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Totescliye. In the time of King Edward, it answered for three sulings. And now, 20-41 
 for one suling. There is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there is one suling. And one team there. 
 
 And ten villans, with two teams. A Church there. And one slave. And two acres of meadow. And wood of ten 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth sixty shillings. And now, seven pounds. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Esnoiland. In the time of King Edward, it answered for six sulings. And now, for 20-46 
 three. There is the arable land of six teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And ten villans, with six bordars, 
 have six teams. A Church there. And five slaves. And three mills of forty shillings. And thirty acres of meadow. 
 
 Wood of four hogs. • In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth six pounds. Now, nine pounds. 
 
 1 E 
 
21-25 
 
 21-34 
 
 110 
 
 KENT. 
 
 IN ESSAMELE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Coolestane. It answered for two sidings and a half in the time of King Edward. 
 And now, for two only. There is the arable land of six teams. In demesne, there are two. And fifteen villans, 
 with nine bordars, have five teams. A Church there. And two slaves. And one mill of thirty pence. And twenty 
 acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth four pounds and ten shillings. 
 And now, ten pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Danitone. It answered for two sulings in the time of King Edward. And now, for 
 half a suling. There is the arable land of two teams. In demesne, there is one. And six villans have there one 
 team. A Church there. And four slaves. And four acres of meadow. Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth one hundred shillings. And now, seven pounds and fifteen sh illing s, 
 
 The same Bishop holds HALLINGES. In the time of King Edward, it answered for six sulings. And now, for 
 two and a half. There is the arable land of seven teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And fifteen villans, 
 with nine bordars, have six teams. A Church there. And two slaves. And thirty acres of meadow. And Wood 
 of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth seven pounds. Now, sixteen pounds. 
 
 What Richard holds in his Lowy, is worth seven shillings. 
 
 The same Bisnop holds Frandesberie. It answered for ten sulings in the time of King Edward. And now, 
 for seven. There is the arable land of fifteen teams. In demesne, there are five teams. And forty villans, with 
 twenty-eight bordars, have eleven teams. A Church there. And nine slaves. And one mill of twelve shi lling s 
 And forty acres of meadow. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eight 
 pounds. And now, twenty-five pounds. 
 
 What Richard holds in his Lowy, is worth ten shillings. 
 
 IN THE HUNDRED OF ROVECESTRE. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Borchetelle. In the time of King Edward, it answered for two sulings. And now, 
 for one suling and a half. There is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And six 
 villans, with three teams. Fifty acres of meadow there. And two mills of twenty shillings. In the time of Kin g 
 Edward, and afterwards, it was worth six pounds. And now, ten pounds. 
 
 In Rovecestre, the Bishop had, and still has, four score messuages of land, which pertain to Frandesberie 
 and Borcstel, his own proper Manors. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, they were worth three 
 pounds. Now, they are worth eight pounds. And yet they render eleven pounds and thirteen shillings and four 
 pence a year. 
 
 IN HOW HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Bishop holds Estoches. In the time of King Edward, it answered for five sulings. And now, for 
 three. There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And ten villans, with five 
 bordars, have four teams. A Church there. And four slaves. And four acres of meadow. In the time of King 
 Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth eight pounds and twenty pence. And yet, the Tenant renders thir¬ 
 teen pounds and twenty pence. 
 
 I his Manor was, and is, of the bishoprick of Rochester; but Earl Godwin, in the time of King Edward, bought 
 it of two Men who were holding it of the Bishop; and this sale was made without his knowledge. But, afterwards, 
 during the reign of King William, Archbishop Lanfranc dereyned it against the Bishop of Baieux ; and thence, the 
 Church of Rochester is now seised of it. 
 
KENT. 
 
 11L 
 
 THE LAND OF THE BISHOP OF BAIEUX. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF SUDTONE. IN ACHESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 V. Of the Bishop of Baieux, Hugh de Porth holds Hagelei. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 of . In demesne, there are two teams. And fourteen villans, with three bordars, have four teams. 
 
 Three slaves there. And twelve acres of meadow. And one mill of twenty shillings. And one denn of Wood, of 
 five hogs. The entire Manor is now worth fifteen pounds, of twenty to the ore. 
 
 In this Manor one Man holds twenty acres of arable land worth five shillings a year,—he is called Vluret, 
 —he neither pertains to that Manor, nor could have a lord other than the King. 
 
 Helto holds Svinescamp, of the Bishop. It answers for ten sulings. There is the arable land of fourteen 
 teams. In demesne, there are three. And thirty-three villans, with three bordars, have thirteen teams. One 
 Knight there. And ten slaves. And forty acres of meadow. Wood of three hogs. And five fisheries of thirty 
 pence. And a sixth which owes service to the hall. And one Hythe of five shillings and four pence. 
 
 Of the Wood of this Manor, Richard holds, in his Lowy, what is worth four shillings. 
 
 The entire Manor was worth twenty pounds. And now, it is worth thirty-two pounds. 
 
 Ralph Son of Turald holds, of the Bishop, ERCLEI. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And nine villans, with six cotars, have three teams. Three 
 slaves there. And wood of ten hogs. The entire Manor was worth three pounds. And now, one hundred shillings. 
 A certain woman held it. 
 
 Ralph holds of the Bishop Eddintone. for half a suling. There is the arable land of one 
 
 team. And it is there. With four bordars. And two slaves. And one mill there of twenty-three shillings. The 
 entire Manor is appraised at four pounds. In the time of King Edward, it was little worth. Lestan held it of 
 King Edward. And, after his death, he turned himself to Alnod (Gilt). And now it is in claim. 
 
 Ansgot de Rouecestre holds, of the Bishop, Mapledescam. for half a suling. There is the 
 
 arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. With one villan. And four bordars. And four 
 
 slaves. One acre of meadow there. And Wood of eight hogs, and sixteen pence more. It was worth four pounds. 
 And now, one hundred and ten shillings. Eustan held it of King Edward. 
 
 Adam Son of Hubert holds, of the Bishop, Redlege. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And six villans, with five bordars, have two teams. Five slaves 
 there. And half an acre of meadow. And one denn of Wood, which Richard de Tonebrige holds. The Manor 
 was worth three pounds. And now, four pounds and ten shillings. Siward held it of King Edward. 
 
 Hugh de Port holds, of the Bishop, ElSSE. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 . Li demesne, there is one team. And twelve villans, with eight bordars, have three teams. A certain 
 Knight there, having eight slaves, male and female. And land for one team. 
 
 Besides this, Hugh has two Men holding half a suling, who, in the time of King Edward, could go whither 
 they pleased without license. One land is called Didele, and the other SONINGES. There is arable land there for 
 one team. And it is appraised at twenty shillings. The entire Manor was appraised at seven pounds. And now, 
 likewise. 
 
 What Richard de Tonebrige holds, is appraised at forty shillings. 
 
 The King has two denns of it, which are appraised at seven shillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 Goisfhid de Ros holds LOLINGESTONE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there is one team. And four villans, with one cotar, have two teams. Seven slaves there. And six 
 acres of pasture. Wood of twenty hogs. When he received it, it was worth sixty shillings. And now, one hundred 
 shillings. 
 
 The King has in his own hands what is worth ten shillings. Brixe Celt held it of King Edward. 
 

 112 
 
 KENT. 
 
 Malger holds, of the Bishop, LOLESGESTONE. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. And three villans, with six bordars, have one team. Five acres of meadow 
 there. The entire Manor was worth sixty shillings. Is' ow, seventy shillings. 
 
 The King holds of that Manor what is worth ten shillings. Bruning held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Malger holds, in Ferlingeham, half a yoke of land. There is the arable land of three oxen. There 
 are two oxen there. With one bordar. And two acres of meadow. It was worth, and is worth, fifteen shillings. 
 Brunesune held it, and could turn himself, with his land, whither he chose. 
 
 Of this Manor the King holds what is worth eight shillings. 
 
 The same Malger holds, in PlNNEDENE, half a suling, of the Bishop. There is the arable land of seven oxen. 
 There is one team there. With six villans. And six acres of meadow. It was worth, and is worth, sixteen shillings. 
 Aluret held it in the time of King Edward, and could turn himself whither he chose. 
 
 Osbern Pastforeire holds, in Lolingeston, half a suling, of the Bishop. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And three villans, with one bordar, and one slave, have one team. Five 
 acres of meadow there. Wood of five hogs. And one mill of fifteen shillings, and one hundred and fifty eels. 
 
 The King has Wood, of the new gift of the Bishop, and it is worth three shillings. 
 
 The entire Manor was worth sixty shillings. Now, seventy-seven shillings. Sewart Sot held it in the time 
 of King Edward, and could turn himself, with his land, whither he chose. 
 
 Wadard holds, of the Bishop, half a suling in FERNINGEHAM. There is the arable land of three teams. In 
 demesne, there are two teams. With one villan. And two cotars. And five slaves. Half a mill there of five 
 shillings. And four acres of meadow. Wood of five hogs. 
 
 Besides that half suling, Wadard holds, in the same ville, half a yoke, which never quitted itself to the King. 
 Altogether, it was worth four pounds. And now, six pounds. Estan held it of King Edward, and could turn him¬ 
 self whither he chose. 
 
 The same Wadard holds, of the Bishop, MAPLESCAMP. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 of two teams. They are there. With one villan. And four bordars. And five slaves. And one acre and a half 
 of meadow. Wood of eight hogs and sixteen pence. It was worth three pounds. And now, six pounds. Ultan 
 held it under Herald. 
 
 Ernulf de Hushing holds FerninGEHA il. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of two teams. 
 There are now there six oxen. With two villans. And three bordars. One mill there of ten shillings. And 
 eight acres of meadow. Pasture for one hundred sheep. Wood of ten hogs and fourteen pence. 
 
 The King has of the Wood of this Manor what is worth eight shillings. 
 
 The entire Manor was worth three pounds. And now, forty shillings. Dering held it, and could turn himself 
 whither he chose. 
 
 Anschitil de Eos holds Tarent, of the Bishop. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one 
 team and a half. In demesne, there is one. And four villans, with four bordars, have one team. Three acres of 
 meadow there. And two mills of eighteen shillings. Wood of three hogs. 
 
 The King has of that Manor, of the new gift of the Bishop, what is worth ten pence. 
 
 The entire Manor was worth, and is worth, one hundred shillings. Aluric held it of King Edward. 
 
 In the same ville, the same Anschitil has one Manor, of the Bishop. It answers for half a suling. There is the 
 arable land of one team and a half. Five villans. And five bordars there. And one mill of twenty shillings. 
 Three acres of meadow there. And one slave. The entire Manor was worth sixty shillings. And now, seventy 
 shillings. Osiert held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Anschitil holds, of the Bishop, Hortune. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 three teams. And there are four bordars there. And one mill of five sulings. And six acres of meadow. There 
 is a Church there. And Wood of three hogs. 
 
 The King has, of the new gift of the Bishop, as much Wood of this Manor as is worth five shillings. 
 
KENT. 
 
 113 
 
 The entire Manor was worth four pounds. And now, six pounds. Goran, held it of Bum, and could turn 
 himself, with his land, whither he chose. 
 
 The same Anschitil holds, of the Bishop, half a suling in the same Manor. There is the arable land of one 
 team. And it is there in demesne. And eight villans, with six borders, have one team. One mill there of fifteen 
 shillings. And nine acres of meadow. Wood of fire hogs. The entire Manor was worth forty shillings. And 
 now, sixty shillings. Orbing held it of the King. 
 
 The same Anschitil holds, of the Bishop, one suling in the same Manor. There is the arable land of three 
 teams. In demesne, there is one team. And eight villans with two teams. One slave there. And eight acres of 
 meadow. And half- a mill of five shillings. Wood of fifteen hogs. The entire Manor was worth four pounds. 
 And now, one hundred shillings. Alward held it of Harold. These four Manors are now for one Manor. 
 
 IN LITELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 Robert Latinn holds, of the .Bishop, Loisnes. There is the arable land of seventeen teams. In demesne, 
 there is one. And sixty villans, with three bordars, have fifteen teams. Two slaves there. And three cotars. 
 And three fisheries of four shillings. And thirty acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of Kino- 
 Edward, it was worth twenty pounds. When the Bishop received it, eighteen pounds. And now, twenty-two 
 pounds. And yet the Tenant renders thirty pounds. This Manor, in the time of King Edward, answered for ten 
 sulings. And now, for four sulings. Azor held it.. 
 
 Ansgot holds, of the Bishop, Hov, which answers for one suling. There is the arable land of . In 
 
 demesne, there is one team. And five villans, with one team and a half.' And one mill of ten shillings. Two cotars 
 there. And one slave. And twelve acres of meadow. Wood of three hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth sixty shillings. When he received it, as much. And now, four pounds. Anschil held it of King Edward. 
 
 The Abbot of St. Augustine holds, of the Bishop of Baieux, Plumestede. It answers for two sulings and 
 one yoke. There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there is one team. And seventeen villans, with 
 three bordars, have four teams. Wood there of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. 
 When he received it, eight pounds. And now, as much. And yet the Tenant renders twelve pounds. Brixi Cilt 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN HELMESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 Malger holds, of the Bishop, Rochelie. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there is one team and a half. And ten villans, with nine bordars, have two teams and a half. One 
 mill there of twelve shillings. Wood of three hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. 
 When he received it, three pounds. And now, one hundred shillings. Aluuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ernulf de Hesding holds, of the Bishop, Ciresfel. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty villans, with four bordars, have eight teams. Four 
 slaves there. And one mill of ten shillings. And ten acres of meadow. And Wood of ten hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth sixteen pounds. And afterwards, twelve pounds. And now, twenty-five pounds. And 
 yet, the Tenant renders thirty-five pounds. Tochi held it of King Edward. 
 
 Adam Son of Hubert holds, of the Bishop, SUDCRAI. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And fourteen villans, with one bordar, have four teams. Six 
 slaves there. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth six 
 pounds. And afterwards, four pounds. And now, ten pounds. Toli held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, WiCHEHAM. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there, are two teams. And twenty-four villans have four teams. Thirteen slaves 
 there. And one Church. And one mill of twenty pence. And one Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. And now, thirteen pounds. Godric (son of 
 Carle) held it of King Edward. 
 
 24-4 
 
 24-6 
 
 24-10 
 
 24-ig 
 
 24-23 
 
 24-28 
 
 24-34 
 
 24-39 
 
 24-45 
 
 24 - 50 
 
 25- i 
 
 2 F 
 
114 
 
 KENT. 
 
 25-5 Goisfrid de Eos holds, of the Bishop, LaSELA. It answers for seven snlings. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there are three teams. And thirty-one villans, with fourteen bordars, have sixteen 
 
 teams. Ten slaves there. And one fishery of four score eels and ten. Wood of seventy-five hogs. The entire 
 Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth thirty pounds. When he received it, sixteen pounds. And now, 
 what Goisfrid holds, twenty-four pounds. 
 
 25-9 What Bichard de Tonebrige holds, in his Lowy, is appraised at six pounds. 
 
 25-10 What the King holds of this Manor, twenty-two shillings. Brixi Celt held it of King Edward. 
 
 25-12 Anschitil de Eos holds, of the Bishop, Craie. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And seven villans, with six bordars, have one team. A Church 
 there. And one acre of meadow. And three acres of pasture. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 was worth four pounds. And now, three pounds. Leuric held it of King Edward. 
 
 25-16 The same Anschitil holds, of the Bishop, another Craie. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable 
 land of . In demesne, there is one team. And seven villans, with five bordars, have one team. One 
 
 mill there of forty-two pence. And five slaves. Wood of seven hogs. In the time of King Edward, and after¬ 
 wards, it was worth four pounds. And now, three pounds. 
 
 25-20 These two lands were two Manors, in the time of King Edward. And now, they are in one Manor. Aluuen 
 
 held it of Alnod Celt. 
 
 IN THE HALF LATH OF SUDTONE. IN GEENVIZ HUNDEED. 
 
 25-22 The Bishop of Lisieux holds, of the Bishop of Baieux, GRENVIZ. It answers for two sulings. There is the 
 arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty-four villans have four teams. And 
 
 three bordars. And one cotar. And five slaves. Four mills there of seventy shillings. And twenty-two acres of 
 meadow. And forty acres of pasture. And Wood of ten hogs. 
 
 25-26 These two sulings, in the time of King Edward, were two Manors. (Earl) Harold held one, and Brixi the 
 other. And now, they are in one. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and together, they were worth 
 eight pounds. And now, they are appraised at twelve pounds. 
 
 25-29 Haimo (the Sheriff) holds, of the Bishop, Alteham. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the 
 arable land of twelve teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And forty-two villans, with twelve bordars, have 
 eleven teams. Nine slaves there. And twenty-two acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time of Kin g 
 Edward, it was worth sixteen pounds. When he received it, twelve pounds. And now, twenty pounds. Aluuold 
 held it of the King. 
 
 25-34 The Son of Turald of Eochester holds, of the Bishop, Witenemers. It answers for one suling. There is 
 the arable land of four teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And eleven villans, with two cotars, have two 
 teams. Four acres of meadow there. Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth one 
 hundred shillings. When he received it, four pounds. And now, one hundred shillings. Anschel held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
 25-39 Walter of Douai holds of the Bishop, Lee. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of four 
 
 teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And eleven villans, with two cotars, have two teams. Two slaves there. 
 And five acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and when the Bishop received it, it 
 was worth three poimds. Now, one hundred shillings. Aluetin held it of the King. 
 
 William Son of Oger holds, of the Bishop, Cerletone. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 land of five teams. In demesne, there is one team. And thirteen villans have three teams. Two slaves there. 
 And eight acres of meadow. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is 
 worth seven pounds. Two brothers held this land of the King, for two Manors. Godihn and Aluuard. 
 
 IN HELMESTEEI HUNDEED. 
 
 25-48 The same William holds, of the Bishop, Crai. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And eight villans, with one team and a half. And four cotars. And 
 
KENT. 
 
 115 
 
 one mill of ten shillings. One slave there. And Wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 four pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. Now, four pounds. Goduin (Sot) held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ansciiitil holds, of the Bishop, CROCTUNE. It answers for one suling and one yoke. There is the arable 
 land of . In demesne, there is nothing. But there are three villans, and four bordars there. In 
 
 the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth one hundred shillings. And now, six pounds. Aluuin held 
 this land of King Edward for two Manors. 
 
 Gislebert Maminot holds, of the Bishop, Codeham. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land 
 of ten teams. In demesne, there are four. And fifteen villans, with six bordars, have six teams. A Church there. 
 And eleven slaves. And two mills of fourteen shillings and two pence. Wood of forty hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth twenty pounds. And afterwards, sixteen pounds. Now, twenty-four pounds. 
 
 The same Gislebert holds, of the Bishop, CilESTAN. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 of ■ In demesne, there is one team. And four villans with one team. Wood of five hogs there. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth sixty shillings. Now, forty shillings. Sberne Biga 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 Hugh, the nephew of Herbert, holds, of the Bishop, Sentlinge. It answers for one suling and a half. 
 There is the arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty villans with two teams. 
 
 A Church there. And nine slaves. And six acres of meadow. And twenty acres of pasture. Wood of eight 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. Now, eight 
 pounds. Bonde held it of the Archbishop. 
 
 IN BRUNLEI HUNDRED. 
 
 Ansgot of Rochester holds, of the Bishop, Bacheham. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land 
 of eight teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty-two villans, with eight bordars, have eight teams and a 
 half. Twelve acres of meadow there. And four slaves. And one mill. And Wood of sixty hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth nine pounds. Now, thirteen pounds. Anschil held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORD. IN LAVROCHESFEL HUNDRED. 
 
 Adam holds, of the Bishop, Leleburne. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And sixteen villans, with two bordars, have seven teams. A Church there. 
 And ten slaves. And one mill of seven shillings. And twelve acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, seven pounds. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige holds, in his Lowy, what is worth twenty-four shillings. 
 
 The King holds, of the new gift of the Bishop, what is worth twenty-four shillings and two pence. 
 
 Turgis held this Manor of Earl Goduin. 
 
 Anschitil holds, of the Bishop, EleNTUN. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of three 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And fifteen villans, with two bordars, have one team and a half. A Church 
 there. And two slaves. And half a mill. And one denn of fifteen shillings. Wood of eight hogs. And one 
 acre of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth one hundred shillings. When he received it, sixty 
 shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Vluric held it of Alnod Celt. 
 
 Haimo (the Sheriff) holds, of the Bishop, DlCTUNE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 four teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty villans, with five bordars, have three teams. A Church there. 
 And six slaves. And one mill of ten shillings. And eight acres of meadow. And thirty-five acres of pasture. 
 Wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, one hundred 
 shillings. Now, eight pounds. Sbern held it of King Edward. 
 
 Vital holds, of the Bishop, SlFLETONE. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of one team. 
 In demesne, there is one team and a half. And six villans, with one bordar, have half a team. Six slaves there. 
 
 26-1 
 
 26-3 
 
 26-8 
 
 26-13 
 
 26-17 
 
 26-22 
 
 26-28 
 
 26-32 
 
 26-36 
 
 26-42 
 
 26-48 
 
116 
 
 KENT. 
 
 27-14 
 
 And one mill of ten shillings. Ten acres of meadow there. And thirty acres of pasture. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth forty shillings. When he received it, four pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. In the time 
 of King Edward, two Men, Leuuin and Vluuin, held this land in parage, and could turn themselves, with their land, 
 whither they chose. 
 
 Ralph Son of Turold holds, of the Bishop, AlGLESSA. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land 
 of . In demesne, there is one team. And seven villans, with fourteen bordars, have one team. One 
 
 slave there. And eleven acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 was worth three pounds. Now, four pounds. 
 
 What Richard holds, in his Low)', fifteen pence. 
 
 The King, eight shillings and five pence, of the new gift of the Bishop. 
 
 And in Rouecestre, the Bishop had three houses of thirty-one pence, which he took from that Manor into 
 his own hands. Alnod Gilt held this Manor. 
 
 Hugh de Port holds, of the Bishop, Pellesorde. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And one villan, with four bordars, have three oxen. A Church 
 there. And two slaves. And five acres of meadow. And one acre of pasture. In the time of King Edward, it 
 was worth twenty shillings. When he received it, thirty shillings. Now, forty shillings. Godric held it of Kin o- 
 27-20 Edward. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, RlESCE. It answers for two sulings and a half. There is the arable 
 land of five teams. In demesne, there are two. And ten villans, with two bordars, have three teams. A Church 
 there. And ten slaves. And one mill of ten shillings. And nine acres of meadow. Wood of five hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, one hundred shillings. Now, six pounds. 
 27-2G Aluric held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Ofeiiam. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of three 
 teams. In demesne, nothing. Six villans there, with one bordar, have two teams. One mill there of fifty pence. 
 And three slaves. And four acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 27-31 forty shillings. When he received it, twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 Rannulph de Columbels holds, of the Bishop, Essedene. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 land °f ■ In demesne, there is one team. And nineteen villans, with three bordars, have three teams. 
 
 Three slaves there. And eight acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth three pounds. 
 27-36 When he received it, four pounds. Now, five pounds. {Earl) Lewin held it. 
 
 Rotbert Latin holds at farm, of the King, Totintune, of the new gift of the Bishop oe Baieux. It answers 
 for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team and a half. In demesne, there is one. And three villans, 
 with nine bordars, have half a team. Four slaves there. And five acres of meadow. Wood of two hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth thirty shillings. When he received it, twenty shillings. Now, forty shillings. 
 27-42 Ulnod held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Botkbkt holds in Totintune, at farm of the King, one yoke; and that is of the new gift of the 
 Bishop op Baieux. And there is nothing there hut two acres of meadow. It is worth, and always was worth, ten 
 27-45 shillings. Goduin held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ralph Son of Turald holds, of the Bishop, Eddintune. It answers for two sulings and a half. There is the 
 arable land of five teams. In demesne, there are two. And six villans, with nine bordars, have one team. A 
 Church there. And ten slaves. And two mills of eleven shillings and two pence. And twelve acres of meadow. 
 Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, one hundred 
 shillings. Now, six pounds. Agelred held it of King Edward. 
 
KENT. 
 
 117 
 
 IN TOLLENTREV HUNDRED. 28-1 
 
 Ralpii Son of Turold holds, of the Bishop, Meletune. It answers for one suliug and three yokes. There 
 is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, there is one. And twenty-one villans, with two bordars, have two 
 teams. A Church there. And one mill of forty-nine pence. And a Hythe of twenty shillings. And three slaves. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. Now, six pounds. What 
 Richard holds, in his Lowy, five shillings in one Wood. Earl Leuuin held it. 
 
 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, Ledesdune. It answers for two sulings and a half, and half a yoke. 28-7 
 There is the arable land of six teams. In demesne, there are two. And seventeen villans, with four bordars, have 
 five teams. A Church there. And one slave. And three acres and a half of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth six pounds. And afterwards, a hundred shillings. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 That which Richard has in his Lowy, twenty pence. The Bishop holds in his own hands, within the City of 
 Rouecestre, four houses pertaining to this Manor, from which he has nine shillings and ten pence. (Earl) Lewin 
 held it. 
 
 Herbert Son of Iuo holds, of the Bishop, Gravesiiam. It answers for two sulings aud one yoke. There is 28-15 
 the arable land of four teams. In demesne, there is one. And four villans, with seven slaves, have two oxen. A 
 Church there. And one Hythe. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. When he received it, as 
 much. Now, eleven pounds. This Manor had been three Manors. In the time of King Edward, Leuric, and 
 Uluuin, and Goduin held it. Now it is in one. 
 
 Wadard holds, of the Bishop, Notestede. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of two 28-21 
 teams. In demesne, there is one. And four bordars there. And a Church. And four slaves. Wood of three 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. When he received it, three pounds. Now, five 
 pounds. Vlstan held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN LAVROCIiESFEL HUNDRED. 28-25 
 
 Ansciiitil holds, of the Bishop, Ofeham. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there is one team. And six villans, with two bordars, have one team. Four slaves there. And one 
 mill of ten shillings. And seven acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. And, in the City of Rouecestre, one house 
 rendering thirty pence. In tlie time of King Edward, the Manor was worth one hundred shillings. When he 
 received it, four pounds. Now, four pounds and nine shillings. What Richard de Tonebrige holds is worth eleven 
 shillings. Vluric held it of Alnod Cilt. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, BERLINGE. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land 28-33 
 of . In demesne, there is one team. And ten villans, with fourteen bordars, have six teams. A 
 
 Church there. And six slaves. And one mill of ten shillings, and three hundred and thirty eels. And a fisheiy of 
 sixty eels. Twelve acres of meadow there. And pasture for fifty animals. Wood of forty hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. When he received it, six pounds, Now, twelve pounds. Sbern Biga 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, Borham. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of eight 28-40 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And fifteen villans, with twenty bordars, have six teams. A Church there. 
 
 And seven slaves. And one mill of six shillings. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. And when he received it, as much. Now, twelve pounds. I he Bishop 
 of Rouecestre has houses of this Manor; and they are worth seven shillings. (Earl) Lewin held this Manor. 
 
 IN LITEFELLE HUNDRED. 
 
 Corbin holds, of the Bishop, Pecheiiam. * It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of six teams. 28-47 
 In demesne, there is one. And twelve villans have five teams. And eight bordars, And five slaves. And three 
 acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twelve pounds. 
 
 Now, eight pounds. And yet it renders twelve pounds. The King has of this Manor three denns, where four 29-1 
 villans dwell, and they are worth forty shillings. (Earl) Lewin held it. 
 
 2 G 
 
118 
 
 KENT. 
 
 29-2 Richard de Tonebrige holds, of the Bishop, HasLOW. It answers for six sidings. There is the arable land of 
 
 twelve teams. In demesne, there are three. And forty-seven villans, with fifteen bordars, have fifteen teams. A 
 Church there. And ten slaves. And two mills of eleven shillings. And twelve fisheries of seven shillings and 
 six pence. And twelve acres of meadow. Wood of sixty hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and 
 now, it is worth thirty pounds. Eddeua held it of King Edward. 
 
 29-7 Ralph Son of Turold holds, of the Bishop, half a suling in ESTOCHINGEBERGE. In the time of King Edward, 
 
 two free Men held it. And now, likewise. And it is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORD. IN WACHELESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 29-io Richard de Tonebrige holds, of the Bishop, Tivedele. It answers for one yoke. There is the arable land of 
 one team. And it is there in demesne. And a Church. And Wood of two hogs. It is worth, and always was 
 worth, fifteen shillings. Eddeua held it of the King. 
 
 IN AIHORDE HUNDRED. 
 
 29-13 Hugh Nephew of Herbert holds, of the Bishop, HarIARDESHAM. It answers for two sulings. There is the 
 
 arable land of six teams. In demesne, . Eighteen villans, with ten bordars, have four teams. 
 
 A Church there. And eleven slaves. And two mills of eleven shillings and six pence. And seven acres of meadow. 
 Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. When he received it, eight pounds. 
 Now, ten pounds. Osward held it of King Edward. 
 
 29-19 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Fereburne. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 two teams. In demesne, . Four villans, with one team and a half. And two mills of forty 
 
 pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. Afterwards, and now, three pounds. Aluuin 
 held it of (Earl) Goduuin. 
 
 29-23 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, a yoke of free laud in Selesburne. And has there half a team. With 
 one bordar. And five slaves. And one acre and a half of meadow. It is worth, and always was worth, twenty 
 shillings. Aluuin held it of Earl Goduuin. 
 
 29-20 The same Hugh, and Adelold, the Chamberlain, hold, of the Bishop, Fredenestede. It answers for one 
 suling. There is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, . Three villans have seven 
 
 oxen. A Church there. And two acres and a half of meadow. And Wood of two hogs. It is worth, and always 
 was worth, twenty shillings. Lewin held it of King Edward. 
 
 29-30 Adelold holds, of the Bishop, Esledes. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of twelve teams. 
 In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty-eight villans, with eight bordars, have seven teams. A Church there. 
 And eighteen slaves. Two arpends of vineyard there. And eight acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. 
 And five mills of the villans. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixteen pounds. Likewise, when he 
 received it. Now, twenty pounds. And yet it renders twenty-five pounds. (Earl) Lewin held it. 
 
 29—36 Ot this Manor the Abbot op St. Augustine has half a suling, which is worth ten shillings, in exchange for the 
 Bishop of Baieux’s park. The Earl of Ow has four denns of that Manor, which are worth twenty shillings. 
 
 29-39 Ansgot de Rouecestre holds, of the Bishop, Audintone. It answers for two sidings. There is the arable 
 land of three teams and a half. In demesne, there are two. And seven villans, with five bordars, have one team 
 and a half. A Church there. And four slaves. And six acres of meadow. And one mill of three shillings and 
 two pence. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth four pounds. Now, 
 seven pounds. Goduuin and Aluuin held it of King Edward for two Manors. 
 
 29-44 The same Ansgot holds, of the Bishop, Stochingeberge. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable 
 land . In demesne, there is one team. And five villans, with nine bordars, have two teams. A 
 
 Church there. And two slaves. And one mill of sixty-four pence. Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of Kino- 
 Edward, and afterwards, it was worth four pounds. Now, six pounds. Elueua held it of Kin g Edward. 
 
 29-48 Hugh de Port holds Alnoitone. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of eight teams. In 
 
KENT. 
 
 119 
 
 demesne, there are two teams. And eighteen villans, with six bordars, have six teams. A Church there. And 
 eight slaves. And two mills and a half of seventeen shillings. Five acres of meadow there. Wood of forty hogs. 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth nine pounds. And as much when he received it. Now, ten pounds. 
 And yet it renders twelve pounds. 
 
 To this Manor are adjoined three mansions of land in Rouecestre, and they render five shillings a year. Osuuard 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 Adam Son of Hubert holds, of the Bishop, Sudtone. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land 
 of seven teams. In demesne, there are two. And eighteen villans, with five bordars, have four teams. A Church 
 there. And four acres of meadow. And one mill. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth twelve pounds. When he received it, ten pounds. Now, fourteen pounds. And yet it renders eighteen 
 pounds. {Earl) Lewin held it. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Certh. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of eight 
 teams. In demesne, there is one. And twenty villans, with five bordars, have six teams. A Church there. And eight 
 slaves. /And six acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. Three arpends of vineyard there. And a park of beasts of 
 the forest. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth twelve pounds. Alnod ( Gilt) held it. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Sudtone. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable land 
 of eight teams. In demesne, there are two. And fifteen villans, with nine bordars, have four teams. A Church 
 there. And ten slaves. And eight acres of meadow'. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time of Kin g Edward, and 
 afterwards, it was valued at ten pounds. Now, twelve pounds. And yet it renders eighteen pounds. Leuenot 
 held it {of King Edward). 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Bogelei. It answer for two sulings. There is the arable land of two 
 teams and a half. In demesne, there is one team. And two villans, with two bordars, have half a team. A 
 Church there. And four slaves. And one mill of five shillings. And six acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. 
 
 Of that Manor, one Man, Adam, holds one suling, and it is called Meelea. And he has there one team. And 
 four villans with one team. And a Church. And two slaves. And wood of four hogs. 
 
 The entire Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth six pounds. And afterwards, as much. Now, 
 seven pounds. Turgis held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Langvelei. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable 
 land of four teams. In demesne, there are two. And seven villans, with five bordars, have three teams. A Church 
 there. And seven slaves. And three acres of meadow. Wood of twenty-five hogs. In the time of King Edward, 
 it was worth sixty shillings. When he received it, fifty shillings. Now, nine shillings. Turgis held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Otringedene. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 of two teams. In demesne, there is one. And two villans, with four bordars, have half a team. Two slaves 
 there. And one acre of meadow. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was valued 
 at ten shillings. Now, thirty shillings. To this Manor pertain two messuages of land in Canterbury of twelve 
 pence. Aluuard held this Manor of King Edward. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, East Selve. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 of one team. And it is there in demesne. With one villan. And one bordar. And five slaves. Four acres of 
 meadow there. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth 
 twenty sliillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 William Son of Robert holds, of the Bishop, WEST Selve. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 land of three teams and a half. In demesne, there are two. And a certain Frenchman, with ten villans, and one 
 bordar, have one team and a half. Five slaves there. And one acre of meadow. And one mill of fifteen pence. 
 Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth four pounds. Eddid 
 held it of King Edward. To this Manor there pertained in Canterbury, in the time of King Edward, one house, 
 rendering twenty-five pence. 
 
 30-1 
 
 30-5 
 
 30-io 
 
 30-is 
 
 30-so 
 
 30-21 
 
 30-33 
 
 30-39 
 
 30-43 
 
120 
 
 KENT. 
 
 Hugh Nephew of Herbert holds, of the Bishop, BOLTONE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 land of two teams. In demesne, nothing. But five villans have one team there. And two acres of meadow. 
 Wood of twenty hogs. A Church there. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eight pounds. 
 Now, six pounds. Aluuin held it of (Earl) Goduin. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, GODESELLE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 two teams. In demesne, there is one. And five villans have one team and a half. A Church there. And two 
 slaves. And two acres of meadow. And wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and 
 now, it is worth four pounds. Edwin held it of King Edward, and could go, -with his land, whither lie chose. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, WlNOHELESMERE. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable 
 land of one team. And it is there in demesne. With three slaves. And a Church. And wood of five hogs. 
 And, in the time of King Edward, three houses in Canterbury pertained to this manor, rendering forty pence. 
 The whole, in the time of King Edward, was worth one hundred shillings, and afterwards, and now, forty shillings. 
 Vluiet held it of King Edward, and could go whither he pleased. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Estselve. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 one team. And it is there in demesne. With one villan. And one bordar. And two slaves. Four acres of 
 meadow there. And wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth forty 
 shillings. Vluiet held it of King Edward. 
 
 Goisfrid de Ros holds, of the Bishop, Oteiiam. It answers for one suling and one yoke. There is the arable 
 land of two teams and a half. In demesne, there is one. And nine villans, with three bordars, have one team. A 
 Church there. And two slaves. And one mill of five shillings. And three acres of meadow. Wood of eight 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. When he received it, three pounds. Now, four 
 pounds. Aluuin held it of King Edward. 
 
 Rotbert Latin holds at farm HERBRETITOV. Adelold held it of the Bishop. It answers for one suling. 
 There is the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And two villans, with one bordar, have 
 
 two animals. And four acres of meadow there. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth and 
 now is worth sixty shillings. And yet it is at farm for four pounds. Aluric held it of (Earl) Goduin. 
 
 The same Rotbert holds at farm Brunfelle. Adelold held it of the Bishop. It answers for one suling 
 There is the arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams. And five villans, with ten bordars, 
 
 have one team and a half. One mill there of six shillings and eight pence; And pasture of fifteen shillings. 
 Twelve slaves there. And eight acres of meadow. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward, and 
 afterwards, it was worth four pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. Aluuin held it of (Earl) Goduin. 
 
 To this Manor pertains certain free arable land, enough for three oxen, and it is worth five shillings. 
 
 Ralph Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, Ttjrneham. It answers for three sidings. There is the arable land 
 of eight teams. In demesne, there is one. And sixteen villans, with eighteen bordars, have four teams. A Church 
 there. And six slaves. And one mill of six shillings. And four acres of meadow. Wood of forty hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth ten poimds. Now, twelve pounds. And yet it renders 
 fourteen. Sbern Biga held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, Fereburne. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And two villans. With one bordar. And two slaves. And one 
 acre and a half of meadow. Wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth 
 thirty shillings. Sbern Biga held it of King Edward. 
 
 Odo holds, of the Bishop, GELINGEHAM. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team. 
 In demesne, there are two. And six bordars have half a team. One mill there of sixteen shillings and seven pence. 
 And thirteen acres of meadow. And eight acres of pasture. In the time of King Edward, it was worth forty 
 shillings. When he received it, thirty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. 
 
KENT. 
 
 121 
 
 IN CETEHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 Rotbert Latin holds at farm, of the Bishop, Ceteham. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land 32-2 
 of sixteen teams. In demesne, there are three. And thirty-three villans, with four bordars, have ten teams. A 
 Church there. And fifteen slaves. And one mill of thirty-two pence. And twenty acres of meadow. And six 
 fisheries of twelve pence. Wood of one hog. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twelve 
 pounds. Now, fifteen pounds. And yet it renders thirty-five pounds. (Earl) Godwin held it. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF EILESFORD. IN ROVECESTRE HUNDRED. 32-10 
 
 The Son of William Tahum holds, of the Bishop, Delce. It answers for one suling and one yoke. There is 
 the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And five villans have two teams. Twelve acres 
 
 of meadow there. Wood of one hog. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth three pounds. 
 
 And now, seventy shillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ansgot de Rouecestre holds, of the Bishop, Delce. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two 32-15 
 teams. And they are there, in demesne. And with one villan and five bordars. And six slaves. Twelve acres of 
 meadow there. And sixty acres of pasture. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth one 
 hundred shillings. Osuuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN HOV HUNDRED. 32-id 
 
 The same Ansgot holds, of the Bishop, Stoches. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of two 
 teams. And they are there, in demesne. With seven bordars. One fishery there of two shillings. In the time of 
 King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth one hundred shillings. Now, one hundred and ten shillings. Ansciiil 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 The Bishop of Baieux himself holds in demesne Hoy. It answered for fifty sulings in the time of King 32-23 
 Edward. And now, for thirty-three. There is the arable land of fifty teams. In demesne, there are four. And 
 one hundred villans, less three, with sixty-one cotars, have forty-three teams. Six Churches there. And twelve 
 slaves. And thirty-two acres of meadow. Wood of thirty hogs. The entire Manor, in the time of King Edward, 
 was worth sixty pounds. When the Bishop received it, likewise. And now, as much. And yet, the tenant 
 renders one hundred and thirteen pounds. 
 
 To this Manor pertained nine houses in the City of ROUECESTRE, and they rendered six shillings, neither are 32-30 
 they taken away. Earl Goduin held this Manor. 
 
 Of this Manor Richard de Tonebrige holds half a suling. And Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King 32-32 
 Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth forty shillings. 
 
 Adam, Son of Hubert, holds of the same Manor one suling, and one yoke, of the Bishop. And one Man of his 32-34 
 has in demesne half a team. And four villans with half a team. And one cotar. It is worth, and was worth, 
 thirty shillings. 
 
 Anschitil de Ros holds, of the same Manor, three sulings. And has there in demesne one team. And five 32-37 
 villans, with twelve cotars, have one team and a half. Five slaves there. And one mill of ten shillings. And 
 twelve acres of meadow. And two fisheries of five shillings. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth six pounds. Now, six pounds and five shillings. 
 
 IN TVIFERDE HUNDRED. 
 
 Adam holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Pinpa. There is the arable land of . He has there half a 32-41 
 
 team, with two slaves. And four acres of meadow. And half a fishery without rent. Wood of six hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward it was worth six shillings, and afterwards five shillings. Now, ten shillings. And yet, it 
 renders fifteen shillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 Rannulf de Columbels holds, of the Bishop, FerlaGA. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land 32-40 
 of four teams. Rannulf does not hold more than three yokes. And has there in demesne one team. And ten 
 
 a h 
 
122 
 
 KENT. 
 
 villans. With four cotars. They have three teams. A Church there. And seven slaves. And one mill of five 
 shillings. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and 
 now, it is worth seven pounds. Alnod held it (of the King). 
 
 32- 51 Of that suliug, Rayneii holds one yoke, of the Bishop, in the Manor of PiNFE. And has there one team. With 
 
 33 - 1 nine slaves. And three acres of meadow. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 
 was worth twenty shillings. Now, forty shillings. Alnod ( Cilt) held it of King Edward. 
 
 33-9 Haimo holds, of the Bishop, Nedestede. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of six teams. 
 
 In demesne there is one. And fourteen villans have five teams. A Church there. And fourteen slaves. And two 
 mills of fourteen shillings. And a fishery of two shillings. And seven acres of meadow. Wood of thirty-five hogs. 
 In the time of King Edward it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. Now, eight pounds and five 
 shillings. Norman held it of King Edward. Of that Manor, the Bishop has thirty shillings for two haughs. 
 
 33-3 Pat, pu Son of Turald holds Otringeberge. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of five 
 
 teams. In demesne there are two. And six villans, with eight bordars, have three teams. A Church there. And 
 two mills of three shillings. And two acres of meadow. And a fishery of thirty eels. Wood of two hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. Now, six pounds. Leoeua held it of King 
 Edward. To this Manor are attached three haughs in the City, rendering three shillings. 
 
 33 15 Hugh de Braiboue, holds of' the Bishop, Otrixberge. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable 
 
 land of four teams. In demesne there is one. And nine villans, with four bordars, have two teams. Three slaves 
 there. And one mill of sixteen pence. And three acres of meadow. Wood of two hogs. In the time of King 
 Edward, and afterwards, it was worth four pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. Godil held it of King Edward. 
 
 33-20 Adelold held, of the Bishop, Testan, and Robert now holds it at farm. It answers for one suling. There is 
 the arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams and a half. And seven villans, with three 
 
 bordars, have one team. Twelve slaves there. And one mill of three shillings. And eight acres of meadow. 
 Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward it was worth one hundred shillings. And afterwards, sixty 
 shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Eduuard held it of King Edward. In the time of King Edward, three 
 brothers held this land for three Manors. Now, it is in one. 
 
 33-26 The same Adelold held, of the Bishop, Benedestede. And Robert holds it at farm. It answers for one yoke. 
 There is the arable land of .In demesne, there is one team. With five slaves. And one acre 
 
 of meadow. Wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty shillings. Now, 
 forty shillings. Godric held it of Alnod (Gilt). 
 
 33-30 The same Adelold holds, of the Bishop, Bermelie. It answers for one yoke. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there is one team. With five slaves. And four acres of meadow. Wood of 
 three hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fifteen shillings. When he received it, twenty shillings. 
 Now, forty shillings. Godric held it of Alnod (Gilt). 
 
 IN MEDESTAN hundred. 
 
 33-31 Rotbert Latin holds at farm Boselev. It answered for seven sulings, in the time of King Edward. Now, 
 
 for five sulings. There is the arable land of twenty teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And forty-seven 
 villans, witli eleven bordars, have sixteen teams. Three mills there of thirty-six shillings and eight pence. And 
 sixteen slaves. And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, 
 it was worth twenty-five pounds. Now, thirty pounds. And yet, Robert renders fifty-five pounds. Alnod (Gilt) 
 held it. 
 
 33-39 Of this Manor, Helto held half a suling. And has there one team. With one bordar. And one Frenchman. 
 And two acres of meadow. And Wood of six hogs. And it is worth forty shillings. 
 
 Ralph Son of Turald holds, of the Bishop, Litelbrotehail It answers for one suling and a half. There is 
 the arable laud of • In demesne, there is one team. And four villans, with four bordars, have 
 
 33-41 
 
KENT. 
 
 123 
 
 two teams. Two slaves there. And two mills of four shillings. And two acres of meadow. Wood of five 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. Now, sixty shillings and fifty- 
 four pence. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige has, in his Lowy, what is worth thirteen shillings. And Wood of fifty hogs. 
 
 And the King has of the same Manor what is worth sixteen pence. In the time of King Edward, Goduin 
 and Eduin held this land for two Manors. 
 
 Adam holds, of the Bishop, Celca. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of seven teams. 
 In demesne, there are two. And fourteen villans, with six bordars, have five teams. A Church there. And four 
 slaves. And one mill of five shillings. And sixteen acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 seven pounds. And afterwards, one hundred shillings. Now, ten pounds. And yet, the tenant renders fourteen pounds. 
 
 Of this Manor, there is in the King’s hands what is worth seven shillings, of the new gift of the Bishop. 
 
 The Bishop retained in his own hands, in the City of Rochester, three haughs, which are worth fifty pence. 
 
 In Exesse, there is one hide which justly pertains to this Manor. Goduin, Son of Dudeman, held it. Now 
 Ranulf Peurel holds it. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Heciiam. It answers for five sulings. There is the arable land of 
 twelve teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And twenty-four villans, with twelve bordars, have six teams 
 and a half. Twenty slaves there. And thirty acres of meadow. A Church there. And one mill of ten shillings. 
 And a fishery of three shillings. 
 
 And, in Exesse, Pasture for two hundred sheep. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. 
 And afterwards, six pounds. Now, fifteen pounds. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, Goduin Son of Carle and Toli, held this land, for two Manors. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, in Colixge, one suling and a half. There is the arable land of one 
 team and a half. In demesne, there are two teams. And five villans have half a team. Four slaves there. And 
 seven acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty 
 shillings. Now four pounds. 
 
 What Richard de Tonebrige holds, in his Lowy, is worth seven shillings. 
 
 Yluuin held it of Earl Leuuin. 
 
 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Biohelei. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 half a team. In demesne, there is half a team. And one villan with half a team. And two bordars. One mill 
 there of five shillings. Vluuin held it of Earl Leuuin. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth 
 ten shillings. Now, fifteen shillings. 
 
 IN ESSAMELE HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralph Son of Turald holds, of the Bishop, Arclei. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 half a team. And there are thirty acres of arable land there besides. In demesne, there is one team. And six 
 villans have half a team. Twelve acres of meadow there. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth forty shillings. Now, four pounds. Honef held it of (Earl) Harold. 
 
 Ansgot de Rouecestre holds HanEIIEST. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team 
 In demesne, there is one team. And two villans. With four slaves. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth twenty shillings. When he received it, thirty shillings. Now, forty shillings. Goduin held it of (Earl) 
 Goduin. 
 
 Ernulf de Hesding holds, of the Bishop, Clive. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, half a team. And two villans. And ten acres of meadow. And pasture of one 
 hundred sheep. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth thirty shillings. Two brothers, 
 Aluric and Okdric, held it of King Edward. 
 
 33-40 
 
 33- 40 
 
 34- i 
 
 34-6 
 
 34-s 
 
 34-12 
 
 34-15 
 
 34-19 
 
 34-21 
 
 34—25 
 
 34-30 
 
 34-31 
 
KENT. 
 
 124 
 
 The same Ernulf holds, of the Bishop, HADONE. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of one 
 team. And it is there, in demesne. And six villans, with one bordar, have one team. Six acres of meadow there. 
 In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth fifty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Osuuard held it 
 of King Edward. 
 
 Odo holds, of the Bishop, in the same HADONE, one yoke. There is the arable land of half a team. In 
 demesne, there is nothing. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards and now, it is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 The same Odd holds, of the Bishop, Colinges. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of half 
 a team. It is there. With one bordar. And four acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and after¬ 
 wards, it was worth twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. God held it of King Edward. 
 
 Helto holds, of the Bishop, MELESTUN. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team. 
 And it is there. With five villans. And one acre of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 was worth ten shillings. Now, thirty shillings. Vluuard ( Wit) held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN THE HALF LATH OF MIDDELTONE. IN MILDETONE HUNDRED. 
 
 Hugh de Port holds, of the Bishop, Tunestelle. It answers for three sulings and a half. There is the 
 arable land of four teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And nine villans with one team. And nine slaves. 
 Wood of ten hogs. And a salt-work of twelve pence. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 ■worth seven pounds. Now, eight pounds. Osuuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, CERCE. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of two 
 teams. In demesne, there is one. And with five bordars. And one slave. And one mill of six shillings and eight 
 pence. It is worth (six pounds) twenty shillings. Osuuard held it. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Stepedoxe. Osuuard held it in the time of King 
 Edward. And then it answered for one suling, less half a yoke. There is the arable land of 
 two teams. In demesne, there is . With one slave. And five bordars. 
 
 It is worth thirty shillings. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Tangas. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of three 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And five villans with one team. A Church there. And four slaves. And 
 one mill of eight shillings. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth seven 
 pounds. Now, ten pounds and ten shillings. Osuuard held it. 
 
 Of those sulings which Hugh de Port has, Osuuard held five at gafol. And three sulings, and one yoke and 
 a half, which he took away from the King’s villans. 
 
 IN BORWART LATH. IN BRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 Richard Son of William holds, of the Bishop, Borne. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land 
 of eight teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And forty-four villans, with three bordars, have ten teams. 
 A Church there. And one slave. And four mills of sixteen shillings and eight pence. A fishery of six pence. 
 Pasture, from which foreign men have ploughed eight acres of arable land. Wood of four hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth eighteen pounds. When he received it, ten pounds. Now, nineteen pounds. 
 
 The Bishop of Baieux himself holds in demesne, ILardes. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable 
 land of four teams. In demesne, there is one. And nine villans with two teams. A Church there. And five 
 slaves. Wood of twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth seven pounds. And afterwards, one 
 hundred shillings. Now, seven pounds. And yet it renders ten pounds. Eduin held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Bishop holds in demesne STELLINGES. It answers for one yoke. There is the amble land of one team 
 
KENT. 
 
 125 
 
 and a half. In demesne, there is, nothing but one bordar. A Church there. Wood of two hogs. In the time 
 of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings, and afterwards, and now, forty shillings. Alret held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
 The same Bishop holds in demesne BuRNES. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of six 35-30 
 teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty-five villans, with four bordars, have seven teams. A Church 
 there. And six slaves. And one mill of thirty-eight pence. And one Salt Work of thirty pence. And half a 
 fishery of four pence. From Pasture, forty pence. Wood of six hogs and a half. Lf.uinc held it of King Edward. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds, and afterwards, seven pounds. Now, twelve pounds. 
 
 And yet it renders eighteen pounds. When Hugh de Monfort held it, it was worth five shillings. 
 
 These three Manors of the Bishop of Baieux, Rannulf holds at farm. 35-37 
 
 Rannulf de Columbels holds of the Bishop, Hardes. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 35—38 
 four teams. In demesne, there is half a team. And nine villans have two teams. A Church there. And eight 
 slaves. And thirteen acres of meadow. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth six 
 pounds. And afterwards, four pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. Azor held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN DONAMESFORD HUNDRED. 
 
 The Bishop himself holds, in demesne, WlCKEHAM. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land of 35-43 
 eleven teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And thirty-six villans, with thirty-two cotars, have nine teams. 
 
 A Church there. And one Presbyter, who gives forty shillings a year. One Park there. And two mills of fifty 
 shillings. And two Saltworks of thirty-two pence. And three fisheries of four shillings. And thirty-two acres of 
 meadow. Pasture for three hundred sheep, and for thirty-one animals. Wood of fourscore hogs. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth twenty-five pounds. When he received it, twenty pounds. Now, thirty pounds. To 
 this Manor there pertain, in CANTERBURY, three messuages, rendering six shillings and eight pence. Alured (Biga) 
 held this Manor of King Edward. 
 
 There is besides half a suling of free land attached to this Manor, which Sired held of Alured Biga. And 36—l 
 
 now, Goisfrid the Son of Mala Terra holds it of the Bishop of Baieux. And it is worth, and always was 
 worth, sixty shillings. 
 
 In the Hundred and City of Canterbury. Adam Son of Hubert has, from the Bishop, four houses, and two 36-3 
 without the City,—which render eight shillings. 
 
 IN THE SAME HUNDRED. 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff, holds, of the Bishop, Latintone. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of 36-6 
 a team and a half. In demesne, there is one team, with two bordars. A small grove there of twelve acres of 
 pasture. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth three pounds. 
 
 The same Haimo holds, of the Bishop, half a suling. And there is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, 36-10 
 there are two teams. And eleven bordars, with three teams. And sixteen acres of small wood. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth one hundred shillings. And afterwards, six pounds. And now, nine pounds. In the 
 time of King Edward, the Burgesses of Canterbury held this land, and down to the time of the Bishop of Baieux, 
 
 Avho took it from them. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN FULCHESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 William de Arcis holds Fulciiestan. In the time of King Edward, it answered for forty shillings. And 36-16 
 now, for thirty-nine. There is the arable land of a hundred and twenty teams. In demesne, there are fourteen 
 teams. And two hundred and nine villans. And fourscore and three bordars. Among them all, they have forty- 
 five teams. Five Churches there, from which the Archbishop has fifty-five shillings. Three slaves there. And 
 seven mills of nine pounds and twelve shillings. One hundred acres of meadow there. Wood of forty hogs. 
 
 Earl Godwin held this Manor. 
 
 Of this Manor, Hugh Son of William, holds nine sulings of the arable land of the Villans. And has there, in 36-23 
 demesne, four teams and a half. And thirty-eight villans, with seventeen bordars, who have sixteen teams. Three 
 
 2 I 
 
12G 
 
 KENT. 
 
 Churches there. And one mill and a half of sixteen shillings and five pence. And one Saltwork of thirty pence. 
 Wood of six hogs. It is worth twenty pounds. 
 
 36-29 Walter de Appeuile holds of this Manor three yokes and twelve acres of arable land. And has there one 
 
 team in demesne. And three villans. With one bordar. It is worth thirty shillings. 
 
 36—30 Alured holds one suling, and forty acres of arable land. And has there, in demesne, two teams. With six 
 
 bordars, and twelve acres of meadow. It is worth four pounds. 
 
 36-32 Walter Son of Engelbert holds half a suling and forty acres; and has there, in demesne, one team. With 
 
 seven bordars. And five acres of meadow. It is worth thirty shillings. 
 
 36-34 Wesman holds one suling, and has there, in demesne, one team. And two villans, with seven bordars, having 
 
 one team and a half. It is worth four pounds. 
 
 36-36 Alured the Sewer holds one suling and one yoke, and six acres of arable land. And has there, in demesne, one 
 
 team. With eleven bordars. It is worth fifty shillings. 
 
 36-38 Eudo holds half a suling. And has there, in demesne, one team. With four bordars. And three acres of 
 
 meadow. It is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 36-40 Bernard de S t Audoen four sulings. And has there, in demesne, three teams. And six villans, with eleven 
 
 bordars, have two teams. Four slaves there. And two mills of twenty-four shillings. And twenty acres of meadow. 
 Wood of two hogs. Three pounds issue out of one deun, and out of the land which is given to farm from these 
 sulings. Altogether, it is worth nine pounds. 
 
 36-45 Baldric holds half a suling. And has there one team, and two villans, with six bordars. They have one 
 
 team. And one mill of thirty pence. It is worth thirty shillings. 
 
 36-47 Richard holds fifty-eight acres of arable land. And has there one team. With five bordars. It is worth ten 
 
 shillings. 
 
 36- 4S The whole of Fulciiestan, in the time of King Edward, was worth a hundred and ten pounds. Wien he 
 
 received it, forty pounds. Now, what he has in demesne is worth one hundred pounds. What the above-said 
 Knights hold, is together worth forty-five pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 IN HONINBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 37- 1 The Bishop of Baieux holds, in demesne, Alham. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 twenty-four teams. In demesne, there are five teams. And forty-one villans, with eight bordars, have eighteen 
 teams. A Church there. And eight slaves. And two mills of six shillings. And twenty-eight acres of meadow. 
 Wood of one hundred hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth thirty pounds. And now, 
 forty. And yet it renders fifty pounds. Ederic held this Manor of King Edward. 
 
 IN ROVINDEN HUNDRED. 
 
 37-8 Adam Son of Hubert holds, of the Bishop, one denn, of half a yoke, which remained without the division of 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, and lay in Belice. He has there two villans, with half a team. This is worth, and always 
 was worth, ten shillings. 
 
 IN STOTINGES HUNDRED. 
 
 37-11 Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, in Bociielande, half a suling. And has there, in demesne, one team. With one 
 villan. There is the arable land of two teams. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty shillings. 
 When he received it, thirty shillings. Now, forty shillings. 
 
KENT. 
 
 127 
 
 IN ESTREA LATH. IN eSTRE HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralf de Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Berfrestone. One poor woman there rendering three 37-15 
 pence and one halfpenny. This yoke is worth, and always was worth, ten shillings. 
 
 Rannulf de Columbels holds one yoke there, which scotted in Hardes, and up to this day has not paid 37—is 
 King’s Scot. 
 
 Adelold held, of the Bishop, EsWALT. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of . 37-20 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. And six villans, with two bordars, have three teams. Two slaves there. And a 
 small wood for fencing. In the time of King Edward, it was worth nine pounds. Now, fifteen. Alnod Cit held 
 it of King Edward. 
 
 Osbern Son of Retard holds, of the Bishop, one suling in Selinge. He has there one villan rendering two 37-24 
 shillings. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, and now, thirty shillings. 
 
 Aluuin held it in the time of King Edward. 
 
 The same Osbern holds, of the Bishop, Popeselle. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 37-27 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And one villan, with four bordars, have half a team. Two 
 free Men held this land of King Edward. 
 
 One, his Knight, holds half a yoke. And has there one team in demesne. The whole, in the time of King 37-30 
 Edward, was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 IN BEVSBE11GE HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds half a yoke in POFESSALE. And has there three oxen. In the time of King 
 Edward, aud afterwards, it was worth four shillings. Now, eight shillings. Yluric held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN BERHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 Fulbert holds, of the Bishop, Beriiam. It answers for six sulings. There is the arable land of thirty-two 
 teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And fifty-two villans, with twenty cotars, have eighteen teams. A 
 Church there. And a mill of twenty shillings and four pence. Twenty-five fisheries there of thirty-five shillings, 
 less four pence. From average, that is service, sixty shillings. From herbage, twenty-six shillings. And twenty 
 acres of meadow. From pannage, a hundred and fifty hogs. 
 
 From that Manor, the Bishop gave one Berewich, which is called IIuilAM to Herbertin, Son of Ivo. And lie 
 has there one team, in demesne. And twelve villans with nine teams. And twenty acres of meadow. 
 
 From the same Manor, the Bishop gave one suling to Osbern Paisforere. Aud two mills of fifty shillings. 
 And there is one team, in demesne, there. And four villans with one team. 
 
 The whole of Beriiam, in the time of King Edward, was worth forty pounds. When the Bishop received it, 
 likewise. And yet it used to render him one hundred pounds. 
 
 Now, by itself, Beriiam is worth forty pounds. And Hucham, ten pounds. And this which Osbern has, six 
 pounds. And the land of one Rannulf, a Knight, is worth forty shillings. 
 
 Stigand, the Archbishop, held this Manor; but it was not of the Archbishoprick ; but it was of the demesne 
 farm of King Edward. 
 
 IN WITENESTAPLE hundred. 
 
 Vital holds, of the Bishop, SOANECLIVE. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of a team 
 and a half. In demesne, there is one team. With eight cotars who render four shillings and six pence. W ood of 
 twenty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty-one shillings. When Vital received it, twelve 
 shillings. Now, thirty shillings. Eduuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 37-32 
 
 The same Vital holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in the same hundred. And has there half a team in demesne. 
 
128 
 
 KENT. 
 
 With four bordars rendering six shillings. There is the arable land of half a team. Wood of ten hogs. In the 
 time of King Edwabd, and afterwards, it was worth ten shillings. Now, twenty shillings. Vlsi held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWARLET. IN FAVRESHANT HUNDRED. 
 
 38-10 Adam holds, of the Bishop, Ore. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of four teams. In 
 
 demesne, there is one. And ten villans, with ten bordars, have two teams. Half a Church theie. And one mill 
 of twenty-two shillings. And two fisheries without rent. And one Saltwork of twenty-eight pence. Wood of six 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds, and afterwards, sixty shillings. Now, one hundred 
 shillings. Turgis held it of King Edward. 
 
 38-15 The same Adam holds, of the Bishop, Stanefelle. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 four teams. In demesne, there is one team. And ten villans have two teams. A Church there. And six slaves. 
 And two acres of meadow. Wood of sixty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And 
 afterwards, forty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Turgis held it of {Earl) Goduin. 
 
 38-19 Hugh de Porth holds, of the Bishop, Nortone. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 four teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And eighteen villans, with six bordars, have five teams. Three 
 Churches there. And three mills without rent. And two fisheries of twelve pence. Wood of forty hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. Now, twelve pounds. Osuuard 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN FELEBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 38-25 Fulbert holds, of the Bishop, ClLLEHAM. It answers for five sulings. There is the arable land of twenty 
 
 teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And thirty-eight villans, with twelve cotars, have twelve teams. A 
 Church there. And six mills and a half, of six pounds and eight shillings. And two fisheries of seventeen pence, 
 and pasture of eighteen shillings and seven pence. In the City of Canterbury, thirteen messuages pertain to this 
 Manor, rendering fifteen shillings. And nine acres of meadow. Wood of fourscore hogs. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth forty pounds. And afterwards, thirty pounds. Now, likewise, thirty pounds. And yet it 
 used to render to the Bishop of Baieux fourscore pounds and forty shillings. Sired held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN FAVRESHANT HUNDRED. 
 
 38-34 Hugh Nephew of Herbert holds, of the Bishop, Osfringes. It answers for seven sulings and a half. There 
 is the arable land of twenty teams. In demesne, there are no teams. Twenty-nine villans there, with six bordars, 
 have eleven teams. A Church there. And one mill of eleven shillings and eight pence. And a fishery of ten 
 pence. And a Saltwork of four pence. And thirteen acres of meadow. Wood of fourscore hogs. 
 
 38-39 Of the lord of this Manor Herbert holds half a suling and three virges. And has there, in demesne, one team. 
 
 And one villan, with ten bordars, having one team. 
 
 38-41 Richard de Maris holds half a suling of this Manor. And has there six villans, and one bordar, with one 
 
 team. And one Turstin holds one yoke which renders five shillings. The entire Manor, in the time of King 
 Edward, was worth twenty poimds. When Herbert received it, fifteen pounds. Now, twenty pounds. To this 
 Manor, there pertains in Canterbury one messuage of thirty pence. held this Manor. 
 
 38- 46 Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Cildresham. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of three 
 
 teams. In demesne, there is one. And four villans, with two bordars, have one team and a half. Five slaves 
 there. And two acres of meadow. There is wood, but it renders nothing. Of this Manor, a certain Knight holds 
 land for one team. Altogether, in the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, forty 
 shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 39- 1 The same Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Ernoltun. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 three teams. In demesne, there is one. And eight villans, with two teams and a half. Two Saltworks there. And, 
 in the City of Canterbury, one messuage of twenty-one pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four 
 pounds. And afterwards, forty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Burnod held this Manor of King Edward. 
 
KENT. 
 
 129 
 
 Of that Manor, Rannulf holds ten acres, which lie next the City. He rendered forty-two pence, in the time 
 of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, MACHEHEVET. It answers for one yoke. There is the arable land of 
 half a team. There are two villans there, rendering fifty pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fifty 
 pence. Now, it is worth sixty pence. Seuuold held it, in the time of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, BADELESMERE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land 
 of two teams and a half. In demesne, there is one. And ten villans have one team and a half. A Church there. 
 And two slaves. And a fishery of twelve pence. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 sixty shillings. And afterwards, sixty shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 The Abbot of St. Augustine reclaims this Manor, because he had it in the time of King Edward. And the 
 Hundred attest to him. But the son of the Man says that his father could turn himself where he chose. And the 
 Monks do not assent to this. 
 
 The same Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Peiiie. It used to answer for one yoke. There is one bordar there 
 rendering five pence. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth sixteen shillings. Wlui 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Peiiie. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one 
 team. Three bordars there. And in the City one messuage of sixteen pence. In the time of King Edward, and 
 afterwards, and now, it is worth twenty-four shillings. Vleueua held it of King Edward. 
 
 Osbern holds, of the Bishop, Bociieland. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of one 
 team. In demesne, there is one. And three villans, with two bordars, have half a team. Eight slaves there. In 
 the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. And now, seventy shillings. 
 Seuuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Osbern holds one yoke, of the Bishop, in the same Manor. And it answers for one team. In the 
 time of King Edward, it was worth twenty shillings. And afterwards, and now, it is worth ten shillings. Leuuard 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 Hugh de Porth holds, of the Bishop, Herste. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of one 
 team. It is in demesne. With two bordars and two slaves. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth ten shillings. Now, thirty shillings. Osuuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 Adam holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Ore. And it answers for one yoke. There is the arable land of one 
 team. Three villans now hold this at farm. And they render twenty shillings. And it has always been worth as 
 much. There is a Church there. Leuuold held it of King Edward. 
 
 Herfrid holds Trevelai. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of eight teams. In demesne, 
 there is one. An d twenty-four villans, with five bordars, have six teams and a half. A Church there. And five 
 slaves. Wood of twenty hogs. And in the City, three haughs of thirty-two pence. In the time of King Edward, 
 it was worth seven pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. Now, eight pounds. Vlnod held it of King Edward. 
 
 Herbert held, of the Bishop, NORDESLINGE. There is the arable land of one team. It answers for half a 
 suling. Two bordars there render two shillings. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty 
 shillings. Now, twenty-five shillings. Turgod held it of King Edward. 
 
 Herbert Son of Iuo held these two Manors of the Bishop of Baieux. 
 
 Turstin de Girunde holds, in Bociielande, one yoke, of the Bishop. And it answers for one yoke. I here is 
 one villan there, rendering six shillings. It is worth, and always has been worth, twelve shillings. I urgot held it 
 of King Edward. 
 
 89-6 
 
 39—s 
 
 89-11 
 
 39-15 
 
 39—is 
 
 39-21 
 
 39-25 
 
 39-29 
 
 39-32 
 
 39-36 
 
 39-40 
 
 39-40 
 
 39- 50 
 
 40 - 1 
 
 2 Iv 
 
130 
 
 KENT. 
 
 40-4 Roger Son of Ansciiitil holds, of the Bishop, ESLINGES. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 
 land of one team. It is there in demesne. And one bordar has half a team. A Church there. And one mill of 
 ten shillings. And two acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And after¬ 
 wards, twenty shillings. Now, forty shillings. Vnlot held it of King Edward, and could go whither he chose 
 with his land. 
 
 40-9 Fulbert holds, of the Bishop, ESLINGES. In the time of King Edward, it answered for five sulings. And 
 
 now, for two. And so it did, after the Bishop gave the Manor to Hugh Son of Fulbert. There is the land of 
 six teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And thirty villans have three teams. A Church there. And 
 twenty-eight slaves. And one mill of ten shillings. Wood of thirty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth ten pounds. And when he received it, six pounds. Now, four pounds. And yet the Bishop had eight 
 pounds. Sired held it of King Edward. 
 
 40-is The same Fulbert holds, of the Bishop, Dodeilvm. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And seventeen villans, with ten bordars, have two teams. A 
 Church there. And six slaves. And half a fishery of three hundred herrings. And in the City of Canterbury five 
 haughs of seven shillings and ten pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. The Bishop 
 demised it to farm for ten pounds. When Fulbert received it, six pounds. And now, likewise. Sired held it of 
 King Edward. 
 
 40-21 Richard holds, of the Bishop, RonGOSTONE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 Two villans there have two teams. And they render six shillings. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards 
 and now, is worth forty shillings.' Yluiet held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN FERLEBERGE hundred. 
 
 40-25 Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Hortone. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team. 
 It is there in demesne. And thirteen villans have half a team. One slave there. And two mills of one mark of 
 silver. And eight acres of meadow. And one hundred acres of small wood. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth.Afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Godric held it of Kino- Edward. 
 
 IN HUNDRED. 
 
 40-30 Adam holds, of the Bishop, Fanne. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one team and 
 a half. In demesne, there are two teams. And three villans. And three slaves. And a Church. And thirteen 
 acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. Afterwards 
 twenty shillings. Now, four pounds. Hugh de Montfort holds of it what is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 40-35 Wadard holds, of the Bishop, Berchyelle. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one 
 team. It is there in demesne. And three villans. And three slaves. And one mill of forty pence. And ten 
 acres of meadow. And one alder-bed. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth twenty shillings. 
 Now, forty shillings. Werelin held it of the King. 
 
 40-40 The same Wadard holds, of the Bishop, CuHBE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two 
 teams. In demesne, there is one. And nine villans,. with five bordars, have one team and a half. Fourteen acres 
 of meadow there. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And after¬ 
 wards, fifty shillings. Now, four pounds, and the service of one Knight. Leuret de Rochinge held it of Kin" 
 Edward. 
 
 40- 45 Kalfs de CmiBESPiEE holds, of the Bishop, Betmontestun. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 
 land of six teams. In demesne, there are two. And twelve villans, with one bordar, have three teams. Thirty- 
 three acres of meadow there. And Wood of forty hogs. Hugh de Montfobt holds of that Manor, in Wood and 
 Pasture together, what, in the time of King Edward, was worth six pounds. And afterwards, and’now, as much. 
 Ailrio held it of King Edward. 
 
 41- 1 Adei.old held, of the Bishop, Dene. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. In 
 
KENT. 
 
 m 
 
 demesne, there is one team. And four bordars. And two slaves. And one acre of meadow. And Wood of 
 seven hogs. 
 
 Of that suling, Ralph de Curbespine holds one yoke and a half, which is worth, and always has been worth, 
 ten shillings. 
 
 Adelold had half a suling and half a yoke. 
 
 And, in the time of King Edward, it was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, 
 forty shillings. This land is in the King’s hands. Vlnod, and Waua, and Aluuard, and Vlueron, held this land 
 of King Edward. And it was divided in three places. 
 
 IN CALEHEVE HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds PrVENTONE, of the fee of the Bishop; and Hugh, of him. It answers for one suling. 
 There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there is one and a half. And seven villans, with seven 
 bordars, hav6 three teams and a half. A Church there. And nine slaves. And* one mill of fifty-five pence. 
 And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of sixty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. 
 And afterwards, one hundred shillings. Now, six pounds. Sbern {Riga) held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds three denns, which remained without the division of Hugh de Montfort, of Pistinges 
 Manor. And there is one yoke of land there, and one virge. And there are three villans there. It is worth, and 
 always has been worth, fifteen shillings. 
 
 IN FERLIBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 Herfrid holds, of the fee of the Bishop, ESSAMELESFORD. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable 
 land of one team. In demesne, there is one team. And four villans, -with one bordar, have one team. Three 
 slaves there. And eight acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And after¬ 
 wards, forty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Alric held of King Edward. 
 
 IN BILISSOLD HUNDRED. 
 
 Osbert holds, of William Son of Taum, Aldelose. Half a suling lies there. There is the arable land of two 
 teams. In demesne, there is one team. And three villans have half a team. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth thirty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, forty shillings. This land is of the fee of the 
 Bishop of Baieux, and remained without his division. Godric held it of King Edward, witli Bradeburxe Manor. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN OXENAI HUNDRED. 
 
 Osbern Paisforer holds, of the Bishop, PALESTREI. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of 
 two teams. In demesne, there is one. And nine bordars have half a team. A Church there. And two slaves. 
 And ten acres of meadow. And five fisheries of twelve pence. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, 
 and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Eduui (the presbyter ) held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ESTREI. IN BEVSBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Osbern holds, of the Bishop, twelve acres of land which are worth four shillings a year. 
 
 Hugh de Forth holds, of the Bishop, PESIXGES and Piiiam. They answer for two sulings. There is the 
 arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams and a half. And six villans, with fourteen bordars, 
 
 have one team. In the time of King Edward, they were worth a hundred shillings. And afterwards, nothing. 
 Now, six pounds. Lefstan, and Leuuin, and Eluret, and Sired, and two others, held them in the time of King 
 Edward, and could go whither they pleased with their lands. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN NEVCERCE. 
 
 The Bisnop of Baieux holds, in demesne, BiLSVlTONE. It answers for four sulings. There is the arable land 
 of fifteen teams. In demesne, there are five. And forty-seven villans, with twenty-seven bordars, have fourteen 
 teams. A Church there. And ten saltworks of a hundred pence. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of fifty hogs. 
 And two fisheries of five pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. And afterwards, thirty 
 
132 
 
 KENT. 
 
 pounds. Now, fifty pounds. And yet it renders seventy pounds of farm. Alnod (Gilt) held it. In this Manor the 
 Bishop placed three denns which remained without the division of the Earl of Ow. 
 
 IN LANTPORT HUNDRED. 
 
 41-45 Rotbert de Romenel holds, of the Bishop, Afettune. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 three teams. In demesne, there is one. And nine villans, with three bordars, have three teams and a half. Two 
 slaves there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth one hundred shillings. And afterwards, fifty shillings. 
 Now, four pounds. 
 
 41-49 The same Rotbebt holds, of the Bishop, in the Marsh, half a suling. And it answers for as much. There is the 
 
 land of two teams. Eleven villans, with two bordars, have three teams there. And a fishery of two shillings. 
 
 41- 51 The same Robert has fifty burgesses in the burgh of ROMENEL. And of these, the King has all the service. 
 
 And, in return for the service of the sea, they are quit of all custom but the three,—Robbery, breach of the peace, 
 
 42- 1 and forstel. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. Now, fifty shillings. Alsi 
 
 held it [of Earl Goduin). 
 
 42-2 The same Robert holds, of the Bishop, half a suling in the Marsh. And it answers for as much. There is 
 
 the arable land of two teams. In demesne, there is half a team. And fifteen villans, with two bordars, have three 
 teams and a half. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth thirty shillings. Now, forty shillings. 
 Six socmen held it in the time of King Edward. 
 
 IN ROVINDENE HUNDRED. 
 
 42-6 The same Rotbert holds, of the Bishop, Benixdexe. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land 
 
 of two teams. In demesne, there is one team. And four villans, with nine bordars, have two teams. Wood there 
 of five hogs. And one Church. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth forty shillings. Now, 
 fifty shillings. Osier held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN ADILOVTESBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 42-10 The same Rotbert holds, of the Bishop, half a yoke. And it answers for as much. One widow dwells there 
 
 rendering'thirteen pence a year. It is worth, and always has been worth, ten shillings. Two socmen held it of Kin o- 
 Edward, without halls and demesnes. 
 
 42-13 The same Rotbert holds, of the Bishop, half a denn of the Manor of Titentone, which Hugh de Montfort 
 holds. And has there arable land for half a team. And one villan, with three bordars, and half a team. And two 
 fisheries of five shillings. All this is worth, and has been worth, fifteen shillings. This land is without the division 
 of Hugh. 
 
 IN THE LATH OE ESTREI. in ESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 42-18 Herbert holds, at farm, of the King, Rixgetone. It is of the fee of the Bishop. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there are two teams. And four villans, with seven bordars, have two teams and a 
 half. One mill there of forty shillings. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he 
 received it, one hundred shillings. Now, eight pounds. And yet it renders thirteen pounds. Eduuahd held it of 
 King Edward. 
 
 42-23 Adam holds, of the fee of the Bishop, in Haholde, half a yoke. Ricule holds it of Adam.' And another 
 
 half-yoke of Arnold*, Hekbebt holds of Huou the Nephew of IIeebeet. Each of these is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 IN HEVSBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 42-26 Hugh holds Ewelle, of the .Bishop. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. And fifteen villans, with twelve bordars, hare two teams. Two mills there of forty- 
 six shillings. And four acres of meadow. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edwaed, it was worth twelve 
 pounds. And afterwards, one hundred shillings. Now, ten pounds. And yet it renders twelve pounds and twelve 
 shillings. Edeic de Alham held it of King Edwaed. Of that Manor, Hugh de Mokwoet holds seventeen acres 
 of arable land, and one denn and a half, which is appraised at seven shillings. 
 
KENT. 
 
 133 
 
 The same Hugh holds, of the Bishop, Wescliye. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And seventeen villans have two teams. In the time of King Edward, 
 it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, six pounds. Now, eight pounds. Of this Manor Hugh de 
 Montfort holds two mills of twenty-eight shillings. Edric held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Hugh holds Soltone, of the Bishop. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And three villans, with one bordar, render four shillings and seven 
 pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fifteen pounds. And afterwards, and now, thirty shillings. 
 
 In this Manor dwelt Godric, and held twenty acres of his own Alod. 
 
 The same Hugh holds in Dovere one mill, which renders forty-eight ferlingels of corn, and does not pertain 
 to any Manor. 
 
 Ansfrid holds, of the fee of the Bishop, in Leueberge, half a yoke. And has there one villan and one bordar. 
 It is worth five shillings. Lewtn held it of King Edward. 
 
 In the same place, there dwelt one Altet, who held two acres of King Edward in Alod; and held them of 
 Ansfred. And it is appraised at six shillings. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds COLRET, of the Bishop. There is the arable land of . In demesne, 
 
 there is one team and a half. And six villans, with seven bordars, have two teams. Two slaves there. And four 
 acres of meadow. It answers for two sulings. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And 
 afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, six pounds. Molleuf, held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds Ewelle. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there is one team. And five villans, with four bordars, have two teams. Wood there of ten hogs. 
 
 Of this Manor a certain Knight holds one suling of Ralph. And has there one team, with three bordars. 
 
 The whole Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth twelve pounds. And afterwards, twenty shillings. 
 Now, forty shillings. And yet, what Ralph has renders four pounds. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort has the Chief Lordship of the Manor. And five mills and a half there of six pounds. 
 Molleue held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, SvANETONE. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of 
 . In demesne, there is one team. And two bordars with half a team. 
 
 Of this land, Robert de Barbes holds one suling. And has there three villans, with half a team. 
 
 And One Hugh holds one suling, and has there one team in demesne. And one bordar. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. When he received it, thirty shillings. Now, forty shillings. And yet it 
 renders four pounds. Coloen held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, Apletone. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, there are two teams. With six bordars. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 one hundred shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. Now, forty shillings. Ascored held it of King Edward. 
 
 Herfrid holds, of Hugh, BROCIIESTELE, and it is of the fee of the Bishop. In the time of King Edward, it 
 answered for one suling. There is the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And two 
 
 slaves. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, sixty. Now, forty. When 
 Herbert received it, three yokes. Now, two yokes. Vlnod held it of King Edward. 
 
 Tursten Tinel, and his wife, hold to farm, of King William, one yoke and five acres in LEUEBERGE. And 
 there are two villans, with two bordars, there. It is worth, and always has been worth, eight shillings. Boche 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ESTREI. IN ESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Gollesberge. It answers for two sulings and three yokes. There is the arable 
 
 42-33 
 
 42-3S 
 
 42-43 
 
 42-45 
 
 42-47 
 
 42-49 
 
 42- 54 
 
 43- i 
 
 43-4 
 
 43-ii 
 
 43-15 
 
 43-19 
 
 43-23 
 
KENT. 
 
 IU 
 
 43-26 land of 
 
 In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty-four villans. In the time of King Edward, 
 
 it was worth twelve pounds. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, nine pounds. 
 
 In Sanduuic the Archbishop has thirty-two messuages pertaining to this Manor. And they render forty-two 
 shillings and eight pence. 
 
 And Adeluuold has one yoke which is worth ten shillings. 
 
 held 
 
 Thanes held this Manor in the time of King Edward, and then constantly dwelt there. 
 
 two sulings of it in parage ; but they do not dwell there now. When Ansfrid received it, it made one Manor. 
 
 43-33 Turstfn holds, of the Bishop, GhenoltonE. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there are two teams. With two bordars. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, four pounds. 
 Now, seven pounds. And yet it renders eight pounds. Eduuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 43-36 Osbert Son of Letard holds, of the Bishop, BEDESHAM. It answers for one yoke and a half. There is the 
 
 arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. With one villan, and four bordars. In the time 
 
 of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, fifty shillings. Godesa 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 43-40 In the same Manor, ten Thanes hold of the same Osbern one suling and half a yoke. And the same have 
 
 there four teams and a half. In the time of King Edward, it was worth one hundred shillings, and afterwards, 
 thirty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. 
 
 43-43 Ansfrid holds, of the Bishop, Soles. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there are two teams. And eight villans, with half a team. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth one hundred shillings, and afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, six pounds. Elmer held it of King Edward. 
 
 43-47 
 
 Ralph Son of Robert holds, of the Bishop, Hertange. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land 
 In demesne, there is one team. And five villans, with two bordars, have two teams. In the 
 
 of 
 
 time of King Edward, it was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Eddid 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 43-51 Osbern holds, of the Bishop, one yoke and a half in the same Hundred. He has seven bordars there. In the 
 
 time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. And afterwards, ten shillings. Now, thirty shillings. Ernold 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN BEVSBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort holds, of the Bishop, one suling of waste land without his division, and he has laid it into 
 the Manor of Neventone which he has within his division. And he has there one bordar. It is worth and always 
 has been worth sixty shillings. 
 
 IN ESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 Wibert holds half a yoke which he has laid into the gild of Dovere. And now it answers with the land of 
 Osbert Son of Letard. And is worth four shillings a year. 
 
 Osbern Son of Letard holds, of the Bishop, Hama. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 
 In demesne, there is one team. With one villan and two bordars. And two slaves. In the time of 
 
 King Edward, it was worth fifty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Three Thanes 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 44-12 The same Osbern holds, of the Bishop, Cilledene. It answers for one suling and one yoke and ten acres. 
 
 . In demesne, nothing now. But nine villans have there two teams and 
 
 a half. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, forty 
 shillings. Goduin held it of King Edward. And five other Thanes. Osbern placed their lands in one Manor. 
 
 44-17 Alured holds, of the Bishop, Midelea. It answers for three yokes and twelve acres. There is the arable 
 
KENT. 
 
 135 
 
 land of three teams. In demesne, there is one team and a half. And five villans, with nine bordars, have one 44-] 9 
 team. A Church there. And ten acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, forty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Godric held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN SUMMERDENE HUNDRED. 
 
 Rotbert Latin holds six acres of land. And has there half a team. One Socman held this land. And, of 44-22 
 the new gift of the Bishop, he has, in the King’s hands, of Richard Son of Gislebert, ten villans with three teams. 
 
 And wood of fifty hogs. And therefrom Rotbert renders six pounds of farm. 
 
 Turstin holds, of the Bishop, Ticiieteste. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the arable land of 44-26 
 In demesne, there is one team. With four bordars. And a small coppice. In the time of King Edward, 
 it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, forty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. Edric de Aliiam held it 
 of King Edward. 
 
 The same Turstin holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Wanesberge. And there are two bordars there. Tochi 44-30 
 held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Turstin holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Ece. And there are four bordars there. 44-32 
 
 These two yokes, in the time of King Edward, were worth fifteen shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. 
 
 Now, twenty shillings. 
 
 Osbert holds, of the Bishop, one yoke and ten acres in Masseberge. And there are two villans there with 44-34 
 half a team. Goduin held it of King Edward. 
 
 The same Osbert holds, of the Bishop, fifteen acres in ESMETONE. And one presbyter dwells there. Each of 44-36 
 these, in the time of King Edward, was worth thirty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, thirty 
 shillings. Sired held it of King Edward. 
 
 IN ESTREI HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, two sulings in Walwalesere. There is the arable land of 44-40 
 
 . In demesne, there is one team and a half. And fourteen villans, with two teams and a half. 
 
 Of this land, Robert has half a suling. And one team there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth three 
 pounds and ten shillings. And afterwards, fifty shillings. Now, seven pounds. Wluuard held it of King Edward. 
 
 Osbert Son of Letard holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in Ece. And there are three villans there. In the 44-45 
 time of King Edward, it was worth twelve shillings. And afterwards, six shillings. Now, sixteen shillings. 
 
 Beknolt held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, Essewelle. It answers for three sulings. There is the arable 44-48 
 land of . In demesne, there are three teams. And one villan, with seven bordars, have half a team. 
 
 One slave there. It is worth six pounds. Molleue held it of King Edward. 
 
 Osbern holds, of the Bishop, one Manor, which three free Men held of King Edward. It answers for one 45-1 
 suling and a half. There is the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And one villan, 
 
 with one bordar, have half a team. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth four pounds. 
 
 Ralph de Columbers holds, of the Bishop, Selinges. It answers for one suling and a half. There is the 45-5 
 arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And four villans, with three bordars, have half a 
 
 team and one team and a half. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, forty 
 shillings. Now, a hundred shillings. Vluuic held it of King Edward. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine holds, of the Bishop, Danetone. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable 4 0-10 
 land of three teams. In demesne, there is one. And four villans, with two bordars, have one team. A Church 
 there. And four messuages in Canterbury rendering six shillings, less one penny. In the time of King Edward, it 
 was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. Molleue held it of King 
 Edward. 
 
130 
 
 KENT. 
 
 45-15 The same Ralph holds, of the Bishop, one yoke in BrocheSTELE. Which Molleue held of King Edward. 
 And there is one villan there rendering thirty pence. 
 
 IN BEVSBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 45-17 Ralph de Curbespine holds forty acres of land, which Molleue held of King Edward. And there is one 
 villan there, rendering six shillings. And it is worth as much. 
 
 45-20 Rannulph de Valbadon holds half a yoke in Hamestede, which two free Men held of King Edward, in 
 BochelajS t de. And now, Rannulph says, that the Bishop of Baieux gave it to a certain brother of his. There is 
 one villan there, rendering thirty pence. It is worth ten shillings. 
 
 IN NUNN1BERG HUNDRED. 
 
 45-24 Anscihtil de Ros holds, of the fee of the Bishop, Acres, which two brothers held. And each had a hall. 
 Now, it is for one Manor. And it answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. In demesne, 
 there is one team and a half. And five villans, with five bordars, have one team. Wood of ten hogs. And a 
 Church. In the time of King Edward, it was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, sixty 
 shillings. 
 
 IN BRICEODE HUNDRED. 
 
 45-29 Roger Son of Anschitil holds, of the fee of the Bishop, Hastingelai, which Ylnod held of King Edward. 
 And it then answered for one suling. And now, for three yokes; because Hugh de Montfort holds the other part 
 within his division. There is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there are two. And two villans, with 
 six bordars, have one team. Four slaves there. And Wood of one hog. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. 
 
 VI. THE LAND OF THE CHURCH OF LABATAILGE. 
 
 45-36 The Abbot of St. Martin of TnE Place of the Battle, holds the Manor that is called Wl, which, in the time 
 of King Edward, and now, answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of fifty-two teams. In demesne 
 there are nine teams. And one hundred and fourteen villans, with twenty-two bordars, have seventeen teams. A 
 Church there. And seven slaves. And four mills of twenty-three shillings and eight pence. And one hundred and 
 thirty-three acres of meadow. And the Wood of three hundred hogs from pannage. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth fourscore pounds and one hundred shillings and eight pence. When he 
 received it, one hundred and twenty-five pounds, and ten shillings, of twenty to the ore. Now, one hundred pounds, 
 by tale. And if the Abbot had Sacs and Socs, it would be appraised at twenty pounds more. 
 
 45-46 Ralph de Curbespine holds one denn and one yoke of fhe land of the Socmen of this Manor, rendering six 
 
 pence of Custom. 
 
 And Adelulf two parts of one suling, rendering twelve pence. 
 
 And Hugh de Montfort has two yokes, rendering three hundred eels and two shillings. 
 
 And, in the time of King Edward, they rendered Sac and Soc. 
 
 45- 50 The Sac and Soc of twenty-two hundreds pertain to this Manor, and all forfeitures which justly pertain to the 
 
 King. 
 
 46- 1 THE LAND OF THE CHURCH OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 VII. IN THE HALF LATH OF SUDTONE. IN LITELAI HUNDRED. 
 
 46-3 The Abbot of St. Augustine has one Manor named Plumstede, which answers for two sulings and one yoke. 
 
 There is the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And seventeen villans, with six 
 
 cotars, have six teams. Wood there of five hogs, from pannage. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it 
 was worth ten pounds. Now, twelve pounds. And yet it renders fourteen pounds and eight shillings and three 
 pence. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORT. IN HAIHORNE HUNDRED. 
 
 46-10 The same Abbot holds Leiitiiam, which answers for five sulings and a half. There is the arable land of 
 eighteen teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And forty villans, with seven bordars, have sixteen teams. 
 
KENT. 
 
 137 
 
 One slave there. And two mills of six shillings and eight pence. And eight acres of meadow. And Wood of 46-12 
 forty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty-eight pounds. And afterwards, sixteen pounds. 
 
 Now, twenty-eight pounds. 
 
 Of this Manor, Robert Latin holds one yoke, which is worth five shillings. 
 
 IN BOROART LATH. IN BRIGE HUNDRED. 46-17 
 
 The same Abbot holds BORNE, which answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. In 
 demesne, there is one. And nine villans, with one bordar, have one team. Two mills there of nine shillings and 
 six pence. And four acres and a half of meadow. Wood of five hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth one hundred shillings. And afterwards, forty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 The same Abbot holds the Manor of Lanport. And there is one suling and one yoke there. And it has 46-22 
 always been acquitted, and without Custom. And one yoke lies in another hundred which pertains to this Manor. 
 
 And there were seventy burgesses in Canterbury pertaining to this Manor. 
 
 In this Manor, there are two teams and a half in demesne. And twenty-eight villans, with sixty-three bordars, 46-26 
 have six teams. Seventeen acres of meadow there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty pounds. 
 
 And afterwards, eighteen pounds. Now, twenty-five pounds and four shillings. 
 
 IN DVNAMESFORT HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Litebyrne, which answers for seven sulings. There is the arable land of twelve teams. 46-30 
 In demesne, there are three teams. And thirty-five villans, with fourteen cotars, have six and a half. A Church 
 there. And thirty-eight acres of meadow. Wood of four hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 twenty-five pounds. And afterwards, twenty pounds. Now, thirty-two pounds. 
 
 Of that Manor, the Bishop of Baieux has in his park, as much as is worth sixty shillings. 
 
 The same Abbot holds WARWINTONE. And the Bishop of Baieux gave it to him in exchange for his park. It 46-36 
 answers' for half a suling and forty-two acres of land. There is the arable land of one team. And it is there in 
 demesne. With three cotars. And sixteen acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four 
 pounds. And afterwards, forty shillings. Now, four pounds. Edric held this Manor of Sbern Biga. And now, 
 
 Ralph holds it of the Abbot. 
 
 IN ESTURAI HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Esturai, which answers for five acquitted sulings. There is the arable land of twelve 46-41 
 teams. In demesne, there are‘two teams. And thirty-nine with thirty-two bordars, have twelve teams. A 
 
 Church there. And ten mills of eight pounds. And seven fisheries of five shillings. And twenty-eight acres of 
 meadow. From pannage, thirty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fifty shillings. When the Abbot 
 received it, forty-five pounds. Now, fifty pounds. And yet it renders fifty-four pounds. 
 
 IN TANET HUNDRED. ST. MILDRED’S. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Tanet Manor, which answers for forty-eight sulings. There is the arable land of sixty- 46-4S 
 two teams. In demesne, there are two. And one hundred and fifty villans, with fifty bordars, have sixty-three teams. 
 
 A Church there. And one presbyter, who gives twenty shillings a year. One saltwork there. And two fisheries 47-1 
 of three pence. And one mill. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fourscore pounds. When the Abbot 
 received it, forty pounds. Now, one hundred pounds. 
 
 Of that Manor, three Knights hold as much of the land of the villans as is worth nine pounds, when there is 
 peace in the land. And they have there three teams. 
 
 IN CISTELET HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Abbot holds ClSTELET, which answers for twelve sulings. There is the arable land of thirty teams. 47—6 
 In demesne, there are five teams. And seventy-two villans, with sixty-eight bordars, have thirty-nine teams. A 
 Church there of twelve shillings. And fourteen slaves. Fifty acres of meadow there. And forty-seven saltworks 
 of fifty seams of salt. From pannage, a hundred and thirty hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 fifty-three pounds. And afterwards, forty pounds. Now, seventy-eight pounds. There are three arpends of vine¬ 
 yard there. 
 
 2 M 
 
138 
 
 KENT. 
 
 Of that Manor, four French Knights hold what is worth twelve pounds a year. 
 
 IN FOREWIC HUNDRED. 
 
 47-13 The same Abbot holds one little burgh, which is called FOREWIC. King Edward gave two parts of this burgh 
 
 to St. Augustine. But the third part, which had been Earl Goduin’s, the Bishop of Baieux granted to the same 
 Saint, with the assent of King William. 
 
 It answers for one yoke. There were a hundred messuages of land, less three, there, rendering thirteen shillings. 
 Now, there are seventy-three messuages rendering as much. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth one hundred shillings. Now, eleven pounds and two shillings. 
 
 47-20 In the same place, there are twenty-four acres of land which St. Augustine always had; where there were, and 
 
 are, six burgesses rendering twenty-two shillings. In that Burgh, Archbishop Lanfranc holds seven messuages 
 of land, which, in the time of King Edward, paid service to St. Augustine. Now, the Archbishop takes the 
 service away from it. 
 
 47—24 Near the City of Canterbury, St. Augustine has half a suling which was always acquitted. And there is one 
 team there in demesne. With fifteen bordars. And seven acres of meadow. And, in the same place, there are four 
 acres of land which four Nuns hold of the Abbot in alms, and render two shillings and one seam of meal. All this, 
 in the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, is worth four pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWARLET. IN FAVRESHANT HUNDRED. 
 
 47-30 The same Abbot holds WlRENTONE, which answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. 
 
 In demesne, there is one. And nine villans, with one team. Two acres of meadow there. And five hogs from the 
 pannage of the Wood. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. When he received it, forty 
 shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 IN AVI HUNDRED. 
 
 47-34 The same Abbot holds Esmerefel, and Ansciiitil of him. It answers for one suling. There is the arable 
 land of one team. And it is there in demesne. With five bordars. And six acres of meadow. Wood of ten hogs. 
 In the time of King Edward, forty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, forty shillings. 
 
 47-37 In Darenden, Adam holds of the Abbot, half a suling. There is the arable land of half a team. There are 
 
 two slaves there. And seven acres of meadow. It is worth, and always has been worth, twenty shillings. 
 
 IN BOLTONE HUNDRED. 
 
 47-39 The same Abbot holds Setlinges Manor, without a hall, which answers for six sulings. There is the arable 
 land of eleven teams. Nothing in demesne. Thirty villans there have ten teams. A Church there. In the time 
 of King Edward, it was worth fifteen pounds. When he received it, eight pounds. Now, thirteen pounds and 
 five shillings. 
 
 IN CALEHEVE HUNDRED. 
 
 47-43 The same Abbot holds half a yoke in Rotinge, which, in the time of King Edward, answered for half a suling. 
 There was, and is, there in demesne, one team. It is worth, and always has been worth, fifteen shillings. 
 
 IN CERT HUNDRED. 
 
 47-46 The same Abbot holds one yoke, Rapentone, and Ansered of him. And it answers for one yoke. There is 
 
 the arable land of two teams. In demesne, there is one. With four bordars. Eleven acres of meadow there. 
 
 And the fourth part of a Mill of fifteen pence. And Wood of ten hogs. And he has besides two yokes, which the 
 Abbot gave him out of his demesne. And two villans there, with eight bordars. In the time of King Edward, and 
 afterwards, it was worth three pounds. Now, four pounds. 
 
 IN FERLEBBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 Ansfrid holds of the Abbot CHERINOHEHELLE. It answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of one 
 
 48-1 
 
KENT. 
 
 139 
 
 team. In demesne, there are two. And eight villans have one team and a half. In the time of Kang Edward, 
 and afterwards, it was worth twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ESTREA. IN CORNELEST HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Norborne. It answers for thirty sulings. There is the arable land of fifty-four teams. 
 In demesne, there are three. And seventy-nine villans, with forty-two bordars, have thirty-seven teams. Forty 
 acres of meadow there. And wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fourscore pounds. 
 When he received it, twenty pounds. Now, seventy-six pounds. 
 
 Of the land of the villans of this Manor Oidelard holds one suling. And has there two teams. With eleven 
 bordars. It is worth four pounds. 
 
 Of the same land of the villans, Gislebert holds two sulings, less half a yoke. And has there one team. And 
 four villans, with one team. It is worth six pounds. 
 
 Wadard holds of that Manor, of the land of the villans, three sulings, less sixty acres. And has there one 
 team. And eight villans, with one team. And two slaves. It is worth nine pounds. But he renders no service 
 to the Abbot except thirty shillings, which he pays yearly. 
 
 Odelin holds, of the same land of the villans, one suling. And has there one team. With three bordars. 
 It is worth three pounds. 
 
 Marcher holds, of the same land of the villans, what is worth eight shillings. 
 
 Osbert Son of Letard holds, of the land of the villans, half a suling, and eleven acres of meadow, which is 
 worth twenty-five shillings. He renders to the Abbot fifteen shillings. 
 
 Rannulph de Columbers holds one yoke. It is worth fifty pence. 
 
 Rannulpii de Valbadon holds one yoke, and renders fifty pence. 
 
 Item, the abovesaid Oidelard holds, of this Manor, one suling, and it is called BEVESFEL. And he has there 
 two teams. With ten bordars. It is worth six pounds. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Mundingeham. It answers for two sulings and a half. There is the arable land of 
 five teams. 
 
 In this Manor, the land which the Monks hold never paid geld. 
 
 And Wadard holds there, land which, in the time of King Edward, always paid geld. And, at that time, the 
 Manor was in one. Now, the Monks have in demesne four teams. And twenty bordars with one team. And one 
 Mill of sixteen shillings. And Wood of four hogs. A Church there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 twenty-two pounds. And afterwards, ten pounds. The Abbot’s part, twenty-six pounds. 
 
 Wadard holds in demesne there one team. And eight villans, with two bordars, having four teams. It is 
 worth, and was worth ten pounds. He renders no service therefrom but thirty shillings a year to the Abbot. 
 
 IN BEVSBERG HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Abbot holds SiBERTESWALT. It answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of four teams. 
 In demesne, there is one and a half. And eleven villans, with six bordars, have two teams and a half. A Church 
 there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. When he received it, forty shillings. Now, six 
 pounds. And yet it renders eight pounds. 
 
 The same Abbot holds Platenout. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of 
 In demesne, nothing. But four villans, with three bordars, have a team and a half. A small Wood there. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine has twenty-five acres of this land. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and 
 now, it is worth twenty shillings. Yet it is appraised at forty shillings, because it is at farm. 
 
 48-2 
 
 48-5 
 
 48-io 
 
 48-12 
 
 48-u 
 
 48-18 
 
 48-20 
 
 48-21 
 
 48-23 
 
 48-24 
 
 48-25 
 
 48-27 
 
 48-35 
 
 48-38 
 
 48-43 
 
 48-45 
 
140 
 
 KENT. 
 
 IN PRESTETUN HUNDRED. 
 
 48- 48 The same Abbot holds Prestetune. It answers for five sidings. There is the arable land of eight teams. 
 
 In demesne, there are two teams. And twenty-five villans, with seventeen bordars, have nine teams. A small 
 wood there. 
 
 49- 1 Of this Manor Vital holds one siding and half a yoke. And has there in demesne two teams. And seventeen 
 
 bordars with half a team. The entire Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth ten pounds. When he 
 received it, six pounds. Now, what the Abbot has is worth fourteen pounds. What Vital holds is worth one 
 hundred shillings. 
 
 49-5 Ansfred holds, of the Abbot, tElvetone. It answers for half a suling and half a yoke. There is the arable 
 
 land of . In demesne, there is one team. And three villans, with three oxen in a plough. 
 
 In that Manor, Ansfrid holds half a suling of the demesne of the Monks. And renders therefrom to St. 
 Augustine one hundred pence a year. Godessa held it in Alod, and gave therefrom to St. Augustine, in alms, twenty- 
 five pence in every year. In the time of King Edward, it was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. 
 Now, sixty shillings. 
 
 49-13 -In the Lath, and in the Hundred of Estrei, St. Augustine has three virges of land. And there is one team in 
 demesne. With five bordars. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten shillings. And afterwards, five 
 shillings. Now, twenty shillings. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN STOTINGES HUNDRED. 
 
 49-17 Geoffrey holds Bodesham, of the Abbot. It answers for one suling. There is the arable land of two teams. 
 
 And they are there. With eight bordars. Wood of fifteen hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 
 four pounds. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, four pounds. A certain villan held it. 
 
 49-20 The same Abbot holds in Lanport two sulings and one yoke. There is the arable land of six teams. There 
 
 are nine villans there, with four bordars, having six teams. Ten acres of meadow there. And Wood of two hogs. 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth six pounds. And afterwards, four pounds. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWARLET. IN LANGEBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 49-25 The same Abbot holds Chenetone. In the time of King Edward, it answered for four sulings. And it lay 
 in Borchemeres. There is the arable land of ten teams. There are thirty villans there, having ten teams. A 
 Church there. villans held it in the time of King Edward. With these four sulings, St. Augustine 
 
 has one yoke, quit of all king’s scot. And as much wood there as yields a produce of forty hogs, or fifty-four pence 
 and one halfpenny, from pannage. All this, in the time of King Edward, was worth ten pounds. And afterwards, 
 eight pounds. Now, twelve pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 IN THE MARESS OF ROMENEL. 
 
 49-33 The same Abbot holds Bvrwar Maresc. It answers for two sulings and three yokes. There is the arable 
 
 land of twelve teams. In demesne, there are four. And forty-four villans, with five bordars, have ten teams. 
 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty pounds. And afterwards, ten pounds. Now, thirty pounds. 
 
 49-37 The Shire testifies that Bedenesmere belonged to St. Augustine, in the time of King Edward, and from 
 him who held it, the Abbot had Sac and Soc. 
 
 VIII. THE LAND OF ST. PETER OF GAND. IN GRENVIZ HUNDRED. 
 
 49-40 The Abbot of Gand holds, of the King, Levesham. And he held it of King Edward. And then, and now, it 
 answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of fourteen teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And 
 fifty villans, with nine bordars, have seventeen teams. Three slaves there. And eleven mills, with the gafol of the 
 rustics, rendering eight pounds and twelve shillings. From the produce of the Port forty shillings. Thirty acres of 
 meadow there. Of Wood, fifty hogs, from pannage. The entire Manor, in the time of King Edward, was 
 worth sixteen pounds. And afterwards, twelve pounds. Now, thirty pounds. 
 
KENT. 
 
 141 
 
 IX. 
 
 THE LAND OF HUGH DE MONTFORT. 
 
 Hugs de Mostfort holds one Manor, Estwelle, which Frederic held of King Edward. And it answers 
 for one suling. There are three yokes within the division of Hugh, and a fourth yoke is without. And it is 
 of the fee of the Bishop of Baieux. Altogether, there is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there are 
 two teams. And five villans, with five bordars, have one team and a half. Ten slaves there. And twelve acres of 
 meadow. And Wood . In the time of King Edward, it was worth seventy shillings. And afterwards, 
 
 thirty shillings. Now, seventy shillings. 
 
 The same Hugh holds Haintone of the King. Which Ulsi, the Presbyter, held of King Edward. And it 
 answers for one suling. There is the arable land of one team. And it is there. With one villan, and four bordars. 
 And three acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, and now, it is worth twenty shillings. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWAKLET. IN LANGEBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 Maigno holds, of Hugh, Seiyetone. Bresibalt held it of King Edward. And it answers for half a suling. 
 There is the arable land of one team. And it is there in demesne. With one villan, and six bordars. A Church 
 there. And a Presbyter. And one mill of ten pence. And eight acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, 
 it was worth thirty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 The same Maigno holds, of Hugh, Estefort. Turgis held it of (Earl) Godwin. And it answers for one 
 suling. There is the arable land of half a team. Yet, in demesne, there is one team. And two villans have one 
 team. Two slaves there. And eight acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty- 
 five shillings. When he received it, twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 The same Hugh holds Essella. Three Men held it of King Edward, and could go whither they pleased with 
 their lands. It answers for three yokes. There is the arable land of one team and a half. Now, four villans, with 
 two bordars, have one team there. And six acres of meadow. The whole, in the time of King Edward, was worth 
 twenty shillings. And afterwards, fifteen shillings. Now, twenty shillings. 
 
 Maigno holds another Essetesford, of Hugh. Wirelm held it of King Edward. It answers for one suling. 
 There is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, there are two. And two villans, with fifteen bordars, have 
 three teams. A Church there. And a Presbyter. And three slaves. And two mills of ten shillings and two 
 pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth seventy shillings. And afterwards, sixty shillings. Now, one 
 hundred shillings. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. IN NEWCERCE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, in ROMNEY Marsh, one yoke. There is the arable land of . Two 
 
 socmen held one half of this land. And two villans the other. Now, there are four villans there, having one team. 
 This land was worth, and is worth, twelve shillings. 
 
 The same Hugh holds half a yoke, which one socman held. There are two bordars there now. This land is 
 appraised in TiTENTONE, because it is ploughed there with the demesne teams. 
 
 The Hundred and the Burgesses of Doure, and the Men of the Abbot of St. Augustine and Estrealath, 
 testify this. That the land of Etretone,- which the Canons of St. Martin of Doure claim against Hugh de Mont- 
 fort, that Vlwile Wilde held it in alod, in the time of King Edward. And it answers for one yoke. And he 
 has there one team in demesne. And five bordars with one team. And one mill of twenty shillings. It is worth, 
 and has been worth, ten pounds. 
 
 IN WERDE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Hugh holds ESTBRIGE in demesne. Alsi held it of (Earl) Godwin. And it answers for one suling. 
 There is the arable land of six teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And two villans, with thirty-six bordars, 
 have four teams. Eight saltworks there, with the third part of a ninth saltwork, of twenty shillings. Half a fishery 
 of eight pence. Wood of three hogs from pannage. Two Churches there. In the time of King Edward, and 
 afterwards, it was worth ten pounds. Now, fifteen pounds. 
 
 50-2 
 
 50-8 
 
 50-12 
 
 50-ie 
 
 50-20 
 
 50-24 
 
 50-30 
 
 50-34 
 
 50-36 
 
 50-41 
 
 2 N 
 
142 
 
 KENT. 
 
 50—47 Bertrann holds, of Hugh, half a yoke and half a virge. It answers for as much. Adelelm held it of King 
 Edward. There is arable land for one team. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty shillings. 
 
 50- 49 Herue holds, of Hugh, Blachemenestone. Blacheman held it in the time of King Edward. There is the 
 
 51— 1 arable land of two teams. They are there in demesne. And three villans, with ten bordars, with one team. A 
 
 Church there. And one slave. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, three 
 pounds. Now, six pounds. 
 
 51-s The same Hugh holds, in Romney Marsh, one suling, less one virge. It answers for as much. There is the 
 
 arable land of three teams. Fourteen socmen have three teams there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 four pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 51-8 Roger holds, of Hugh, one yoke in Romney Marsh. It answers for one yoke. Two socmen held it. There 
 
 is the arable land of one team. And it is there. With three bordars. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 thirty shillings. And afterwards, fifteen shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 51-ii Rotbert holds, of Hugh, in the same Marsh, the sixth part of one yoke. One socman held it. It is worth, 
 and was worth, five shillings. 
 
 IN HEN HUNDRED. 
 
 51-14 Roger holds, of Hugh, Postinges. Sbern (Riga) held it. It answers for two sulings and a half. There is the 
 arable land of thirteen teams. In demesne, there are three. And sixteen villans, with seven bordars, have seven 
 teams. Two Chapels there. And two mills of six shillings. And forty acres of meadow. Wood of forty hogs. 
 In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. And afterwards, one hundred shillings. Now, fourteen 
 pounds. 
 
 Of that Manor Ralph de Curbespine holds three denns. They are without the division. And are worth fifteen 
 shillings. 
 
 51-22 The same Hugh holds half a suling, which Aldred (Hot) held of King Edward, without a Hall. It answers 
 for half a suling. There is the arable land of three teams. One villan dwells there, with four bordars. No team 
 there. One mill of twenty-five pence. And five acres of meadow. 
 
 51-26 The same Hugh holds Belice. Turgis held it of King Edward. And it answers for one suling. There is 
 the arable land of . In demesne, there is one team. And two villans, with one bordar, have one 
 
 team. Three acres of meadow there. These two lands, in the time of King Edward, were worth sixty shillings. 
 And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, sixty shillings. 
 
 IN NEWECERCE HUNDRED. 
 
 51-30 The same Hugh holds one land, which Azor (Rot) held of King Edward, without a Hall. It answers for one 
 
 suling. There is the arable land of five teams. Eight villans, with three bordars, have two teams there. In the 
 time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was worth eight pounds. Now, nine pounds. 
 
 51-34 The same Hugh holds half a suling in Romney Marsh. It answers for as much. There is the arable land of 
 four teams. Twelve socmen held it, and hold it, having four teams. It is worth, and was worth, sixty shillings. 
 
 IN ADELOVESBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 51-37 The same Hugh holds, in the same Marsh, one yoke. It answers for as much. There is the arable land of 
 two teams. There are twelve socmen there, with eight bordars, having two teams. 
 
 51-40 These two lands, in the time of King Edward, were worth one hundred and sixty shillings. And afterwards, 
 
 and now, likewise. 
 
 IN BLACHEBVRNE HUNDRED. 
 
 51-42 The same Hugh holds 'liNTENTONE. Vlnod held it of King Edward. And then it answered for one suling. 
 
 Now, for half; because it is without the division. There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there are 
 
KENT. 
 
 143 
 
 two teams. And twenty-one villans, with six bordars, have seven teams. A Church there. And nine slaves. And 51-45 
 
 three fisheries of five shillings. And thirty-eight acres of meadow. Wood of .forty hogs. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. And afterwards, six pounds. Now, seven pounds. 
 
 The same Hugh holds half a yoke, which five socmen held, and now hold, having one team there, with four 51—49 
 bordars. It is worth, and always has been worth, five shillings. 
 
 IN ESTRAITES HUNDRED. 
 
 Herue holds, of Hugh, Sedlinges. Osuuard held it of King Edward. It answers for one suling. There 52—1 
 
 is the arable land of seven teams. In demesne, there are three teams. And eight villans, with twenty-five 
 bordars, have four teams, lwo Churches there. And one mill of thirty pence. And thirty-six acres of meadow. 
 
 And Wood of six hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, one hundred 
 shillings. Now, seven pounds. 
 
 IN STOT1NGES HUNDRED. 
 
 Alnod holds, of Hugh, Hortone. Leuuin held it of King Edward. And it answers for half a suling. There 52-8 
 
 is the arable land of three teams. In demesne, there are two teams. And five villans, with six bordars, have one 
 team and a half. A Church there. And one mill of twenty-five pence. And twenty-four acres of meadow. 
 
 Wood of ten hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, twenty. Now, 
 sixty shillings. 
 
 In the same place, Alnod holds one yoke of Hugh. But there is nothing there. 
 
 In the same Lath, the same Hugh holds three virges and a half, which three socmen held of King Edward. 52-15 
 Now, one villan has half a team there, with three bordars. It is worth, and always has been worth, ten shi llin gs, 
 
 IN HAME HUNDRED. 
 
 William holds, of Hugh, three yokes and half a virge, in Orlavestone. Eleven socmen held this land. 52-19 
 There is the arable land of three teams. Two teams there now in demesne. And fifteen villans, with nine bordars, 
 have three teams and a half. Two Churches there. And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of six hogs. In the 
 time of King Edward, it was w'orth sixty shillings. And afterwards, thirty shillings. Now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 Ralph Son of Richard holds, of Hugh, half a suling in Rochinges, which Leuret held of King Edward. It 52-24 
 answers for half a suling. There is the arable land of two teams. Now, twelve villans have there one team and a 
 half. From Wood, one hog. In the time of King Edward, it was worth fifty shillings. And afterwards, thirty 
 shillings. Now, fifty shillings. 
 
 IN STOTINGES HUNDRED. 
 
 Ralph holds, of Hugh, Hortvn. Two socmen held it of King Edward. And it answers for one yoke and a 52-29 
 half. There is the arable land of one team and a half. In demesne, there is one. With four villans. And one 
 mill of thirty pence. And ten acres of meadow. From Wood, six hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth forty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 IN ESTRAITES HUNDRED. 
 
 Hugh de Manneuile holds, of Hugh, Estraites. Vlnod held it of King Edward. It answers for two 52-34 
 sulings. There is the arable land of eight teams. In demesne, there are two. And eleven villans, with twenty- 
 five bordars, have five teams. A Church there. And seven slaves. And thirty acres of meadow. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth ten shillings. And afterwards, four shillings. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 Ansfrid holds, of Hugh, one yoke, which one socman held of King Edward, in the same Hundred. And it 52-39 
 answers for one yoke. There is the arable land of one team. It is there. With one villan, and two bordars. And 
 one mill of twenty-six pence. And eight acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and now, it is worth 
 forty shillings. 
 
 Rotbert Coc holds, of Hugh, one yoke, which one socman held. And it answers for as much. There is one 52-43 
 team there. With one bordar. And four acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, and now, it is worth 
 thirty shillings. 
 
144 
 
 KENT. 
 
 IN LANGEBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 52-46 Gislebert holds, of Hugh, one yoke, which a certain socman held of King Edward. It is worth, and has 
 been worth, four shillings. Nothing was or is there. 
 
 52- 49 Of Etwelle, which Herbert Son of Iuo holds without the division of Hugh, the same Hugh holds fourteen 
 
 acres of land within his division. And it is worth two shillings. 
 
 IN ESTREA LATH. IN BEVSBERGE HUNDRED. 
 
 53- 2 The same Hugh de Montfort holds Etwelle. Molleue held it. It answered for three sulings. And now, 
 
 for one suling. There is the arable land of one team. And it is there in demesne. And nineteen bordars have 
 one team. A Church there. And four mills and a half, of four pounds, and seventeen shillings, and four pence. 
 And four acres of meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth eleven pounds. And afterwards, four 
 pounds. Now, eight pounds. 
 
 53-7 The same Hugh holds Neventone. Ederic held it of King Edward. And it then answered for two sulings. 
 
 And now, for one; because there is another without the division. There is the arable land of two teams. And they 
 are there, in demesne. A Church there. And twenty-one bordars, and three slaves, with three teams. Three 
 mills and a half, of one hundred and five shillings, there. The whole, in the time of King Edward, was worth 
 twelve pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. Now, What Hugh has within his division, twelve pounds. 
 
 53-13 Within this division, there is one socman holding sixteen acres of land. And the same himself held it of King 
 
 Edward. 
 
 53-15 In the same hundred, the same Hugh holds one portion of Broom Land, which neither renders, nor rendered, 
 anything; nor has it been laid into any Manor; but is within his division; and was of the King’s demesne. Axuuin 
 (the Presbyter) held it. 
 
 53-18 In the same hundred, Fulbert has, of Hugh, one mill, and renders twenty-four shillings. 
 
 53—19 Herfred holds, of Hugh, Poltone. Vluuin held it of King Edward. And it answers for one suling. There 
 is the arable land of two teams. There are three villans there. And a Chapel. In the time of King Edward, it 
 was worth forty shillings. And afterwards, fifteen shillings. Now, thirty shillings. 
 
 IN WIWART LATH. IN BERISOUT HUNDRED. 
 
 53-23 The same Hugh holds Breburne. Godric de Buenes held it of King Edward. And it then answered for 
 seven sulings. And now, for five sulings and a half, and half a yoke, because the other part is without the division 
 of Hugh, and that the Bishop of Baieux holds. There is the arable land of fifteen teams. In demesne, there 
 are two. And thirty-one villans, with ten bordars, have ten teams. A Church there. And eight slaves. And 
 two mills of seven shillings. And twenty acres of meadow. Wood of twenty-five hogs. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth twenty pounds. And afterwards, eight pounds. Now, sixteen pounds. 
 
 53_30 In the Hundred of CERTH, a certain woman holds of Hugh, one virge, which one socman held of King Edward. 
 
 It is worth three shillings. 
 
 IN BLACHEBVRNE HUNDRED. 
 
 53-32 The same Hugh holds half a yoke, in Tepindene, which Norman held of King Edward. And it answers for 
 half a yoke. There are two villans there, with half a team. It always has been worth, and is worth, an hundred 
 pence. 
 
 IN LIMOWART LATH. in ESTRAITES HUNDRED. 
 
 53—36 The same Hugh holds SiBORNE. Osiar held it of Bang Edward. And it answered for one suling, then, and 
 now. There is the arable land of two teams. In demesne, there is one. And one villan, with four bordars, have 
 
KENT. 
 
 N. 
 
 145 
 
 one team. And one slave there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, 53-38 
 twenty shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 The same Hugh has half a suling, SVANETONE. There is the arable land of one team. Norman held 53-40 
 
 it of King Edward. And it answers for as much. Four villans, there, have one team. Wood of five hogs there. 
 
 In the time of Kong Edward, it was worth twenty-five shillings. And afterwards, fifteen shillings. Now, thirty 
 shillings. 
 
 Nigell holds, of Hugh, one yoke. And, in Aia, seven acres. One socman held it of King Edward. There 53-44 
 is the arable land of one team. In demesne, is half a team. And six bordars. And two slaves. And five acres of 
 meadow. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twenty shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. Now, 
 twenty-five shillings. 
 
 William Son of Grosse holds, of Hugh, Bonintone. Norman held it of King Edward. And it answers for 53-48 
 one suling. There is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, is one. And nine villans, with four bordars, 
 have two teams. A Church there. And eight slaves. And Wood of eight hogs. In the time of King Edward, it 54-1 
 was worth four pounds. And afterwards, three pounds. Now, one hundred shillings. 
 
 Herue holds, of Hugh, Obtrepole. Alrebot held it of King Edward. And it answers for one suling. '^~ 3 
 There is the arable land of six teams. In demesne, is one. And eleven villans, with two teams. And one slave. 
 
 And ten acres of meadow. And Wood rendering five pence from pannage, in the time of the King. In the time of 
 King Edward, it was worth fifty shillings. And afterwards, twenty shillings. Now, four pounds. 
 
 IN BLACHEBVRNE HUNDEED, AND IN NEVCERCE HUNDRED. 
 
 Heraldus holds half a suling, less one virge. Six socmen held it of King Edward. And it answers for as 54-9 
 much. There is the arable land of five teams. In demesne, there are two. And thirty-one bordars have three 
 teams. One slave there. In the time of King Edward, it was worth sixty shillings. And afterwards, thirty 
 shillings. Now, four pounds and fifteen shillings. 
 
 And he has, besides, one denn which lay in Fane, Adam’s Manor. There, there are two bordars rendering 54-13 
 thirty pence; It is worth, and always has been worth, five shillings. 
 
 IN BERISCOLT HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Hugh holds half a suling in HASTINGELIE. Vlnob held it of King Edward. And it answers for as 54-15 
 much. Now, a certain Man holds it of Hugh. And has there two bordars rendering four shillings. It always has 
 been worth, and is worth, ten shillings. 
 
 IN LANGEBRIGE HUNDRED. 
 
 The same Hugh holds, in demesne, one yoke and a half, in Tevegate. God held it of King Edward. There 54-19 
 is one villan there now, with one team. And eight acres of meadow there. In the time of King Edward, it was 
 worth twenty shillings. And afterwards, ten shillings. Now, twenty shillings. 
 
 In the same Hundred, is one virge of arable land in SvESTONE, which one socman held of King Edward. 54-23 
 There is one bordar there now, rendering twelve pence. In the time of King Edward, it was worth thirty pence. 
 
 And afterwards, eighteen. Now, three shillings. 
 
 THE LAND OF EARL EUSTACE. 
 
 IN THE HALF LATH OE SUDTONE. IN OSTREHAM HUNDRED. 
 
 Earl Eustace holds, of the King, Oistreham. (Earl) Godwin held it of King Edward. And it answered 54-28 
 for four s nlin gs, then, and now. There is the arable land of . In demesne, there are two teams. 
 
 And forty-two villans, with seven bordars, have thirty teams. Ten slaves there. And one mill of five shillings. 
 
 And sixteen acres of meadow. And, from Wood, an hundred hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth 
 thirty pounds. When he received it, twenty-four pounds. Now, forty pounds. 
 
 i o 
 
146 
 
 KENT. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF WIWARLET. IN WI HUNDRED. 
 
 54- 35 The same Earl holds BOLTVNE. Earl Goduin held it. And it answered for seven sulings, then, and now. 
 
 There is the arable land of thirty-three teams. In demesne, there are three slaves. And sixty-seven villans, 
 with five bordars, have thirty teams. A Church there. And seventeen slaves. And two mills of seven shillings 
 and two pence. And twenty-six acres of meadow. Wood of two hundred hogs. In the time of King Edward, it 
 was worth twenty pounds. And. afterwards, thirty pounds. Now, forty pounds. 
 
 XI. THE LAND OF RICHARD SON OF GISLEBERT. IN TVIFERDE HUNDRED. 
 
 55- 2 Richard de Tonebrige holds Hallinges. And Aldret held it of King Edward. And then, and now, it 
 
 answers for two sulings. There is the arable land of sixteen ploughs. In demesne, there is one and a half. And 
 sixteen villans, with twelve bordars, have six teams. Two Churches there. And fifteen slaves. And two mills of 
 twenty-five shillings. And four fisheries of one thousand and seven hundred eels, less twenty. Five acres of 
 meadow there. And Wood of one hundred and fifty hogs. In the time of King Edward, and afterwards, it was 
 worth thirty pounds. Now, twenty pounds, because the arable land has been laid waste by cattle. 
 
 IN MEDESTAN HUNDRED. 
 
 55-10 The same Richard holds Bermelinge. Axret held it of King Edward. And then, and now, it answers for 
 one suling. There is the arable land of four teams. In demesne, two teams. And five villans, with eight bordars, 
 have five teams. Thirteen slaves there. And one mill of five shillings. And four acres of meadow. Wood of ten 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth four pounds. And afterwards, one hundred shillings. Now, four 
 pounds. 
 
 THE LAND OF HAIMO THE SHERIFF. 
 
 XII. IN THE LATII OF WIWARLET. IN WIT HUNDRED. 
 
 55_17 IIaimo, the Sheriff, holds, of the King, one Manor, which, in the time of King Edward, answered for two 
 
 sulings and a half. And now, for one suling and three yokes. There is the arable land of eight teams. In 
 demesne, five ploughing oxen. And sixteen villans, with fifteen bordars, have ten teams. A Church there. And 
 seven slaves. And one mill of nine shillings, and sixty eels. Twenty acres of meadow there. And Wood of thirty 
 hogs. In the time of King Edward, it was worth ten pounds. And afterwards, seven pounds. Now, fourteen 
 pounds, and six shillings, and six pence. 
 
 Of that Manor, Hugh de Montfort holds three yokes and a half. They are worth sixty shillings. 
 
 IN THE HALF LATH OF SUDTONE. IN GRENVIZ HUNDRED. 
 
 55_2o ITaimo has there sixty-three acres of land which pertain to Hulviz. William, the falconer, held it of King 
 Edward. There are eleven bordars there, rendering forty-one pence. The whole is worth three pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF ELESFORD. IN LITEFEL HUNDRED. 
 
 55-30 The same Haimo holds Marourde. Norman held it of King Edward. And then, and now, it answers for 
 two sulings. There is the arable land of nine teams. In demesne, there are two. And twenty-eight villans, with 
 fifteen bordars, have ten teams. A Church there. And ten slaves. And two mills of ten shillings. And two 
 fisheries of two shillings. Twenty acres of meadow there. And as much wood as produces a rent of sixty hogs 
 from pannage. In the time of King Edward, it was worth twelve pounds. And afterwards, ten pounds. Now, 
 nineteen pounds. 
 
 IN THE LATH OF BOROWART. IN WITESTAPLE HUNDRED. 
 
 55-37 The same Haimo holds Blehem. Norman held it of King Edward. And then, and now, it answers for one 
 suling. There is the arable land of four teams. And twelve villans have there two teams. In demesne, there is 
 one team. And two acres of meadow. And, from pannage, sixty hogs. One fishery there. In the time of King 
 Edward, it was worth eight pounds. And afterwards, and now, it is worth six pounds. 
 
KENT. 147 
 
 THE LAND OF ALBERT THE CHAPLAIN. 
 
 IN THE HALF LATH OF MILDETONE. IN MILDETONE HUNDRED. 
 
 Albert, the Chaplain, holds of the King, NEWETONE. Sidgar held it of Queen Eddid. And then, and now, 
 it answers for seven sulings and a half. There is the arable land of . The arable land which was in 
 
 demesne, is at farm for sixty shillings. In the same Manor, ten villans, with forty-eight bordars, have five teams. 
 Twelve acres of meadow there. And four denns of wood, rendering thirty hogs from pannage. One fishery there 
 serving the hall. And two slaves. A small wood for fencing. 
 
 To this Manor, there pertain, in the City of Canterbury, four haughs. And two in Rochester, which rendered 
 sixty-four pence. 
 
 And, from the Manor of Mildentone is rendered in NEUUETONE, one custom, that is, twenty-eight weys of 
 cheese. 
 
 And from twenty-eight sulings of MILDENTONE, there pertain, in NEUUETONE, ten pounds and ten shillings. 
 
 And, from another part, from nine sulings of Meddeltone, there pertain, in Neutone, twenty-eight weys 
 and a half of cheese, and fifty-eight shillings of gafol from these nine sulings. And, from these nine sulings, Sigar 
 rendered average at MILDETONE. 
 
 Of this Manor, there are, away from it, four denns, which were there, in the time of King Edward, as the 
 Hundred testifies. 
 
 The whole Manor, in the time of King Edward, was worth forty pounds. And afterwards, thirty-six pounds. 
 Now, thirty-four pounds. 
 
 The Archbishop has, from it, six pounds. 
 
 And the Bishop of Baieux has three denns. They are worth forty shillings. 
 
 Of the land of this Manor, Goisfrid (de Hos) holds one yoke. And it is worth ten shillings. 
 
 Adam Son of Hubert as much wood as produces a rent of forty pence a year. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 56-3 
 
 56-n 
 
 56-13 
 
 56-14 
 
 56-is 
 
 56-19 
 
 56-21 
 
 56-23 
 
 56-24 
 
NOTE S. 
 
 p.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 1,— “ Douere.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 1,— “Douere.” 
 
 Our first note may well be employed in drawing attention to tbe 
 fact, that Dover {Douere) is one of those few towns which retain 
 their British name unchanged. The little river, the Dour, which 
 rises at Ewell, and, after a short course, enters the sea here, gives 
 its name to the port, and that name is a genuine British one. Dur, 
 Duvr, Dyvr, in the language of the Ancient Britons, signified 
 water. The Portus Dubris of Antoninus, is nothing more than 
 Duvr Latinized, i. e. the port of Duvr, or The Water Port. Baxter, 
 in his Glossary, derives Dubris from the British Duvr-isc, a ivater- 
 course; but Diir or Duvr is our precise name, and we need not 
 trouble ourselves with any fanciful origin of the Latin termination. 
 
 Without any violent stretch of the imagination, let us see before 
 us, in those primaaval days. 
 
 Ere “ Home’s imperial eagle, borne on bigh, 
 
 Had spread her pinions in our northern sky,” 
 
 —let us see before us, in that deep valley among the chalk-hills, a 
 little sparkling stream, as it approaches the sea, widening into a 
 little natural harbour, sufficient to shelter the boats of those whose 
 huts dotted its banks, or clustered into stockaded villages on the 
 heights above it. "The Stream,-” “The Water,” sufficient name 
 for themselves in speaking of the river of their homes and its 
 haven. 
 
 It was left for the invader, whose experienced eye early caught 
 at the importance of the spot in a military point of view, to widen 
 this little prirmeval natural port into a haven for war-boats, to crown 
 the heights which overhung it, with fortifications, and then to dignify 
 that which was formerly known as “ Our Stream ” with the grander 
 title of “ Portus Dubris.” 
 
 (20 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 1,— “ Tempore Regis Edwardi.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 1,— “In the time of King Edward.” 
 
 These words, “ In the time of King Edward, 5 ' (for which, in the 
 original, we have, all through the Survey, the form T.R.E., i.e. 
 “ Tempore Regis Edwardi, 55 ) require a passing notice. It was 
 the Conqueror’s policy, from the first, to make his appearance in 
 this country as the rightful successor of Edward the Confessor, 
 ignoring any interregnum, or the possession of the Crown by any 
 individual but himself since the death of Edward. He comes to 
 England to enter upon his inheritance, and in the Domesday Survey 
 his object of inquiry, in the first instance, was the state of property, 
 its ownership, and taxation, in the time of his predecessor. These 
 details are always carefully recorded, as though he wished it to be 
 particularly marked, that he desired no needless change in the con¬ 
 tents of the manors, or in their taxation. “ They were thus in the 
 time of my predecessor •” they are subjected to no new taxation 
 beyond such as their improved value might justly expect. All is 
 dated from Tempore Regis Edwardi. And here I cannot resist 
 quoting the lucid and admirably expressed remarks of Sir Francis 
 Palgrave on this view of the Conqueror’s policy:— 
 
 “ Whatever aspects William’s policy assumed, he never departed from T. E. 
 the principle, that he had placed himself in the position of a legitimate 
 sovereign asserting legitimate rights. William did not present himself 
 as a barbarian stranger, a Swetne or a Canute, wielding his battle-axe, 
 slaying old and young, thirsting for blood, greedy of gold, seeking rapine, 
 pursuing revenge; but as a lawful claimant, contesting the inheritance 
 withheld by an unjust adversary; and it is hardly possible to deny but that, 
 on constitutional grounds, he had a better title than he who was van¬ 
 quished by the battle-trial at Hastings. When therefore William, as 
 such lawful claimant, obtained the dominion, the reign of the usurper 
 was blotted out from the legal and constitutional annals of England. In 
 the same manner as the ordinances of the Commonwealth have no place 
 in our Statute-Books, and the Patents of the Protector are expunged from 
 our Records, so was the reign of Harold passed over, and never recog¬ 
 nized by the law. Even as King de facto he was not acknowledged. 
 
 “ Domesday, which was to establish the territorial rights of the Con¬ 
 queror, the record by which he was willing to be concluded,—that great 
 memorial, not of an arbitrary power, but of the principle of establishing 
 the rights of the Crown, so far as property was concerned, by an immut¬ 
 able law,—always dates them ‘ Tempore Regis Edwardi.'' William wanted 
 nothing more than what King Edward had. He would take nothing as 
 from Harold. He ascended the throne not as the victor of the son of 
 Godwin, but as succeeding the Confessor. Therefore he was to be bound 
 to the responsibility of the monarch of whom he claimed to be the adopted 
 son, the constituted heir.” (Palgrave, 1 Normandy aud England,’ vol. iii. 
 p. 622, s. 15.) 
 
 The Rubric prefixed to the Laws of Edward the Confessor (see 
 Thorpe, vol. i. p. 442) testifies to the anxious care of William, that 
 these laws should continue in force and unchanged. It is as fol¬ 
 lows :— 
 
 “ Post quartum annum adquisicionis Regis Willelmi istius terre, sci¬ 
 licet anglie, consilio baronum suorum, fecit summoniri per universos patrie 
 comitatus, anglos nobiles, sapientes, et in lege sua eruditos, ut eorum con- 
 suetudines ab ipsis audiret. Electis, igitur, de singulis tocius patrie comi- 
 tatibus, xii, jurejurando in primis sauxerunt, ut quoad possent, recto tramite 
 ineedentes, legum suarum ac consuetudinum sancita edicerent, nil preter- 
 mittentes, nil addentes, nil prevaricando mutantes.” 
 
 I. e., loosely rendered:— 
 
 “After the fourth year of William’s acquisition ofEngland, by the advice 
 of his barons, he caused the nobles and wise men of England, and those 
 who were learned in their laws, to be summoned from all the counties of 
 the land, that he might hear from their own lips what their customs were. 
 
 Twelve, therefore, being elected from each of the counties of the land, they, 
 in the first instance, bound themselves by the sanction of an oath, that, in 
 a straightforward course, they would declare the established ordinances of 
 their laws and customs, omitting nothing, adding nothing; without pre¬ 
 varication, changiug nothing.” 
 
 And, again, it is enacted, among the Conqueror’s own laws, 
 ch. lxiii., as given by Wilkins (or, according to Thorpe, ‘ Carta Regis 
 Willelmi Conquestoris de Quibusdam Statutis, 5 vol. iii. cb. xiii.)— 
 
 “Hoc quoque precipimus, ut omnes habeant et teneant leges Edwardi 
 Regis, j u omnibus rebus, adauctis his quas constituimus ad utilitatem an- 
 glorum.” 
 
 I. e., “ This also is our precept, that all hold and keep the laws of King 
 Edward in all things, with those additions which we have established for 
 the benefit of the English.” 
 
150 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 E. He thus left the laws of England as he found them, making no 
 changes but such as the great and wise of England themselves de¬ 
 sired. The “ technical principle of his government ” was “ to support 
 his own authority, by respecting the law of Edward the Con¬ 
 fessor,” whose lawful successor he claimed to be. In fact, to use 
 Sir Francis Palgrave’s own words (‘ Normandy and England,’ vol. 
 iii. p. 620, s. 14), “ Every prescriptive right was to be held as it 
 had been in the days of the Confessor. The laws of Edward the 
 Confessor were to be observed in all respects, except so far as he 
 had caused them to be amended, for the benefit of the English 
 people, and, at first sight, there was no intentional innovation, or 
 no change.” (See Appendix , I.) 
 
 We are here speaking solely of William’s policy with regard to 
 the Laws. He had succeeded to the Crown of England, and, with 
 it, to the duty of maintaining the Laws of the Kingdom unchanged. 
 With regal'd to property, it was another question. After such a 
 convulsion as was forced upon him by the Saxon Chiefs who refused 
 to acknowledge his authority, a vast amount of Manors and Lands 
 were necessarily left at his disposal, and, as a natural consequence, 
 he largely endowed his Norman followers with those which had been 
 previously held by those Saxon Lords who had been in arms against 
 him, and who, by the existing institutions of the country, were 
 treated as rebels against their lawful King, thus forfeiting their 
 estates to the Crown, and causing an almost universal change in 
 the ownership of the Manors. Not that I would be supposed as 
 attempting, for one moment, to gloss over the fact that William 
 was, to all intents and purposes, an usurper. He certainly had as 
 good a claim to the Crown as Harold had; but still was usurping it 
 to the prejudice of the rightful heir. It is his wisdom and policy 
 that I am justifying, not his glaring usurpation. And yet, while we 
 condemu his usurpation, we cannot close our eyes to the boundless 
 benefits of which that usurpation laid the foundation. “ William,” 
 says Sir F. Palgrave, “ was not a wild, a cruel, or a bloodthirsty 
 conqueror, with but a small share of moral principle; he had no 
 
 love for evil or sin, as such.. Historical parallels, 
 
 though frequently very delusive from the efforts made to overstrain 
 the resemblance or the antithesis of the respective characters, do, 
 nevertheless, afford much help to the student; and, excepting in 
 the violence of his temper, which, however, he could well restrain 
 when it was his interest so to do, I should say that there was as 
 near a resemblance between him and his third namesake as could 
 well exist between two different individuals placed so widely apart. 
 It is, I believe, the popular opinion, as expressed by the words of 
 Hume, that it would be difficult to find any revolution more destruc¬ 
 tive, or attended with a more complete subjugation of the ancient 
 inhabitants. Unquestionably the cup of bitterness was presented 
 to the English, but it was not deep ; and, amongst the many provi¬ 
 dences which so singularly and specially mark the destiny of the 
 English Nation, it is impossible to doubt but that the effect of the 
 Conquest was, in every respect, to increase its powers of good, to 
 strengthen the national intellect, and also, if they be blessings, to 
 give the greatest impulse to its worldly prosperity and glory.” 
 
 Normandy and England,’ vol. iii. p. 621, s. 14.) 
 
 ( 3 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 2 ,—“ Reddebat.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 1,— “Rendered.” 
 
 It may be well here to cite a few passages from Madox as to the 
 render issuing from towns, and the parties to whom such render was 
 payable. They will supply a useful illustration of the passage before 
 us, and will be valuable for reference, when we come to the descrip¬ 
 tion of Canterbury and other towns in the Survey. 
 
 (i.) First, as to the issues from which the render was supplied:— 
 
 “ Tlie yearly Ferine of Towns arose out of certain locate, or demised 
 things that yielded issues or profits; insomuch, that when a Town was 
 committed to a Sheriff, Fermer, or Gustos, such Former or Gustos well 
 knew how to raise the Ferme out of the ordinary Issues of the Town, with 
 an overplus of profit to himself.” 
 
 These issues consisted of divers things, according to the situation 
 or productions of each particular Town,—such as Housegavel,— 
 Amends for breaking Assize of Bread and Beer,—Fisheries,—Profits 
 of Mills,—Assised Rents,—Pleas and Perquisites of Courts,—Cus¬ 
 
 tom of Goods,—Fairs,—Markets,—Stallage,—Aldermanries,—Tolls, Firma 
 W harfage, etc. etc. (See Madox, ‘Firma Burgi,’ p. 251, and the Bcugj. 
 numerous cases cited by him from the Plea and Pipe-Rolls, Memo¬ 
 randa, etc., in which all these sources of Issues occur.) 
 
 (ii.) Next, as to the parties who owned the render . 
 
 “ All towns in ancient times were vested either in the Crown, or 
 else in the clergy, or great men of the layety-: that is to say, the King was 
 immediate Lord of some towns, and particular persons, either of the clergy 
 or layety, were immediate Lords of other towns. 
 
 “ Of the cities, towns, and burghs which the King had, some were vested 
 in him by one title, others by another title. 
 
 “ Of some he was possessed, antiguo jure Gorone, that is, as part of the 
 original inheritance of his Crown. Of others, by ancient Escheat. The 
 former were called ancient demeans, Antiquum Dominicum Regis, or Corona, 
 to distinguish them from ancient Escheats. 
 
 “ These Escheats may have occurred from various causes, such as Want 
 of Heirs,—by Attainder,—Forfeiture,—Feoffment,—Exchange,—Dissolu¬ 
 tion of Religious Houses, etc. etc.” 
 
 “When the King was seized of a city or town in demesne it was 
 commonly called Givitas Regis, —or Villa, Regis, —or Burgum Regis, 
 i. e. the King’s City,—Town,—or Burgh, as the case might be. 
 (Madox, ‘Firma Burgi,’ pp. 4, 15.) 
 
 (iii.) Those towns which were in the hands of the King were 
 usually let by him to the townsmen to ferm, either for a Term of 
 Years or at Fee-Ferm, i.e. in perpetuity, at a specified Ferme or 
 Rent; and this last was called Burgage Tenure. 
 
 “ The Ferine was answered to the Crown, either by the Sheriff of the 
 county wherein the towns lay, as included in the Corpus Comitatus, or 
 euperadded to it, or else by the townsmen themselves, per manum suam, 
 either by the name of Homines, or Cives, or Burgenses of such a town, 
 burgh, or villate, or under the name of the Provost ( Praposiius ) or other 
 particular Custos or Fermer.” (Madox, ‘History of the Exchequer,’ 
 p. 226.) 
 
 (iv.) “Sometimes the Crown thought fit to grant some part of a city 
 or town, or some profit or appurtenant thereof, to a private Man, or to a 
 Religious House; by which means it sometimes came to pass that the 
 property- of a city or town was divided into a half, a third, or other part 
 or parts; or, perhaps, certain of the profits or appurtenants of the city 
 or town became severed from the Corpus Civitalis.” (Madox, ‘Firma 
 Burgi,’ p. 14.) 
 
 (v.) Although involving much repetition, I will add one extract 
 more from the works of Madox, but little different, perhaps, from 
 No. iii.; yet serviceable to complete the elucidation of the subject 
 before us. 
 
 “ The yearly profits which the King made of his cities, towns, or burghs 
 were commonly raised and paid to him in a sundry manner. For example, 
 the Issues of some of them were included in the General Ferm rendered 
 for the county wherein they lay; and then, the Ferm or Issues of them 
 were answered to the King by the Sheriff of the same county. 
 
 “ Sometimes the Sheriff of the County held a town, as Custos or Fermer 
 of it, and answered to the King for the Issues or Ferm of it, apart from 
 the Ferme of the County. 
 
 “ Sometimes the King committed his town to a Fermer, Custos, or Ap¬ 
 prover, distinct from the Sheriff of the county. 
 
 “ lu brief, the King was sometimes pleased to demise or let his town to 
 the townsmen thereof at Ferm; that is to say, either in Fee-farm or at 
 Ferm for years.” (Madox, ‘ Firma Burgi,’ p. 18.) 
 
 Dover, evidently, was not one of those thus let to Ferm to the 
 Townsmen; for, in the time of the Confessor, we have the King’s 
 Reeve ( Prepositus Regis) there, superintending the peace of the 
 Town (see p. 2, 1. 15 “Extension,” and p. 93, 1. 9, “Translation”). 
 
 Again, in the very next paragraph (“Extension,” p. 2, 1. 17, 
 “Translation,” p. 93, 1. 10), we have “Whoever resided constantly 
 in the Town, and rendered custom to the King,” —almost deciding 
 the question. And, a little lower down, in Odo’s time, we have the 
 Reve ( Prepositus ) apportioning the Render between the King and 
 the Earl (Odo). This Prepositus, therefore, must have been the 
 King’s officer, and, though not here specifically styled Prepositus 
 Regis, must have held that office, indicating thereby, that, “when 
 the Bishop of Baieux received ” the Town, it was only as “ Custos,” 
 the demesne being still in the King. Then, again, we have such 
 expressions as these—“The King’s Water,” “The King has lost 
 
NOTES. 
 
 151 
 
 Firm*. 
 
 Bubgi. 
 
 Dknarios 
 
 Tertius. 
 
 Tiielonecm 
 
 the Custom/ 5 “ Damage done to the King’s Men /’ all evidencing 
 that Dover was then of the King’s Demesne. 
 
 We need not here enter into the question, whether the King had, 
 or not, as yet, separated the towns constituting the Five Ports from 
 their respective counties, and thus placed them exclusively under his 
 own jurisdiction, as represented by his Lord Warden. From the re¬ 
 cital of the Confirmation Charter, granted 6 Ed. I., it would appear 
 almost certain that it was so, for in that charter, the words “ quieti 
 a Shins et Hundredis i. e. quit of Shires and Hundreds, appear 
 among the franchises confirmed, and Edward the Confessor is enume¬ 
 rated among the Grantors of the charters which Edward I. confirms. 
 
 We must, however, confine ourselves to the account of Dover, as 
 we find it in the passage of Domesday before us. It certainly is not 
 enumerated among the possessions designated as “ Terra Regis,” i. e. 
 as of ancient demesne ; and yet it would seem to have been always 
 specially of the demesne of the Crown. The first three pages of the 
 Survey are devoted exclusively to Dover and to Canterbury, the an¬ 
 cient capital of the Saxon Kings, and to a slight notice of Rochester. 
 These two cities, and the town of Dover, seem to be separated by the 
 Commissioners from the Corpus Oomitatus. They are not described in 
 the body of the Survey. Indeed, it is only after the minute details of 
 these, that the Survey of the County, headed, according to the usual 
 course of the Record, by a list of the Tenants in Chief, begins. 
 
 In fact, the exclusiveness so specially given to Dover and Canter¬ 
 bury, seem to mark them as of the King’s special demesne; of 
 course, always excepting franchises and alienations made by the 
 Crown. And the descriptions of the two in the Survey confirm this 
 view. 
 
 If I am correct in these conclusions, Dover, from the time of the 
 Confessor, was always vested in the King; Godwin, and, after him, 
 Odo, being, each in turn, Custos of the Town and Castle. (See Ap¬ 
 pendix II.) Of its franchises, and the portions of its render alien¬ 
 ated by the Crown, we shall treat in subsequent annotations. (See 
 Notes 4, 16, 17, 26, infra.) 
 
 (*■) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 4,— “ Comes Godwinus tei’ciam.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 2,— “Earl Godwin the Third.” 
 
 Of the Fines and Profits of the County Courts (i. e. The Pla- 
 cita et Perquisita Curiarum—The Pleas and Perquisites of Courts), 
 two parts were l’eserved to the King, and a third part to the Earl 
 [Comes) of the County ( comitatus ). This was called the “Third 
 Penny” ( Denarius tertius Comitatus), and the Earl (Comes) either 
 received it from his Deputy (Vice-Comes), the Sheriff, in specie, at 
 the assizes and trials, or had an equivalent composition for it out of 
 the Exchecquer. (See Jacob and Appendix III.) 
 
 Godwin having been Earl of Kent, in the time of the Confessor, 
 it might, at first sight, be supposed that the third part of the render 
 of Dover, thus apportioned to him, was his, jure suo, as the Earl of 
 the County; but it must be remembered, that the Survey is here 
 treating of the Render of Dover, not the Pleas and Perquisites of its 
 Courts, to which last source alone, and not to the Render of a Town 
 the third Penny applied. 
 
 It is more probable, that, in accordance with the practice men¬ 
 tioned in Note 3 (iv.), the Crown had made a grant of this third part 
 to Godwin, as Custos of the Castle; and it appears afterwards to 
 have been transferred to Odo, who was the first Earl after the Con¬ 
 quest. They, each of them held it then, not jure suo, as Earl of the 
 County, and thus owner of the “ Third Penny,” but by virtue of a 
 grant from the Crown. It will subsequently appear that Odo’s 
 grant had been forfeited before the enrolment of the survey. (See 
 Note 26, infra.) 
 
 The title of Ealdorman, which was formerly given to the Governor, 
 or Chief of a County was, in these later times, superseded by that 
 of Comes, or Earl, and was, in the time of the Confessor, held by God¬ 
 win. A few remarks on this change of title, and the nature of his 
 rank and office, will be found in the Appendix. (See Appendix III.) 
 
 (5.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 4,—“ Contra hoc.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 2,—“ On the contrary.” 
 
 This extraordinary expression necessarily leads to much discussion. 
 To a casual observer, it might, at first sight, appear, that “ contra 
 
 hoc ” was merely the representation of the modern form “per contra,” Thkloneom 
 i. e. “as an offset to this receipt, they had to pay the Canons of St. DE Dover. 
 Martin a moiety.” But the Canons neither had, nor claimed, a 
 a moiety of the Render of Dover. Their claim was for half the Toll 
 of the Port, i. e. a moiety of a portion of the sum divided between 
 the King and Godwin. The expression is “ aliam medietatem”—a 
 moiety of some other render than that here named. The words 
 “contra hoc ” seem rather to imply a disputed claim, and I believe 
 that, in strict correctness, it ought to be rendered, “ In contradic¬ 
 tion to this statement,” or, paraphrastically, “ This statement is not 
 strictly correct, because it appears that a moiety of one of the 
 issues of the town belonged to the Canons of St. Martin.” 
 
 In cases of adverse claims advanced by any party, the usual form 
 of recording such in the Survey, is “ Canonici calumniantur,” “ Modo 
 est in calumpnia,” etc.; but here, after accounting for the apparent 
 entirety of the issues, viz. two-thirds as belonging to the Kong, and 
 one-third to Earl Godwin,—it is positively asserted, “ The Canons 
 of St. Martin had another moiety.” If I may be permitted a con¬ 
 jecture on this singular entry, I would suggest, that from whatever 
 sources the Commissioners collected their evidences, whether from 
 the Doni-boc of the Castle or Town, or from oral testimony, it had 
 been proved to them, that, in the time of the Confessor, the King 
 had two-thirds of the issues of Dover, and Earl Godwin, one-third, 
 no notice being, at the time, taken that of the issues thus apportioned, 
 a certain part had, in former times, been alienated to the Canons of 
 St. Martin, and that, subsequently, before the actual enrolment of 
 their returns, these Canons had produced evidence that their house 
 had formerly been in the possession of a moiety of one of the issues 
 of the Port. The information, perhaps, was not, at the moment, suffi¬ 
 ciently detailed for them to reconstruct the paragraph relating to this 
 apportionment, they deferred this, therefore, awhile, and, in the in¬ 
 terim, merely made a note of it in the margin of their return; some-, 
 thing, perhaps, to this effect:—“ This is wrong; on the contrary, 
 the Canons of St. Martin had another moiety.” 
 
 On enrolment, the gloss crept from the margin into the text, and, 
 by inadvertence, no attempt was made at any adaptation of the new 
 paragraph to the one to which it was now incoherently attached. 
 
 Be this as it may, it is of prime importance that the true history 
 of this moiety be clearly ascertained, because, upon it, the correct¬ 
 ness of the date usually assigned to the completion of the Survey 
 will very much depend. 
 
 In a MS. Chronicle of the Priory of St. Martin (Cotton: Vespa¬ 
 sian, B. xi. f. 73), it is recorded, that Wihtred, King of Kent, cir- 
 citer a.d. 696, removed the Canons from the Castle to the Town, 
 where he founded a new Priory for them, endowing them with half 
 the Toll of the Port, in addition to the Prebends and Franchises 
 which they had hitherto possessed. (See Appendix IV.) 
 
 On the other hand, among the National Records ( Treasury of 
 Receipt of the Exchequer, Miscellanea, Jtj) is an Exemplification of a 
 Plea de Quo Waranto, 30 June, 34 Ed. I. (a.d. 1306), in which it is 
 certified, that it was King Henry I. who endowed the Priory with 
 this Half Toll; and that his Charter of Endowment had been car¬ 
 ried away, a few years previously, by the French, in a piratical at¬ 
 tack on the town, when they burnt the Priory. (See Appendix IV.) 
 
 Now, if King Henry I. was the first Grantor of this Half Toll, the 
 paragraph under discussion, as well as that wherein the Toll of 
 Dover is enumerated among the Possessions of the Priory (Exten¬ 
 sion, p. 7,1. 21; Translation, p. 97, 1. 16), must have been inserted 
 subsequently to the year 1100, that being the first year of his reign; 
 and, in that case, the date usually assigned to the completion of the 
 Survey, viz. 1086, must be erroneous, unless we resort to the very 
 improbable supposition, that the enrolment of the Survey was not 
 made till at least fourteen years after its completion,—that the 
 Commissioners’ returns were subjected to alterations, and that the 
 Scribe antedated the completion of the work, when, on finishing it, 
 he subjoined the following colophon :— 
 
 “ Anno milleBimo octogesimo sexto ab 
 Incarnatione Domini, vigesimo quinto 
 Regui Willelmi, facta est ista descriptio. 
 
 Non solum per bos tres comitatus 
 sed etiam per alios.” 
 
 The Tres Comitatus being those contained in the Second Volume, 
 viz. Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk. It would be a short and easy 
 method of dealing away all the difficulties that are involved in the 
 
152 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 necessary that they should obtain a Charter of Confirmation from Theloneum 
 Henry I. The following passage from Ordericus Yitalis will remove DE Doveb - 
 any difficulty we may have in assenting to the possibility of Odo’s 
 connivance at a continued spoliation:— 
 
 “ Quid loquar de Odone, Baiocesiuo Prsesule, qui Consul Palatinus erat 
 et ubique cunetis Anglia; habitatoribus formidabilis erat, ac, veluti secundus 
 Res, passim jura dabat ? Principatum super omnes Coraites liabuit et cam 
 
 thesauris anti quorum Cantiam possedit .Ccenobia Sanctorum 
 
 valde conqueruntur, quod multa eis Ono detrimenta fecerit, et fundos sibi 
 antiquitus datos a fidelibus Anglis, violenter et injuste abstulerit.” 
 
 I. e., “ What shall I say of Odo, Bishop of Baieus, who was Earl Palatine, 
 and generally dreaded by the English people, issuing his orders everywhere 
 like a second King ? He had the command over all the earls and barons of 
 the realm, and, with the treasures collected from ancient times, was in pos¬ 
 session of Kent .The Monasteries of the Saints made great 
 
 complaints of the injuries they received at the hands of Ono, who with 
 violence and injustice robbed them of the estates with which the English 
 had piously endowed them in ancient times.” (Book iv., ch. 7.) 
 
 Odo, then, had both the power and the will for the work. Whe¬ 
 ther or no he had exercised them in this case, must be matter of 
 conjecture; but there is amply sufficient evidence for grave suspicion. 
 
 The fact, however, that the Priory possessed this moiety, the 
 Commissioners do not hesitate to record, not only in that singular 
 paragraph which has led to these discussions, but also, by-and-by, in 
 the enumeration of the Possessions of the Priory of S l Martin, they 
 record— 
 
 singular entry which we are discussing, if we could persuade our¬ 
 selves that we havo hitherto been in error as to the date of the Sur¬ 
 vey, and that it was not really completed till after the grant of this 
 Half Toll to the Priory by Henry I. Assuredly, at first sight, such 
 a conclusion seems to follow as a matter of course; and, in that case, 
 the gloss “ contra hoc,” etc., is a natural and almost necessary entry; 
 but we must not permit ourselves to dismiss too hastily opinions 
 that have been long received, and that rest on the highest authority. 
 
 A much more probable conjecture is this, viz. that the grant of 
 Henry I. was a Charter of Confirmation to the Priory of the old 
 grant made by Wihtred. 
 
 Henry was, at the time, conferring various endowments upon 
 them, and it was in the ordinary course that he should begin with a 
 confirmation of Wihtred’s grant, to which they could probably, at 
 that time, produce no other right than that of prescription. 
 
 It has been objected to me, that, if the endowment was conferred 
 by Wihtred, the original grant might readily have been produced 
 before the Commissioners, or that, at least, it would have been found 
 recorded in the Dombocs of the Castle or Town, from which books 
 probably, to a certain extent, they compiled their returns; or, at all 
 events, if the Priory were in actual receipt of this moiety at the time 
 of the Survey, the oral evidence to this fact must have been such, 
 that these Commissioners could not have avoided giving a more 
 correct and clear assignment of the different portions of the render 
 of Dover, than that which appears in this paragraph of their Record. 
 The form of the entry, it is objected, is vague, and hesitatingly 
 made, indicating that they were hardly satisfied with the evidence 
 before them, whether oral or documentary, and that Wihtred’s 
 grant must still remain an unsolved problem; yet, methinks, the 
 state of England during the fifty years immediately preceding the 
 Conquest (nay, we might almost say, for more than a century before 
 that event), might well account for the loss of legal rights, and the 
 absence of legal records. “ The sword and the torch, plague, pes¬ 
 tilence, and famine, are very effectual checks” to the rightful pre¬ 
 servation of property. We have only to turn to the Conqueror’s 
 Survey, as printed in these pages, to satisfy ourselves of the count¬ 
 less violations of rights that had been long practised with impunity, 
 and of the disorganized state in which England had long lain,—that 
 “ Lawless force was there.” 
 
 To say nothing of the hopeless turmoil and confusion, and almost 
 chaotic ruin that must have been caused, again and again, to private 
 property, specially to that of religious houses, during the period 
 when England’s cradle— 
 
 “ Was rocked by many a rough Norwegian blast. 
 
 And Danish bowlings scared her as they passed.” 
 
 And then came the Conqueror’s invasion to complete the chaos. 
 Albeit, his was the hand that, by the masterly stroke of policy in¬ 
 dicated in this Survey, first attempted to restore order, and right, 
 and justice. We need not, then, be staggered at the absence of any 
 recorded evidence of Wihtred’s grant to the Priory. It might have 
 been lost, or the subject of spoliation for many years, the memory of 
 it only existing in the traditions of the Canons themselves. It was 
 little likely that Godwin, in his time, would have made any volun¬ 
 tary effort to restore to them a mere traditional right, by a reduc¬ 
 tion of his own third, and his successor, Odo, was still less likely to 
 make such a sacrifice. The very form in which the entry appears 
 is, I repeat, indicative that, after this part of the Survey was made, 
 the Canons persuaded the Commissioners that they had a right to 
 a moiety of one of the issues of Dover, and caused them to note it 
 iu the vague form in which it appears. In that case, the grant of 
 Henry I. was merely a restoration of their former rights, though 
 drawn up in the form of an original endowment. On this last sup¬ 
 position alone can we avoid interference with the generally received 
 date of the Domesday Survey. 
 
 I cannot divest myself of a strong impression, that, whatever 
 may have been the case in the time of the Confessor, the Priory, 
 since the arrival of the Conqueror, for a certain portion of that time, 
 had been deprived of this portion of their revenues: nay, the evi¬ 
 dences of their claim to it may have been suppressed by the King’s 
 officials, or by Odo himself; and they endeavoured to secure a re¬ 
 establishment of their rights, by having it recorded in the Survey, 
 that they had formerly been in receipt of this Half Toll. Indeed, 
 it was this suspension of their just rights which made it the more I 
 
 “ Theloneum de Doure, T.R.E., valebat viij libras, modo xxij libras ” 
 ( Extension , p. 7,1. 21). 
 
 I. e., “ The Thol of Doure, in the time of King Edward, was worth 
 eight pounds; now, twenty-two pounds.” ( Translation , p. 97,1. 16.) 
 
 “ The Toll,” i. e. that portion of it which belonged to the Priory 
 of St. Martin. 
 
 We might almost fancy, that, in the act of recording this entry; 
 from evidence produced before them by the Priory, the Commis¬ 
 sioners, remembering their note of the apportionment between the 
 King and Godwin, which would therefore now require correction, 
 turned back to it, and jotted down in the margin that the Canons 
 had a portion, intending afterwards to introduce it in proper form 
 into the text. This was afterwards overlooked, and now we have 
 their mere marginal note instead of their intended correction. 
 
 However singular, then, the form of the first paragraph in ques¬ 
 tion may be, and however difficult it be to account for its want 
 of proper connection with the text preceding, still, there it stands, 
 and it is thereby distinctly recorded, that the Canons of St. Martin 
 were the rightful owners of this Half Toll in the time of the Con¬ 
 fessor; and, even supposing, as I have suggested, that their rights 
 had been for awhile in abeyance, yet, in this latter paragraph cited 
 from the enumeration of their possessions, it seems to be recorded 
 that they were also in the receipt of it at the time that the Survey 
 was enrolled. Be it remembered, also, that, ere then, Odo had been 
 banished and deprived of his possessions, and, perhaps, the Priory, 
 thereby, restored to their rights. 
 
 Some information on the origin and precise nature of their claim 
 was assuredly lacking, or the form in which it is recorded would have 
 necessarily been very different from that in which it now appears. 
 
 The great length of this discussion will be pardoned, when its im¬ 
 portant bearing on the correct date of the Survey is duly considered. 
 If Henry I. were the original grantor of the Half Toll to the Priory, 
 then the usually assigned date (viz. 1086) is incorrect; but if, as 
 I have conjectured in these discussions, the Charter of Henry I. 
 was a confirmation of a former Royal Charter of Endowment, ren¬ 
 dered more necessary, perhaps, by the conjectured interruption in 
 their receipts, then, the grant of such a Charter furnishes no argu¬ 
 ment against the usually received opinion as to the date of this great 
 National Record. 
 
 Letters Patent of “ Inspeximus” of former endowments, with 
 Charters of Confirmation of the same, were almost necessarily 
 sought for, and granted, at the commencement of every new Reign, 
 and specially in cases like the present, where the Crown was grant¬ 
 ing additional endowments to those already possessed. 
 
 In recapitulation,—whatever the words of this Charter of Henry I. 
 may have been, their verification is beyond our reach. It was carried 
 off by the French in their piratical attack on the Priory, t. Ed. I. 
 (see p. 151); and unfortunately, in the recital of it, in the pleadings 
 
NOTES. 
 
 153 
 
 Theloneom 
 de Dover. 
 
 Quinque 
 
 PoRTUS. 
 
 Saca et 
 
 De Quo Waranto (see Appendix IY.) the Priory plead it as an origi¬ 
 nal Grant, not as a Charter of Confirmation, which still I have no 
 doubt that it was. That Wihteed was the original Grantor, we 
 have no evidence but that of the Chronicler, cited above; but still, 
 there is the Record of the Commissioners that the Priory were en¬ 
 titled to the Half Toll. Surely we may be satisfied with the evi¬ 
 dence which satisfied them, and, therefore, conclude this long note 
 by expressing a conviction that, notwithstanding the form of the 
 pleadings in the cited Quo Waranto, the grant of the Half Toll 
 had been made to the Priory by Wihteed, and that, if not actually 
 receiving it, in the time of the Confessor, they were, nevertheless, 
 entitled to it,—that, although it may have been temporarily in 
 abeyance, they were in full possession of it ere the Survey was com¬ 
 pleted,—and that we have no sufficient ground to question the re¬ 
 ceived date of that completion. (See Appendix IY.) 
 
 ( 6 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 6,— “ Burgenses dederwnt xx naves regi.” 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 3,— “ The Burgesses gave the King twenty ships.” 
 
 Here, then, we have a Record of the origin of the Cinque Ports 
 and their privileges. 
 
 Dover, it seems, was bound to furnish twenty ships, each with a 
 crew of twenty-one men, for fifteen days, once a year, and, in return 
 for that service, were endowed with the franchise of Saca and Soca. 
 
 Sandwich, as wo afterwards read, was charged with the same 
 service: 
 
 “ Reddit simile servitium sicut Dovere i. e. renders to the King the 
 like service as Dovere. (See Extension, p. 10, 1. 7 j Translation, p. 99, 
 
 1. 17.) 
 
 And, although the franchise which it receives in return for the 
 service is not actually specified, we may conclude that it was similar 
 to that of Dover. 
 
 Again, it is recorded of Romney (Extension, p. 16, 1. 37; and 
 Translation, p. 105,1. 30) : 
 
 “ Ipsi habent omnes consuetudines, et alias forisfacturas, pro servitio 
 maris,” i. e. they themselves have all the customs and other forfeiture, in 
 return for sea service. 
 
 "Which, after all, amounts to the franchise of Saca and Soca. (See 
 Appendix Y.) 
 
 CO- 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 8,—“ Pro eo quod eis perdonaverat sacam et socam.” 
 TYanslation, p. 93, 1. 4,— “In return for his having endowed them 
 with Saca and Soca.” 
 
 First, as to the expression “ perdonaverat.” It is not used here 
 in the sense of “ pardoned,” but in its primary meaning, “ made a 
 grant; ” per being intensive. The word was commonly used thus 
 in early Royal Charters, “ perdono,”—I entirely give, I f ully grant. It 
 is used in this sense in the Charter of Henry II., relating to the 
 Half Toll of the Port of Dover granted to the Priory of St. Martin; 
 and again in the Charter of King John, both cited in the Appendix; 
 and, each of them, entitled, “ Carta de nemini perdono/' 1 (See 
 Appendix III.) 
 
 Next, as to the Franchise of Saca et Soca. 
 
 The privilege of holding their own Courts, and of administering 
 justice therein, between their own tenants, and of levying fines, and 
 of executing the law upon their offences, was frequently granted by 
 the Crown to Lords of Manors, and thus the tenants of these ma¬ 
 nors were within the jurisdiction of the Courts of their own Lord; 
 and the same privilege was often granted to towns which were thus 
 severed from the Corpus Comitatus, and had their own exclusive 
 jurisdiction, instead of being subjected to that of the Sheriff, or of 
 the Hundred or Tithing Courts. A Charter of Saca and Soca would 
 imply a grant of the privilege of holding Pleas within the precincts 
 of the specified Manor or Town, as the case might be. The word 
 Saca signifying, in its primary sense, a plea or suit, and thence the 
 privilege of holding pleas; and Soca, the Sole, or .territory wherein 
 this privilege was exercised. (See Appendix V.) 
 
 The precise powers and franchises of Privileged Courts were, of 
 necessity, specifically set out in the Charters conferring them, by 
 the introduction of the words “ Saca et Soca,” “ Tol et Team/ 5 
 
 “ Infangenethef,” et ea ratione “ Fureas,” etc. etc., “ ut sint quiete Saca et 
 de Shiris de Hundredis,” etc. etc.; and, of course, the parties to Soca. 
 whom the Charters were granted could claim no franchises or powers, 
 but such as were named specifically therein, as we find it again and 
 again evidenced in the “ Placita de Quo Waranto.” 
 
 Thus, in the case of Henry, Earl of Lancaster, 3 Edw. III., con¬ 
 cerning his franchises in the villes of Bothenushall, etc., in Notting¬ 
 hamshire, we have it among the pleadings thus :— 
 
 “ William de Dene, who sues for the King, says, that all Royal 
 “ Liberties are merely the right of the Crown, which by no means 
 “ can, or ought to be, lessened from the Crown, or alienated to any 
 “ one, unless by certain words which make express mention of the 
 “ grant of these liberties. 55 
 
 On the Pipe Rolls we have frequent entries of fines paid by parties 
 ut haberent Socam et Saca/m in terra sua. 
 
 Did our limits permit it, wo would gladly enter more fully into 
 the nature of these Charters, and the specific powers granted by 
 them, very frequently including that of life and death. 
 
 At present, we are only concerned with the text before us, viz. 
 the Charter of Saca and Soca granted to the Bxirgesses of Dover ; 
 and this, by itself, would be the power of holding Courts for de¬ 
 termining disputes, taking cognizance of assaults, trespasses, etc., 
 and all offences other than capital felonies, levying fines and for¬ 
 feitures, and administering justice to all residing within the liberties, 
 
 —the Soca of the Town,—the same privileges as were enjoyed by 
 Lords of Manors in their Courts. 
 
 We know, indeed, that the Franchises of Dover, in common with 
 those of the other Cinque Ports, included the power of life and 
 death; but of these powers it is beside our purpose to treat in this 
 Note. (See Appendix YI.) 
 
 ( 8 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 14,— “ Treitua Regis.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,—“ The King’s Peace.” 
 
 I. e. There was immunity from arrest for debt, and from civil ac- Trkdva 
 tion of any kind, to all, from whatever part of the kingdom they ^ KGIS ' 
 might have come. A truce was granted to them. They were under 
 the King’s protection, and none might touch or molest them. 
 
 (9.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 15,— “Inde.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 9,— “Thereupon.” 
 
 For that cause, — On that occasion, — Thereupon. It might, perhaps, Inde. 
 be rendered Thence, i. e. From the Town ; but the position of Inde 
 in the sentence would rather point to the rendering which I have 
 adopted. Here, and in nearly all the subsequent occuiTences of the 
 word, Thereupon, i. e. for that cause, seems to be the proper trans¬ 
 lation. 
 
 In modem records and pleadings we find whereupon taking the 
 place of the unde of ancient pleadings, c. g. in ancient Feet of Fines 
 we have the formulary— Unde placitum ConvenUonis ; but, in more 
 modern usage, when in our Law Courts English was substituted for 
 Latin, we have it ivherevpon a Plea of Covena/nt. On the same prin¬ 
 ciple, thereupon seems to be the proper representative of Inde in this 
 place. Still, I am far from positively determining it to be so. In 
 line 23, without controversy, “inde 55 should be rendered “there- 
 ft-om,” “ from it, 55 i. e. from the Town. 
 
 ( 10 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1.15,— “ Preepositvs Regis.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 9,—“ The King’s lieve.” 
 
 “ Praspositus,” i. e. Provost, Reve, Port-Reve, Town-Revc, Mayor, Piuepositi 
 or other Head-Officer of a Hundred, or Town, or Lord’s Manor. 
 
 The rendering in English would vary according to the commu¬ 
 nity, or property, or district under his charge. Corresponding to it, 
 in Anglo-Saxon, we have the official called “Gerefa,” who is sim¬ 
 ply Gerefa, i. e. Reve, or else Scirgerefa, Portgerefa, Tungerefa or, 
 
 Wicgerefa, etc., according to the subject of his charge. 
 
 I have adopted Reve, as the most generic term. In the Survey, 
 except in one single instance, “ Prapositus ” always represents the 
 
154 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Phspositus. King’s Officer, viz. as his Portgerefa or Governor in his Town of 
 Dover and Cities of Canterbury and London, or as his Tungerefa 
 or Chief Officer in his ancient Demesne Manors of Dartford and 
 Milton. The only other occurrence of the term Prcepositus is as 
 the Archbishop’s Revo of the Manor of Newenden. (See Appendix 
 VII.) 
 
 (ii.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 16,— “ Oommwnem emendationem.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 9,— “A common emend.” 
 
 Emenda. “ Emendatio.” An amend, or satisfaction. Emendam facere is a 
 
 common term in manorial and other Courts for paying a fine, i. e. 
 the final satisfaction, compensation, or amends, for default, trespass, 
 or other offence; and in this sense emenda, emendatio, emendabit, 
 etc., seems generally to be used in the Survey. 
 
 Wilkins (see Leges Anglo-Saxonicce, Glossary) and Spelman agree 
 in distinguishing between a mulct, a bare penalty, and an emend, an 
 indemnification. Mulcta jud/ici; emenda, autem, parti Icesce datum, 
 i. e. a mulct is given to the judge, but an emend to the injured party 
 or accuser. 
 
 I doubt, however, whether this distinction is always strictly ob¬ 
 served in the Survey. 
 
 In the case before us, we need not pause to inquire whether the 
 emendatio was in the nature of a fine to be paid to the King, or as 
 an amends to the party more immediately injured. The destination 
 of the emend is not recorded. Indeed, in a certain sense, if the law 
 were broken, the King himself would be the injured party, the 
 offence being an outrage on his peace—on his protection—trusting 
 ' to which the parties would have come into the town. 
 
 Be this as it may, the emend was, in this case, to be made by the 
 whole commonalty. 
 
 The King, in granting his “ peace ” to the town, during those 
 two months, converted it, for that time, into a sanctuary. To make 
 this sanctuary more sure, all the Burgesses were responsible for its 
 strict observance; no individual could break it, without involving 
 every other member of the community in the consequent penalty. 
 
 The King’s Reve was to levy “ a common emend,”—to fine the 
 entire commonalty for the offence. No private interest or spite, 
 therefore, was likely to cause a breach of the peace, and “ the King’s 
 peace ” was secure. It was an old principle of Saxon polity, as 
 evinced in the PriSborg, or frankpledge system, by which the mem¬ 
 bers of tho Titliings were mutual securities, each for the other. (See 
 Appendix VIII.) Even to this hour, in cases of riot, the entire Hun¬ 
 dred is liable for the damages caused thereby ; and also for losses 
 by highway robberies. It has to pay communem emendam, a com¬ 
 mon emend. 
 
 ( 12 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 7,— “ Reddebat Regi consuetudincm 
 Translation, p. 93,1.10,— “Rendered custom to the King.” 
 Consue- Oonsuetudo, customary rent or service, i. e. the service of rent in 
 
 tudo. money, or in some produce, or the render of personal service, as the 
 
 case might be. 
 
 At page 150, note 3, supra, are enumerated many of the ordinary 
 payments for which the Burgesses of Towns were liable to the Crown. 
 These would be comprehended in the term “ consuetudo.” To which 
 of these specifically, the Burgesses of Dover were liable, we have no 
 record in the Survey. All that we have there is a note of the ex¬ 
 traordinary services to which they were bound, viz. to find twenty 
 ships with twenty-one men in each, for fifteen days once a year; and 
 to find the pilot and his assistant in the transport of the Kinu-’s 
 messengers, when they might happen to arrive at Dover, and require 
 passage. Any constant resident in the town, who had regularly 
 paid his share of these and other dues to the Crown, was thereby 
 free of toll throughout the whole of England. ( Appendix lift) 
 
 ( 13 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1.17,— “Quietus erat de Theloneo per totam Angliam .” 
 Translation, p. 93,1.10,— “Was quit of Thol throughout all England.” 
 Quietus he That is, they might merchandise, buy and sell in any market, fair, 
 town, or city, throughout the realm, without being liable to the cus¬ 
 tomary toll, which others had to pay for their traffic therein. 
 
 This was a privilege enjoyed by all tenants in ancient demesne. 
 
 At page 150, supra, are some observations on Dover being of the 
 Demesne of the Crown. This privilege of freedom from toll would, 
 to a certain extent, confirm a conjecture there hazarded, that it was 
 in Ancient demesne; though I will not go so far as to avouch this 
 as positive proof that it was so j at all events, it had, in this respect, 
 the same privilege as other manors and towns that were of Ancient 
 demesne. (See Appendix X.) 
 
 Quietus de 
 Thelonio. 
 
 ( 14 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 19 ,—“Qucvndo Willebnus Rex in Angliam venit.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1.11,— “When King William came into England.” 
 
 This, and the very next paragraph, In ipso primo adventu ejus in In Angliam 
 Angliam, on Ids very first arrival in England, are remarkable ex- VENIT - 
 pressions demanding special notice in passing. 
 
 Mark, it is not as in the form used in the time of the Edwards, 
 
 “ post conquestum Anghe,” but simply “ on his arrival in England,” 
 
 “ when he came to England.” It was, throughout, William’s policy 
 to appear among the English as the lawful successor of the Con¬ 
 fessor. The authority which he assumed was not be called the 
 prize of conquest, but his own legal right; “ Quando venit in An¬ 
 gliam,” i. e. when he came, as it were, to take up his inheritance—to 
 assume the Crown which was his own. (See Note 2, page 149, supra.) 
 
 ( 13 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 20, —“Fuit ipsa villa combusta.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 12,— “The said town was burnt.” 
 
 Ordericus Vitalis gives the following account of William’s move- Dover 
 ments after the Battle of Hastings. combusta. 
 
 “ Suis, autem, prout tunc deeuit, sepultis, Romaneium accessit, et, 
 expugnatis his qui intus erant, cladem suorum vindicavit, quos illuc errore 
 appulsos fera gens adorta pradio fuerat, et, cum maximo utriusque partis 
 detrimento, fuderat. 
 
 " Deinde Dux contendit Doueram, ubi multus populus congregatus erat 
 pro iuexpuguabili, ut sibi videbatur, munitione; quia id castellum situm 
 est in acutissima rupe mari contigua. 
 
 “ Castellani, autem, dum obsidentem Ducem metuerent, supplieesque 
 deditionem pararent, Normannoruin armigeri, pro cupidine pried®, ignem 
 iniecerunt, et, voraci flamma leviter volitante, pleraque correpta et com¬ 
 busta sunt. 
 
 “ Dux, autem, danmo eorum qui sibi subdere se volebant compassus est, 
 preciumque restituendarum tedium dedit, aliaque amissa recompensavit.” 
 
 (See * Ordcriei Vitalis TIticensis monctchi Eeclesiasticce Histories, liber Hi. 
 apud ‘Duchesne Historic Normmnorum Scriptores Antigui;' Ed. Paris. 
 
 1619, p. 502.) 
 
 I e. “ After providing for the decent interment of the dead, the Duke 
 marched to Romney, and, taking it by assault, revenged the slaughter of a 
 party of his troops, who, having landed there by mistake, were fiercely 
 attacked by the inhabitants, and cruelly butchered, after great loss on both 
 sides. 
 
 “ The Duke then continued his march to Dover, where there was a 
 large body of people collected, because they thought the position impreg¬ 
 nable, the castle standing on the summit of a steep rock overhanging the 
 sea. The garrison, however, struck with panic at the Duke’s approach, 
 were preparing to surrender, when some Norman squires, greedy for spoil, 
 set the place on fire, and the devouring flames spreading around, many 
 parts were ruined and burnt. 
 
 “ The Duke, compassionating those who were willing to render him their 
 submission, ordered them to be paid the cost of rebuilding their houses, 
 and their other losses.” (See ‘ The Translation of Ordericus Vitalis,’ by 
 Thomas Forester, A.M., in * Bohn’s Antiquarian Library,’ vol. i. p. 488.) 
 
 The burning of Dover, thus related, by the historian, who wrote 
 the account little more than half a century after the events which he 
 narrates, is, doubtless, that same destruction which is recorded in 
 the text. 
 
 ( 16 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 22,— “Quando Episcopus Baiocensis earn recepit." 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 13,— “ When the Bishop of Baieux received it.” 
 
 Early in tho year following his coronation, viz. in March, 1067, Odo Custos 
 William visits Normandy,—first, however, committing his strong ^°' EB ' 
 forts and castles to the care of his own followers. 
 
 He left his kinsman, William Fitz-Osbem, in charge of the whole 
 kingdom. 
 
 “ Castrum vero Doveram (says William of Poictiers) Odoni fratri 
 suo commisit, cum adjacente ord australi.” I.e. “ But the Castle of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 155 
 
 Odo Costos Dover, with the adjacent south shore, he committed to his brother 
 Dovee. Qdo.” 
 
 The following are the words of Ordericus Yitalis (who, by the way, 
 professes to be putting forth nothing but the history of William of 
 Poictiers) relative to the same transaction :— 
 
 “ Doveram, vero, tctamque Cantiam fratri suo comraendavit, qui multa 
 liberalitate et industria seculari pollebat.” (See Ordericus Vitalis, ut 
 supra, lib. iv. ch. i.) 
 
 I e. “ Dover and all Kent he committed to his brother Odo, Bishop of 
 Bayeux, a prelate distinguished by great liberality and worldly activity.” 
 (Translation, tit- supra, vol. ii. p. 5.) 
 
 Odo, then, was made Earl of Kent, and also Custos of Dover; in 
 other style. Lord Warden. 
 
 ( 17 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 23,— “ Modo appreciatur xl libris, et tamen pree- 
 positus inde reddit liiij libras. 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 13,— “Novi it is appraised at forty pounds, and 
 yet the Reve renders fifty-four pounds from it.” 
 
 Bun n i tits It appears, by the text, that the render of Dover must have been 
 db Dover. more than doubled since the time of the Confessor. It is now 
 appraised at £40, and the Eeve actually pays in £54, instead of the £18 
 formerly paid, and yet the town had been meanwhile burnt. Grave 
 suspicions here of the hand of Odo. Let us investigate the figures 
 a little more closely, taking as the basis of our calculations the 
 original apportionment of the render between the King and the 
 Earl, viz. two-thirds to the former, and one-third to the latter. 
 According to this division, the total render being now £54, the King 
 should have received £36, and Odo £18; instead of which the former 
 has £24 only, certainly far less than two-thirds, even though we 
 allow for the difference in amount between money paid by stan¬ 
 dard weight and that paid ad numcrum (see Appendix XII.) ; and, 
 on the other hand, Odo is represented as receiving £30 instead 
 of £18. In the next paragraph we read of the King’s loss of the 
 “ custom ” of twenty-nine “ mansurm,” and of Odo being now the 
 Lord of them. This statement readily suggests some clue to the 
 deficiencies in the King’s receipts, and the augmentation in those of 
 Odo (see Note 20, p. 155). The appropriation of the “custom” of 
 the “ mansura) ” will go far to account for it. It is true that the 
 spoils of the Priory may have swelled Odo’s share. The entry at 
 p. 7, 1.21, “Extension,” and p. 97, 1. 16, “Translation,” records 
 that the Priory’s share of the Toll of Dover, which, in the time of 
 King Edward, had been only £8, amounted afterwards to £22,—an 
 immense increase,—of which the Priory, according to that entry, 
 afterwards received the full benefit, however Odo may have previ¬ 
 ously wronged them. But the appropriation of the custom of the 
 “mansura)” will, of itself, go far to account for the great increase in 
 Odo’s receipts. In whatever light we view the case, we have abun¬ 
 dance of room for conjecture as to the causes of the preponderating 
 amount of Odo’s portion. Indeed, the enormous increase of the en¬ 
 tire render may, perhaps, be ascribed to his able administration of 
 the revenue of the port while Custos, even though his services were 
 not entirely disinterested. 
 
 ( 18 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 24,— “De denariis qui sunt xx li in ora.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 14,— “In pence of twenty to the ore.” 
 
 Oba. It must be remembered that, at the time of the Survey, the only 
 coin known in circulation was the silver penny—the “ denarius; 
 the standard value of which was the twentieth part of an Ora. 
 
 The Ora was not a coin, but merely a measure of computation by 
 weight; it was the same as our ounce, and twelve of these ounces, 
 Orce, were equal to a pound weight; hence, the silver penny of actual 
 currency being equal to one twentieth part of an Ora, two hundred 
 and forty, if of standard weight, should weigh one pound; and this 
 pound must, therefore, have been exactly equal, in money value, to 
 our pound sterling. (See Appendix XI.) 
 
 The King’s Exchequer would admit only of payments tested by 
 weight, or by combustion. In this case, then, the claim of the King 
 would be for twenty-four pounds in standard pennies of twenty to the 
 ounce or Ora. He was to receive payment ad scalam or ad pensum. 
 
 Whatever depreciation the coin might have sustained, he was to 
 suffer no loss thereby, but receive the compensation for deficiency 
 as established by the Rules of the Exchequer. (See Appendix XII.) 
 
 (19.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 26,—“ In Douere sunt xxix mansnrcc.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1.16,— “InBouere there are twenty-nine messuages.” 
 
 “ Mansura,” or as it is sometimes written, “ Masura.” It is not Mansurte. 
 easy to decide the precise meaning of this word, as used in the 
 Survey, because, although it is generally applied to houses with or 
 without land, yet there are instances whero it seems to designate 
 land alone, without a house upon it, as in Extension, p. 47,1. 22. 
 
 I believe our word “ Messuage,” as ordinarily used, is, as near as 
 may be, the proper representative of Mansura, or Masura. Literally, 
 
 Mansura would imply an “ abiding place,” a “ residence.” As such, 
 it may be either, simply a house, or a house with land adjoining; in 
 common parlance, a “ detached mansion.” 
 
 Blomefield states it to be, “ a mansion-house in decay, or a place 
 where a mansion-house formerly stood, or a place convenient to 
 make a house in,” (Norfolk, 402, vol. ii. p. 13,) and this interpre¬ 
 tation seems to correspond with “ Mansura,” in the passage imme¬ 
 diately before us; for, in the preceding paragraph, the Town is 
 stated to have been burnt on the arrival of the Conqueror. 
 
 The Mansurce, then, of this passage were, probably, the plots 
 where houses had stood; and the King’s loss of Custom may rea¬ 
 dily be ascribed, in the first instance, to the burning out of the 
 Occupiers. 
 
 On the whole, I have selected “ Messuage” as the most convenient 
 rendering of Mansura or Masura. 
 
 ( 20 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 26,— “Be quibus Rex perdulit consuetudincm.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 16,—“ Of which the King has lost the custom.” 
 
 In the context, such expressions as “erat Gihalla,”—the introduc- Bex fer- 
 tion of the word dorms in one part of the enumeration of the mes- 
 suages, and its omission in others,—would imply that these Mansura; 
 were the plots of groimd on which houses, and, among them, the 
 Gihalla stood, before the burning of the town; and that such houses 
 as were there were of recent erection. The King, as I have before 
 remarked, may have lost his custom by the burning out of the resi¬ 
 dents ; still, it is difficult to account for the occupiers who now had 
 houses there being free of rents and services. It may have been 
 so, by special grant of the King, to compensate, as far as might 
 be, the losses of the owners in the destruction of their property by 
 the wantonness of his “Norman Squires;” but, then, perdidit, lost, 
 the custom, would hardly seem to be the appropriate term to use. 
 
 Ponder it as we will, were it not for the concluding sentence of this 
 entry, relatmg to these twenty-nine messuages, we should have 
 nothing but very vague conjecture to guide us to any safe opinion. 
 
 That sentence, however, that these all, in respect of these houses, 
 avouch the Bishop of BaAeux, as their protector and liveror and donor, 
 at once explicitly records that Odo had become the actual Lord of 
 the Fee; and, inasmuch as this is accompanied by the recorded 
 statement that the King had “ lost the custom,” there is only one 
 inference to be drawn, and that is, that Odo had contrived to filch 
 them from the King. The entry probably is made in the Survey, in 
 order to record that the King’s rights, though in abeyance, are not 
 surrendered. I will not, however, venture upon further conjectures, 
 leaving the case open to the acuteness and research of students. 
 
 ( 21 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 31,—“ Olhalla Burgensium.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1.18,—“ The Gihalla of the Burgesses.” 
 
 I. e. The Guild-Hall of the Burgesses. In the valuable Glossary Gihalla— 
 which Mr. Thorpe has appended to his collection of ‘ The Ancient ® UILI,,S ' 
 Laws and Institutes of England,’ vol. ii., we have the following ex¬ 
 planation of the word Gild. 
 
 “ Gild. —A Club or Association of Persons, instituted for mutual pro¬ 
 tection and benefit. Of these institutions there were various kinds, viz. 
 
 Fritwilds (see sub voce). Trades Gilds (the original of our civic companies), 
 
 Merchants’ Gilds, Ecclesiastical Gilds, etc.” And of FriiSgild he gives this 
 account— 
 
 « BriSgxld. —A gild for the maintenance of peace and security. This 
 name was given to certain gilds or clubs, established during or before the 
 rei^n of King Athelstan, for the repression of theft, the tracing of stolen 
 cattle, and the indemnification of parties robbed, by means of a common 
 fund raised by subscription of the members ( yeylldan). The statutes of 
 
15G 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Guilds, these'gilds are contained in the Judicia Civitatis Lundonije (see Laws 
 of ^Ethelstan Y.), set forth, under royal authority, by the Bishop and 
 Beeves of the City.” 
 
 Kemble (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. 238-254) almost identifies 
 them, in earlier times, with the Institution of the Tithings, and, as 
 such, hardly concedes that they could have been originally altogether 
 voluntary associations. He admits, however, the existence of certain 
 Gilds, in the more social character of Clubs; but, after all, leaves 
 the question in much uncertainty. For the satisfaction of those 
 who wish to study it more carefully, I have collected his observa¬ 
 tions, and printed them in the Appendix, with the documentary 
 evidences which he adduces, including a Translation of the Judicia 
 Civitatis Lundonie and the Institutions of the Guilds of Abbotsbury, 
 Exetek, and Cambridge. (See Appendix XIII.) 
 
 The Gild of “ the Burgesses” of Dover, collectively, must almost 
 necessarily have been of the nature of the Frrbgild, described in the 
 Judicia Civitatis Lundonue ; and the Gihalla of the text must have 
 been the Hall in which they held their Courts, and (we may add) 
 their social festivities. We are justified in making this addition by 
 the eighth clause in these “ Judicia,” viz. “ That these twelve men 
 have their refection together, and feed themselves according as 
 they may deem themselves worthy.” We can hardly doubt that 
 their estimation of their own worth was not so niggard, but that 
 they provided a liberal symposium for themselves and their friends. 
 Festivities were certainly not precluded by these “ Judicia,” for we 
 have here an actual clause providing for them. 
 
 In speaking of the Gilds in general. Turner says :—“ They seem, 
 on the whole, to have been friendly associations made for mutual 
 aid and contribution, to meet the pecuniary exigencies which were 
 perpetually arising from burials, legal exactions, penal mulcts, and 
 other payments or compensations.” (Turner, Hist. Anglo-Saxons.) 
 
 If this statement be correct, we can easily account for the forma¬ 
 tion of separate Gilds by the different trades and professions. The 
 national institution of the “ FriSborga ” (see Appendix VIII.) as part 
 of the Common Law of the land, seems to have been the natural parent 
 of the “ FrtfSgilda; ” and thence, of the other Gilds formed by the 
 different trades, mutual protection and responsibility being the prin¬ 
 ciple of them all,—a principle that pervades the whole Saxon polity, 
 and which meets us at every turn in all their institutions. 
 
 ( 22 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 34 ,—“ Revocant Episcopum Baiocensem adprotec- 
 torem, et liberatorem, et datorem.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 20,— “Avouch the Bishop of Baieux as their 
 protector, and liveror, and donor." 
 
 Odo. In all feoffments the grantor of the house or estate, the party who 
 had given livery and seisin, the liveror {liberator et da,tor) to the feof¬ 
 fee, in case of litigation, was called to warranty, to vouch it to 
 him; but the introduction of the word “ protector ” seems to imply 
 something more in this case. In fact, it amounts to a direct asser¬ 
 tion that the Bishop, and not the King, was now the Lord of the 
 Fee of these twenty-nine messuages. The King had lost the con- 
 suetudinem, the rents and services, and the tenants now owed alle¬ 
 giance and service, as far as these messuages were concerned, to 
 the Bishop only. 
 
 The Lord was bound to protect those who owed him fealty in all 
 suits in which they had to appear in other courts than his own. 
 
 “ Those,” says Kerable, “ who, in a more or less stringent degree, were 
 dependent, could not be members of the tithing, the hundred, or the folc- 
 mot (i.e. the Scyremot, or County Court). They stood to right among 
 themselves, in their Lord’s Court, not in the people’s; and, in the latter, 
 they could not appear for themselves. The institution, therefore, which 
 provided that the Lord might maintain a Comitatus, £>r following, provided 
 also that its members should all be in his mund (protection) and borh 
 (surety), and that he should make answer for them in the Courts from 
 which they were themselves excluded.” (Kemble, ‘ Saxons in England,’ 
 vol. i. 256.) 
 
 “ The several lords were reciprocally bound, in their respective grada¬ 
 tions, to protect the possessions which they had given.” (Blackstone, 
 book ii. ch. iv. 46.) 
 
 The Lords of Manors frequently commended their tenants to another 
 Lord, that is, placed them under his protection , numerous instances of 
 which are cited by Mr. Morgan, who further observes, “ The commended 
 “men of a great lord formed a compact body of retainers, sureties, and 
 i in the Court f Wri f t . 
 
 “ et hoc paratus sum probare per liunc liberum meum, A. B., which was a Odo. 
 
 “tender of battle.’ (Selden on Fortescue.).The engagements 
 
 “ of commendation were reciprocal. (Glanvil, vol. ix. c. 4.) In Domesday, 
 
 «when a man’s title is disputed, he appeals to his chief, he calls Kobert 
 “ Malet to warrant (‘ Domesday,’ vol. ii. 311), or declares the King to be 
 “his advocate (‘Domesday,’ vol. i. 227 b) ; and when Brungar was accused 
 “of stealing horses, ltobert Fitzwimarc, who had commendation over him, 
 
 “ and the Abbot of Edmuudsburg, who had sac and soc, attended the plea 
 “ in the Hundred Court on his behalf.” (‘ Domesday,’ vol. ii. 401.) (Mor- 
 “gan, ‘ England under the Normans,’ pp. 122-125.) 
 
 The passage in Glanvile, to wliicli Mr. Morgan here refers, is 
 the following:— 
 
 “ Beciprocal, indeed, ought to be the relation of fidelity between domi¬ 
 nion and homage. Nor does the tenant owe more to his lord, in respect of 
 homage, than the lord owes to the tenant on account of dominion, rever¬ 
 ence alone excepted. Hence, if one person give to another any land in re¬ 
 turn for service and homage, which is afterwards recovered against the tenant 
 bg a third person, the lord shall be bound to warrant such land to him, or to 
 return him an adequate equivalent .” (Glanvile, book ix. ch. 4.) 
 
 On these principles, constituting the reciprocal obligations of the 
 Lord and his tenant, it is evident, from the context, that the King 
 had lost his claim to the services of the tenants of these twenty-nine 
 messuages, and that Odo was the Lord to whom these services were 
 now due. 
 
 (23.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2, 1. 36,— “ Bimidia terra est Regis." 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 23,— “Half the land is the King’s." 
 
 Here we have two more instances of spoliation. In the ‘ Laws of Odo. 
 Canute,’ ch. xiii., we have this enactment with regal’d to “ whoever 
 does a deed of outlawry: ”—“ If he have hoc-land (i. e. land of per¬ 
 petual inheritance, held by an actual charter or deed of grant), let 
 that be forfeited into the King’s hand, be he man of whatever man 
 he may.” It appears that in the case of the messuage of Bannulph 
 de Columbels, it had been the property of an outlaw, and, as such, for¬ 
 feited to the King. The claim of the King here registered is only 
 to one-half of it; and, in like manner, Humfridus Loripes holds a 
 messuage, to half of which the King laid claim by forfeiture. We 
 have no evidence how the King’s claim became limited to one-half 
 only in these forfeitures. It is not impossible that he may have 
 made a grant of one-half, in each instance, to Odo, who then appro¬ 
 priated the whole, which he consigned to B-annulph and Humphrey, 
 to hold of himself as though he were Lord of the Fee. The state of 
 property in Dover (for we shall presently have more instances of 
 spoliation) seems to have been a very precarious one during the 
 rule of Odo ; and it was high time for an investigation of title, and 
 for a Quo Warrranto to restore the King to his rights. 
 
 (24.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 37,— “Humfridus Loripes." 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 23,— “Humphrey tlio Bandylegged." 
 
 “Loripes,”—Bandylegged. This is a decided nickname. No Nicknames. 
 ridicule was probably intended by this designation. Before the 
 established use of surnames, a recourse to nicknames was almost 
 necessary, and certainly of very frequent occurrence. 
 
 (25.) 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 39 ,—“ Et tenuit hue usque consuetudinem Regis." 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 25,— “Has to this day kept to Imnsef the 
 
 King’s custom." 
 
 Hero is another act of spoliation. Roger de Ostreliam seems to Odo. 
 have bridged a house over the King’s Water, probably over the Dour, 
 the stream which fed the harbour; or it may have been an encroach¬ 
 ment upon the harbour itself, which, at that time, must have run up 
 between the cliffs or hills,—all the different harbours, as now exist¬ 
 ing, having been formed at different periods from the reign of 
 Henry VIII. downwards. Whatever the house or building was, it 
 was a palpable encroachment; it was a new erection, where no 
 house had existed in the time of the Confessor; and not only was it 
 an encroachment on the King’s Water-Highway, but, after it was 
 built, it appears that the King’s right, as Lord of Dover, to cus- 
 ...... ignored by tl builder nother r f 
 
NOTES. 
 
 of the disorganized state of property i: 
 say nothing of his own spoliations. 
 
 Dover under Odo’s rule, to 
 
 Mitt at 
 Mouth of 
 Harbour— 
 Odo. 
 
 Extension, p. 2,1. 41 ,—“ In mtroitu portus do, Douere,” etc. 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 27,— “In the entrance of the Fort, of Douere.” 
 
 Here again we have another instance of encroachment on the 
 King’s rights and property, and again Odo appears as the prin¬ 
 cipal aggressor. Episcopus Ba/iocensis concessit ilium fieri; “The 
 Bishop of Baieux granted leave for its erection.” The very form 
 in which this complaint is recorded proves that it was made after 
 Odo’s banishment and disgrace. There is no appeal to him or 
 the subject, no reply on his part, but an unanswered charge that, 
 when he was in power at Dover, he had sanctioned this encroach¬ 
 ment and outrage on the King’s lieges there. 
 
 It is not easy to conjecture how this mill could have been situated 
 to cause such damage to the shipping in entering the port, even 
 though we carry ourselves back to the straitened harbour then run¬ 
 ning up between the hills. If turned by the river Dour on its course 
 to the harbour, no damage could have been inflicted on the ship¬ 
 ping in entering, it could have caused no swell there. Even if we 
 suppose that the turmoil of the milltail was met by the rushing in 
 of the tide, and a dangerous swell to boats caused thereby, yet this 
 could hardly have been so near the mouth of the harbour as to 
 damage ships on entering it. Something of this kind, however, 
 must have caused the complaint. 
 
 In illustration of this aggression of Odo, I would refer to p. 7 of 
 the Extension, and 97 of the Translation. 
 
 We have there Rannulph de Columbels, Robert de Romenel, 
 Wadard, Ralph de Cdrbespine, and this Herbert Fitz Ivo, all of 
 them his creatures and tenants (as may be seen, again and again, in 
 the enumeration of the Bishops’ Manors)—all of them paying him 
 bribes for the plunder of the possessions of St. Martin’s Priory—all 
 of them in the list of those whom he had located in the King’s 
 Demesne of Dover, in those twenty-nine messuages of which the 
 King is described as having “ lost the custom; ” or, in plain English, 
 as having been plundered of their rents and services by this lordly 
 thief. Among the Bishop’s spoliations, it is stated in the Extension, 
 p. 7, 1. 42, and Translation, p. 97, 1. 35,— Herbertus filius Ivonis 
 dedit episcopo Baiocensi marrhajm auri pro uno molino eorum, nolenti- 
 busillis; i.e. Herbert, son of Ivo, game the Bishop of Baieux a ma,rlc of 
 gold for one of their mills, against their will. It very possibly may 
 have been an extension of the buildings and works of this very mill, 
 of which the complaint is made in the text; buildings and works 
 which were not there “in the time of King Edward.” (See Ap¬ 
 pendix XIV.) 
 
 (27.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3, 1. 1,—“ Has infra scriptas Leges Begis concordant 
 homines de iiij Lestis.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 31,—“ The men of four Laths agree that these 
 underwritten are the King’s Laws.” 
 
 It is important to observe, that the grammatical construction of 
 these words will hardly admit of the supposition that the men of the 
 
 four Laths are recorded as assenting to, i. e. giving : 
 
 a their adhesion 
 
 or submission to new Laws imposed upon them by the Conqueror. 
 On no principle of grammar can the passage be so rendered. On 
 the contrary, the form of expression here used, nay, the entire con¬ 
 tents of this page of the Survey, seem rather to indicate that it is 
 an actual transcript from an ancient Book of Record. 
 
 Indeed, as I have observed in the Introduction, it is palpable that 
 the Commissioners, in almost every instance, had the Court Books 
 of the Manors, or Hundreds, or Tithings, before them, and thence 
 made their transcripts, correcting or enlarging them, according to 
 the oral evidence produced before them. The forms of the entries 
 throughout the Survey, and the varied style which they assume, 
 according to the district at the time under review, forbid any doubt 
 upon the subject; and, if we examine a little more closely the page be¬ 
 fore us, we shall find incontestable evidence, if such were needed, 
 that it has been copied from a Record of the time of the Confessor. 
 
 The list of the alodiaries exempted from Relief to the King con¬ 
 tains the names of the powerful Saxon Nobles, or Thanes, who sub¬ 
 
 sequently appear in the Survey, as formerly Lords of Manors holding Feai.tt c 
 of King Edward ; but not one of them now possessing any estate. ^ 
 
 Their lands had been seized by the Conqueror, or else had escheated 
 to him,—their names and grandeur are things of the past; yet here 
 they are entered as of the present,—and we cannot doubt that we 
 have before us the actual enrolment of the rights of the Crown, and 
 of their own privileges and customs, as it was made during their 
 lives, and as it was still to remain. 
 
 Here, then, we have indisputable evidence, that, at least, the Men 
 of these four Laths were left in the enjoyment of them ancient Laws 
 and Customs. 
 
 But, one word in passing, as to this Territorial division, here 
 called “ Lesta.” Sir Henry Ellis says (Int. to Domesday, 4°, p. 98) 
 
 “ The Lest, Last, or Lathe, is stated, in the Laws of Edward the 
 Confessor, to have been the same with the Riding. It could 
 not, however, have comprised the third part of the Shire, as, in 
 Kent, the only county in which it is named, no less than seven 
 distinct Laths occur. It derived its name from the Saxon JelalSian, 
 to assemble: and Spelman cites a passage in his Glossary, from 
 the ‘ Ordinatio Marisci Romeneiensis,’ p. 73, where it has a simi¬ 
 lar signification, Si aUqwis super hoc convincatur per testimonium 
 ballivi et juratorum in com,muni Lasto, amercietur in x solidis.” 
 
 Bishop Kennett, in a MS. Glossary among the Lansdowne MSS. 
 n. 1098, p. 235, says, “ The annual Court at Dimchurch, in Romney 
 Marsh, held for the election of a Bailiff and other officers, is called 
 Dimchurch Lath.” 
 
 The four Laths specified are those which constitute the Eastern 
 Division of the County, viz.:— 
 
 “ Borwar Lest,” and Estre Lest, now united, aud forming the 
 modern Lath of St. Augustine,— 
 
 “Liwart Lest,” now, the Lath op Shipway, “ Wiwart Lest,” 
 now, the Lath op Scray. (See Appendix.) 
 
 How is it, that the Two Laths of West Kent, viz. “ Aylesford,” 
 and “ Sutton at Hone,” do not here come upon the scene ? It is 
 true that in the next page of the Survey, forming, as it were, the 
 closing paragraph to the chapter before us, we have the list of all 
 the Saxon Nobles, constituting the strength of these two Laths, all 
 of them, in the time of the Confessor, powerful Lords of Manors, 
 and specially recorded as holding their own courts, endowed with 
 the franchise of Sac and Soc; but not one word of their acknow¬ 
 ledgment of the king’s privileges, as in the case of the other four 
 Laths. 
 
 There seems, iu this respect, to have been no bond of union be¬ 
 tween them, any more than if they had belonged to two different coun¬ 
 ties. Indeed Kemble, on the authority of ancient charters, tells us 
 that the division of the county into East and West Kent was then 
 most distinctly marked. In a note (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. 
 p. 78), he says, “ The division of Kent into East Centingas and 
 West Centingas is retained by the charters till late in the eleventh 
 century.” 
 
 The two divisions of the county seem almost to have been as dis¬ 
 tinct as they are at present, and it is difficult to account for the omis¬ 
 sion of the two laths of West Kent in this passage; indeed they seem 
 to be completely ignored. It may be, that their Books of Record 
 were lost, or not forthcoming. Whatever the cause, it is impossible to 
 pass it by without notice. 
 
 The fate of the Lords of this Western Division differed not from 
 that of the Alodiaries in the Eastern Division. We find the names 
 of all of them as having held manors of King Edward, and all of 
 them now dispossessed,—like their compeers of East Kent, things 
 of the past. 
 
 In both cases, either these great lords had refused submission to 
 the Conqueror, and he had thereupon seized their estates; or, they 
 were among the host of nobles who fell at Hastings, and their lands, 
 in consequence, had escheated to the Crown. 
 
 Had we time and space to follow out the fortunes of those whose 
 names are here recorded, we should be able to show that one or 
 other of those fates befell several of those among them whose his¬ 
 tories are known to us. 
 
 I confess that, on my first perusal of this paragraph, I was unable to 
 resist the temptation of deeming it, in some degree, confirmatory of 
 the tradition in which Men of Kent delight, viz. that their ancestors, 
 with Stiqand at their head, met the Conqueror at Swanscomb, and 
 refused submission to him unless they were guaranteed their ancient 
 
 ~h 
 
158 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Fealty of laws and customs,—tendering him the choice between the oak-boughs 
 ENT ’ which they each bore in one hand, as an emblem of peace, or the 
 sword which they carried in the other. 
 
 But, unfortunately, a very little reflection shows that the evidence 
 of this chapter has a tendency exactly the reverse to a confirmation 
 of the story. It is mentioned only by one chronicler, Sprot, who 
 wrote as late as the time of Edward I.; while not the slightest allu¬ 
 sion to it is made by any of the chroniclers who lived nearest to 
 the time of its occurrence,—nay, some of them actually contempo- 
 
 We have just seen that all the lords of manors, enumerated as the 
 great chiefs of the Western Division (those who themselves, or their 
 heirs, must have been with Stigand at Swanscomb, had the tale 
 been true), so far from being left in the enjoyment of their ancient 
 laws and customs, were actually disinherited,—their estates seized, 
 and conferred by the Conqueror on his followers. If there be any 
 shade of evidence, in this chapter, that the Men op Kent obtained a 
 grant of the enjoyment of their ancient customs, it is in favour of 
 this privilege having been given to the men of East Kent,—the 
 “ men of the four Lathes,”—rather than to those of West Kent; 
 for we have it here actually recorded of this district, that the King’s 
 rights, and those of the Alodiaries and Churches, remained as they 
 were in the time of the Confessor. 
 
 Golielmus Pictavensis, in his account of William’s proceedings 
 after the surrender of Dover, describes him as staying there eight 
 days to strengthen the fortifications, and that then— 
 
 “ Custodiam inibi relinquens, et dysenteria languentes, ad perdo- 
 mandum quos devicit proficiscitur.” 
 
 “ Occurrunt ultro Cantuarii baud procul a Dovera, jurant fideli- 
 tatem, dant obsides. Contremuit etiam potens metropolis metu, et 
 ne funditus caderet ullatenus resistendo, maturavit impetrare, statum 
 obediendo.” I. e., 
 
 “ Leaving a garrison there, and those who were suffering from 
 dysentery, he marched on, to complete the subjugation of those he 
 had vanquished.” 
 
 “ The Kentish Men, of their own accord, met him, not far from 
 Dover, and swore fealty to him, delivering hostages for their alle¬ 
 giance. The powerful metropolis {i. e. Canterbury), also, trembled 
 with fear, and lest, by further resistance, it should be utterly de¬ 
 stroyed, hastened by submission to obtain leave for it to stand.” 
 
 We can hardly avoid noticing here the adoption of the term “ Can- 
 tuakii ” for Kentish men, instead of the usual “ Cantiani.” It is 
 only the Saxon Canhvaro, Cantwaru, Latinized. 
 
 Now it is not at all impossible but that at this conference with 
 the Conqueror, when the “ Kentish men swore fealty to him,” he, 
 on his part, pledged himself that, inasmuch as he came to England 
 to enter upon his inheritance, and not as a foreign usurper, he 
 would leave the country’s laws and customs undisturbed; but this is 
 very different from a specific grant to the Men op Kent, that these 
 privileges should be theirs alone. They were, in due course, the 
 first of the kingdom who had conference with him ; and it is pos¬ 
 sible that this circumstance led to the retention of their ancient 
 customs; how it happened that similar results were not obtained in 
 other parts, it is beside our purpose here to inquire. 
 
 Thus, the accident of this conference between the Men of Kent 
 and William, as he began his march onward, furnishes, perhaps, a 
 shadowy foundation for the tale of Sprot, which Somner, with good 
 reason, rejects as a mere fiction. 
 
 (28.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 3,—“ Si quis fecerit sepem . . . pro quo,” etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 33 ,—“ If any one shall make a hedge,” etc. 
 Tile King’s “ Pro quo.”—I will just observe in passing, that in various pas- 
 LiWS ' sages of the survey, “pro ” is used in the sense of “by” as here we 
 have “ pro quo ” for “ by which.” 
 
 Obstructions of the King’s Highway were cognizable at the 
 Lords’ Courts, and it was important to define the respective rights 
 of the Crown and the Lord. The chief point to be noticed in this 
 clause is, that a double penalty is incurred by the party who throws 
 a tree across the road, and then removes it. 
 
 The obstruction to the King’s Highway by throwing a tree across 
 it is punishable by a fine of five pounds. The tree, before it was 
 felled, was the property of the Lord on whose soil it grew; but 
 
 once fallen into the King’s Highway, it would seem as though the 
 Crown then claimed it, and punished with another fine of five 
 pounds auy one, even the Lord himself, who should presume to ap¬ 
 propriate it or carry off the smallest portion of it. This was one 
 of the three customs reserved to the King, his rights thereto, even 
 in the estates of the Church, being specifically acknowledged to 
 him, in the celebrated Penenden Controversy. (See Appendix XIV.) 
 
 (29.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 7, —“Pro unaquaque hanim forisfacturarum.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 34, —“For each of these forfeitures.” 
 
 “ Forisfactura ” sometimes means a crime, or fault, as in this Foeisfac- 
 instance. TURA ' 
 
 So also in the laws of Edward the Confessor. (Thorpe, vol. i. 
 
 454, ch. xxviij.) 
 
 “ Secundum quod forisfacture erant, emendationes et ordinaciones 
 faciebant.” 
 
 I. c. “According to what the crimes were, they made amends and 
 ordinances.” 
 
 So again in the same laws. (Thorpe, vol. i. 457, ch. xxxiij.) 
 
 “Major emendacio forisfacture Saxonum erat qnater xx libere 
 et iiij.” 
 
 I. e. “ The larger amend for crime among the Saxons was four¬ 
 score and four pounds.” 
 
 More generally, however, forisfactura was a fine, or penalty, as 
 in the Laws of William the Conqueror. (Thorpe, vol. i. p. 485, 
 ch. xlij.) 
 
 “ Qui legem equam et justum judicium subire renuit, forisfactu- 
 ram reddat ei eujus erat juris illam accipere. Si adversus Begem, 
 vj libras, si adversus Comitem, xl solidos, si in hundredo, vol in 
 cujuscumque Curia, qui earn ex libertate habere debet, xxx solidos 
 Anglicos.” 
 
 I. e. “ He who refuses to submit to equal law and just judgment 
 let him pay a penalty to him whose right it is to receive it. If 
 against the King, six pounds. If against the Earl, forty shillings. 
 
 If in the Hundred, or in the Court of any one who, by franchise, 
 ought to hold it, thirty shillings English.” 
 
 And, in this sense of a penalty, forisfactura is almost universally 
 used in the survey. 
 
 (80.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 8,—“ Si abierit domum,” etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 35,—“ If he shall have gone home.” 
 
 This offence was not to be tiled in the Lords’ Court. The offender Amenable 
 was amenable to the King alone, and the King’s officer, if he were 
 not apprehended on the spot, and bailed, could follow him home, 
 and summarily inflict a penalty of five pounds. Other offences, it 
 will be seen, were not liable to the direct or summary punishment 
 here ordained. 
 
 ( 81 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 10,— “He Gribrige vero.” 
 
 Translation, p. 90, 1. 37, —“Concerning Gribrige.” 
 
 Gribrige, or Grithbrech, was Breach of the Peace. 
 
 “ Grithbrech, Pacis fractio, seu violentia, a Sax jju' 5, id est Pax, 
 et bpych,/racfio.” (Spelman.) 
 
 In the Laws of Henry I. (ch. xii. 2; Thorpe, vol. i. p. 523) 
 we have : “ Hec emendantur c solinis, gripbreche, stretbreche, etc. 
 etc.” 
 
 I. e. “ The emend for the following crimes, is one hundred shillings; 
 gripbreche, stretbreche, etc.” 
 
 At line 12, Extension, and of Translation 1. 38, in the continuation 
 of the penalties and consequences of Gribrige, occurs a passage 
 which seems to require a passing note. 
 
 “ Sin autem“ If not accused on the spot, then his Lord, and 
 not the King, takes cognizance of the offence. Perhaps this may 
 be taken as an explanation of the “tamen,” (“yet the King’s officer 
 shall follow him home,”) of the preceding paragraph. In that case, 
 even if he reach home, neither apprehended nor bailed, unattached, 
 yet still the King’s prerogative reaches him though within his own 
 Lord’s precinct, the King 5 s officer follow him home and fines him; 
 
NOTES. 
 
 159 
 
 but, m the case of Gribrige, if he reach home unchallenged he is 
 amenable to his Lord and not to the King, 
 
 (32.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 15,— “ Super omnes alodiarios .” 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 41,— “ Over all the alodiaries.” 
 
 Alodiaries. The alodiaries were the possessors of free hereditary estates. 
 
 " The tenure of alodium, in the Survey, refers to the tenants and 
 possessors chiefly before the Conquest. It signifies an hereditary 
 and perpetual estate free and in the power of the possessors to dis¬ 
 pose of by gift or sale, but subject to the common and constant 
 land-tax of Hidage; and in Kent the King, on the commission of 
 particular offences, was entitled to pecuniary mulcts from all the 
 alodial tenants and their men. He was also, on the death of an 
 alodial tenant, entitled to relief/’ (Kelham, p. 154.) 
 
 (33.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 16,— “ Qiiando moritur alodiarius, Rex inde habet 
 relevationem terree.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 42,— “ When an alodiwry dies, the King there¬ 
 upon has relief of his land.” 
 
 Relief A!iD “ vdleviiim, from relevare, to lift or take up again. It is a 
 
 sum paid by the heir to the Lord on taking, or lifting up again the 
 inheritance of an estate which has, as it were, fallen to the ground 
 by the death of the ancestor.” (Kemble, * Saxons in England/ note, 
 vol. i. p. 79.) 
 
 The ancient writers frequently confounded tho relief with the 
 heriot, but they were essentially different. Kemble most clearly de¬ 
 scribes the distinction between them thus :— 
 
 “ The horse and arms which, in the strict theoi'y of the comitatus, 
 had been the gift, or, rather, the loan of the chief, were to be re¬ 
 turned at the death of the vassal, in order, according to the same 
 theory, that they might furnish some other adventurer with the in¬ 
 struments of service. These, technically called heregeatwe, arma- 
 tura hellica, have continued, even to our own day, under the name 
 of heriot, and, strictly speaking, consist of horses and weapons. In 
 later imitation of this, the unfree settlers on a Lord’s land who were 
 not called upon by their tenure to perform military service were 
 bound, on demise, to pay the best chattel ( melius catallum, best head, 
 in German beste hawpte, heriot-custom, as opposed to heriot-service) 
 to the Lord, probably on the theoretical hypothesis that he, at the 
 commencement of the tenancy, had supplied the necessary imple¬ 
 ments of agriculture. And this differs entirely from a relief, because 
 heriot is the act of the leaving, relief the act of the incoming tenant 
 or heir; and because, in its very nature and amount, heriot is of a 
 somewhat indefinite character which relief is not.” (Kemble, ‘ Saxons 
 in England,’ vol. i. p. 178.) 
 
 “ Relief” was a Saxon heriot, but the Normans seem to have con¬ 
 ceived it to be the same that their Norman relief was; and there¬ 
 fore translated the word heriot, by releviamentum, or relevvum, and 
 raising the form of their feudal law in England, drew the Saxon 
 customs to cohere therewith as much as might be. But there is a 
 great difference between heriots and reliefs ; for heriots were iniUUce 
 apparatus, which the word signifieth, and devised by Canute, to 
 keep the conquered nation in subjection, and to support the public 
 strength and military furniture of the kingdom; the reliefs for the 
 private commodity of the Lord, that he might not have imitilem 
 proprietatem in the seignory.” (Kelham, p. 312. See Appendix XY.) 
 
 (34.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 19,— “ Exceptis Ids, Godric de Burnes,” etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 43,— “Except these, Godric de Bwrnes," etc. 
 
 Excepted It must not be forgotten that the passage before us is evidently 
 
 Lakds. the copy of an older record than the Survey, else we may be un¬ 
 consciously beguiled into the supposition that these great Saxon 
 lords were at this time in possession of their hereditary estates. 
 
 (35.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 21,— “Be capitibus corum tantummodo.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 45,— “From their chattels only.” 
 
 CnlrrE 1 am indebted to Mr - Thorpe, the learned editor of the ‘ Antient 
 
 Laws and Institutes of England,’ for this rendering. In a letter 
 
 which he kindly wrote to me iu answer to my application to him for Capita. 
 assistance in explaining the passage, he says:— Chattels. 
 
 “ I believe the rendering of capita by chattels is correct, at all events 
 “it is etymologically legitimate; still I should be very glad if, before 
 “ adopting it, you would look into such authorities as you possess, to see 
 “ whether any corroboration of my suggestion is to be found, e. g. 
 
 “Spelman’s ‘ Glossarium,’ ‘The Law Dictionary,’ Kelham, aud others; 
 
 “ for it would be lamentable to incur the expense of a cancel, and, after 
 “ all, to find something better than what I propose.” 
 
 On referring to Spelman, in accordance with Mr. Thorpe’s ad¬ 
 vice, I find the most complete confirmation of his kind suggestion, 
 thus:— 
 
 Capitol—Capital—Captale—Cafitalia. 
 
 “ Bona qufecunque mobilia et immobilia. Proprie, tamen, ea bonorum 
 “pars qiue in animalibus consistit, a quorum capitibus, res ipsa3, alias 
 “ capita, alias capitalia, dicta sunt per syncopen captalia et catalia, unde 
 “ forense nostrum vocabulum catalia, Anglice chattels.'" (Spelman in verbo.) 
 
 (36.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 23 ,—“ Be terns eorum habet rcleocumen, cpd habent 
 svam saccvm et socam.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93,1. 46 ,—“ And from the lands of those who have 
 their own Saca and Soca, he has Relief.” 
 
 I have felt bound, upon principle, to translate relevamen literally, *■ relief ” 
 — relief; but I have not the smallest doubt that it here implies F0B Heriot. 
 heriot. The Normans (as observed in Note 33, supra) used to con¬ 
 found the Saxon heriot with their own relief. The case before us 
 is a signal instance of the practice, for here relevcmnen must almost 
 necessarily be heriot. Those who had their own Saca and Soca held 
 by military service (as explained by Brady, Note 45, infra); and, if 
 not, at this time, liable to all the incidents of knight-service which 
 were imposed upon such tenants in days very closely following the 
 Conquest, were at least liable to the payment of a heriot—militice 
 apparatus, on a demise; while relief alone was the claim upon the 
 heir of a tenant who was not called upon to perform military service. 
 
 (See Note 33, supra.) 
 
 (37.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 29 ,—“ llandsoca, Gribrige, Foristel.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 50, —“ Handsoc, Gribrige, Foristel.” 
 
 Handsoc was a breach of the peace by forcible entry into a man’s jtandsog 
 house. It is explained at length in the Laws of Henry I. ch. lxxx. BTa 
 2 :—“ Hamsocna est, si quis alium in sua vel alterius domo, cum 
 haraido, assaliaverit vel persequatur, ut portam vel domum sagittet, 
 vel lapidet, vel colpum ostensibilem undecunque faciat.” I. e. Eam- 
 socn is, if any one, with an array, assail or pursue another, in his 
 own or another’s house, so as to shoot arrows, or cast stones at tho 
 door or house, or inflict visible injury in any part.” 
 
 Gribrige has been already explained. (See Note 31.) 
 
 Foristel is the obstructing or assaulting another in the highway. 
 
 (38.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3, 1. 30 ,—“Be adultcrio wo.” 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 51,— “ Concerning adultery.” 
 
 Among the Laws of Henry I. ch. xi. 5, we have “ Qui uxoratns Adultery. 
 faciet adulterium, habeat Rex ejus superiorem, episcopus inferiorem.” 
 
 I. e. “ If a married man commit adultery, let the King have the 
 superior, the Bishop the inferiorwhich, in fact, is to the same 
 purport as the passage iu the text :—“ Concerning adultery, through 
 the whole of Kent, the King has the man, and the archbishop the 
 woman.” I. e. as their slaves. (See Appendix XYI.) 
 
 (39.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 36,—“ A lnodi Gilt et similium ejus.” 
 
 Translation, p. 9 4,1. 1,—“ Alnod Gilt, and, his peers.” 
 
 If we refer back to the list of these “ Alnodi Cilt et similium,” we Lands sur- 
 shall find that they had been all among the mthelings and great king’s T, ' B 
 lords of the county. And the record here states that it was from Guard. 
 their lands that the King’s guard was to be supplied. Perhaps 
 it was in return for this service that they were exempted from the 
 payment of Relief on a demise. 
 
160 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Alnod Cim. It appears, by the next paragraph, that these were the great 
 nobles of the County who assembled at the Sliiremot. 
 
 This Alnocl Cilt was Ui.noth, fourth son of Earl Godwin, and 
 younger brother to King Harold. When Godwin was recalled from 
 banishment Denote was sent into Normandy as a hostage, and re¬ 
 mained there till after the Conquest, when he was brought back to 
 England, and kept a prisoner at Salisbury till his death. 
 
 The term Cild, or Cilt, was a “Title nearly synonymous with 
 iE-Seling, though unlike it in being given not only to the younger 
 branches of royalty, but to those of the highest families; as ‘ Wulf- 
 noth Cild/ 'Eadric Cild.’ Even Edgar 2Etheling is sometimes 
 called ' Eadgar Cild.’ So, in France, under the old regime, we have 
 Fnfants de France; also in Spain.” (Thorpe’s ‘ Glossary to Anglo- 
 Saxon Chronicle.’) 
 
 (40.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3, 1. 40,—“ JJt conveniant ad sciram 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 4,—“ To meet at a Shir emote.” 
 
 Swremote. The Laws of Henry I. enter fully into the details of the Shire- 
 mote, and the rank of those who constituted the Court. 
 
 In cli. vii. (Thorpe, vol. i. p. 513), it is ordained that the Bishops, 
 Earls, Sheriffs, etc., Ealdormen, Provosts, etc. etc., shall attend,— 
 and that the Scyremot shall be held twice a year. And in ch. 
 xxix. 3, the penalty for non-attendance, as far as Wessex is con¬ 
 cerned, is set at 20 marks. In Kent, as appears by the context, the 
 penalty was five pounds. 
 
 The Court was “usually held” says Kemble, “under the pre¬ 
 sidency of the Ealdorman and Bishop, and of the Sirgerefa, who, 
 from his later title of Vicecomes,—Vicedominus, was probably looked 
 
 upon as the Ealdorman’s deputy.In a celebrated trial 
 
 of title to land at Wouldham in Kent, where Archbishop Dimstan 
 himself was a party concerned, the case seems to have been disposed 
 of by Wulfsige, the Shireman, or Sheriff, alone (Cod. Dipl. n. 1288). 
 The Bishop of Rochester being, in some sort, a party to the suit, 
 could, probably, not take his place as a judge; and the Ealdorman 
 is not mentioned at all. Again, in an important trial of title to land 
 at Snodland, in Kent, there is no mention whatever of the Ealdor¬ 
 man. The King’s writ was sent to the Archbishop; and the Sheriff 
 Leofric, and the thanes of East and West Kent met to try the cause 
 at Canterbury (Cod. Dip. n. 729). It may, then, be concluded, that 
 the presence of the Sheriff was necessary in any case, while that of 
 the Ealdorman might be dispensed with. By the provisions of our 
 later Kings, it appeal’s that the Scirgemot, or Sheriff’s court for the 
 county, was to be holden twice in the year, and before this were 
 brought all the most important causes, and such as exceeded the 
 competence of the hundred.” (Kemble’s ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. ii. 
 p. 158-160.) 
 
 In accordance with the laws, as above cited, it appears that Alnod 
 Cild and his peers, the AEthelings and great Thanes of Kent, were 
 bound to attend the Scirmot, when summoned, under a penalty of 
 five pounds. (See Appendix XVII.) 
 
 (41.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3, 1. 40,—“ Tbant usque ad Pimiedennan non longius.” 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 4,—“ They shall go as far as Pinnedenn, not 
 further." 
 
 Pe.n-e.ndkx. Penenden Heath then was, even before the Conquest, the ap¬ 
 pointed place for holding the Sciremot,—and County Meetings,—as 
 it is to this hour. Thither, still, the Sheriff summons the Free¬ 
 holders to meet and nominate their Knights of the Shire. Thither 
 are summoned, on all occasions, the men of Kent, to hold their 
 meetings for public and political purposes. There is a lofty mound 
 there, at the meeting of the roads from Maidstone, now enclosed 
 within the grounds of Foley House, which has a very suspicious look 
 as having been the mote, or hill on which the Gemot was held. 
 
 (42.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 45,—“ ij caretas et ij sticas angmllarum.” 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 8,—“ Two crates and tivo sticks of eels.” 
 Caketa, a Crate, from Carex, a Rush, of which material the Crate 
 was made. Du Cange quotes a passage:—“ Ad quandam insulam 
 
 Careta. 
 
 diversis nemoribus, stagnis et carectis variis devenit, nomine Croy- 
 landiam.” I. e. “ He came to a certain island called Croyland, with 
 various woods, pools, and rushes.” So again,— Caretdm, “ Locus 
 ubi crescunt carites (earices) vel ubi reponuntur.” I.e. “A place 
 where rushes grow or are stored.” And again, under Oaratus, he 
 quotes :— 
 
 “ Interea agricola) insistunt, frugesque futuras 
 Sepibus aut fossis properant munire caratis.” 
 
 I. e. “ The farmers pause, meanwhile, and set about fencing their 
 future crops with hedges and ditches and crates.” 
 
 Stica, a stick of eels. Every stick was to have 25 eels (Kelham). g TICK 
 
 Among the Surrenden MSS. was a small quarto volume of the Eei -s. 
 time of Ed. I., containing the then existing Statutes of the Realm. 
 
 It was one of those collections of the. Statutes which it is supposed 
 the Judges carried with them on their Circuits. 
 
 In one of these Statutes, viz. “ Statutum de ponderibus et men- 
 suris,” is the following clause:— 
 
 Binda anguillarum constat ex x stikes, et quodlibet Stick ex xxv 
 angwilUs. I. e. A Bind of Eels consists of 10 Stikes,—and each 
 Stick of 25 Eels. The same measures are given in the ‘ Statutes of 
 the Realm,’ vol. i. p. 205. 
 
 (43.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3, 1. 45,—“ Pro umo Ineuuwrdo.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 9,— “In lieu of one Ineward.” 
 
 “ Inewardi ” were men appointed to guard the person of the Ineward. 
 King, when he lodged in a city. Also, those who attended the 
 sheriff. Others who were to do servile works about the King’s de¬ 
 mesnes. (Kelham.) 
 
 By the context, it seems that the specified lands in Wye were 
 liable to the customary service of one guard each, for three days, 
 when the King came to Canterbury or Sandwich; or certain pay¬ 
 ments in lieu thereof. 
 
 (44.) 
 
 Extension, p. 3,1. 46,—“ De nno jugo de Northhurg.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 9, —“From one yoke of Northhurg.” 
 
 Among all the difficulties which occur in the interpretation of Jugum. 
 Domesday, none are greater than those connected with the mea- ’ 
 surements of land; all arising from the fact that, in those days, 
 measurements were not made by graduated lines and rods, but by a 
 much more practical standard, viz. the actual work done by the 
 plough or the labourer in a given space of time; which, of course, 
 must necessarily have varied in varying soils. Thus it is, in the few 
 early records in which comparative calculations are made, we have 
 the carucate assessed in one and the same Record at rates varying 
 from one to two hundred acres, according to the locality. 
 
 “ Land,” says Sir F. Palgrave, “ was measured by a compromise 
 between superficial extent and productive value. Instead of trund¬ 
 ling the theodolite, they yoked the oxen, and sped the plough. The 
 carucate ’ consisted of so much land as the ploughshare could furrow 
 in the course of the season; the half-drowned plashes which sunk 
 beneath the tread, or the soil studded with jutting rocks, where the 
 husbandman could not turn up the glebe, were no portion of the 
 plough-land. The bents and sedges where the ox could not feed, 
 were excluded from the ox-gang ( Bovata ). The ridges and balks 
 over which the scythe could not mow the grass, were not reckoned 
 in the day-math, and, generally speaking, no land uncultivated, at 
 the time of the Domesday survey, was included in the calculation of 
 the hides. Hence the very unequal admeasurement of the plough¬ 
 land, carucate, or hide, in subsequent times, when, by usage, it be¬ 
 came a regular sum total of acreage : the same denomination of 
 measure, a ‘ Hide-la/nd,’ or its synonyms, being applied to 60, 80, 
 
 100, 112, 120, or 150 acres.” (‘History of Normandy and Eng¬ 
 land,’ vol. iv. 60.) 
 
 These observations of Sir Francis Palgrave are equally applicable 
 to the smaller denominations of measurement. Thus, it is very dif¬ 
 ficult to pronounce with anything like precision what the real mea¬ 
 sure of the “ jugum ” was. Like the admeasurement of the larger 
 quantities, it varied, probably with the locality and soil,—and, la¬ 
 bour as we will, we cannot hope to obtain more than an approxima¬ 
 tion to the truth. 
 
 > 
 
NOTES. 
 
 101 
 
 Jugum. If we translate the word “jugum” literally, we obtain "yoke” 
 
 as the result, and may suppose, therefore, that, generally speaking, 
 it represents as much land as a yoke of oxen, i. e. two beasts, would 
 cultivate in a year,—always adding in the amount of land necessary 
 for their pasture and support; for in calculations of land thus ad¬ 
 measured, this is always a necessary element. Now, as we shall 
 find when we come to speak of a team, the full plough-team for the 
 heaviest lands consisted of eight oxen, i. e. four yokes. We may, 
 therefore estimate one yoke of oxen, as a quarter of a team,—and 
 this seems to help us much in arriving at a correct conclusion as to 
 the quantity of land supposed to be represented by the term 
 "jugum” or "yoke.” 
 
 At p. 12,1. 39, Extension (Translation, p. 101, 1. 37), under the 
 manor of Pitefiam, we have Be hoc manerio tenent Godefridus et Ni- 
 gellus de Archiepiscopo uwum Solin et dimidium et jugum. 
 
 I. e. “ Of this manor, Godefridus and Nigellus hold, of the Archbishop, 
 one suling and a half, and a yoke.” 
 
 “ Jugum,” a “ yoke,” therefore, is less than half a suling. 
 
 At p. 41, 1.1, Extension (Translation, p. 130, last line), wo have : 
 Adeloldus tenuit de episcopo Bene. Fro wno Solin sc'defend'd. . . . 
 Be isto Solino tenet Radulfus de Curbespine Jugum et dimidium. . . . 
 Adeloldus habuit dimidium Solin et dmadiwm Jugum. 
 
 I. e. “ Adelold held, .of the Bishop, Dene. It answers for one Suling. . . . 
 Of that Suling, Ralph de Curbespiue holds one yoke and a half. . . . Ade¬ 
 lold had half a Suling and half a yoke.” 
 
 According to this entry, then, four yokes were equal to one 
 suling. 
 
 Again, p. 50, 1. 1, Extension (Translation, p. 141, 1. 1), we have : 
 Hugo de Montfort tenet urmm mamerium, Estwelee, quod tenuit Fre¬ 
 deric de R'ege E. Et pro uno solin se defend'd. Triajuga sunt infra 
 dmisionem Hugonis, et qua/rtum jugum est extra. 
 
 Here, again, it is distinctly evidenced, that the “jugum,” or 
 “ yoke,” was one-fourth of a suling. 
 
 Now, if the suling, as its name imports, be identical with " caru- 
 cata ” (Sul, according to Bosworth, is a plough, and Sulung a plough¬ 
 land, as much land as could be tilled with one plough), we confirm 
 our conjecture that a “ yoke of oxen ” constituted a quarter of a full 
 team,—and may fairly conjecture that a yoke (jugum) of land was 
 one-quarter of a carucate or suling, each of these latter representing 
 as much land as one plough could till in the year, with the addition of 
 such quantity as might be necessary for the pasturage and suste¬ 
 nance of the animals. 
 
 At p. 7, 1. 31, Extension (Translation, p. 97, 1. 25), there is a 
 passage which, as far as the locality there described is concerned, 
 will enable us to reduce these measurements to actual acres. 
 
 “In commmmi terra Sancti Martini, sunt cccc acrce et dimidia, quce 
 fiunt ij solinos et dimidium .” I. e. " In the common land of St. Martin 
 there are four hundred acres and a half, which make two sulings 
 and a half.” By which it appears that, near Doveb, the suling, 
 in round numbers, was equal to 160 acres; and, if our preceding 
 conjectures be correct, a jugum or yoke there, on the same principle, 
 would have equalled about 40 acres. 
 
 The number of oxen required in one plough must necessarily 
 have varied,—four oxen in some soils being sufficient for a plough or 
 team, which in others would require eight, according to the soil on 
 which they worked. The subject will be found fully discussed in a 
 future note on the terms Garuca and Gantcata. 
 
 (45.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 1,—" Habuerwnt isti Sacham et Socam." 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 13,—" These had Sacha and Soca." 
 
 Lords who The franchise of Sacha and Soca is fully discussed in Note 7 and 
 and Soca in ’ n -^-PP en d lx IV. With respect, however, to these great lords, it 
 thk Laths may be well to append a note from Kelharn, p. 249 :— 
 and^Ayles “ these must have been military thanes, and held their lands 
 ford. by military service, for Sacha and Soca, a liberty and privilege to try 
 
 causes, with a peculiar jurisdiction between the lord and tenants, 
 or his men and tenants, as the words import, was, and is, a most 
 certain argument of dominion and seignurie, which was first ob¬ 
 tained from the prince, and an infallible mark of military service 
 due from him that enjoyed it,—and an obligation upon him to per¬ 
 form it.” (Brady’s Hist. p. 69.) 
 
 Brady’s view as to the knight-service of those who had the fran - 
 
 chise of Saca and Soca is somewhat confirmed by the passage (Ex¬ 
 tension, p. 3,1. 23, and Translation, p. 93, 1. 46): Et de ter ris eorum 
 liabet relevamen qui habent suam sacam et socam. And from the lands 
 of those who have their own Saca and Soca he has relief; i. e. he can 
 claim a Heriot, for such is the meaning of “Relevamen” in this 
 passage. (See Notes 33 and 36.) 
 
 (46.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 8,—" Terra cmionicorum Sancti Martini." 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1,17,—“ The Lands of the Canons of St. Martin’s." 
 
 Here are entered in the Survey, in long detail, all the prebends Priory of 
 belonging to St. Martin’s Priory. They are given with such sin- ® T ‘ Maetik 
 gular minuteness and exactness, as to excite a suspicion of favouritism 
 in the Commissioners. Perhaps they were hospitably lodged at the 
 Priory, during the period of their sojourn at Dover, and had more 
 leisure and opportunities for examining records there than they had 
 in their visits to other districts; however this may be, the Prior and 
 Canons of St. Martin seem to have exercised some paramount in¬ 
 fluence over them. To this assertion, the first three pages, of the 
 ‘Domesday Survey’ bear conclusive testimony. No individual te¬ 
 nant, in any part of the Survey,—no other religious house—had 
 their possessions, actual or supposititious, and their claims, how¬ 
 ever slight might be the foundation on which they rested, so mi¬ 
 nutely recorded as those of St. Martin. Every individual prebend, 
 every wrong or robbery inflicted upon them by Norman or Saxon 
 violator, is recorded in fullest detail. Indeed, these first three 
 pages of the Survey demand something more than a mere passing 
 remark; and we may safely assert that, at least, the claims of the 
 Priory of St. Martin, and the rights and franchises of the men of 
 Dover were not overlooked by the Commissioners. 
 
 Although hardly becoming the gravity of an historical research, I 
 cannot resist the introduction here of a little anecdote relative to 
 another body of travelling Commissioners, the recollection of which, 
 perhaps, first caused my suspicions of the friendly attentions flowing 
 from the hospitalities of St. Martin’s. 
 
 Nearly fifty years ago, when certain Commissioners were travel¬ 
 ling through the kingdom, charged with an investigation of various 
 public trusts, I was on a visit to the Encumbent of a very large parish, 
 endowed with more than one of these foundations. My friend’s wine- 
 cellar happened to be stored with some marvellously fine port, which 
 had been sent as a present from a nunnery in Oporto to a titular 
 Archbishop of Cashel, who had had the charge of the Roman Ca¬ 
 tholics in that district. At his death, my friend had purchased this 
 wine, and, in commemoration of its former owner, familiarly desig¬ 
 nated it by the name of “ The Archbishop.” The two Commis¬ 
 sioners came in due course to visit my friend’s parish, and were 
 hospitably entertained at his table,—•“ The Archbishop” adding 
 largely to its fascinations. Towards the close of the evening, my 
 friend asked the Commissioners, how many long years their investi¬ 
 gation was likely to occupy them. " I cannot tell exactly,” replied 
 one of them (who still survives, and retains in age all the sociable 
 cheerfulness of his youth); " but I will take good care that it lasts 
 as long as the Archbishop.” I cannot divest myself of the idea that 
 some similar attraction retained long our Domesday Commissioners 
 at the Priory of St. Martin, to their own comfort and the benefit 
 of all posterity. 
 
 But, to return to graver reflections. This minute and exact 
 detail of their possessions evidences a conviction on the part of 
 the Priory, that the Conqueror’s survey was made, not so much 
 for the purpose of enriching his coffers by taxation, as to re¬ 
 store right to the injured, and to ensure to all a secure title to their 
 possessions, by a careful investigation and registration of their 
 lawful claims. 
 
 (47.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4, 1. 10,—“ xxi Solin." 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 18,—“ Twenty-one Sulings." 
 
 In Note 44,1 have already expressed my belief, that the " Solinus” Soling. 
 
 — Suling —was identical with the Carucata, the plough-land. Kel- StJLI ^ G ~ 
 ham is of the same opinion. In his ‘ Domesday Book Illustrated,’ 
 p. 337, he says:— 
 
 “ Solinus, Solin, Suling, Swolling. This word is peculiar to Kent, and 
 is supposed, in general, to contain the same quantity of land as a carucate 
 
162 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 or plough-land. Terrain trium aratrorum quam Qantiani Anglice dicmt, 
 three Swolinges. Som. Gav. 58,117. Cowell.” 
 
 + 
 
 m 
 
 Extension, p. 4, 1. 10,— “In Hmdredo de Cornell/.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 19,— “In the Hundred of Comely.” 
 
 Hundred. Tug name of Hundred here first occurs in our Survey, and neces¬ 
 sarily calls for a few observations, though but few additions can be 
 made to the volumes that have been written upon the subject, all, 
 however, ending in little more than conjecture. 
 
 Mr. Thorpe, in his ‘ Glossary to the Anglo-Saxon Laws, 5 writes 
 thus:— 
 
 “ Hundred, a subdivision of the country the nature of which is not 
 known with certainty. In the ‘ Dialogus de Scaecario,’ it is said that a 
 Hundred, ex lydarum aliquot centenariis, sed non determinalis, constat; 
 quidam enim ex pluribus, quidam ex paucioribus constat (/. e. the Hundred 
 consists of some centenaries of Hides, not, however, any determinate number, 
 for one consists of more, and another of fewer). Some accounts make 
 it consist of precisely a hundred hides, others of a hundred tithings, or 
 of a hundred free families. Certain it is that, whatever may have been 
 its original organization, the hundred, at the period when it became known 
 to us, differed greatly as to extent in the several parts of England. This 
 division is ascribed to King Alfred, and he may possibly have introduced 
 it into England, though in Germany it dates from a very remote period, 
 where it was established among the Franks in the sixth century. In the 
 Capitularies of Charlemagne we meet witli it in the form known among us.” 
 (See Capit. lib. iii. c. 10, et passim.) 
 
 “ To Alfred’s claim as the author of this division in England it may be 
 objected that the 1 hundred ’ is named in the Penitential of Ecgbert; but 
 this objection is not fatal. It is there mentioned in the rubric only, to 
 which it seems attached as an afterthought, and does not appear in the 
 text, between which and the rubric there is little accordance; and, more¬ 
 over, it is evident from its dialect that the Penitential has not reached us 
 in its original state, being bereft of every vestige of its Northumbrian 
 origin, and, in its present dress, is most probably much later than the time 
 of Alfred. 
 
 “ An interesting schedule, in Saxon, of the Hundreds of Northampton¬ 
 shire is given in (Ellis’s) ‘Introduction to Domesday,’ vol. i. p. 185.” 
 (Thorpe, vol. ii. * Glossary,’ in verbo.) 
 
 In introducing this schedule. Sir Henry Ellis observes:— 
 
 “ In a very ancient Leiger-book of Peterborough Abbey, preserved in the 
 Library of the Society of Antiquaries, is the following enumeration of the 
 Hundreds of Northamptonshire, and their contents, referring to the time 
 of King Edward the Confessor, in which every Hundred is made to con¬ 
 sist of a hundred hides; the hides paying geld being particularly dis¬ 
 tinguished from those in the royal occupation, and the waste or unculti¬ 
 vated land.” 
 
 In an earlier part of the same introduction, Sir Henry Ellis ob¬ 
 serves :— 
 
 “ The names of the Hundreds in the respective counties have undergone 
 a great change.' 1 ' 
 
 An observation which we shall find, as we proceed, to be specially 
 applicable to Kent. (See Appendix XVIII.) 
 
 (49.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4, 1. 14 ,—“ Ercmt prehendte communes.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 22 ,—“ The prebends were in common.” 
 Prebends This would seem to signify that the prebends belonging to the 
 of St. Mae- p r j or y 0 f St. Martin were held as the common stock of the esta¬ 
 blishment, the produce being evenly divided among the brethren, as 
 was the case, till recently, with the Chapter of Canterbury. The 
 Bishop of Baieux alters this arrangement, and assigns to each par¬ 
 ticular brother his particular prebend. It is difficult to understand 
 by what authority he effected this change, though there is no difficulty 
 in gathering from the subsequent details that his own personal in¬ 
 terests were advanced thereby; in fact, this was another specimen 
 of his spoliations. 
 
 But, if our interpretation of this passage be correct, how happens 
 it that, in the enumeration of the prebends, individuals are named 
 as holders of individual prebends in the time of the Confessor, 
 which apparently contradicts the statement that they were then held 
 in common ? 
 
 I cannot see how we are to get over the difficulty in any other 
 way than by supposing that the holders were not themselves Canons 
 of St. Martin’s but tenants of the Canons. Of course, there was 
 
 nothing to preclude a Canon from being himself a tenant, but then Prebends 
 ho was tenant of the body corporate of the priory, and did not hold Mae ' 
 
 in demesne, as it were, his own specific prebend. This explanation, 
 when compared with the context, is, I confess, far from satisfactory; 
 but, without some such explanation, there is palpably a contradic¬ 
 tion between the statement that the prebends were in common 
 in the time of the Confessor, and the assertion afterwards that 
 individuals held particular prebends at that period. (See Appendix 
 
 XIX.) 
 
 ( 50 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 4, 1. 17,— “Tenet i Mcmennm.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 25,— “ Holds one Manor.” 
 
 It is important that we here define the characteristics of an ancient Manebium. 
 Manor, limiting our inquiries as much as possible to the period of 
 the Domesday Survey:— 
 
 “ Manors,” says Sir Henry Ellis, “ although in substance, perhaps, as 
 ancient as the Saxon constitution, are considered by our best writers on 
 English antiquities as of Norman introduction. Dugdale says the reign 
 of Edward the Confessor is the first in which they are mentioned, a cir¬ 
 cumstance which is easily accounted for by the fondness of Edward for 
 Norman institutions. 
 
 “ Tenuit de rege H. pro manerio (i. e. He held it of King Edward as a 
 manor) occurs frequently in the early part of the Survey. The name is 
 either from the French manoir, or from the Latin manendo, as the usual 
 residence of the owner on his land. (Sir H. Ellis, ‘ Introduction to Domes¬ 
 day,’ vol. i. p. 224.) 
 
 Cruise, in accordance with all other writers, assigns the same ety¬ 
 mology to the word “ manor.” 
 
 ‘‘Every estate of this kind had a capital mansion on it, as of which, the 
 “ lands granted out to the tenants were held; and, being the residence of 
 “the lord, it was called, in old French, manoir, a manendo, from which the 
 “ whole acquired the name of ‘ manor.’ ” (See Cruise on ‘ Dignities,’ 
 p. 24.) 
 
 Whatever the etymology of the word may have been, the entries 
 in the Survey prove that, whether the Lord actually resided or not, 
 he reserved a portion of the lands of the manor to his own use, and 
 these were called the Demesne Lands, or the Inland of the Manor. 
 
 The rest were apportioned among the tenants, called “Villani,” i. e. 
 the tenants of the Lord of the “ Ville,” whose rent was paid chiefly 
 in agricul tural services, “Bordarii,” and other descriptions of tenants, 
 of whom we will speak in the proper place. 
 
 The manor was essentially a seignory, or lordship, and if the Lord 
 had the franchise of Sac and Soc, he held the pleas of his tenants in 
 his own court. 
 
 Cruise, indeed, asserts that, “ in all the grants made by the Con- 
 “ queror and his sons, to be held of the Crown in capite, a civil and 
 “ criminal jurisdiction was always given.” 
 
 He afterwards adds, with regard to this jurisdiction, “ This Court, 
 
 “ in which the Lord of a Manor exercised his jurisdiction, was called 
 “ Curia BarOnis, the Court Baron j” and cites Lord Coke, in assert¬ 
 ing that these Court Barons were as ancient as manors themselves, 
 and that, in them, the Lords had power to “redress misdemeanors 
 “ within their precincts, punish offences committed by their tenants, 
 
 “ and decide and debate controversies arising within their jurisdic- 
 “ tion.” (See Cruise on 1 Dignities,’ p. 24.) 
 
 Many instances occur in the Survey of Submanors holding of the 
 principal manors, and though not actually called manors, the holders 
 are entered as having their lands in demesne, and villans under 
 them, which at once gives them a manorial character. 
 
 It is, in fact, evident, from the entries in the Survey, that all 
 actual owners of lands held these lands almost always as manors, 
 and necessarily held of some mesne Lord, if not in chief of the 
 King. 
 
 Before the passing of the Statute entitled Quia Emptores, a.d. 1290, 
 
 “ Any man that was possessed of freehold lands of inheritance might 
 have converted them into a manor whenever he pleased, by granting 
 two or more portions of them to two or more other persons, to be 
 kolden to them and their heirs for ever, of him and his heirs for 
 ever, either by the tenure of military service, or in free and common 
 socage.” (Baron Maseres. See Appendix XX.) This usage will 
 readily account for the existence of a very large amount of manors 
 which we knew to have existed in the twelfth and thirteenth centu- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 108 
 
 Manebium. ries, several often within the limits of a singlo parish, but which are 
 utterly unnoticed in the Domesday Survey. They, had been carved 
 out, in fact, from the head manors during those two centuries. 
 
 With regard to this practice of subinfeudation, Blackstone makes 
 the following remarks:— 
 
 “In the early times of legal constitution, the King’s greater barons, 
 "who had a large extent of territory held under the Crown, granted out 
 “ frequently smaller manors to inferior persons to be holden of themselves. 
 "... In imitation whereof these inferior Lords began to carve out and 
 “ grant to others still more minute estates to be held as of themselves, and 
 “ were so proceeding downwards in infinitum, till the superior Lords ob- 
 “ served that, by this method of subinfeudation, they lost all their feodal 
 “ profits of wardships, marriages, and escheats, which fell into the hands of 
 “those mesne or middle Lords, who were the immediate superiors of the 
 “ terre-tenant, or him who occupied the land; and also, that the mesne Lords 
 “ themselves were so impoverished thereby that they were disabled from 
 “ performing their services to their own superiors. This occasioned, first, 
 “ that provision in the thirty-second chapter of £ Magna Carta,’ 9 Hen. III. 
 “ which is not to be found in the first Charter granted by that Prince nor 
 “ in the great Charter of King John, viz. that no man should either give or 
 “ sell his land, without reserving sufficient to answer the demand of his 
 “ lord; and afterwards the Statute of W estmiuster, 3, or Quia Employes, 
 “ IS Edw. I. c. 1, which directs that upon all sales or feoffments of land, 
 “ the feoffee shall hold the same, not of his immediate feoffor, but of the 
 “ chief Lord of the fee, of whom such feoffor himself held it.” (See Black- 
 stone’s * 1 Commentaries,’ p. 91.) 
 
 In the Introduction to the 1 Domesday of St. Paul’s/ my kind 
 and amiable friend Archdeacon Hale has furnished us with a 
 most learned, and yet most lucid and popularly described account 
 of the state of manors and their Lords at the time of the Conquest, 
 and, the two succeeding centuries, that, were I to follow my own 
 inclination, I would gladly, with his permission, transfer the whole 
 to these pages; but it may not be: I can only presume to copy 
 a few of the most illustrative passages here,—adding, perhaps, a 
 few in the Appendix,—with a regret that the whole had not been 
 left to his master-hand, before I ventured to touch the subject. 
 
 “ Manorial property,” be observes, “ was a possession differing in many 
 respects from what is now called landed estate. It was not a breadth of 
 land which the Lord might cultivate, or not, as he pleased, suffer it to be 
 inhabited, or reduce it to solitude or waste; but it was a dominion or em¬ 
 pire, within which the Lord was superior over subjects of different ranks, 
 his power over them not being absolute, but limited by law and custom. 
 The Lord of a Manor, who had received, by grant from the Crown, Saca 
 and Soca, Tol and Team, etc., was not merely a proprietor, but a prince ; 
 and his Courts were not only courts of law, but, frequently, of criminal 
 justice. The demesne, the assised, and the waste lands were his; but the 
 usufruct of the assised lands belonged, on conditions, to the tenants; and 
 the waste lands were not so entirely his, that he could exclude the tenants 
 from the use of them. It was this double capacity, in which the Lord stood to 
 his tenants, as the arbiter of their rights, as well as the owner of the land, 
 which rendered it necessary to the due discharge of the duty of his station! 
 that the Lord of a Manor should be such a person as Fleta describes,— 
 book ii. cap. 71, § 2,—“ Truthful in his words, faithful in Ms action’s, a 
 lover of justice and of God, a hater of fraud and wrong ; since it most con¬ 
 cerns him not to act with violence, or according to his own will, lut, to follow 
 advice, not being guided bg some young hanger-on, some jester or flatterer ; 
 but by the opinion of persons learned in the laic,—men faithful and honest, of 
 much experience. Manors were petty royalties; the court and household 
 of the Lord resembling, in some degree, that of the King. In Fleta 1 (ii. 
 § 2-18) an account is given of the officers of the royal household, the 
 Senescallus Hospitii Regis, who held his court in the palace, the Mares- 
 callus, the Camerarius, the Clericus coquina;, and Clericus panetarii; but, 
 m the latter part of the book, which treats of the management of Manors, 
 we find the Lord of the Manor attended by the Senescallus, who held his 
 Courts, by the Marescallus, who had the charge of his stud, and by the 
 Coquus, who rendered an account of the daily expenditure to the Senes- 
 
 ca,lus .For tlie management of the legal business of a Manor, 
 
 the collection of the revenue, and the cultivation of the demesne, the Lord 
 required three officers,—the Senescallus, the Ballivus, and the Propositus. 
 
 .appears, then, that a Manor was both a seignory, and also a 
 
 farm ; a seignory, as respected the occupiers of the lands held by the pay¬ 
 ment of services, rents, reliefs, and heriots; and a farm, as respected the 
 demesne lands; the senescallus, or steward, being the representative of the 
 
 Of course, m these cases the Lord of the Manor mast have been actually resident, 
 eta wrote, be it remembered, nearly two centuries after the time of Domesday, and in 
 
 l Ln?, m ir<r m 1 ’? mana 8 emeut of tl,e Manor, the position of the' tenants, 
 
 cl some oi the officials had been somewhat changed. (See Appendix VII.) 
 
 Lord, and the judge of the manorial courts; and the ballivus being the Manebium. 
 officer who exacted the services due from the tenants for the cultivation of 
 the demesne. 
 
 “ In the case of the Lord possessing only a single Manor, it is obvious 
 that, though he was the chief of many tenants, his wealth consisted onlvin 
 the produce of a portion of the land, and the annual, or occasional, pay¬ 
 ments of the tenants; and, if we might suppose that, in the earlier division 
 of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms into Manors, each Manor had its separate 
 lord, the Lords, as a body, would have been scarcely so wealthy as the 
 ordinary class of country gentlemen of our time. Such, we may gather 
 from the Exchequer Domesday, were the thanes of the time of the Con¬ 
 fessor, whose lands and manors were conferred, by the score and hundred, 
 upon the Norman chiefs, whom William brought with him into England, 
 and who formed a baronial nobility, fewer by tar in number than the 
 Anglo-Saxon thanes, but greatly exceeding that of the Anglo-Saxon earls. 
 
 The Norman Lord, on becoming the owner of fifty Manors, and dispossess¬ 
 ing the fifty thanes, does not appear to have altered the character and re¬ 
 lation of the tenants. The Viliam and Bordarii, and Cotarii and Sei-vi, re¬ 
 mained in the same position, transferring, to the use of one chief Lord, the 
 services and customs before paid to the several owners, who had been dis¬ 
 possessed.” (Archdeacon Hale, ‘ Introduction to Domesday of St. Paul’s,’ 
 pp. xxxii to xxxvii.) 
 
 With these copious extracts from the lucid and accurate treatise 
 of Archdeacon Hale, we may close our account of the character¬ 
 istics of a Manor, at the period of which we are treating; simply 
 giving a conspectus of the constituent parts of a Manor in Kent, 
 and the individuals connected with it, varying, of course, according 
 to circumstances, as set forth in the survey, viz.:— 
 
 The Chief Lord, or the Mesne Lord holding under him. 
 
 The Preepositus or Reeve. 
 
 The Hall. 
 
 The Lands retained in Demesne. 
 
 The Lands out of Demesne, let to Tenants, i.e. Villain',. 
 
 The Bordarii, the labourers on the Demesne. 
 
 The Servi, or Slaves. 
 
 Occasionally, some Co tarji. 
 
 Occasionally, also, Sokemanni. 
 
 Occasionally, also, the Tenant of a dislocated part of the Manor 
 or Submanor. 
 
 Occasionally, also, a Free Tenant, qui potuit ire quo voluit. 
 
 Meadow Land. 
 
 Mill or Mills. 
 
 Fisheries. 
 
 Woods for pannage of Hogs. 
 
 Pasture. 
 
 This was the general condition of a Manor in Kent at the time of 
 the Survey, with occasionally peculiar holdings and franchises ■ the 
 particulars of which, and the position of the different classes of 
 Tenants, will be fully discussed as they happen to come before us. 
 
 (See Appendix XX.) 
 
 (51.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4, 1. 18,— “Defend'd se pro uno soldi.” 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 25 ,—“ Answers for one suUnr/,” 
 
 That is, is assessed for Danegeld at one siding. The first state- Danegeld. -h 
 ment in the entry of every Manor in the Survey, is the amount at ' 
 which it was or had been assessed for Danegeld. The Confessor 
 had absolved the English from the payment of this oppressive tax; 
 but William l'evived it; and, in fact, one of the objects of his Sur¬ 
 vey was its equitable adjustment. The very first inquiry, therefore, 
 to be made by the Commissioners, was, at what amount of land the 
 Manor had been assessed for it in the Confessor’s time, before its 
 remission. Thus the first entry in each Manor is, “Defendit se 
 pro,” i. e. “ it answers for so many sulings.” Sometimes, where a 
 change had taken place in the cultivation of the Manor, we have it 
 thus :—“It answered for so many sulings in the time of King Ed¬ 
 ward, and now for so much,” naming the change. The tax was first 
 instituted by Ethelred, charging one shilling per hide on all lands ; 
 and this revenue was raised, either for buying peace of the Danes, 
 or in repelling their invasions. 
 
 In William’s time, it had become subject, as remarked by Sir Henry 
 Ellis, to “ numerous exemptions,—the demesne lands of Churchmen and 
 “ religious houses were uniformly excused. The demesne lands of the great 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Danegeld. 
 
 164 
 
 " Lords and Barons, and others, who held by military service, were likewise 
 “exempted; and partial exemptions were made in favour of the Barons of 
 “ the Exchequer, the Sheriffs of Counties, and the Assessors and Collectors 
 “ of the Tax ; a few exemptions, also, were claimed under especial grants 
 “ from the King, hy means of all which, it will readily be believed, the pro- 
 “ duce of the tax had been much diminished.” (See Ellis’s Introduction 
 to Domesday, vol. i. p. 351.) 
 
 Among the Laws attributed to Edward the Confessor, we have 
 the following:— 
 
 “ XI.— Denegeldo. 
 
 “ Denegeldi redditio propter piratas primitus statuta est. Patriam enim 
 “ infestantes, vastacioni ejus pro posse suo insistebant;—sed ad eorum 
 “ insolenciam reprimandara, statutum est Denegeldttm annuatim redden- 
 “ dum: i. e. duodecim denarios de unaquaque hida tocius patrie, ad con- 
 “ ducendos eos qui piratarum irruptioni resistendo obviarent. De hoc 
 “ quoque Denegeldo quieta erat et libera omnis terra que de ecclesiis pro- 
 “ pria et dominion erat,—eciam de ecclesiis parochiarum ad idem pertinen- 
 “tibus, et nichil in ejus redemptione persolvebant, quia majorem fiduciam 
 “in oracionibus sancte ecclesie habebant quam in defensionibus armorum. 
 
 “ Et hanc libertatem hahuit saneta ecclesia usque ad ternpus Willelmi 
 “ junioris, qui de Baronibus tocius patrie anxilium petiit ad Normanniam 
 “ retinendam de fratre suo Boberto eunte Jerusalem. Ipsi autem conces- 
 “ serunt ei iiij solidos de unaquaque hida, sanctam ecelcsiam non excipi- 
 “ entes: quorum dum fieret eolleetio clamabat ecclesia, libertatem suam 
 “ reposcens, sed nichil sibi profuit.” (Thorpe, vol. i. p. 446.) 
 
 I e. “ The rendering of Denegeld was first enacted on account of pirates. 
 “ Because, infesting the country, they persevered in its devastation to the 
 “ utmost of their power. But to repress their insolence, it was enacted 
 “ that Denegeld should be annually rendered, i. e. twelve pence from each 
 “ hide of the country, as an inducement to those who should oppose and 
 “ resist the irruption of the pirates. From this Denegeld, also, was quit 
 “ and free all the land which was the property and demesne of the 
 “ Churches, also of the Parish Churches pertaining to the same,—and they 
 “ paid nothing in redemption of it, because they had more faith in the 
 “ prayers of Holy Church, than in the defence of arms. And this liberty 
 “ Holy Church had down to the time of the younger William, who sought 
 “ aid from the barons of the whole country, to retain Normandy from his 
 “brother Robert on going to Jerusalem. But they granted him four 
 “ shillings from every hide, not excepting Holy Church, while the collec- 
 “ tion of which was being made, the Church made its claim, demanding 
 “ back its liberty—hut it availed it nothing.” 
 
 The result, it is said, of the Domesday Survey, was a tax of six 
 shillings upon every hide. 
 
 “ Matthew of Westminster, and Matthew Paris after him, say that a 
 “ tax of six shillings was raised upon every hide, in consequence of the 
 “ Survey; but they sny nothing of its having been raised for any specific 
 “purpose. The author of the Saxon Chronicle, however—Hoveden, 
 
 “ Henry of Huntingdon, the Chronicle of Mailros, and Simeon of Durham, 
 
 “ separate this tax from any connection with the Survey. They represent 
 “ the tax to have been levied at the end of 1083 or the beginning of 1084, 
 
 “ immediately after the death of Queen Matilda, and place the formation 
 “ of the Survey at a later time.” (Sir H. Ellis, p. 349.) 
 
 Considering the long time that this tax had been uncollected, and 
 the distractions through which the kingdom had passed, and was 
 actually passing, we can well imagine that the necessities of the 
 time required its imposition, without ascribing peculiar tyranny or 
 oppression to William for the step which his needs compelled him 
 to take; neither is there any occasion to attribute this reimposition 
 and large increase of the tax to the Survey itself, except it be, that 
 the undertaking of the Survey enabled the King to apportion the 
 tax throughout the lands of the kingdom with strict justice and 
 equity. In fact, as the Commissioners made them reports from 
 actual returns delivered to them by the landowners themselves 
 there was little chance of unjust exaction; and Sir F. Palgrave well 
 remarks that, “ Whilst Domesday secured the rights of the Crown, 
 “ it also ensured a fair apportionment of the burden among those 
 “ by whom it was to be contributed. The inquiry was made by the 
 “ Royal Commissioners, but the repartition was made by the people; 
 “ the English taxed themselves.” (Sir F. Palgrave’s ‘ Normandy 
 and England,’ iii. 576.) 
 
 “ Danegeld continued a tax till the time of Stephen, who, aecordinn- to 
 “ Henry of Huntingdon, at the commencement of his reign, vovit quod 
 “ Danegeldum, id est, duos solidos ad hydam, quos antecessores sui sin- 
 “ gulis annis accipiebant, in jeternum condonaret.” (Thorpe, ‘ Glossary.’) 
 
 I. e. “ He vowed that he would for ever remit Danegeld, that is, two 
 shillings per hyde, which his ancestors received yearly.” 
 
 The term “ solin,” or " suling,” has been already explained in 
 Notes 44 and 47. 
 
 (52.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 18 ,—“ Ibi Habet iij Villamos et iiij Bordarios.” 
 
 Transl., p. 94,1. 26,— “He has there three Villans and four Bordars.” 
 
 We come now to a question the most difficult to solve satisfactorily Villani. 
 of any that present themselves in the discussion of the Survey;—viz., 
 the precise position and character of the “ villcmi ” and “ bordwri/i" — 
 the tenant-farmers, as it were, and peasantiy of the Ville or Manor. 
 
 Much of this difficulty has arisen from the habit of referring to 
 Gian ville, Bracton, Fleta, etc., as the proper authorities to decide all 
 doubts upon this subject. But, meanwhile, one point seems to be 
 always overlooked, viz. that the “ villein” of these treatises (which 
 were composed between the close of the reign of Henry II. and that 
 of Edward I.) was a very different person from the “ villan ” of the 
 Domesday Survey, aud that their respective positions were likewise 
 different. Indeed, in most of these early writers, we find the word 
 used very indefinitely, almost as a generic term, descriptive of all 
 classes of tenants other than actual freeholders. Then, again, the 
 “ villanus ” of Kent was in a different position from that of the 
 “ villani” of other counties. “It is agreed by all men” (says 
 Lambard, ed. 1576, p. 11) “ that there were never any bondsmen (or 
 villaines, as the law calleth them) in Kent.” 
 
 The very first clanse of the Cdstumal op Kent is this,— 
 
 Que toutes les cars de Kenteys scyent francs, amei comes les autres frauns 
 cars Denyleterre ; 
 
 And this “ Custuftial,” be it remembered, was allowed before the 
 Justices Itinerant, 21 Ed. I., (allowes en eire John de Berewike, e ses 
 compagnions, justices en eire, en Kent , 21 Ed. I.,) and has since been 
 admitted in evidence before a jury. 
 
 “ The Kentish Custumal claims (says Robinson) that the bodies of all 
 “ Kentish men be free, as well as the other free bodies of England ; which 
 “ was formerly, while many of the subjects of this kingdom remained under a 
 “ state of hereditary bondage, a most glorious and valuable birthright. And 
 “ the claim appears to be well-founded by 30 Edw. I. ( Fitsh. Villenaye, 46.) 
 
 “ In a writ of Niefe, the defendant pleaded that she was free, and the jury 
 “ found that the father of the defendant was born in Kent; whereupon, 
 
 “ without further inquiry, the jury gave judgment that she was free, for 
 “ that there were no villeins in Kent.” (Robinson, ‘ Gavelkind,’ p. 351.) 
 
 But Somner has shown, beyond contradiction, by several ancient 
 records, etc., that there have been villeins in Kent since the Conquest 
 (pp. 72, 73, 74, as cited by Robinson). 
 
 I could wish for no better evidence of the indefinite use of the 
 word villein, and the consequent confusion that has arisen in the 
 description by various writers of the villein’s position, than in the 
 passages here quoted. 
 
 In order to keep myself as closely as possible to the real meaning 
 of the term as used in our Survey, I have rendered it as literally as 
 possible, Villan ; on the same principle that we render Africanus, 
 Romanus, Christianus— African, Roman, Christian. I give 'Villan as 
 the literal rendering of Villanus. Neither can a more appropriate 
 one be found. The villan was the tenant of the ville-lands, such of 
 them, at least, as were not retained in demesne. The Lord in speaking 
 of his Manor, or ville, and his tenantry could not possibly designate 
 them respectively by any terms so clearly as by his villa and his 
 mllam. The ville. Villa, naturally gives the term Villani to those 
 who constituted the Corpus Vilhe. 
 
 Rendering, therefore, the term Villani as literally and appro¬ 
 priately as possible by the word Villans, I will add a few words as 
 to their position in the Manor, transferring all the more lengthy 
 evidences and illustrations which I have been able to collect on the 
 subject to the Appendix. (See Appendix XXI.) 
 
 1 irst, they were not bondsmen, they were freemen; not what wo 
 should call “ freeholders,” but they were to all intents and purposes, 
 as far as their persons were concerned, Free-men. If they owed pra 3 - 
 dial services to then - Lords, so did those Lords owe certain personal 
 services and homage their immediate Lords. If they could not quit 
 their lands or farms, neither could their Lords without licence alienate 
 their manors; but this, perhaps, is travelling too widely from our 
 immediate subject. 
 
 As proofs of their being freemen I would adduce the following:— 
 
 In the Cotton Library is a MS. (Tib. A. vj, fol. 38) in which are 
 
NOTES. 
 
 1G5 
 
 recorded the inquisitions for the Survey, taken of the Manors 
 belonging to the Monastery of Ely. 
 
 The jury, on whose oaths the returns were made, are regularly 
 described; viz. the Sheriff, the Lords, the Presbyters, the Reves, 
 and “six Villans from each ville,” etc. The “villans ” certainly, 
 therefore, were not bondsmen. 
 
 Sir Henry Ellis cites several entries in the Survey relative to the 
 “Viliam” which could hardly be consistent with their being other 
 than freemen. One relating to Cilbodentune, in Hampshire, is a 
 very remarkable one. 
 
 “ Ricardus Sturmid tenet alias hidas. Quidam prasfectus tenuit, et non 
 “potuit ire quolibet, et 2 hidas ex his habuit quasi Villanus." 
 
 I. e. “ Richard Sturmid holds the remaining hides. A certain reeve held 
 “ them, and could not remove at his pleasure, and two hides of these he had 
 “ as a Villan.” 
 
 This man certainly was no bondman, especially from the fact that he 
 is afterwards represented as actually holding Cilbodetune. 
 
 Next, among the Laws of William the Conqueror, ch. 29 (Wilkins, 
 p. 224) we have:— 
 
 “ De relief a Vilain. Le meillur aveir quil avera, u chival, u buf u 
 “ vache, donrad a son seignor de relief, et puis si serait touz les vilains en 
 “ franc plege.” 
 
 I. e. “ Of the relief 1 of a villan. The best beast which he shall have, 
 “ either horse, or ox, or cow, he shall give to his lord for relief; and, more- 
 “ over, all the villans shall be in frankpledge.” 
 
 This law, especially the last clause, as to the villans being in frank¬ 
 pledge, is decisive of their being free. 
 
 The services which the Villan had to render to the Lord were 
 fixed and determined, and, so far, not the services of a bondman who 
 had at all times to attend to his Lord’s will and pleasure, whatever 
 that might be, as stated by Bracton to be the case in his time. 
 
 “ In the King’s demesne there are many classes of men, for there are 
 “ there slaves or JVativi, before the Conquest, in the Conquest, and after- 
 “ wards; and they hold villenages, and by villan and uncertain services, 
 “ who, even to this day, perform villan and uncertain customs, and wkat- 
 “ ever is ordered them, provided it be lawful and honest.” 
 
 (See the Latin original in Appendix XXI.) 
 
 These were clearly not the Villani of Domesday,—not even the 
 Bordarrii, but actual bondsmen. 
 
 In the “Rectitudinks Singularum Personarum,” a most valuable 
 and important document, which is printed among the Anglo-Saxon 
 Laws by Mr. Thorpe (vol. i. p. 432), we have an enumeration of the 
 different classes of persons employed on a manor, and of the services 
 to be rendered by each. Of this document two texts are given, one 
 in Saxon, from a MS. of the tenth century and from another of the 
 thirteenth. The other text is in Latin, from a MS. of the latter 
 part of the twelfth century, collated with three others of the thir¬ 
 teenth. In this Latin text it appears that “ Villanus ” is the equi¬ 
 valent of the Saxon “ Geneat,”- and his customary duty ( rectum ) is 
 set forth in detail. 
 
 “Villani rectum est varium et multiplex, secundum quod in terra 
 “ statutum est. In quibusdam terris, debet dare land-gablum et gaarspin, 
 “ id est, porcum berbagii; et equitare, vel averiare,® et summagium 4 * ducere 
 “ operari, et dominum suum firmare ; metere, et falcare, deorhege cedere, 
 “ et stabilitatem observare, edificare, et circumsepire; novam faram addu- 
 “ cere ; ciricsceatum dare et almesfeoh, id est, pecuniam elemosine, beafod- 
 “ wardam custodire et borswardam ; in nuncium ire, longe vel prope, quo- 
 “ cunque dicetur ei.” 
 
 Kemble gives the following translation of the Saxon text, which, 
 with very slight variations, will serve also as a sufficiently close 
 rendering of the Latin version :— 
 
 “ The Geneat right (the Villan’s customary duty) is various according to 
 “the custom of the land. In some places he must pay landyqfol and a 
 
 1 The Normans frequently used the term “ Belief” for that of “ Heriot.” (See Note 33, 
 supra.) 
 
 2 “ Geneat— Villanus, a base tenant, especially one holding or enjoying land for ser¬ 
 vices or rent (gafol),— from neotan, to enjoy.” (Thorpe, ‘ Glossary.') 
 
 1 conclude that Mr. Thorpe does not intend that the term “ base "‘should imply bondage, 
 bat that the Villanus was a “ base tenant ” as contrasted with the pure freeholder.—L.B.L. 
 
 “ Averiare" would imply the service of averia, — i.e. supplying cattle for the Lord’s 
 husbandry in general, or, as Kemble lias it, “ to carry.”—An example occurs in “ Exten¬ 
 sion,” p. 9,1.3,—“ Translation,” p. 98,1. 40.—L. B. L. 
 
 4 This has been interpreted,—The service of supplying the Lord with sagmarios, or 
 sumpter-beasts,—i.e. beasts of burden, when required ; but here it seems to imply harvest 
 work, the carrying in the Lord’s summs of com, or, as literally rendered by Kemble, 
 
 ‘ lead-load,"—leading, in many counties, being the term used by farmers for carrying in 
 the corn at harvest. 
 
 “ grass-swine yearly, ride and carry, lead load, work, and feed his lord, 1 reap Villani. 
 “and mow, hew door hedge, and hold saete, 2 build and enclose the burh (or 
 “ mansion), make new roads to the farm, pay church-shot and alms fee, 
 
 “ hold head-ward 3 and horse-ward, 4 go on errand, far or near, whitker- 
 “ soever he is directed.” 
 
 “This,” adds Kemble, “is comparatively free, and it is only to be 
 “ regretted that we do not know what amouut of land in general could be 
 “ obtained at such a rent.” (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. p. 322.) 
 
 For these services it is perfectly clear that they must have been 
 persons in no very low condition, nor of small means. Be it always 
 remembered that prtedial and other services, such as those enu¬ 
 merated above, were nothing more than rent. In those early times, 
 when money was scarce, it was almost of necessity that rent was 
 paid in kind by actual services. 6 (See Appendix XXI.) For most 
 ol these there were fixed seasons when the Lord claimed them. 
 
 These were called Precarice, or Boondcm/s, — i.e. “Request days,” on 
 which the Lord asked the aid of his tenants to plough, or mow, or 
 reap, or for other work. But this implies nothing of servitude; it 
 was simply paying rent in kind, and was not necessarily performed 
 by the “Villanus” in person. He was bound to supply the team, 
 and implements, and necessary hands, and that was all,—nothing 
 more than at this day often forms part of the covenants of leases 
 between landlords and their tenants. 
 
 “ Under the Manorial system,” says Archdeacon Hale, “all the tenants 
 “ performed prsedial services; but the higher was the rank of the tenant, 
 
 “ the fewer services were due. 
 
 “ I fc would seem that the Lord of a Manor had originally the right to the 
 “ assistance of all his tenants, in cultivating the Demesne, and gathering 
 “ in the produce at the ‘ Precarirc ’ or ‘ Boon-Days,’ being the three sea- 
 “ sons of harvest, and of the autumnal or lenten ploughing, and sowing. 
 
 “ The Canons of St. Paul's, who, as is shown in the Exchequer Domesday, 
 
 “ held the Manor of Barnes as part of the Archiepiscopal Manor of Mort- 
 “ lake, were bound, either by themselves or their firmarius, to plough four 
 “ acres of the Archbishop’s land, and to find men to attend one ‘Precaria,’ 
 
 “ whilst their own tenants on that Manor performed for them similar ser- 
 “ vices. 
 
 “ Since it is evident, that (in the ‘Survey of St. Paul’s,’ 1222) the high- 
 “ est classes of tenants did not perform predial services at any other pe- 
 “ riods of the year than those of the ‘ Precarim ’ or ‘ Boon-Days,’ and that, 
 
 “ not even the ‘ Libere Tenentes ’ were exempt from them, we conclude 
 “ that all the tenants who performed only these (pnedial) services, were of 
 “ the first class, though not distinctly so designated, and that they are the 
 “ representatives of that order of tenants who were, at the Conquest, 
 
 “ called Villani.” (Archdeacon Hale, ‘ Introduction to the Domesday of 
 St. Paul’s,’ pp. 26, 27.) 
 
 It is true, that, in Madox’s Formulare Anglicanum, we have nu¬ 
 merous charters given, which, in the margin, he entitles “ Feoff¬ 
 ment ” or “ Grant in Fee,” of “ laud with a villan and his sequel,” 
 etc. But, in the body of every one of these charters, the term 
 “villanus” never once appears. “Nativus” is the term usually 
 adopted; and, before we can satisfy ourselves that the “villani” 
 were chattels to be bought and sold like cattle, we must have com¬ 
 plete evidence of the identification of the terms “nativus” and 
 “villanus.” That they were used indiscriminately for the same 
 class of persons in the thirteenth century, and in the times at 
 which the feoffments cited by Madox were made, is no evidence that 
 they represented one and the same class at the time of the Domes¬ 
 day Survey. 
 
 So also, with that sale of lauds, with the Bondsmen on them, 
 cited by Baron Masere, p. 381, the word “villanus” does not ap¬ 
 pear; though, following the system adopted by medieval writers, 
 
 1 “ Feorinian , firmare, give so much as paslus.” —J. M. K. 
 
 “ The Anglo-Saxon noun 1 feorme ’ is not a ‘ farm,' but ‘ food and the verb ‘ feormian ’ 
 
 “ is, not ‘ to farm or cultivate,' but to ‘ supply with food and th eprmarias was so termed, 
 
 “ not because lie cultivated the land, but because lie was bound to furnish a ‘ feorme ’ to 
 “ the Lord. A firma might be rendered either in produce or money, and hence the word 
 '‘firma acquired a secondary sense, and in process of time an estate farmed meant only 
 “ an estat e rented.” (Archdeacon Hale, Introduction to Domesday of .St. Paul’s, p. xxxviij.) 
 
 In our text, then, “feed his Lord” would imply that the “ Villan” was bound to 
 supply a certain portion of the produce of his land for his Lord’s table.—L. B. L. 
 
 2 “ Help to make park paling, and perhaps keep watch for game."—J. M. K. 
 
 In the “ Inquisitio post mortem " on the death of Hamo de Ckevecceb (47 Hen. III., 
 
 No. 33) there is an “ Extent ” of the Manor of Folkstone, which evidences, beyond all 
 contradiction, that, at least in the Thirteenth Century, the fencing of the Lord’s park was 
 a free service,—a free rent; for we there find Sir Nicholas do Crioll, and ten other great 
 knights, and three religious houses holding numerous knights’-fees, of the Barony of 
 Averanches, by the service, inter alia, of fencing the Lord's Park of Folkestone, the 
 entire quantity being apportioned among them according to the extent of their holdings. 
 
 (See Arch. Cautinna, vol. iii. p. 200.)—L. B. L. 
 
 3 I.e. perhaps, keep watch and ward, when required, over his Lord in camp.—L. B. L. 
 
 4 Watch his Lord’s horses ?—L. B. L. 
 
 s And hence it was that the term “servitium” was applied even to money rents. 
 
106 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Villani. he calls them “villeins regardants,” whereas the grantor specifically 
 calls them “ servos meos.” 
 
 Even had they been styled “ villani,” it would not have proved 
 that the “villans” were personally slaves, liable to be bought and 
 sold as chattels, or as the genuine “ servi ” were; for it was the 
 land that was sold, not the tenants that occupied the land, though 
 they passed over therewith to the new owner. 
 
 In fact, it was little more than, as we often see at this day, in the 
 description of an estate offered for sale, such clauses as this,—“ A. 
 or B. farm, occupied by L. or M., on a lease, for so many years.” L. 
 or M. is, so far, sold with his farm, or, rather, his “ service,” i. e. his 
 rent, is sold with it. 
 
 So again, among the “Pedes Pinium” (Kent, 8 Ric. I. p. 12), 
 there is a division of the manor of Fleet between two coheirs, a.d. 
 1197. In this division the Tenants are apportioned by name, with 
 their tenements and services. Some years ago, I printed this docu¬ 
 ment, in extenso, in ‘ Archamlogia Cantiana,’ vol. i. p. 243 j and now, 
 in Appendix XXI., I give a transcript of that part of it which relates 
 to this apportionment of the Tenants, who are there styled Homines. 
 It is true that a mere cursory reading of the passage in question 
 would lead to an opinion that they were Bondsmen divided as chat¬ 
 tels between the coheirs; but a more careful study of it soon leads 
 to a different conclusion, and one in perfect conformity with our 
 suggestions as to the true position of the Villani. The term Isti 
 Homines would imply These Homagers (i. e. These Villans) rather 
 than These Bondsmen ; and the words which immediately follow, cum 
 omni tenemento suo et servicio, almost necessarily indicate that the 
 division is not so much of these Hom,agers (or Villans) as of the 
 lands held by them, with the rents which they paid for them; albeit, 
 a large portion of that rent was rendered in praadial and other ser¬ 
 vices. The Tenant himself is named from the fact of his inability to 
 give up his land in order to hire of another Lord. Still, personally, 
 he was free, and liable to no other services than those specifically 
 attached to his tenement. 
 
 In reference to the view which I have taken of these transactions, 
 I cannot resist adding the confirmation of one of the most popular 
 illustrators of Domesday who has, as yet, helped to tide us over the 
 difficulties of the Survey. Mr. Morgan, in his masterly and most at¬ 
 tractive work, ‘ England under the Normans/ p. 127, observes:— 
 
 “ The dues and services of the men were the real subject of the parti- 
 “ tion ; it was for the sake of these dues and services that men were given 
 “ and bought, and sold; nothing more than their service and' taxation 
 “ could be transferred; for although their commendation was the Lords’ 
 
 “ property, the men of a Saxon thane, becoming the men of his Norman 
 “ successor, they were, personally, as free as the infant wards, who, in later 
 “ times, were liable to be sold or given away by the Edwards and Henries.” 
 
 And again, at p. 65, Mr. Morgan truly remarks— 
 
 “ The ancient Villeins were, in some respects, a superior class. They 
 “ may be called ‘good men’ or ‘ploughmen,’ if there should be any objec- 
 “ tion to the name of Villein. Chaucer’s ‘ ploughman ’ was no servant in 
 “ husbandry, but a farmer, with ‘ catal ’ of his own.” 
 
 In illustration of this opinion, Mr. Morgan quotes a passage from 
 the ‘ Monasticon/ vi. 898, being a grant of a Manor, made in the 
 year 1192, about one hundred years after the completion of the 
 Survey. 
 
 “ Hanc mearn villain dedi et concessi .... cum omnibus serviciis om- 
 “ nium liominum proborum in eadem villa manentium.” 
 
 1. e. “ I give and grant this my ville, with all the services of all the good 
 “ men dwelling in the same ville.” 
 
 There is a chapter in Bracton, in which he describes the compa¬ 
 rative freedom of the different tenures of a Manor, as existing in his 
 days. (Lib. i. cap. 11.) I have given this at length in the Appendix 
 (see Appendix XXI.). The following passage in this chapter bears 
 so strongly on the question before us, that I cannot forbear citing it 
 here. 
 
 “But there were, in the Conquest,Free Men, who held their tenements 
 “freely by free services or by free customs; and when they had been 
 “ ejected by more powerful men, returning afterwards, they received back 
 “ their tenements to be held in villenage, doing thereon servile works, but 
 “those certain and specified, who are called gleb/s aseripticii, and are 
 “ nevertheless, free men, because, although they do servile work, they do 
 “ them, not from the liability of their persons, but from the liability of 
 “ their tenements.” 
 
 An example of this occurs in ‘Domesday Book/ vol. ii. p. 1, sub Villani. 
 Benflet. 
 
 “ In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis (i. e. T.R.E.) quidam liber homo de 
 dimidia hida, gui modo effect us est umts de Villanis.” 
 
 I.e. "In this Manor, there was at that time (i.e. the time of King 
 “ Edward) a free man who had half a hide, who now is made one of the 
 “ Villans .” 
 
 The original owner of the land had now sunk into a mere tenant 
 of the same. 
 
 I believe that, throughout the first two centuries immediately fol¬ 
 lowing the time of the Survey, the Villani had been gradually ad¬ 
 vancing to the status either of Freeholders, or of Copyholders with 
 inheritance to their children, by grants to that effect from their 
 Lords, the latter retaining their claim on them for homage, suit of 
 court, relief, fines on alienation, etc., and also reserving to them¬ 
 selves an assised quit-rent. 
 
 In the chapter from Bracton, to which I have just referred, as 
 given in the Appendix (see Appendix XXI.), there is the following 
 passage strongly confirmatory of this view :— 
 
 “ There is, also, another class of men in the Manor of our Lord the 
 “ King; and they hold, as of demesne, and by the same customs and villan 
 “ services as the above-named, and not in villenage; neither are they, nor 
 “ were they, slaves in the Conquest, like the first-named, but by certain 
 “ convention which they have made with their Lords, and therefore some of 
 “ them have charters, and some not.” 
 
 The meaning of this passage seems to be, that some held their 
 tenements in fee, by actual charter, i. e. Freeholders, the others, 
 without actual charters, being Copyholders. 
 
 Many very early charters and Court Rolls have passed through 
 my hands confirmatory of this statement. 
 
 These Villani, then, continued their holdings, but in a new charac¬ 
 ter, viz. as Free Tenants of the Manor; in many instances bound 
 to peculiar specified services, but still Free, their lands being now 
 copyhold or in fee, to hold to them and their heirs, by the proper 
 services to the Lord and his Conrt, either by knight-service, or by 
 free and common socage. It is this gradually-working chan o-e 
 which has caused us perplexity in interpreting the writers of the 
 Thirteenth Century, in their description of “Villeins regardant” 
 and “Villeins in gros.” 1 
 
 I repeat that, be this as it may, the “ Villani ” of Domesday were 
 decidedly not the “ Villeins ” of later writers. I advance this theory 
 with great diffidence, but I see no other escape from the confusion 
 and difficulty, of supposing that, in the whole county of Kent, there 
 existed, at the time of the Survey, only about thirty Free Men be¬ 
 sides the Lords of Manors and the Clergy, for this is the necessary 
 consequence of including the “ Villani ” in the class of the unfree. 
 
 I cannot deem them other than comparatively free at the ti me of the 
 Survey, and converted, very shortly afterwards, into actual bond fide 
 Freeholders, or, at least. Copyholders. I believe the observation of 
 Mi-. Morgan to be perfectly just and correct. 
 
 “ In fact, they are tenants in free socage; and so, socage tenure, which 
 “ at the time of the Conquest, was apparently confined to a few counties 
 “ became general throughout England; and it might be said, that nothing 
 “ has contributed to the solidity of English institutions, more than the 
 “ early development of this important middle class.” (‘ England under the 
 Normans,’ p. 223.) 
 
 I have said, all along, that the Villanus was comparatively free. 
 
 It was necessary to guard my statement with that expression, be¬ 
 cause, to us, in these days, it is difficult to reconcile our ideas of 
 freedom with the position he was in, and all his family with him as 
 to his inability to give up his land and attach himself to another 
 owner. He was inseparable from his land and his Lord, except by 
 the will of the latter. He could not transfer his land to another 
 tenant, nor could he retire from it, to seek some other livelihood. 
 
 He was, so far, “ adscriptus glebte,” though personally free, and 
 liable to no other services than were attached to the land. If his 
 Lord alienated the land, his services were alienated with it; so far, 
 he was not free, though the badge of slavery was not felt by him. 
 
 1 While preparing this page for press, a series of the Court Rolls of the Manor of 
 Addington, commencing t. Ed. T. have been unexpectedly laid before me. In them we 
 have the fullest evidence, that even down to a comparatively modern period, even the actual 
 Freeholders of a Manor held their lands by prtedial services, similar to those rendered 
 by the Villani of Domesday, albeit these services were sometimes compounded for by 
 money-payments. (See Appendix XX.) J 
 
NOTES. 
 
 107 
 
 Villani. I have not been able to find in any writers what course was pursued, 
 as the families of the Villans increased. In those days, there was, 
 doubtless, elbow-room enough within the Manor, and abundance of 
 unreclaimed land on which to settle the children, as the population 
 increased ; and, as to a life doomed to agriculture alone, there was 
 in those days, no hardship in it ; it was almost the only line of life 
 to follow, and the obtaining land was, in fact, one of their great ob¬ 
 jects of desire. 
 
 “ Hard as, in some respects, the condition of the dependent Freemen 
 “ appears, it must be borne in mind, that the possession of land was indis- 
 “ pensably necessary to life, unless he was to become an absolute serf. In 
 " a country that has little more manufacture than the simple necessities of 
 “individual households require, no wealth of raw material, and, conse- 
 “ quently, little commerce ; where households rejoice in a sort of self-sup- 
 “ porting, self-sufficient autonomy, and the means of internal cominunica- 
 “ tion are imperfect,—land and its produce are the only wealth ; land is 
 “ the only means whereby to live. But the Saxon peasant knew his posi- 
 “ tion; it was a hard one, but he bore it; he worked early and late, but he 
 “ worked cheerfully ; and amidst all his toils, there is no evidence of his 
 “ ever having shot at his landlord from behind a stone-wall or a hedge.” 
 (Kemble, ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. p. 325.) 
 
 BORDARII. 
 
 Bobdabii. The precise meaning of the term “ Bordarii” is little less difficult 
 of attainment than that of “ Villani /’ but as it is hardly to be found 
 in any other record than that of ‘ Domesday/ it has not gone through 
 so many phases as “ Villanus ” has in the works of later writers. 
 The chief difficulty of interpreters seems to lie in ascertaining its 
 true etymology; but much of this will be cleared away if, in the 
 first instance, we resort to ancient Norman authorities to elucidate 
 its origin, for by the Normans it was first introduced into England. 
 
 Now, in ‘ Le grant Coustumier du Pays et Duche de Normendie’ 
 (1510), ch. xxviii., on Tenures, there is the following passage:— 
 
 “ En aucunes parties de Normendie sont terres tenues par bordage, 
 quant aucune borde est baillee a aucun pour faire les vilz services de son 
 seigneur, quil ne peut vendre, ne engager, ne donner: et de ce nest pas 
 hommage fait.” 
 
 And in the commentary on the chapter we have— 
 
 “ La premiere est teneure par bordage, et est quant aucun fief, borde, 
 loge, ou maison est baillee a aucun pour faire aucun vil service a son 
 seigneur, comme a estre bourrel, ou a autre vil service. Et ne peut cil 
 a qui la chose est ainsi baillee par telle maniere la vendre, donner, ne 
 engaiger pour ce quelle luy est baillee par telle forme de teuir.” 
 
 This clearly declares that the “Bordarios” held his tenement by 
 the services of base labour, such as being swineherd, etc.,—not a 
 bondman, but a tenant paying his rent by these services. 
 
 He must not be confounded with the “ Cotarii,” a very different 
 class of tenants, whom we shall describe more particularly when we 
 meet with the first mention of them in the Survey. 
 
 Although this ancient Custumal of Normandy, describing the 
 ancient Tenures of the Duchy, here furnishes us with the most satis¬ 
 factory and incontrovertible evidence of the position held by the 
 “ Bordarius,” such as obviates the necessity of further inquiry, and* 
 almost precludes the admission of any less authorized conjecture, 
 yet I feel it incumbent upon me to subjoin the opinions of different 
 commentators, all of whom seem to have overlooked this one deci¬ 
 sive statement of the Custumal:— 
 
 “ Bordarii,” says Sir Henry Ellis, “ were, it should seem, merely cot¬ 
 tagers ; and in the Ely Manuscript we find Bordarii, where the breviate 
 of the same entry in Domesday itself reads Cotarii. Their condition was 
 probably different on different manors.” 
 
 Sir Henry then cites these different conditions, in some entries 
 “Bordarii arantes;” in another, “servientes Curiasin another, 
 “ operantes una die ebdomadas,” etc. etc. Introduction to Domes¬ 
 day/ vol. i. p. 83.) 
 
 Their condition was also different, probably, in different coun¬ 
 ties :— 
 
 “ The distinction between Borders and Cottars (says Mr. Morgan) is by 
 no means clear. A bordar’s usual tenement was five acres in Norfolk, 
 Cambridgeshire, Middlesex, and Somerset. In a few cases, tenants of 
 three acres and of seven acres and a half are called “ Bordars.” They 
 assisted the villeins in husbandry, but were not themselves always owners 
 of ploughs and oxen. It is possible that their yards or gardens may have 
 
 been, not shares in the common fields, but small parcels severed from the Bobdabii. 
 true villenage, and surrounded by the Lord’s freehold land.” (‘ England 
 under the Normans,’ p. 64.) 
 
 Lord Coke calls the Bordarii— 
 
 “ Boors holding a little house with some land of husbandry, bigger than 
 a cottage.” (Inst. lib. i. sect. i. fol. 5 h. ed. 1628.) 
 
 Some have ascribed their name to living on the borders of the 
 manor ; but this interpretation will hardly admit of much serious 
 investigation, and is, at the best, very fanciful. Besides which, in 
 the list of Bordarii, unaccompanied by Villani, which I have printed 
 in the Appendix, it would seem that they lived actually on the de¬ 
 mesne. Sir Henry Ellis cites a passage in which they are mentioned 
 as “ circa aulam manentes/’ i.e. dwelling near the manor house, or 
 court lodge, and quotes also several instances of their actually resid¬ 
 ing in some of the larger towns. In Kent, at all events, they seem 
 to have dwelt on the demesne itself. 
 
 Bishop Kennett derives the name from their having to provide 
 the Lord’s board. He says,— 
 
 “ The Bordarii often mentioned in the ‘ Domesday Inquisition ’ were 
 distinct from the Servi and Villani, and seem to be those of a less servile 
 condition, who bad a lord, or cottage, with a small parcel of land, allowed 
 to them, on condition they should supply the Lord with poultry aud eggs, 
 and other small provisions, for his hoard and entertainment.” (‘ Glossary 
 to Parochial Antiquities.’) 
 
 Mr. Morgan seems to lean to this etymology of the word:— 
 
 “ The Lord’s acres were anciently called Boardlands, because they sup- • 
 plied his board. John Daincurt, in the year 1169, calls a ploughland in 
 the fields of Branston, part of his demesne, of his hoard. ( Dua* carucatas 
 
 in campis Branston . una de predict is carucatis fail de dominio meo, 
 
 mensee mete. —4 Mon. 421.)” 
 
 And Bracton and Fleta, as cited by Mr. Morgan, both take the 
 same view, viz. Bracton— 
 
 “ Est autem dominie urn, quod quis hahet ad mensam, et proprie sicut 
 Boordlands Angiioe.” 
 
 And Fleta— 
 
 ‘ Est autem dominioum proprie terra ad mensam assignata.” (‘ England 
 under the Normans/ p. 74.) 
 
 But if these Bordcvrii furnished their Lord’s table or hoard, it was 
 from his demesne lands, not from their own farms, except in the 
 supply of a few eggs and some poultry. It seems, therefore, an 
 extremely forced etymology to state that this class were called, 
 
 Bordarii because they supplied the Lord’s hoard. He, in fact, sup¬ 
 plied himself, though theirs was the labour. They were the la¬ 
 bourers of his demesne lands, as testified by the passage which we 
 have cited from f Le Grant Coustumier de Normandie,’ the best 
 authority, after all, which we can hope to find on this question. 
 
 In conclusion of our discussion of this part of our subject, I would 
 ask, is it necessary to consider “ mensa” as the origin of the term 
 Bord ? Of course, to supply the Lord’s table was, so far, supplying 
 his hoard, according to the modem usage of the word. But does it 
 not appear, after all the evidence we have adduced, that the 
 “boardlands” of the manor meant the lands which were culti¬ 
 vated by those tenants who held par bordage, as described above, 
 without reference to the destination of the produce of those lands ? 
 
 , We must not forget, that the demesne lands not only supplied 
 j the Lord and his household with provisions, but maintained his entire 
 establishment in every department,—including forage for horses, 
 stock, and all else. 
 
 In the Rental of Hailing, recorded in the Register of the Tempo- 
 I ralities of Rochester, we have an entry thus— 
 
 “ de Redditu lix"; de Bordland v" x d ; et de Cotland xviij*,” etc. etc. 
 
 An d, in the Rental of Borstalle, in the same Register, we have 
 | the names of four tenants of “ Bordland,” paying respectively rents 
 of Is., 2f d., If d., and 1 ^d. (See Appendix XX.) This must have 
 j been for land attached to their hords, or cottages ; severed^ per- 
 I haps temporarily, from the true demesne, for the express purpose of 
 ! being held by them, par bordage, —the cultivation of the demesne 
 lands still remaining in hand being carried on, partly by those bor¬ 
 darii, —thus paying their rent by their labour,—partly by actual 
 slaves, and partly, also, by the tenants of the Utlands, i.e. the villani, 
 on boon-days, or “ Precarias.” In the Appendix I have inserted 
 
168 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Bobdabii. extracts from tlie Survey of all the instances in which the Bordarii 
 are named, unaccompanied by any mention of the “ villani,” by which 
 it will clearly appear that the demesne was their district of labour. 
 They hired their cottages (their lords) of the lord, paying their 
 rent in this labour; occasionally, however, paying besides a small 
 actual rent in money, as in Extension, p. 39,1. 18 :—“Ibi est unus 
 Bordarius, reddens v denarios,”—and no mention of any “ caruca.” 
 
 I have also printed in the Appendix a Rental of the Manor of 
 Borstalle, and other Manors belonging to the Bishops of Rochester, 
 taken from the Registry at Rochester. It was made, apparently, 
 in the thirteenth century, and will aid much to illustrate the pre¬ 
 ceding remarks as to the predial services of the tenantry, and 
 especially those of the “Bordarii,” or workmen. 
 
 I cannot better conclude these observations on the term “ Bor- 
 GEBtnii. darii,” than by citing a description of the services of the “ Geburi,” 
 (whose position, with certain modifications, seems to have resembled 
 that of the “ Bordarii,”) as set out in the 1 Rectitudines Singularum 
 Personarum.’ (For the Latin text see Appendix XXI.) Kemble 
 gives the following translation of the Saxon version :— 
 
 “ The customs of the Gebcii are very various; in some places they are 
 heavy, but in some moderate. In some places it is usual that he shall do 
 two days week-work,—whatever work may be commanded him,—every 
 week throughout the year; and three days week-work in harvest, and three 
 from Candlemas to Easter. If he carries ( aferion , auerian, facit averagium, 
 averiat), he need not work himself as long as his horse is out. He must 
 pay at Michaelmas ten gafol-pence; and at Martinmas, twenty-three sesters 
 of barley, and two hens. 1 At Easter, one young sheep, or two-pence, and 
 he shall lie out, from Martinmas till Easter, at the Lord’s fold ; 2 and, from 
 the time when the plough is first put in, till Martinmas, he shall plough 
 one acre every week, and make ready the seed in the Lord’s barn: more¬ 
 over, three acres on request, and two of grass ploughing. 3 If he require 
 more grass, let him earn it on such conditions as he may. For his rent, 
 ploughing (gafolyrS), he shall plough three acres, and sow them from his 
 own barn: and pay his hearth-penny; and two and two shall feed one 
 hound; and each Gebur shall give six loaves to the inswan (that is, the ( 
 swan, or swineherd of the demesne) when he drives his herd to the mast. I 
 In the same laud where these conditions prevail, the Gebur has a right, 
 towards first stocking his land, to receive two oxen, one cow, and six sheep, 
 and seven acres in his yard of land already sown. After the first year, let 
 him do all the customs which belong to him, and he is to be supplied with 
 tools for his work and furniture for his house. When he dies, let his 
 Lord look after what he leaves. This land-law prevails in some lands ; 
 but, as I have said, in some places it is heavier, in others lighter; seeing 
 that the customs of all lands are not alike. In some places the Gebur 
 must pay honey-gafol. Let him that holds the shire take heed to know 
 always what is the old arrangement about the land, and what the custom 
 of the country.” (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. pp. 323, 324, 325.) 
 
 If our preceding conjectures be correct, we may in a few words 
 describe tbe “Villani” as— 
 
 1. The tenantry of the id-lands of the manor orville,—that is, the 
 
 lands not held in demesne by the Lord—the “ Villenagium” 
 lands. 
 
 2. As personally free, but not able to resign their holdings, or j 
 
 alienate them, without licence from their Lord,—and, so far, 
 ascripti glebce. 
 
 1 “ This seems an immense amount of barley ; but the Saxon clearly reads as I have 
 translated. The old Latin version has—* Dare debet infesto Sancli Mickaelis x denarius 
 de gablo, el Sancli Martini die xriij el sestarium ordei, et ij gallinas.' Twenty-three 
 pence at Martinmas is a considerable sura; however, as a sester of corn must even in 
 ordinary years, have been worth quite that sum, it is more reasonable to follow the Latin 
 than the Saxon.” 
 
 2 “The fold was often distant from the homestead, and required careful watching, 
 especially during the dark winter months. Sheep alone were not folded, but oxen, cows, 
 and particularly mares ; kri/Srafald, cuafald, stod/a/d. This system may be still seen 
 in full force, in Hungary ; and we may add that, in the article of horse and cattle-stealing, 
 the Hungarian presents a very marked likeness to the Anglo-Saxon. While reading 
 these services, one can hardly get rid of the notion that one is studying the description of 
 a Hungarian Session." 
 
 3 “ ‘ Tree acras preaim, et dnas de herlagio: hreo receras to bene, and twa to ga»r- 
 syr'Se.’ If requested, ho shall do three acres ; but only two of a meadow is to be broken 
 up ? This is always much harder work than ploughing in old arable. But it is difficult 
 to reconcile this with the next sentence. The Saxon says, ‘ Gif he maran gierses bebyrfe 
 earnige 'Sics swa him man budgethe Latin, ‘ Si plus indigeat herbagio, arabit pro- 
 inde, sicut ci permittatur.' From the word arabit, Thorpe suggests erige, instead of 
 earnige. The two readings are, however, consistent, if we consider the expression 
 ‘ gicrsyr'5e ’ as having no connection with the ‘giers’ of the following sentence. I sup¬ 
 pose the meaning to be this :—On extraordinary occasions, he might be called upon by 
 l he Lord lo plough three acres instead of one, or in old meadow land two acres. If now 
 he himself should want more grass land than he already possessed, he might make a bar¬ 
 gain with the Lord, and earn it by this labour with the plough. He was bound to give 
 one day’s ploughing every week, from the commencement of the ploughing season till 
 the 11th of November j but, on pressing emergency, and on request of the Lord, he must 
 give three days (for an acre a day was the just calculation), or in old meadow two. If 
 his services at the plough were still further required, he was to make a bargain with his 
 Lord ; and a common case is supposed, viz. that he required more grass-land than he had. 
 
 In this way, all seems intelligible.” 
 
 3. As paying their rent partly in money, but mostly by defined Bobdabii. 
 
 periodical prtedial service—such as finding ploughs, oxen, 
 horses, and labourers to assist the husbandry of the demesne 
 lands at specified periods. They had also sometimes to sup¬ 
 ply provisions for the Lord’s house; but these were all deter¬ 
 mined amounts, and not at the Lord’s will and pleasure,—in 
 fact, rent in kind; and this arrangement almost necessarily 
 made from the smallness of the circulating medium. 
 
 4. As gradually, in process of time, rising, by purchase or other¬ 
 
 wise, to the position of freeholders, or at least copyholders,— 
 holding of their Lord by prajdial services (converted, in later 
 times, to money-rents), a fixed quit-rent, and by the homage 
 and service, etc. etc., which still continues the custom in 
 manors to this day. 
 
 And the “ Bordarii ” we may describe as— 
 
 1. The cottagers of the ville or manor; and that they were the 
 
 labourers who, on specified days and seasons, assisted the 
 Servi in the cultivation of the demesne lands, and the pas¬ 
 toral services required thereon;—they also were bound to 
 supply a certain amount of eggs, poultry, and similar pro¬ 
 duce, for their Lord’s use. 
 
 2. That they were not bondmen, inasmuch as they rented house 
 
 and lands on specified conditions; and further, that their 
 services were not simply at the Lord’s will and pleasure, but 
 fixed and determinate. Still they were an inferior class to 
 the Villani, and rarely, if ever, tenants of sufficient land ’to 
 maintain an entire team; and their labours were greater on 
 the demesne lands than those given by the Villans on pre¬ 
 car ice, or boon-days. As a class, they disappear from all re¬ 
 cords very soon after the period of the Survey, having merged 
 perhaps, into the class villani, or having assumed the state 
 of paid labourers rather than that of tenants. 
 
 It would be an appropriate termination of this Note were I to in¬ 
 troduce here the much-mooted question of the origin of the modem 
 Copyholder; but it would lead to so much lengthened discussion, that 
 I have deemed it the best course to transfer it to the Appendix,— 
 merely observing here, that in all probability the original Villanus 
 was very early admitted by his Lord to the position of a copyholder, 
 with inheritance to his descendants, according to the custom of the 
 manor; and many of them were afterwards advanced by charter to 
 the status of a real freeholder, holding to himself and his heirs, in 
 fee, by the services of quit-rent, suit of court, homage, etc. etc., as 
 the case might be. And I doubt not that there were not a few in¬ 
 stances of the copyholder being converted into the position of a 
 freeholder by the want of vigilance in the Lord or his steward in 
 holding courts to regulate their rolls and records,—especially when, 
 as is the case in modern times, the expenses of holding the court 
 exceeded far the receipts coming in from the tenants. Even in my 
 own experience, I have known more than one instance of manorial 
 rights being entirely lost by the neglect of holding courts; and it 
 is only the entry on the court-roll that furnishes the title of the 
 copyholder, as distinguishing him from the freeholder. 
 
 (S3.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 19,—“ C um i caruca. 3 ’ 
 
 Translation, p. 4,1. 19,—“ With one team.’’ 
 
 The proper mode of extending the abbreviated word “ Can- ” has Cab. 
 been a subject of much discussion among the illustrators of Domes¬ 
 day Book. 
 
 The vexed question is, whether it should be extended “Carucata” 
 or “ Caruca.” It is, after all, per se, a distinction without a differ¬ 
 ence, because “ terra trium carucarum ” (or “ tribus carucis ”) and 
 “tres carucata) ” have one and the same signification, viz. as much 
 land as may be tilled by three ploughs in a year; and if the Com¬ 
 missioners had required their scribes to write the word in extenso, 
 there is little doubt that they would have used the two terms in¬ 
 differently,—indeed, occasionally they actually do so,—but there are 
 certainly many passages in which “ caruca ” can be the only pos¬ 
 sible extension, whereas there is hardly one in which “carucata” is 
 necessarily implied. 
 
 Take, for instance, the following passages :— 
 
NOTES. 
 
 109 
 
 Cab. (1-) “Ibihabet Sired j solin. Efc j car in dominio.” (Extension, 
 
 p. 4,1. 34.) 
 
 (2.) “Ibidem tenet Radulphus j solin. Et habet j car in dominio.” 
 (Extension, p. 4, 1. 37.) 
 
 (3.) “ Robertas liabet dimidinm solin. Et ibi dimidiam car in do¬ 
 minio.” (Extension, p. 5,1. 2.) 
 
 (4.) “ Terra est xl car. In dominio sunt ij car. Et cxlij villani 
 cum x bordariis liabent Iiij ear.” (Extension, p. 8,1. 3.) 
 
 (5.) " Terra est xv car. In dominio sunt iij car. Et xl villani 
 cum v bordariis babent xv car.” (Extension, p. 8, 1. 33.) 
 
 (6.) “ Terra est ad xx car. In dominio sunt iij car. Et xxxij vil¬ 
 lani cum xxj bordariis babent xix car.” (Extension, p. 12,1. 34.) 
 
 (7.) “In dominio est unum solin. Et ibi iiij car et dimidia.” (Ex¬ 
 tension, p. 13,1. 24.) 
 
 (8.) “ Terra est xxvi car. In dominio sunt iiij. Et xxxv villani 
 cum Ivi bordariis babent xxx car.” (Extension, p. 17, 1. 32.) 
 
 (9.) “ Tenet diinidium solin. Et ibi babet ij car. Et vij villanos 
 cum ij bordariis liabentes iij car.” (Extension, p. 17, 1. 36.) 
 
 (10.) “ Terra est iij car. In dominio est unum sobn. Et una car 
 ibi. Et x villani cum ij car.” (Extension, p. 20, 1. 42.) 
 
 (11.) “ Terra est j car. Et ibi est cum iiij bordariis et ij servis.” 
 (Extension, p. 22, 1. 22.) 
 
 (12.) “Terra est ij car. Ibi sunt, cumj villano, et iiij bordariis et 
 v servis.” (Extension, p. 23,1. 30.) 
 
 (13.) “ Terra est unius car. Et ibi est in dominio. Et viij villani 
 cum vj bordariis babent j car.” (Extension, p. 24,1. 7.) 
 
 (14.) “ Terra est ... . In dominio nicbil est, sed iij villani et iiij 
 bordarii ibi sunt.” (Extension, p. 26,1. 4.) 
 
 (15.) “Terra est j car. In dominio j car et dimidia. Etvj villani 
 cum uno bordario babent dimidiam car.” (Extension, p. 26,1. 49.) 
 
 (16.) “Terra est j car. Et ibi est in dominio.” (Extension, p. 31, 
 1. 18.) 
 
 (17.) “Terra est... . In dominio est una car. Et ij villani cum 
 j bordario babent ij animalia.” (Extension, p. 31,1. 28.) 
 
 (18.) “Terra j car et dimidia. In dominio nicbil est nisi j bor- 
 darius.” (Extension, p. 35, 1. 27.) 
 
 (19.) “ Terra est xx car. In dominio non sunt car. Ibi xxix vil¬ 
 lani cum vj bordariis babent xi car.” (Extension, p. 38,1. 35.) 
 
 (20.) “Terra est .... In dominio nicbil modo. Sed ix villani 
 babent ibi ij car et dimidiam.” (Extension, p. 44,1. 13.) 
 
 (21.) “ Terra esc j car. In dominio sunt ij", et viij villani babent j 
 car et dimidiam.” (Extension, p. 48,1. 2.) 
 
 (22.) “ Tenet Oidelard j solin, et ibi babet ij car.” (Extension, 
 p. 48, 1. 10.) 
 
 (23.) “ Tenet Gislebertus ij solins, dimidium jugum minus, et ibi 
 babet j car et iiij villanos cumj car.” (Extension, p. 48,1. 12.) 
 
 (24.) “ Terra est ij car. Et ibi sunt, cum viij bordariis.” (Exten¬ 
 sion, p. 49, 1. 18.) 
 
 (25.) “ Terra est iij car. Ibi unus villanus, cum iiij bordariis ; 
 manet—nulla ibi car.” (Extension, p. 51, 1. 23.) 
 
 (26.) “ Tenet Alnod j jugum de Hugone. Sed nil ibi est.” (Ex¬ 
 tension, p. 52,1. 14.) 
 
 It will be observed, in tbe above extracts, that, in tbe instances 
 4,5, 6, 8,15, and 21, tbe number of “ car ” mentioned in tbe details 
 of tbe manor exceed tbe number assigned to tbe entire manor. 
 There will be nothing contradictory, however, in tbe two state¬ 
 ments, if “ car ” be extended “ caruea,” because more ploughs 
 may have been kept than were, at tbe moment, actually needed for 
 tbe work, but there could not possibly be more “ carucates ” in tbe 
 details than in tbe total of tbe manor; and these are only a few 
 instances, out of a large number, to be found in tbe entries of tbe 
 Kent Survey. 
 
 In Nos. 1, 2, and 3, if “ solin ” be synonymous with “ car ” (as 
 suggested in Note 47), it is almost necessary that in these passages 
 “ car ” should be extended “ caruca.” 
 
 In No. 7, it is impossible that “ car” should be rendered “ earu- 
 cata.” “ In domain there is one solin, and there are three carucates 
 and a half there,” would be a palpable contradiction; but extend 
 “ car 55 as “ caruca,” and all reads correctly. “ In domain there is 
 one siding, and there are tlvree teams and a half there.” 
 
 Similar remarks may be made on Nos. 9 and 10. In these cases 
 it would not be possible, consistently with sense, to extend “ car ” 
 otherwise than as “ caruca.” 
 
 Nos. 11, 12, 13, and 24, speak for themselves. “ Car,” in these. Cab. 
 must necessarily be extended—C aruca. They (i. e. the Teams) are 
 there. If we give tbe extension as Carucatie, tbe remark, “Ibi 
 sunt,” They are there, would be absurd; tbe land, of course, was 
 there. 
 
 Nos. 14, 18, 20, 26, “ NicbilNothing there,”—evidently 
 refers not to land, but to what is on tbe land; proving that, in tbe 
 other instances, “ car'” is tbe implement used on tbe land, not tbe 
 land itself. 
 
 No. 17 furnishes a strong confirmation that “ caruca ” is tbe 
 proper extension of “car.” We have here, “ Two villa/ns, with one 
 borda/r, have two animals that is, they have not a whole team, 
 but only a portion of one. If “ carucata ” were tbe extension of 
 “ car,” no portion of it would have been represented by any number 
 of animals. 
 
 No. 19 necessarily requires tbe extension “ caruca.” It would be 
 positively absurd to imagine such an entry as, “ The land consists of 
 twenty carucates. In demesne there me no carucates; twenty-nine 
 villans there, with six bordars, have eleven carucates.” But, sub¬ 
 stitute “ ploughs ” or “ teams 55 for “ carucates/ 5 it reads intelligibly. 
 
 Nos. 22 and 23 contain, perhaps, tbe most incontestable evidence 
 of all, that “ caruca ” is tbe necessary extension of “ car.” “ They 
 bold ( tenant ) tbe land, and have ( habent ) there tbe 'ploughs’ or 
 ‘ teams. 5 55 These two cases are, methinks, decisive of tbe question. 
 
 In tbe instance of No. 25, by no ingenuity can “ car 55 be extended 
 otherwise than as “ caruca.” “ There is the land of three teams. 
 
 One villan and four borda/rs dwell there. There is no team there :” 
 i. e. there is land enough for three teams, but there is none on tbe 
 land. Now, extend this “ car 55 as “ carucata,” and you obtain tbe 
 following statement:— The land consists of three carucates; one 
 villan and fou/r bardars dwell there. There is no carucate there ,”— 
 utterly unintelligible words. 
 
 Among tbe ‘ Consuetudines et Redditas 5 of Darent, as returned 
 by a jury in tbe twelfth century, and recorded in a ‘ Register of tbe 
 Customs of tbe Manors belonging to tbe Church of Rochester 5 
 (Cotton MSS. Vesp. A. xxij. f. 75), we have tbe following :— 
 
 “Et notandum, quod monaclii babent unam carucam et dimidiam in 
 dominio et Eustici xij et dimidiam.” 
 
 In which passage caruca is written in extenso, precluding all doubt 
 on tbe subject, as far as this instance is concerned. 
 
 In tbe Appendix, I purpose giving copious extracts from this 
 Register, as furnishing most valuable elucidations of tbe question 
 before us, and of other difficulties which we have been discussing. 
 
 Besides these direct evidences that “ caruca 55 is tbe proper ren¬ 
 dering of “ car,” we have other inferential testimony; e. g .— 
 
 “Extension,” p. 12, 1. 7, wo have, “Tenet terrain ad j Car/ 5 and 
 again, at line 34, “Terra ad xx Car/ 5 and again, p. 59, 1. 48, 
 
 “ Terra est ad j Car.” 
 
 Surely this form of entry testifies that tbe intention of the Com¬ 
 missioners and their scribe was, to speak not of “ carucata)/ 5 but 
 “ carucas/ 5 —to estimate tbe land by tbe number of teams it would 
 employ in its cultivation. 
 
 Then again, it is universally allowed that tbe quantity of arable 
 named, whether under tbe term “ carucata,” or “ terra unius Caracas,” 
 signified as much land as could be tilled in one year, by one plough 
 or team, besides tbe meadow and pasture for the plough oxen, and, 
 perhaps, dwellings for tbe labourers, and tbe proper portion of fallow 
 every year. In a few words, land enough to maintain, in all things, 
 a plough-team. 
 
 In an Inquisition of tbe Manor of Hailing, taken a.d. 1268 (see 
 Appendix XXII.), we have, not only most conclusive evidence that 
 “ caruca ” is tbe proper extension of “ car,” but also that, at that 
 time, tbe measure of tbe arable land of tbe manor included allow¬ 
 ance for tbe maintenance of tbe oxen; and further, though that 
 question is not at this moment before us, we have tbe actual acre¬ 
 age of a carucate in that district given us. It is trae that tbe date 
 of this Inquisition is two centuries later than that of tbe Domesday 
 Survey; still it must be remembered that the witnesses are testify¬ 
 ing to tbe old-established customs of tbe Manor, not to practices of 
 more recent date; and their statements may be taken as good pre¬ 
 sumptive evidence of tbe state of tilings in tbe time of the Survey 
 itself. 
 
 2 u 
 
170 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Car. 
 
 The evidence of the witness under examination, viz. tlie Sacristan 
 of Rochester, is recorded as follows :— 
 
 “ Being asked how many plough-teams of land there are in the Manor 
 of Hailing, he says that, in the Manor of Hailing, with its pertinencies, 
 viz. Holborough and Cookeston, there are, of custom, four plough-teams ; 
 but yet there are not four carucates of land.” 
 
 “ Being asked how he knows this, he says, that each carueate of land, by 
 the custom of the district, contains one hundred and four score acres of 
 arable land, which quantity there is not in that Manor.” 
 
 “ Being asked how much the foresaid plough-teams in the Manor of 
 Hailing are worth, per annum, he says that, together with the pasture be¬ 
 longing to the maintenance of the animals working in the plough-teams, 
 they are worth, per annum, seventeen pounds.” 
 
 With the conclusive evidence which we here have, that the mea¬ 
 surement of the land of a Manor, included the pasture, etc., 
 required for the maintenance of the working oxen, we have an addi¬ 
 tional reason for extending “ car 55 as “ caruca,” and not as “ caru¬ 
 cata,” because “ carucata,” standing per se, would seem to imply the 
 precise quantity of land actually ploughed, whereas “terra unius 
 caruca),” “ the land of one team,” would give sufficient latitude for 
 the pasture and fallow. 
 
 I will add one argument more, which seems to me to place the 
 question beyond contradiction. 
 
 The constant use of the verb " habent,” as governing “ car,-” ne¬ 
 cessitates our using the extension “ Caracas.” Had “ carucatas ” 
 been the proper extension, it would have been preceded by the verb 
 “tenet.” The villans, etc., did not possess lands, they only held 
 them,—but they did possess teams. 
 
 “ Habet 55 would apply to the implements of agriculture ; “ tenet” 
 to the holding of the land. 
 
 The villans would never be said “habere carucatas,” but, with 
 truth, were represented as “ habentes Caracas.” 
 
 Under all these circumstances, I have deemed it best to extend 
 “ car ” uniformly “ caruca.” At the same time, I repeat, there can 
 be little doubt, that if the scribe himself had written the word in 
 extenso, he would have used both “ carucata 55 and “ caruca/ 5 varying 
 them according to the requirement of the context, all the time 
 remembering that it was really a matter of indifference. If it were 
 not so, I should have, in each instance, attempted a conjecture as to 
 the probable rendering which, in such instance, the scribe would 
 have adopted; but this would have been somewhat too vague a 
 mode of proceeding. On the whole, therefore, it seemed best to 
 pursue one uniform extension, and that, the one admissible in every 
 case, which “ caruca 55 is;—not so “ carucata.” 
 
 Another question arises, should the extension be “ carucis,” Or 
 “carucarum”? The Latin idiom admits of both; but I think it 
 leans more to the latter. In the Ely MS. (Tib. A. vi.), which I 
 have cited in Note 49, it is “ carucis;” but in a transcript from 
 Domesday, in the “ Regist/rum Temporalium Ecclesice et Episcopatus 
 Rnffensie,” preserved in the Registry at Rochester, it is “ caruca¬ 
 rum.” The transcript was apparently made in the thirteenth century. 
 I give the whole of the Southfleet entry, because it seems to favour 
 my theory as to all the extensions which I have used:— 
 
 “ Domesday—in Rotulo Wyntoniensi. 
 
 “ Episcopus tenet Suthflete. pro vj sulling se defend. Terra est 
 xiij carucarf. In dominio est una caruca, et xxv villani cum ix bor- 
 
 dellis habentes xij Caracas—ibi vij servi et ix acre prati—silva x Car. 
 porcor—mo se defendit pro v sulling. Ibi est ecca. Tempore Regis 
 Edwardi, etpost, valuit xj libras, m° xxi libras, et tamen reddit xxiiij or 
 libras, et j unciam auri. De isto manerio est in Tunebregg tm de 
 silva et de tra q app’ciat xx sol.” 
 
 Again, at p. 24,1. 7 (Extension), we have “Terra unius car 55 —in 
 the original “ un car. 55 If intended for “ una carucata,” “ una 55 
 would not have been abbreviated; “un,” therefore, must be the 
 abbreviation of "unius. 55 But at p. 27, 1. 38 (Extension), we have 
 it distinctly written “Terra est unius car, 55 which is decisive of 
 the question. 
 
 Again, if further evidence be yet needed, at p. 23, 1. 7 (Extension), 
 there is a parallel passage which justifies my use of “ carucarum, 55 
 in preference to “ carucis. 55 It is thus, “ Terra est iij bourn, 55 not 
 “ iij bobus.” “ There is the land of three oxen.” 
 
 And this furnishes a ready answer to an objection that has been 
 raised to the extension “ caruca, 55 viz. that such entries as “ dimidia 
 car 55 must necessarily imply the half of a caracate, because it is 
 absurd to talk of half a plough. Be it so; but there is no 
 absurdity in speaking of half a team. In the instance before us, 
 supposing the team to have consisted of eight oxen, three being no 
 integral part of eight, the entry is simply, " The land of three oxen.” 
 
 Had there been sufficient land for four oxen, the entry, probably, 
 would have been “ half a car;” and this seems to imply that in all 
 the other entries we are to consider the estimate as made, not from 
 the “ carucata, 55 but the “ caruca, 55 or, rather, the animals that drew 
 the “ caruca. 55 
 
 Even at the present day, it is by no means an uncommon practice 
 in Kent, to estimate the size of a farm by the number of teams 
 required for its cultivation. When asking the size of a farm, I have 
 frequently met with some such reply as this, “ It will carry so many 
 teams. 55 They do not speak of “ploughs,” but “teams; 55 as 
 though the number of teams required for the cultivation of the farm 
 furnished a sure estimate of its contents. 
 
 Deeming, therefore, “ teams 55 to be the most satisfactory render¬ 
 ing of “ car, 55 I have adopted it throughout this survey: not that 
 there is any substantial objection to the use of the word “plough, 55 
 for surely the commonest reader, on meeting with the expression 
 “ half a plough, 55 or “ a quarter of a plough, 55 would hardly be stag¬ 
 gered, but feel at once that it meant half, or a quarter, of the num¬ 
 ber of the animals forming the team that drew the plough; but, as 
 the use of the word “ team 55 seems to be the most satisfactory and 
 expressive, I abide by it in every instance. 
 
 In the British Museum (Cotton MSS., Tiberius B. v., part 1, 
 fol. 3) is a Saxon Almanack, illustrated by trickings of the work 
 done in each month; among them is a plough with four oxen at 
 work in the month of January. It is difficult to decide the date of 
 this MS. with certainty; it is, apparently, of the eleventh century, 
 but it bears evidence of having been copied from an earlier MS. 
 
 Such as it is, I annex a woodcut of this group. Not that it is to be 
 considered as at all representing the plough-team of the Survey, at 
 least, as uniformly used in all counties, or even in Kent, for we have 
 here only four oxen; yet supposing that the compiler of the 
 Almanack intended to represent January ploughing, as distinct from 
 that of Autumn, i. e. not the breaking up the ground to prepare 
 for the sowing of wheat in autumn, but merely the ploughing down 
 
NOTES. 
 
 171 
 
 the summer fallows for the sowing of Lent corn j it was probably 
 correct to represent the work as done by half the usual amount of 
 beasts ; for Fleta (lib. ii., cap. 73) gives these special directions for 
 the guidance of the bailiff in his time, which, doubtless, differed 
 
 little from such as would have been given in the eleventh century,_ 
 
 Oum tempus affluent rebinwndi , ne profunda arent, carucariis inhihea- 
 tur, sed levis sit ca/rucai cursus, saltern ad herbarium et radicum de- 
 structionem ; i. e. When the time arrives for reploughing the falloics, 
 let the ploughmen be warned not to plough deep; but let the course of 
 the plough be light, just sufficient to destroy iveeds and roots. Accord¬ 
 ing to these instructions, the full strength of an entire team would 
 nob have been required for January ploughing. The half—four 
 oxen—would have sufficed. Still I am far from asserting that any 
 such nice distinctions were in the mind of the compiler of this 
 Almanack. 
 
 Mr. Morgan lays it down that the “ plough, 5 ' at that time, signi¬ 
 fied a team of eight oxen, and he quotes different parts of the Sur¬ 
 vey, as having that number specifically detailed. His quotations 
 are chiefly taken from different manors in Hertfordshire, and he adds 
 a quotation from Mr. Delisle:— 
 
 “ Les dames de Caen attelaient huit betes it chacune de leurs 
 charrues d’outre-mer : ainsi, elles avaient it Avelingues, huit 
 charrues, chacune de huit bceufs." (' Etudes sur la Condition de 
 la Classe Agricole et I’etat de VAgriculture, en Normandie au moym 
 age. Par Leopold Delisle. 531, 532.) 
 
 In Archdeacon Hale’s f Domesday of St. Paul's, 5 there are various 
 entries indicating the number of oxen and horses employed in the 
 plough-teams on the demesnes of the different Manors. At p. xv of 
 the Introduction, the learned editor collects these entries in a tabular 
 form, as follows :— 
 
 “ The wainage of the Manor can be done with 2 ploughs of 8 head 
 (dualius carucis viij capitum). 
 
 “ Five ploughs ( carucce ) whereof iij have iiij oxen and iiij horses, and 
 two, six horses each. 
 
 “ Four ploughs of x head ( quatuor carucce x capitum,.') 
 
 “Three ploughs {earnest) of x head, viz. in each, viij oxen andij horses. 
 
 “ Two good ploughs ( carucce bonce) with xx head, viz. with x horses and 
 x oxen. 
 
 “ Two ploughs (carucce) of xx head, viz. with xij oxen and viij horses. 
 
 “ Two ploughs {carucce) with xvj head, viz. half of horses and half of 
 oxen. 
 
 “ The wainage can be done with xij oxen, and 4 stotts. 
 
 “ Hence, it appears that of whatever kind of animals the carucje, or 
 teams, were formed, there were in each team not less than six, eight, or 
 ten head of cattle, either horses alone, or beasts alone, or horses and beasts 
 intermixed.” 
 
 It would not be safe to venture any decisive opinion on the num¬ 
 ber of animals working in each plough at the time of the Survey in 
 Kent. We may conjecture them to have been eight, but the prac¬ 
 tice in one county, as cited above,' can be no certain guide to that 
 pursued in another. At the present day, our four-horse plough, the 
 usual team in Kent, is deemed preposterous in other counties, where 
 lighter ploughs and smaller teams are used, as more suited to the 
 soil, or the depth of ploughing adopted in those localities; and so, 
 again, the practice at the periods cited above, furnishes no con¬ 
 clusion as to the usage in the eleventh century. Eight seems to 
 be the probable number ; and this conjecture is supported by the 
 numbers, not integral parts of eight, which are named, when 
 speaking of the animals on the land, in instances where there was 
 not an entire team. 
 
 We have also corroborative evidence that eight was the usual 
 amount of the beasts of a team in Kent, in the following passage 
 from the ‘ Customs and Services of the Manor of Hailing in Kent, as 
 recorded in the Register of the Temporalities of the Church and 
 Bishoprick of Rochester, 5 p. 88 :— 
 
 Item. “ All the tenants ought with each plough of eight animals to 
 plough one acre of Beneherth.” (See Appendix XXII.) 
 
 But, perhaps, we may be here asked,—what, after all, was the 
 real acreage of a Carucate ? To this we can only reply in the 
 terms of an earlier Note (see Note 44), that the Carucate varied in 
 different localities, according to the soil or depth of ploughing 
 therein practised. It varied, also, according to the custom of the 
 district as to the routine of fallows, etc. 
 
 According to Fleta (lib. ii., ch. 72), the system of agriculture Car. 
 adopted in his time ( i. e. temp. Edw. I.), was to follow either the 
 * tripartite 55 or “ bipartite 55 system, i. e. a threefold or twofold 
 course of cultivation. The former consisting of a rotation of winter 
 corn. Lent corn, and fallow; the latter, one half for fallow and the 
 other half for winter and Lent corn. If the former, viz. the “ tri¬ 
 partite 55 system, be adopted, he says that the Carucate consists of 
 180 acres, inasmuch as 60 acres should be ploughed in winter, 60 in 
 Lent, and 60 in summer, for fallow; if the latter, the “ bipartite 55 
 system, then, he says, the Carucate consists of 160 acres,—half for 
 fallow and half to be sown in winter and Lent. (See Appendix 
 XXII.) 
 
 Supposing that this system prevailed also in the time of the Sur¬ 
 vey, we can gather from this passage, that the “ tripartite 55 system 
 was then followed in the common land of St. Martin's, near Dover, 
 as cited in Note 44; and so, also, in the passage which I have 
 quoted above in the present Note from the Inquisition of the Manor 
 of Hailing; the deposition of the witness, that “ each carucate of 
 land, by the custom of the district, contains one hundred and four¬ 
 score acres of arable land, 55 would imply that, at that time, viz. a.d. 
 
 1268, the “tripartite 55 system was adopted in that district. This 
 information is distinctly obtained from these passages compared with 
 the rule laid down by Fleta. But we are not a whit nearer a decided 
 statement of any fixed acreage for the carucate ; we are the rather 
 continued in the opinion that no such fixed measurement existed, 
 but that all depended on the soil, and the mode of husbandry adopted 
 in any particular district. In a Survey of the Lands of the Hos¬ 
 pitallers in England, made in the year 1338, which I edited for the 
 Camden Society, the Carucate, at Standon, in Hertfordshire, is esti¬ 
 mated at 100 acres; and at Hetherington, in Northamptonshire, at 
 the same amount. (See Hospitallers in England, pp. 89 and 118.) 
 
 It is evident, then, that we must not attempt anything more than 
 such approximation to the contents of the Carucate, as can be 
 gathered from the customs of the particular district that may 
 happen to be under discussion, and can only revert to our original 
 statement, that the Carucate consisted of as many acres as a plough 
 could work in a year, together with the land necessary for the main¬ 
 tenance of the oxen, etc. 
 
 (54.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 19,— “Inter totwm valet hex solidos.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 26,— “In all it is ivorth seventy shillings.” 
 
 The term “ valet" represents, not the valuation of the Manor, but y ALE . 
 the annual returns from it,—in fact, the supposed annual value in 
 money-rent, over and above the value of the prmdial services ren¬ 
 dered by the tenants, if let to farm. In this instance, the entry 
 records that the Demesne and Villenage together are annually worth 
 seventy shillings, and that, in the time of King Edward, the annual 
 value had been one hundred shillings. The cause of this difference 
 in value we are left to conjecture. Throughout the survey, the 
 annual value of the different Manors at these two periods is always 
 given, and, very frequently, there is added the value at the time it came 
 into the hands of present owner— {cpuwndo recepit). In a large majo¬ 
 rity of cases, the annual value at the time of the Survey was greater 
 than it was in the Confessor’s time. In the instance before us, there 
 is a depreciation in value, how arising, we know not;—perhaps there 
 was now a smaller portion under cultivation than formerly. Yet, I 
 must not be supposed as stating too dogmatically my opinion that 
 Valet represents the annual rental, and not the valuation of the entire 
 fee of the estate, because I am aware that the contrary has been 
 maintained by writers of great authority; I therefore advance my 
 opinion with much diffidence. I was first attracted to this view by 
 the entry at page 45 (Extension), 1. 18,— Ibi est unus Villanus red¬ 
 dens vj solidos, et tantum valet. This entry indicates very decisively 
 that it is the annual value which is represented in this particular 
 instance by the term valet; and this view is confirmed by the fre¬ 
 quent use of the word reddit, in the clauses of the Survey, where we 
 usually find valet. 
 
 I should still, however, have hesitated in declaring my opinion, 
 but for the strong confirmation given to it by Archdeacon Hale in 
 his oft-cited * Introduction. 5 The question being one of great im¬ 
 portance, I am sure that the readers of these observations will 
 
172 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Valet. be thankful for the insertion here of the Archdeacon’s learned 
 statements:— 
 
 “ Such phrases as ‘valet’ and ‘valuit’ would seem to indicate the value 
 of the whole estate, and such is the interpretation of the term, which has 
 been adopted by the learned Dr. Nash, in his ‘ Commentary upon the 
 Domesday of ’Worcestershire,’ and probably by other writers. A compa¬ 
 rison, however, of the Inquisitions of Manors in the Exchequer Domesday, 
 both with each other, and with Inquisitions of the St. Paul’s Domesdays, 
 will render it probable that the terms ‘valet’ and ‘valuit’ do not represent 
 the value of the whole estate, but only the aunual profit derived from 
 money rents.” 
 
 The Archdeacon then gives, in four parallel columns, the entries 
 in the Survey of some Royal and Ecclesiastical Manors. In two of 
 each, the value is given under the terms “ T. R. E. valuit” et “modo 
 valet ” (naming the sums) ; and in the other two it is, in one case, 
 “ T. R. E. valebat iiij libras et post xl solidos, modo lx solidos,— 
 tamen est ad firmam de iiij libris ;” and, in the other, “ T. R. E. 
 valebat xx libras, et .post xvj libras, modo xxx libras. Tamen red- 
 dit de firma xl libras, sed diu non potest pati,” which leads him to 
 remark:— 
 
 “ Since in very many cases it is the annual value, at which the estate 
 was let to farm, or the annual rent factually] received, which is recorded 
 in the Inquisition, we have ground for conjecture that.it was the annual 
 value which was sought to be ascertained in the Inquisition, and which is, 
 accordingly, expressed by the term vale/;, or valuit; —the truth of the con¬ 
 jecture being confirmed by its solving nearly all the difficulties which 
 follow from the supposition that ‘valet’ means the value of the fee-simple 
 of the estate, and also by reconciling the different descriptions of value 
 with each other. It will be observed, that in two of these manors, their 
 value put ad-firmam exceeded the other certified value. It is then obvious, 
 that all the values of these [four] manors are annual values; and there 
 being no reason to imagine, that, in these manors the term valet is em¬ 
 ployed in a peculiar sense, we conclude that generally, and in other cases 
 where the value of the estate put to farm is not given, the word valet alst) 
 means annual value. 
 
 “ It is further to be observed, that, in the ‘ Exchequer Domesday,’ the 
 
 terms reddit and redditus frequently supply the place of valet . 
 
 and, in three cases, as redditus per annum. These are a few out of many 
 instances which might be adduced to confirm the suggestion, that valet, 
 throughout the ‘ Exchequer Domesday’ means only the annual value of 
 money-rent, or the sum which the estate was worth when let to farm.” 
 (Introduction to ‘ Domesday of St. Paul’s.’) 
 
 (55.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 23,— “ Ilti quidam Francigena liabet j ccuruewm,. 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 29,— “A certain Frenchman has one team there. 33 
 
 Francigena. !t Francigena,” according to Kelham, was “ a Frenchman born, a 
 foreigner, an alien, in contradistinction to an Englishman,” and in 
 a note he adds, that the name was not necessarily confined to a 
 Frenchman, but “applied to all persons who could not prove them¬ 
 selves to be English.” 
 
 But a question here arises, what was the status of the Francigena 
 in a Manor ? With regard to his position in the State, he was to be 
 liable to the same taxation as an Englishman. Among the laws of 
 King William III., ch. iv. (according to Thorpe’s arrangement, 
 vol. i. p. 491), is the following:— 
 
 “De Jure Norjiaxorum qui ante adventum G-ulielmi Cites 
 
 FUERANT AnGLICANI. 
 
 “ Et omnis Francigena qui, tempore Edward! propinqui nostri, fuit in 
 Anglia particeps consuetudinum A nglorum, quod ipsi dicunt an hlote et 
 an scote, persolvat secundum legem Anglorum.” 
 
 And in his ‘ Glossary,’ sub “ Schot and Loth, Scot and Lot,” he 
 says, “ All taxes in general are usually understood under this deno¬ 
 mination. Scot is the A. S. ‘ sceat ’— money, tax, contribution; — 
 
 ‘ Contributiones public® scotta, appellarunt veteres. Lot, A. S. ‘ blot,’ 
 sors, symbolism, pars tributi sive solutionis alicujus, quam inter alios 
 quis tenetur prmstare.”’ (Spelman.) 
 
 The “Francigena,” then, according to the above, was a natu¬ 
 ralized Englishman; but, in the passage before us, it is difficult to 
 state positively what his position was in the Manor. He is named 
 
 separate and distinct from the “ Yillani” and the “ Bordariihe Francioena. 
 was not one of the tenants of the Manor, either in villenage or bor- 
 dage, and thus, apparently, a free tenant. The name frequently 
 occurs in the Survey, and, generally, under similar circumstances. 
 
 (56.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 24,—“ Canonici calumniantur. 33 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 31,—“ The Canons claim it. 33 
 
 If we refer to p. 2,1. 29 (Extension), we shall find this William Odo. 
 Fitz-Oger among those creatures of Odo holding of him twenty-nine 
 messuages which properly belonged to the King, but which the 
 Bishop seems to have appropriated to himself; and here we have 
 another instance of his boundless spoliations. He has seized a monas¬ 
 tery in Dover, the property of the Canons of St. Martin, and placed 
 in it this same William Fitz-Oger as his tenant. The Canons take 
 care to have their claim recorded in the Survey, and they must have 
 produced good evidence of that claim, or the Commissioners would 
 not have allowed it to appear in them return. 
 
 (67.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 35,—“ Cum iiij semis. 33 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 39,—“ With four slaves .” 
 
 We shall find no better account of the “Servus” than in the Servi. 
 
 eighth chapter of Kemble’s ‘ Saxons in England,’ wherein he dis-- 
 
 cusses at great length the different circumstances which reduced 
 men to the state of slavery, and describes the actual condition of the 
 slave himself when thus reduced to that state. We have not space 
 to follow that learned author through all his elaborate statements ; 
 we will, however, select sufficient for the purpose of explaining who 
 the “ Servi ” of Domesday were, always remembering that Kemble’s 
 description refers to a state of things many years anterior to the 
 time of the Survey, and that therefore it must be taken with many 
 modifications, and, in most parts, as relating to the original of the 
 Servi, rather than to their exact position at tbis time. 
 
 First, as to the circumstances which reduce to slavery, he says,— 
 
 “ Without confining ourselves to the definition in the law of Henry I. 
 
 (see Appendix XXIII.), we may distribute the different kinds of slaves into 
 classes, according to the different grounds of slavery. Tlius, they are serfs 
 casu or nature ; and the serfs casu comprise (I) serfs by the fortune of war; 
 
 (2) by marriage; (3) by settlement; (4) by voluntary surrender; (5) by 
 crime; (6) by superior legal power; (7) and by illegal power or injustice. 
 
 The remaining class are serfs ‘naturii,’ or by birth. 
 
 “ (1.) The serfs by fortune of war were those who were not left under 
 the public law, to enjoy a portion of their ancient freedom and possessions, 
 but were actually reduced to a state of pnedial or menial servitude by 
 their captors, and either reserved for household drudgery, or sold, at their 
 arbitrary will.” Thus, the original slaves of the Saxons were the van¬ 
 quished Britons. 
 
 “ (2.) The serf by marriage was the free man or free woman who con¬ 
 tracted that bond with a slave; in this case, the free party sank to the 
 condition of the uufree. 
 
 “ (3.) The serf by settlement is he who has taken up his abode in a 
 district exclusively inhabited by the unfree,” etc. 
 
 We need not follow Kemble in his description of this class of 
 “ Servi,” because it hardly bears upon the time of the Survey, unless 
 it be that passage which he gives in a note, that, among this class 
 may be reckoned “ malefactors, who sought an asylum in church or 
 other privileged lands, and who sometimes formed a very consider¬ 
 able number of dependants or retainers.” 
 
 “ (4.) The serf by voluntary surrender—the sua datione servus .of Henry’s 
 law .... Even the law of the Germans, so generally favourable to liberty, 
 contemplates and provides for the case of such a voluntary servitude. This 
 might arise in various ways : (i.) For example, a time of severe scarcity, 
 such as are only too often recorded in our ancient annals, unquestionably 
 drove even the free to the cruel alternative of either starvation or servitude. 
 
 ‘ Subdebant sepauper es servitio, ut- guanlulumcunque dealimentoporriycrent' 
 
 (i. e. The poor submitted themselves to servitude that they might obtain however 
 little of aliment), says Gregory of Tours, vij. 45. Gildas tells a similar tale 
 of the Britons (see Appendix) ,- and, even as late as the Norman conquest, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 173 
 
 we find Gsetflffid, a lady, directing by her will the manumission of all those 
 who had bent their heads in the evil days for food. 
 
 “ (ii.) Another wa3, no doubt, debt, incurred either through poverty or 
 crime; and, when the days of fierce and cruel warfare had passed away, this 
 must have been the most fertile source of servitude. I have not found among 
 the Anglo-Saxon remains any example of slavery voluntarily incurred by the 
 insolvent debtor; but the whole course of analogy is in favour of its exist¬ 
 ence, and Marculf supplies us with the formulary by which, among the 
 Franks, the debtor surrendered his freedom to the creditor. It may be 
 presumed that this servitude had a term, and that a certain period of ser¬ 
 vile labour was considered equivalent to the debt. 
 
 “ (iii.) The case of crime was undoubtedly a very common one, espe¬ 
 cially as those whose necessities were the most likely to bring them in 
 collision with the law, were those also who were least able to fulfil its 
 requirements, by payment of the fines attached to their ofFences. The 
 criminal whose own means were insufficient, and whose relatives, or lord, 
 would not assist him to make up the legal fine he had incurred, was either 
 compelled to surrender himself to the plaintiff, or to some third party, who 
 paid the sum for him by agreement with the aggrieved party. This was 
 technically called a Jn'ngian, and such a serf was called a witejieow, convict, 
 or criminal slave. These are the servi rcdemptione of Henry the First. 
 
 “ (iv.) Serfs by force or power are not those comprised in the first class 
 of these divisions, or serfs by the fortune of war ; these, of course, have lost 
 their freedom through superior force. But the class under consideration 
 are such as have been reduced to servitude by the legal act of those who 
 bad a right to dispose of them; as, for instance, a son or daughter by the 
 act of the father. It is painful to record a fact so abhorrent to our Chris¬ 
 tian feelings, but there cannot be the least doubt that this right was both 
 admitted and acted upon. (See Appendix XXIII.) 
 
 “ (v.) The next head includes the serfs by reason of crime. The dis¬ 
 tinction between these and the class of criminals who became slaves through 
 compact and redemption, (i. e., the witefeow of No. 4, iii.), is, that in their 
 case servitude was the direct punishment of their offence, and not merely 
 an indirect or mediate consequence.” 
 
 Kemble next proceeds to discuss the distinctions between these 
 two cases j but it will be unnecessary for us to enter into these 
 minute discrepancies. Among the instances which he gives of ser¬ 
 vitude as direct punishment for crime, is the following:— 
 
 “ Grimm cites the following case :—‘ Richilda, quas libertatem suam for- 
 nicando polluit, amisit .... filite illorum liber® permaneant .... nisi 
 forte adulterio vel fornicatione polluantur.’ It is true that the Anglo-Saxon 
 laws do not give us any enactment of a corresponding nature ; nevertheless, 
 
 1 entertain no doubt that fornication was a ground of slavery in the case 
 both of man and woman.” 
 
 Kemble had evidently overlooked that passage in the description 
 of the laws prevailing in Kent (Extension, p. 3, 1. 30) which declares 
 that, in cases of adultery, the punishment upon both man and woman 
 is slavery. (See note 38, p. 159, supra.) 
 
 He omits giving any example of his sixth head of servi easu, viz. 
 those made so by superior legal power—including them, probably, 
 among the cases of those whose crimes incurred the penalty of slavery. 
 
 With regard to the seventh case of “ servi casu,” viz. those who 
 have been reduced to slavery by illegal power, or injustice, he 
 remarks:— 
 
 “ Illegitimate children, poor relations, unfriended strangers, young per¬ 
 sons without power of self-defence, may thus have been seduced or forced 
 into a servile condition of life, escape from which was always difficult, 
 inasmuch as there is necessarily a prirnd facie case against the serf, and he 
 can have no standing in the court composed only of the free.” 
 
 With this case Kemble closes his list of those classes who are 
 
 He then discusses the other great division, which includes all the 
 servi natura nativi, or serfs by reason of unfree birth: 
 
 “ And as these are necessarily the children either of parents who are 
 both unfree, or (under particular circumstances) of one unfree parent, it 
 follows that their hereditary condition may arise from any one of the con¬ 
 ditions heretofore under examination. All the legitimate children of two 
 serfs are themselves irrecoverably serfs.” We need not follow Kemble 
 through all his arguments and references to authorities in discussing the 
 “ distinctions that may arise where the parents are of unequal condition, 
 as where the mother is free, the father unfree, and vice versd;" —that is, 
 in cases where there has been marriage between the parents ; but, if there 
 has been no marriage, “ the chattel thrown into the world, like any other 
 waif or stray, belongs domino loci (to the Lord of the Manor); it has a 
 value, can be worked or Bold; it is treasure trove of a sort, and, as it | 
 
 belongs to nobody else, falls to the Lord, as a compensation probably for Sebi 
 the loss of his neif’s services during pregnancy and the nonage of the child. 
 Whatever the origin of serfage may have been, it can hardly be questioned 
 that the lot of the serf was a hard one; and this, perhaps, not so much 
 from the amount of labour required of him, as from the total irresponsi¬ 
 bility of the master, in the eye of the law, as to all dealings between himself 
 and his ]>eow (*. e. his slave). 1 The Christian clergy, indeed, did all they 
 could to mitigate its hardships, but when has even Christianity itself been 
 triumphant over the selfishness and the passions of the mass of men ? 
 
 “ In [the] contemplation of [the] law, in fact, the slave is the absolute 
 property of his lord, a chattel to be disposed of at the lord’s pleasure, and 
 having a value only for the benefit of the lord, ‘or of some public authority 
 in his place. The serf cannot represent himself or others: his interests 
 must be guarded by others, for he himself has no standing in any public 
 court. He is not in any frifiborh, or association for mutual guarantee, for 
 he has nothing of his own to defend, and no power to defend what another 
 has. If he be slain by a stranger, his lord claims the damages, and not his 
 children : if the lord himself slay him, it is but the loss of so much value, 
 
 —a horse, an ox, gone—more or less. 1 Out of his death no feud can arise, 
 for the relatives who allowed him to fall into, or remain in slavery, have 
 renounced the family bond. . . . 
 
 “ But yet there was a gleam of hope: one solitary ray that made even 
 the surrounding darkness tolerable, and may have cheered the broken¬ 
 hearted serf through years of unrequited toil and suffering. The law that 
 reduced him to slavery made it also possible that he should be restored to 
 freedom. It did not shut from him this blessing, however distant it might 
 
 seem.It was the especial honour and glory of Christianity, that, 
 
 while it broke the spiritual bonds of sin, it ever actively laboured to relieve 
 the heavy burthen of social servitude. We are distinctly told that Bishop 
 Wilfrifi, on receiving the grant of Selsey from Csedwealha of Wessex, im¬ 
 mediately manumitted two hundred and fifty unfortunates, whom he found 
 there attached to the soil,—that those, whom by baptism he had rescued 
 from servitude to devils, might, by the grant of liberty, bo rescued from 
 servitude to man. (Bed. H. E., iv., 13.) Iu this spirit of charity, the 
 clergy obtained respite from labour for the Jieow (the slave) on the Sab¬ 
 bath, on certain high festivals, and on the days which preceded or followed 
 them. (Laws of Wihtrasd, 9, 10—Thorpe, voL i. p. 30 ; Laws of Ine, 3, 
 p. 105 ; Laws of Edward and Guthrum, 7, p. 171; Laws of Ethelred, viii. 
 
 2, p. 337). 
 
 “ The Lord wdio compelled his }>eow (slave) to labour between the sunset 
 on Saturday and the sunset on Sunday forfeited him altogether. (Laws of 
 
 Ine, 3—Thorpe, i. p. 105).to their merciful intervention it must 
 
 also be ascribed, that the will of a Saxon proprietor, laic as well as clerical, 
 so constantly directs the manumission of a number of serfs, for the soul's 
 heal of the testator. 
 
 .“ From what has been already cited, it must be evident that 
 
 there was a constantly growing tendency in favour of freedom, that the 
 clergy suggested every motive, and the law made every possible effort, at 
 least to diminish the more grievous circumstances of servitude. It is, 
 moreover, to be borne in mind, that a very large proportion of the Jieowas 
 (slaves), at any given time, were, in reality, criminal serfs—convicts expia¬ 
 ting their offences by their sufferings. 
 
 “ Taking all the circumstances into consideration, I am disposed to 
 think, that the mere material condition of the unfree population was not 
 necessarily, or generally, one of great hardship. It seems doubtful whe¬ 
 ther the labour of the serf was practically more severe, or the remuneration 
 much less, than that of an agricultural labourer in this country at this day: 
 his lord was bound to feed him for his own sake, and if, when old and 
 worn out, he wished to rid himself of a useless burthen, he could by an act 
 of emancipation, hand over his broken-down labourer to the care of a 
 Church which, with all its faults, never totally lost sight of the Divine pre¬ 
 cepts of charity. We are not altogether without the means of judging as 
 to the condition of the serf, and the provision made for him. Although 
 the instances which we may cite are not all, either of one period, or one 
 .country, or, indeed, derived from compilations having the authority of law, 
 they show sufficiently what opinion was entertained on this subject among 
 the ruling classes. In the prose version of Salomon and Saturn, it is said, 
 that every serf ought to receive yearly seven hundred and thirty loaves, 
 that is, two loaves a day, beside morning meals and noon meals; this can¬ 
 not be said to be a very niggardly portion. Again, the valuable document 
 entituled, Bectitudines singularum personarum, gives details respecting the 
 allowances made to the serfs in various prsedial or domestic capacities, 
 which would induce a belief, not only that they were tolerably provided 
 for, but even enabled, by the. exertion of skill and industry, to lay up funds 
 of their own towards the purchase of their freedom, the redemption of their 
 children, or the alleviation of their own poverty.” (‘ Saxons iu England,’ 
 vol. i. pp. 193 to 215.) 
 
 1 But soe p. 176, infra, the note from Bracton, cited by Sir II. Ellis. 
 
174 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Sebti. It is difficult to pass over without remark tlie suggestion here 
 
 made by Kemble that the “ Servus” of tbe time of which we are 
 speaking was, after all, in no worse position than is tbe agricultural 
 labourer of the present day. The experience of nearly half a century 
 in watching over the privations and hardships and sufferings of this 
 class, enables me to confirm the assertion,—ay, to the very letter. The 
 agricultural labourer is, to all intents and purposes, a slave; though 
 happily, ignorant of his bondage. The very Poor Laws of which we 
 make our national boast, are often converted into engines to rivet his 
 fetters. Removing all conscientious responsibility from the employer 
 (according to his own interpretation of them), the heart even of 
 many an otherwise benevolent man becomes as it were steeled 
 against the labourer who, when his master fails him, can claim 
 parochial relief; the employer feels that the man is not destitute, 
 for the entire parish is bound to maintain him; upon them lies 
 the responsibility, not upon himself. Even under the immense 
 changes that have been made in the Poor Laws by recent Acts 
 of Parliament, mitigation of this evil there is none; nay, the hand 
 of the oppressor, should any such arise, is rather strengthened than 
 otherwise. 
 
 In proof of the correctness of this assertion, I will state a few facts 
 that have come under my own observation. 
 
 The first case that I shall adduce was one that occurred during the 
 existence of the old Poor Law system. A hard-working man, with a 
 numerous family dependent on him for maintenance, applied to the oc¬ 
 cupier of a large farm for employment, asking the then market price of 
 daily labour for his wages. The farmer offered half this amount, which 
 was at once very naturally refused, as insufficient to keep the unfortu¬ 
 nate applicant from starvation. The only reply he received was, “Then, 
 you can go to the workhouse.” The poor fellow, of necessity, applied 
 for parochial relief. It was granted him because it could not, in his 
 circumstances, be legally refused; but the hard-hearted employer of 
 labour summoned him before the magistrates for the offence of 
 throwing himself and his family upon the parish, when he might 
 have obtained employment, had he chosen to take it, and he was 
 committed to prison accordingly. It is difficult to conceive any part 
 of the bondage endured by the ancient “ Servus” as more complete 
 slavery than this. Assuredly, the former was in the best position of 
 the two. 
 
 Another case I will name, as having occurred since the “ amend¬ 
 ment,” as it is called, of the Poor Laws. 
 
 A poor labouring man was attacked by sickness, and disabled 
 from work. On applying to the Board of Guardians for relief, his 
 petition was rejected, on the plea that his family was not sufficiently 
 numerous to entitle him to parochial assistance. From his employer 
 he could get nothing but “ Go to the relieving officer.” This official 
 could only report from the Board, that there was no hope of his 
 being allowed relief in his own home; that, if any were given him, 
 it must be in the Union House, to which, in that case, he must be 
 removed, with his wife and children, not to live together there, but 
 the wife parted from her husband, and the children from their 
 parents,—their home, meanwhile, broken up, and their little miser¬ 
 able furniture seized and sold from them by the parish. There was 
 no resource but the miserable prospect of the Union House, or such 
 alms for immediate relief as the minister of the parish could give or 
 procure for him from the charitable; his employer,meanwhile, revelling 
 in the abundance of a large farm, and sheltering himself under the hy¬ 
 pocritical subterfuge that the duty of relieving his disabled workman 
 rested with the parish, not with himself, and that if the poor fellow 
 was pitilessly driven from pillar to post, the law alone was to blame. 
 
 No “ Servus” of old could have fallen into this state of helpless 
 wretchedness, for his lord was bound to feed and maintain him 
 in sickness and in health. But the days of chivalry have passed 
 away; and, instead of the generous impulses which (notwithstanding 
 the tyranny natural to almost boundless power) moved the lordly 
 owner of countless manors towards his dependants and serfs, we 
 have the agricultural population almost entirely in the employ and 
 power of individuals, any one of whom, if he happen to be selfish and 
 hard-hearted,—deeming the acquisition of money to be the sole object 
 of life,—may display this hateful spirit to his poor, helpless workman, 
 as in the instance cited above. 
 
 In justice, however, to the employers who have come under my 
 own cognizance, I gladly assert that such instances as those which I 
 have adduced are of very rare occurrence. My only object has 
 
 been to illustrate the comparative positions of the ancient “ Servus” Servi. 
 and the agricultural labourer of the present -day, and to show 
 that the machinery is still extant to make the latter the worse of 
 the two. 
 
 Tn one respect, the appointment of a Board of Guardians to take 
 care of the poor operates banefully against them, inasmuch as it 
 saves the conscience of the ratepayer or overseer, by transferring 
 all responsibility to a body of men unknown, individually, to 
 the poor of any parish, and therefore they are secure in their 
 exemption from personal censure and the reproaches of their 
 suffering parishioners. The conscience of a corporation is prover¬ 
 bially of a most elastic nature ; any one individual among them, if 
 it be his inclination to do so, may boast in public of his charitable 
 and benevolent disposition;—forgetting his exactions and niggardly 
 treatment of his own labourers, and the scenes which occur between 
 him and these his dependants at home; he may attend public meet¬ 
 ings, and advocate eloquently the cause of the poor, thereby obtain¬ 
 ing an influential and popular name; but follow this individual to 
 his seat at the Board, whero the character that he has acquired by his 
 public display of sympathy for the poor gives him great authority 
 and power, and these he now uses in precisely an opposite direction to 
 that which might naturally have been expected from him. Here, at 
 the Board, there is no stern-heartedness, no mean evasion, of which 
 he is incapable. Here he can throw the responsibility upon others, 
 without injuring his own popularity. He will here relentlessly rivet 
 the chains of the poor, and return home with tears in his eyes, 
 bewailing the sternness of the law which has compelled him to a cruel 
 and adverse decision, and forbad the indulgence of all the kindlier 
 feelings of his nature. 
 
 Let me not be supposed to be casting reproach on the parties usually 
 constituting these Boards. Such cases as that which I have adduced 
 are of very rare occurrence; but being fully cognizant of the truth of 
 this one (albeit the existence of such a contemptible character is hardly 
 credible), I record it here as evidence of Kemble’s assertion that the 
 “ Servus” in f Domesday’ was not subjected to greater hardships than 
 may sometimes be inflicted on the agricultural labourer of the present 
 day; and as proof that prodigious power of persecution and tyranny 
 over the poor is still left, should any evil-minded, artful, designing 
 individual, like the one that I have put forth, devote himself, by 
 duplicity and dissimulation, to the acquisition of such influence and 
 power, as enable him to reduce the agricultural labourer to a state of 
 serfdom more intolerable than that of the ancient “ Servus.” The 
 machinery is there, and the wicked will use it; though, happily, men 
 capable of such iniquity are rarely to be found. 
 
 If we may judge of the real feelings of the “ Servus” of the Saxon 
 period by comparing it with those frequently exhibited by the actual 
 slave of the present day, in countries where slavery is recognized, 
 we may well suppose that their sense of bondage did not lie heavily 
 upon them. Again and again I have been told by those long i-esi- 
 dent in Turkey and Egypt, that if an offer of freedom be made to 
 the slave, he is reluctant to accept it, and feels far happier under the 
 shelter and protection of his master than he can expect to be, if sent 
 forth to the world free, to form such connection and earn such liveli¬ 
 hood as his new state of freedom might permit. 
 
 After all, is not the following the ethical elucidation of that 
 which to ordinary minds appears a singular and unaccountable 
 fatuity ? 
 
 The free labourer, as he calls himself, enters into a contract with his 
 master, each naturally striving to make the best terms in his power; 
 and, in forming this contract, the employer has a fearful advantage 
 over the individual seeking employment, in the threat of the work- 
 house to one unwilling to accept his terms. The contract concluded,the 
 labourer makes the best he can of his bargain; his heart is not with his 
 employer; all his care is to spare his strength as much as possible, 
 and to do no more work than can be rigidly required of him. The 
 master, on the other hand, is ever fretting and fumi ng at being 
 badly served; there is constant hostility between them, and no bond 
 of affection can ever bind them together. Nay, more, when the 
 labourer of the present day, free man as he deems himself to be, is 
 treated with a tyranny that makes his.service to his master little 
 else than actual bondage, assuredly “the iron enters into his soul” 
 with keener pang than any ever felt by the man who knows himself 
 to be nothing but a Slave. 
 
 Now, take the case of the real “ Servus.” There is no money 
 
NOTES. 
 
 175 
 
 Servo bargain between him and bis master, to engender doubts and jea¬ 
 lousies ; the mere impulse of human nature induces the master to 
 • have a feeling of compassion for the being that is entirely in bis 
 power. Thence ensues much kindness,—never thrown away upon, 
 the friendless,—the slave feels that he has a friend and protector in 
 his master, and therefore attaches himself strongly to him. A mutual 
 affection and regard hence springs up between them.—Verily, "there 
 still remaineth a Soul of good amidst things evil.” 
 
 In exemplification of this, let us here recall two instances that 
 occur in Holy Writ. First, that touching passage from the Second 
 Book of Kings, chap, v.:— 
 
 “Now Naaman, captain of the host of the King of Syria, was a great 
 man with his master, and honourable, because, by him the Lord had given 
 deliverance unto Syria; he was ako a mighty man in valour, but he was a 
 leper. And the Syrians had gone out by companies, and had brought 
 away captive out of the land of Israel a little maid; and she waited on 
 Naaman’s wife. And she said unto her mistress, would God my lord were 
 with the prophet that is in Samaria! for he would recover him of his 
 leprosy. And one went in and told his lord, saying, thus and thus said 
 the maid that is of the land of Israel. And the King of Syria said, Go to, 
 go, I will send a letter unto the King of Israel.” 
 
 Here, assuredly, is most touching and resistless evidence that the 
 captive maid of Israel had been treated kindly by her mistress, for 
 whom, in return, she felt a tender interest. 
 
 Take, again, the tale of the lordly centurion, in the Gospel 
 (Luke vii. 2), whose servant (SouXo?— Slave) was 
 
 “ Dear unto him, sick, and ready to die. And when he heard of Jesus, 
 he sent unto him the elders of the Jews, beseeching him that he would 
 come and heal his servant. And, when they came to Jesus, they besought 
 him instantly, saying that he was worthy for whom he should do this, for he 
 loveth our nation and hath built us a synagogue.” 
 
 Their prayer is at once heard— 
 
 “ And they that were sent, returning to the house, found the servant 
 whole that had been sick.” 
 
 Here is another instance of the affection subsisting between a 
 master and his slave—“he was dear unto him.” The former, a 
 man high in authority and of lordly power, full of love and 
 compassion for his servant, and sparing no pains to see him restored 
 to health. 
 
 Contrast the conduct of this centurion with the heartless reply of 
 the master to his labourer, as cited above,'—“Do not pester me; go 
 to the relieving officer,”—knowing all the time that this was mere 
 mockery, it not being in the power of that official to grant any 
 relief; and we may well cease to boast of what is called modern 
 freedom, or to deceive ourselves with the idea that the position of 
 the “ Slave” in ancient times was one of unmitigated misery, or that 
 he suffered more hardships than the agricultural labourer of the 
 present day. 
 
 But it is time that I close this long digression. I should not have 
 attempted it, had it not seemed to me of real historical importance 
 that, in comparing the state of ancient serfdom with the so-called 
 free labour of the present day, I should record the results of my own 
 experience for the use of those who have never been behind the 
 scenes, and, consequently, have little conception of what is daily 
 passing unobserved around them,—even of the fact that the 
 " Servus” still exists, however he may strive to conceal from himself 
 the real position in which he passes his life. 
 
 And now let us close these comparisons by reverting, once more, 
 to Kemble’s elaborate discussion. 
 
 To sum up their result, we gather that the “ Servus,”—or 
 “Nativus,” as he is called in the Conqueror’s laws,—the “ ]>eow” 
 of the Anglo-Saxons, had become a slave, either by the chances 
 of war, or by sale or delivery into that state by those who had the 
 legal power so to dispose of him,—or by his own voluntary sale 
 of himself,—or as being the child or descendant of those who had, 
 by any of those means, become slaves—and that there was always a 
 hope before him of manumission. 
 
 Having thus explained' the origin and prospects of the servile 
 condition, we will say a few words as to the duties imposed upon the 
 Servi on the demesne lands of the Manor:— 
 
 “From the same authority” (the Bectitudmes) , says Kemble, “we may 
 
 conclude that on an estate in general, serfs discharged the functions of Servi. 
 ploughman, shepherd, goatherd, swineherd, oxherd, and cowherd, barn-mau, 
 sower, hayward, woodward, dairymaid, and beadle or messenger. (See Ap¬ 
 pendix XXIH). While the Geneat, Cotsetla, Gobur, Beocere, 1 and Gafol- 
 swau, 2 were probably poor freemen, from whom a certain portion of labour 
 could be demanded in consideration of their holdings, 3 or a certain rent 
 (gafol) reserved out of the produce of the hives, flocks, or herds committed 
 to their care: and these formed the class of the Lcet and Esne, 4 poor mer¬ 
 cenaries, serving for hire or for their land, but not yet reduced to so low a 
 scale as the ]>eow (the servus).” (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. p. 215.) 
 
 I cannot resist inserting here a most graphic picture of the tone 
 of feeling incident to the life and occupations of the Servus, as 
 disclosed to us most vividly in that interesting MS. called f -ZElfric(s 
 Dialogue,’ for the publication of which, in the ‘Analecta Anglo- 
 Saxonica,’ we are deeply indebted to Mr. Thorpe. 
 
 A Master is supposed to be questioning his scholars on their 
 various occupation in life. Among the rest he asks— 
 
 “ M. What do those your comrades know ? 
 
 “ <S. Some are ploughmen,—some shepherds,—some herdsmen,—some 
 are also huntsmen,—some fishermen,—some falconers, etc. etc. etc. 
 
 “If. What do you say, Ploughman,—how do you work at your 
 task ? 
 
 “ P. Oh, my Lord, I toil too much. I go out at break of day, driving 
 the oxen to the field, and I yoke them to the plough,—there is no winter 
 so sharp that I dare keep at home, for fear of my master; but having 
 yoked ray oxen, and fastened my share and coulter, I am bound to plough, 
 every day, a full acre or more. 
 
 “ M. Have you any mate ? 
 
 “P. I have a boy driving the oxen 
 with a goad, who is even already hoarse 
 with cold and hallooing. 
 
 “ M. What more do you do in a day ? 
 
 “ P- Certainly—I have still more to 
 do. I must fill the oxen’s cribs with hay, and give them water, and carry 
 out their dung. 
 
 “M. Oh! oh!—it is great labour. 
 
 “ P. Yes, the labour is great ,—because I am not free ! 
 
 “M. What say you, Shepherd; have you any toil? 
 
 ‘ S. Yes, I have. In the first of the morning I drive my sheep to the 
 pastures, and I stand over them, in heat and cold, with my dogs, lest the 
 wolves devour them,—and I bring them back to the folds, and milk them 
 twice a day; and besides that, I shift their folds, and make cheese and 
 butter,—and am faithful to my master. 
 
 “ M. Ho! Herdsman, what work do you do ? 
 
 “H. Oh, my Lord! I toil much,—when the ploughman unyokes his 
 oxen, I take them to the pastures, and, all night, I stand over them, keeping 
 watch for thieves, 6 —and again, in the first of the morning, I hand them 
 over to the ploughman, well fed and watered.” 
 
 Fleta, in liis chapter on the duties of the ploughman (Lib. II. 
 cap. 78, De Fugatoribus Garucarum), lays down rules for the treat¬ 
 ment of the beasts, when at work in the fields, and again when at 
 rest in their stalls, which I do not hesitate to transcribe here as a 
 very pleasing commentary on the little dialogue which I have cited 
 from HSlfric :— 
 
 “Fugatorum autem ars est, ut boves tequo sciant conjunctos fugare,_ 
 
 ipsos non percutiendo, pungendo, seu gravaudo. § 2. Non eniin esse 
 debent melancholici, vel iracundi, sed gavisi, cantantes, et hetubundi, ut 
 per melodius et cantica, boves in suis laboribus quodammodo delectentur, 
 ipsisque foragium et prtebendam deferre,—ipsosque debent araare, et 
 noctanter cubitare cum eisdem, ipsosque prurire, striliare, torcare, bene in 
 omnibus custodire, prospiciendo ne foragium eorum furetur, vel pnebenda; 
 nec pro duabus noctibus siraul, vel tribus, fiat liberatio feeni vel liters; sed 
 paulatim de die in diem, prout fuerit necessarium, liberetur eisdem: nec 
 quod caudelam liabeaut, prout dictum est, sustineatur.” 
 
 This kindly, joyous cheering of his beasts by the ploughman, the 
 avoidance of flogging or goading, or any the slightest cruelty or 
 irritability towards them when at work; and the enjoinment that 
 they be cleaned, curried down, and well and carefully foddered 
 
 1 Bee-master. 
 
 3 a tenant who paid a portion of his swine for the privilege of foeding them on the 
 lands of the Manor. 
 
 3 “ This is the Robot of Slavonic countries,—the Operatio of our Norman law;_a 
 
 mere labour-rent, necessary in countries where there is no accumulated capital, and wealth 
 (for want of markets) consists only in land, and limbs wherewith to till it.” 
 
 4 The Bordarii of the Survey. 
 
 5 See Note 52, p. 168, supra, where the duties of the Gebcr are enumerated. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 170 
 
 before dark, and that the most tender care be taken of them in their 
 stalls,—even such terms as ipsosque debent ama/re being added to the 
 injunction,—is charming to read,and might well be translated, printed, 
 and suspended in every labourer’s cottage in the kingdom. 
 
 Our ploughboy in Kent, though occasionally cheering himself 
 (perhaps, too, his beasts in listening to him) by whistling and 
 singing, is somewhat reticent in talking to his team when at work 
 in the fields. He stimulates them more by the sound of his whip 
 than that of his voice. I purposely say sound, because he is rarely 
 cruel in flogging them. But in the western parts of Cornwall, during 
 the ploughing season, for many a mile, the ringing sounds of the 
 ploughman’s voice may be heard, as he cheers on his beasts to then- 
 work. When rambling among the shady lanes there, I have often 
 been reminded of that reply in our dialogue ,—“ I have a boy driving 
 the oxen, who is already hoarse with hallooing.” 
 
 In p. 173, supra, I have quoted Kemble’s observations on the hopes 
 held out to the Servos of ultimate manumission, and the great efforts 
 made by the Church to secure to him this blessing, and to amelio¬ 
 rate his present state. The Anglo-Saxon laws, also, were con¬ 
 stantly labouring in that direction; indeed, as Sir Henry Ellis 
 observes, 
 
 “ The amelioration of the Servi fx-om anythiag like absolute slavery, 
 forms a strong feature in the Anglo-Saxon laws: and we have the autho¬ 
 rity of Bi-acton, at a later period, for asserting that, however unhappy the 
 condition of the Servi was in other respects, yet their lives and their 
 limbs were under the protection of the laws, so that, if the master killed 
 his bondman, he was subject to the same punishment as if he had killed 
 any other person.” (Bracton, fib. i. 9.) 
 
 Kemble gives various forms of manumission, as used by the 
 Saxons, and in the Laws of the Conqueror (in. xv.—Thorpe, i. 
 p. 493, see Appendix XXIII), we have an enactment setting out the 
 form of emancipation to be adopted. In the next chapter (xvi.) it is 
 enacted, that if a slave remained in a city or walled town, or in any 
 of the king’s castles for a year and a day, without being claimed 
 by his Lord, he was, thenceforth, and for ever, emancipated from 
 slavery. 
 
 In the Charters, Inquisitions, etc., of the thirteenth century, we 
 hardly ever find a trace of slavery then existing. I have a strong 
 impression that the system had entirely died out, through the spirit 
 of the laws and the benevolence of the Lords, influenced by their 
 Clergy, in the course of two or three generations after the Conquest. 
 Madox, in his ‘ Formulai-e,’ certainly gives several instances of sales 
 of “ Nativi,” apparently in. the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
 though no actual dates are assigned, and one in A.D. 1317 (no. 556). 
 He also gives deeds of the emancipation of “ Nativi ” (i. e. slaves), 
 whom he, in the max-gin calls “Villains,”—one of the time of Ric. 
 II.; another, t. Hen. V.; and the last, incredible as it may appear, 
 as late as 2 Hen. VIII., which is an enfranchisement by George 
 Nevile, Lord of Bergevenny, of his “ Nativus,” Andrew Borde. 
 
 Difficult as it may be to believe in the existence of actual Slavery 
 in the year 1510, yet the words of this enfranchisement are so pre¬ 
 cise and clear that no one who roads them can any longer entertain 
 a doubt on the subject. Madox gives them as ti-anscribed from an 
 original document, ex autographo. 
 
 The following literal translation of them into English will foi-m a 
 fit conclusion to this note, and will hardly be deemed out of place 
 here, from their important value in illustrating the history of 
 Slavex-y:— 
 
 “ To all faithful Christians to whom the present writing shall come, 
 George Nevile, Lord of Bergevenny, —Health iu the Lord.—Know ye, 
 that I the foresaid George have manumitted Andrew Borde, son of John 
 Borde, my Native (Xa/ivum mewni) to my Manor or Domain of Dychelyng, 
 in the County of Sussex belonging;—and the same Andrew have made 
 free, and from all the yoke of Slaveiy, villenage, and servile condition have 
 made him fx-ee;—so, forsooth, that neither I the foresaid Lord of Berge¬ 
 venny, nor my heirs, nor any other, for us, or in our name, any right or 
 claim to the foresaid Andrew, or to his goods or chattels, to whatever parts 
 of the world they may be transferred, shall be able, or ought, in future, to 
 demand, claim, or challenge; but from all action of right or claim thereof, 
 are for ever excluded by these presents.—In testimony whereof, to this 
 present writing I have affixed my seal.—Given, the twenty-seventh day of 
 the month of June, in the year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, 
 the second. 
 
 “ G. Bergevenny.” 
 
 (See Madox, ‘ Fornvtdare Anglicanum ,’ No. 765, p. 420, ed. London, 
 
 1702. In the margin, Madox entitles this document an Enfran- Servi. 
 cMsement of a Villain Regardant.) 
 
 (68.) 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 35,—“ Pater eiusdem Sired tenuit inprebenda.” 
 Translation, p. 94,1. 40 ,—“ The father of the same Sired held it as a 
 prebend.” And 
 
 Extension, p. 4,1. 42,—“ Pater hums tenuit in prebenda.” 
 
 Translation, p. 94,1, 45,— “His father held it as a prebend.” 
 
 “ It was the common custom throughout Normandy for Priests to be 
 openly married, aud, begetting sons and daughters, they left their churches, 
 after their death, like an inheritance, and, when they gave their daughters 
 in marriage, they often bestowed on them a Church for their dowry, if 
 they possessed no other property;—and when they took wives, they swore, 
 in the presence of their parents, before cohabitation, that they would never 
 desert them. Hence it happened that the Priests’ wives, being under 
 apprehension that they should be separated from them, sought to kill 
 S‘ Bernard, aud the Priests themselves joined in the plot, in order to deter 
 him from preaching.” (See Ordericus Vitalis, ed. Forester, London, 1856, 
 vol. iv. p. 29, note.) 
 
 That the celibacy of the Clergy was not enforced in England also, 
 at this time, is evident fx-om the passage of the Survey which we are 
 discussing,—and, in the next page of the 'Extension,’ we have 
 several more enti-ies of similar import. All of these furnish a 
 valuable illustration of the quasi inheritance of preferment made by 
 married Priests to their children, as asserted by the biographer of 
 St. Bernard, in the passage above quoted. These Prebendaries seem 
 to have bequeathed their Prebends to their sons. Still, if the Record 
 of the Survey be true, that the Prebends were undivided, and held in 
 common, till Odo assigned them to the Prebendaries respectively, 
 these bequests, or rather appointments, must have been with the 
 consent of the whole community, unless, as I have suggested in 
 note 49, p. 162, supra, those who are specified as holding separate 
 Prebends, at the time when the possessions of the Priory were undi¬ 
 vided, may have been in the position, not of individual owners, but 
 in that of Tenants, or rather, as members of the Priory, located 
 there by the general consent of the Chapter. 
 
 It certainly is perplexing to reconcile our ideas of conventual life 
 to the residence of a married couple within the walls of the Priory; 
 and we can readily und ex-stand that an arrangement might have been 
 made for the married Priest to reside on a Prebendal Manor,—and, 
 still further, there need be little difficulty in imagining that the 
 interest of the father with the Community may have readily secured 
 the revei-sion of the Tenancy,— nay, of the ownership of the indi¬ 
 vidual Prebend itself (after Odo’s new laws),—to his son. 
 
 Assuredly these two entries on the Record are instances of the Celibacy i 
 non-celibacy of the Clergy in England in those days. The enforce- Clergy. 
 ment of their celibacy >vas very gradually effected, and it is difficult 
 to name the pi-ecise date or Council at which the prohibition from 
 matrimony was finally and successfully established. The first Pope 
 that forbad the Clergy to marry was Siricius, who died a.d. 399; 
 but his injunctions were of little avail. Throughout the tenth and 
 eleventh centuries there were Synods without end, repeating vainly 
 the same ordinances,—all were disregarded. Gregory VII. (Hilde¬ 
 brand) was, from the first, the most violent and determined oppo¬ 
 nent of the marriage of Priests. At the very commencement of his 
 Pontificate he assembled a Council at Rome, a.d. 1074, at which it 
 was peremptorily decreed that the Clergy should abstain from matri¬ 
 mony ; but the publication of this decree was fiercely opposed by the 
 Priests, who excited great commotions thereon throughout Europe, 
 and it was disobeyed to a great extent, especially in Noimandy and 
 England. At the Council of Plaisance ( Placentmvm ) in 1095, and 
 at numerous Councils and Synods that followed, the decree was 
 again and again repeated,—and this assuredly proves the reluctance 
 with which it was obeyed. 
 
 At the Council of Rheims (Remense), A.D. 1119, it was deemed 
 necessax-y again to repeat it. Ordericus Vitalis, who was probably 
 present at this Council, gives us long and full details of all that 
 passed there ; and, at the Synod of Rouen, in November of the same 
 year, on the promulgation of this decree, the most violent com¬ 
 motions ensued, instigated by the Priests and then- wives. “At 
 that time,” says the biographer of St. Bernard, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 177 
 
 Celibacy of While upon the subject of the celibacy of the Clergy, I may be 
 Clbbgf. allowed to state that very numerous charters have passed through 
 my hands, proving that the marriage of Priests was of common 
 occurrence in England during the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth 
 centuries. It would be beside our purpose to prolong the discussion 
 in these pages,—it belongs to an Ecclesiastical History, rather than 
 to the subject of our labours. I have stated sufficient to satisfy us 
 that we need not be staggered at the record of a Prebendary of 
 St. Martin’s being a father T.R.E.,—and of his son’s succeeding him 
 in his Prebend. 
 
 (59.) 
 
 Extension, p. 5,1. 3,—“ Et ibi dimidiam ca/rucam in dominio .” 
 Translation, p. 95,1. 6,—“ And half a team there in demesne, and 
 five bordars.” 
 
 Doubtful In the unextended original it is thus—“ et ibi dimid car in dnio, 
 Extension. e fc v bordj” and therefore, it is possible that these words should have 
 been extended et ibi dimidia caruca in dominio, et v bordarii, and 
 that they should have been translated thus,— and there is half a 
 team there in demesne, and five bordcurs. But collating this entry 
 with previous parallel passages, it seemed to me that they should be 
 taken as the conclusion of the paragraph which precedes them, viz. 
 habet dimidium solin in Gornilai hundredo, and that the habet of that 
 • paragraph governs the entire'passage. 
 
 ( 00 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 5,1. 5,—“ Dimidium solin, et adhne xxv acras.” 
 Translation, p. 95, 1. 8 ,—“Half a suling, and twenty-five acres 
 besides. 
 
 Acha. It may be well, on this first occurrence in our Survey of the term 
 
 Acre, to assure ourselves as to its real measurement. From all the 
 authorities to which I have had access, I conclude that the Acre of 
 those days differed but imperceptibly from our modern Statute acre. 
 Kemble (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. p. 96) arrives at the same con¬ 
 clusion—to which he is led by the following passage in HUlfric’s 
 * Dialogue’ (edited by Mr. Thorpe in his ‘ Analecta Anglo-Saxonica’), 
 whore the ploughman is made to say—“ Having yoked my oxen, and 
 fastened my share and coulter, I am bound to plough every day a 
 full acre or more.” 
 
 “Now, experience proves that a plough drawn by oxen will hardly 
 exceed this measure, upon average land, at the present day; an acre and a 
 quarter would he a very hard day’s work for any ploughman under such 
 circumstances. Hence, for all practical purposes, we may assume our 
 actual acre not to differ very materially from the Anglo-Saxon.” 
 
 And he repeats this assertion, vol. i. p. 492, as cited in Note 63, 
 infra (p. 178). On this authority, we may consider the acra of the 
 Survey as generally equivalent to our modem Statute acre. 
 
 (61.) 
 
 Extension, p. 5, 1. 17,—“ Tenet Willelmm Pictavensis dimidimi 
 solin” etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 93, 1. 22,—“ William of Poitiers holds half a suling,” 
 etc. 
 
 William of 
 Poitiers. 
 
 William of Poitiers, Archdeacon of Coventry, was the Con¬ 
 queror’s Chaplain, and wrote a history of his life and actions, entitled 
 ‘ Gesta Gulielmi Ducis Normannorum et Regis Anglorum.’ This 
 history is in Duchesne’s Collection, ‘ Recueil des Historiens 
 Normands.’ 
 
 Some account of this William of Poitiers is given in ‘ Ordericus 
 Yitalis,’ vol. ii., ed. London, 1853, as translated by Mr. Forester, 
 p. 46:— 
 
 “ He was by birth a Norman, being a native of the Town of Preaux, 
 where his sister was Abbess of a Convent of Nuns, dedicated to S' Leger. 
 He is called William of Poitiers, because in that city he drank deeply at 
 the fountain of learning. Returning into his own country, he became 
 eminent as the most learned of all his neighbours and fellow-students, and 
 
 made himself useful to Hugh and Gislebert, Bishops of Lisieux, in eccle- William 
 siastical affairs, as Archdeacon of that diocese. He had served with PolTIE “ s - 
 courage in a military career before he took orders, fightiug bravely for his 
 earthly sovereign, so that he was the better able to describe with precision 
 the scenes of war, from having himself been present and encountered their 
 perils. As ago came on, he devoted himself to seieuce and prayer, and 
 was more capable of composing in prose or verse, than of preaching. ’ He 
 frequently wrote clever and agreeable poems, adapted for recitation, sub¬ 
 mitting them, without jealousy, to the correction of his juniors.” 
 
 With regard to his history, Ordericus acknowledges that up to the 
 period of which he was then writing, viz. a.d. 1071, he had been 
 indebted to William of Poitiers for his materials:— 
 
 “ I have briefly followed, in many parts, his narrative of King William 
 and his adherents, without copying all he has written, or attempting to 
 imitate his elegant style.” 
 
 (62.) 
 
 Extension, p. 5,1. 18,— “Dimidium solin zij acras minus.” 
 
 Translation, p. 95, 1. 22,—“ Half a suling less twelve acres.” 
 
 In many passages parallel to this there may well arise a question. Minus. 
 whether the extension should not be xij acris minus, rather than 
 xij acras minus; but, in the original here, it is decidedly acras. 
 
 And, throughout the entire Survey of all the counties, in the 
 majority of the instances where this form occurs, it is in the accusa¬ 
 tive. Still there are many passages where it is written in the 
 ablative, acris. 
 
 In our Kent Domesday we have the following varieties:— 
 
 Facsimile, p. 1% col. 2, 1. 18,—"dimid solin xij ac a s minus.” 
 
 „ p. 5 b , col. 1,1. 30,—“ xxj lib, ij 08 solid minus.” 
 
 ,, p. 8 b , col. 1, 1. 25,—“ c uiffi iij mini cu lxi cot hnt.” 
 
 „ p. 9 a , col. 2, in margin,—“ p i solin dimidio iugo m.” 
 
 „ p. 12 b , col. 1,1. 12,—“ij solins dimid iugu min.” 
 
 ,, p. 12 b , col. 1,1. 14,—“iij solins lx ac“s miS.” 
 
 ,, p. 13 a , col. 2,1. 5,—“un solin dimid uirga mini.” 
 
 ,, p. 14 a , col. 1, 1. 9,—“ten dimid solin una uirga mini.” 
 
 Among the ‘Pedes Finium’ of Kent, No. 108, 8 Jo., we have dis¬ 
 tinctly this form in extenso, — quinque denarios, uno guadrante 
 miwus. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that in these formulas the ancient scribes 
 used the ablative and accusative indiscriminately. It is not for the 
 scholar to pronounce either form to be erroneous, however fastidious 
 he may be in his ideas of correct grammatical construction. 
 
 (63.) 
 
 Extension, p. 5,1. 21,—“ Tenet Adeloldus iij virgas.” 
 
 Translation, p. 95, 1. 26,—“ Adelold holds tlvree virges.” 
 
 Three questions arise here, viz.— Virga. 
 
 1st. Should virg be extended virga or virgata ? 
 
 2nd. Should it be rendered virge or virgate ? 
 
 3rd. What was the precise measurement of this quantity of 
 land? 
 
 1. With regard to the first question, a reference to the original 
 facsimile will be our best instructor. The word occurs twelve times 
 in the Kent Survey, viz. at— 
 
 Facsimile, p. l b , col. 2,1. 21,—“ Ten Adelold 9 iij uirg” (no mark of 
 contraction). 
 
 ,, p. 4 n , col. 1,1. 21,—“ Jacet in Limes dimid iugu et dimid 
 uirga” (no mark of contraction). 
 
 ,, p. 10% col. 1,1. 39,—“ Ten dimid solin et iij uirg 1 .” 
 
 ,, p. 10% col. 2,1. 15,—“ Ibi e un iugu t?re et una uirga” (no 
 
 mark of contraction). 
 
 ,, p. 12% col. 2,1. 13,—“ Habet iij uirg 1 ¥re.” 
 
 ,, p. 13% col. 1, 1. 47,—“ Ten dimid iug & dimid uirga.” 
 
 „ p. 13% col. 2, 1. 6,—“Ten un solin dimid uirga miS” (no 
 
 mark of abbreviation). 
 
 ,, p. 13% col. 1,1. 15,—“Ten iij uirg 1 et dimid.” 
 
 ,, p. 13% col. 1, 1. 19,—“Ten iij a iuga & dimid uirga” (no 
 
 mark of abbreviation). 
 
 2 y 
 
178 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Vibga. Facsimile, p. 13 b , col. 2,1. 30,—“ Ten qumdam femina j uirga.” 
 
 „ p. 14“, col. 1,1. 9 ,—“ Ten dimid solin una uirga mi3.” 
 
 „ p. 14°, col. 1, 1. 23 ,—“ Est una uirga tre in Suestone (no 
 
 mark of abbreviation over uirga). 
 From these examples, we may gather that virga is the proper 
 extension of virg, not virgata. The 2nd, 4th, 7th, 12th examples 
 indicate this most clearly,—the 4th and 12th most decisively. 
 
 2. The answer to the second question follows of necessity, viz. 
 that virge is the proper rendering in English. 
 
 3. The third question, as to the precise measure of the virge, is 
 involved in much doubt. I will adduce such instances of its occur¬ 
 rence as may throw some light on the question, when taken in con¬ 
 nection with their respective contexts :— 
 
 (i.) Extension, p. 5,1. 21, the context is,— 
 
 “ Tenet Adeloldus iij uirgas. Et ibi habet iij uillanos et viij bordarios 
 cum j caruca.” 
 
 (ii.) Extension, p. 14,1. 21,— 
 
 “ Dimidium iugum et dimidia uirga. ... Ibi babet j carucam, et unum 
 villanum, cum xviij bordariis, babentes j carucam et dimidiam.” 
 
 (iii.) Extension, p. 38,1. 39,— 
 
 “ Tenet dimidium solin et iij virgas et ibi babet in dominio j carucam 
 et j villanum cum x bordariis, habentes j carucam.” 
 
 (iv.) Extension, p. 41,1. 15,— 
 
 “ Ibi est unum Jugum terra, et una uirga. Et ibi sunt iij villani. 
 Yalet et valuit semper xv solidos.” 
 
 (v.) Extension, p. 49,1. 13,— 
 
 “ Habet iij virgas terre. Et ibi est in dominio j caruca, cum v 
 bordariis.” 
 
 (vi.) Extension, p. 50, 1. 47,— 
 
 “ Tenet dimidium jugum et dimidiam virgam. . . . Terra est ad j 
 carucam.” 
 
 (vii.) Extension, p. 51,1. 6,— 
 
 “ Tenet unum solin dimidia virga minus. Terra est iij carucarum. 
 Ibi xiiij sochmanni habent iij earucas.” 
 
 (viii.) Extension, p. 52,1. 15,— 
 
 “Tenet iij virgas et dimidiam. . . . Ibi, modo unus villanus habet 
 dimidiam carucam cum iij bordariis.” 
 
 (ix.) Extension, p. 52,1. 19,— 
 
 “ Tenet iij juga et dimidiam virgam. . . . Terra est iij carucarum. 
 Ibi modo ij caruca; in dominio. Et xv villani, cum ix bordariis habent 
 iij carucas et dimidiam.” 
 
 (x.) Extension, p. 53,1. 30,— 
 
 “ Tenet quaadam fcemina j virgam, valet iij solidos.” 
 
 (xi.) Extension, p. 54,1. 9,— 
 
 “ Tenet dimidium solin unam virgam minus. . . . Terra est v caruca¬ 
 rum—In dominio sunt ij”. Et xxxj bordarii habent iij carucas.” 
 
 (xii.) Extension, p. 54, 1. 23,— 
 
 “ Est una virga terra in Suestone. ... Ibi modo est unus bordarius 
 xij denarios reddens. T.B.E. valebat xxx denarios. Et post xviij. 
 Modo, iij solidos.” (See Note 54, p. 171, supra, as to the proper 
 meaning of the expression Yalet.) 
 
 From these materials, let us see what inferences we can draw as to 
 the true measurement of the Virge. 
 
 But first, as a valuable guide to us in our investigations, I will 
 here insert a few passages from Kemble’s ‘Saxons in England,’ 
 vol. i. Appendix, p. 489 :— 
 
 “ It is necessary to bear in mind, that the Hid is exclusively arable land, 
 and that in the case where the number of Hides equalled the whole acre¬ 
 age, there could have been neither forest, nor meadow, nor pasture. . . . 
 Sometimes; these bear a very small proportion to the arable, and to the 
 number of cattle owned,—a fact perhaps to be explained by the existence 
 of extensive commons. 
 
 “ Let us now endeavour to settle the amount, as well as the proportions 
 of the Hid and its several parts. As I have said, the Hid consisted of four 
 Virgates ,—the Virgate of four ferlings. (Erom fcower, four; Feorling, 
 or Feorling, are similar formations, and denote a fourth, or farthing, in 
 money or land, also in corn.) I do not give examples, because they 
 may be found in every other entry in Domesday; but I may add that the 
 gyld, or tax, payable to the King from the land, is based upon precisely 
 the same calculation. The Hid paid 6 shillings (worth now about 18s. Gd.), 
 the Virgate Is. 6<7., and the ferling or 4 \d. . . . Now, if we can obtain 
 the value of any one of these denominations, we can calculate all the rest 
 with security. The value of the Virga, of Tardland, we can obtain,—it 
 consisted of ten Norman agri, acra, or acres , perhaps eight, or eight and a 
 third Saxon. 
 
 “In the Exeter Domesday, fol. 48 (vol. iii. p. 42), we find ten hydes of VinoA. 
 land to be made up of the following parcels: 
 
 “4 hides + 1 virg + 10 agri, + 5h hides, + 4 agri. 1 
 
 Then 10 h. = 9b h. + 1 v. + 10 a. 
 
 Or 10—9b h. = 1 v. + 10 a. 
 
 Or j h. = 1 v. + 10 a. 
 
 But | h. = 2 v. 
 
 .-. 2 v. = 1 v. + 10 a. 
 
 2-1 v. =10 a. 
 
 .-. 1 v. = 10 agri. 
 
 But 1 hyd = 4 virg = 1G ferling. 
 
 1 hyd = 40 acres = 33| Saxon. 2 
 
 1 ferl. = 2\ acres = 2^ Saxon. 
 
 “It will now be seen why I have given a column in which the whole 
 acreage was measured by a calculation of forty acres to the Hid. ... I do 
 not believe that one ager was less than half a ferling. It was either more 
 than half a ferling, or equal to it. But half a ferling = lb Norman acre, 
 which is more than one Statute acre; therefore, we may conclude that the 
 ager, or acre, was equal to half a ferling. The way I understand this is by 
 the assumption that the Saxon acre was somewhat larger than the Norman; 
 we know that they differed in point of extent, and it is possible that the 
 original Saxon calculation was founded upon multiples of eight, while 
 the Norman was reduced to a decimal notation. If this were so, we may 
 believe that the Hid was the unit, and that its principal subdivisions 
 remained, being familiar to the people, but that the value of the acre was 
 slightly changed. Hence, that the 
 
 “ Saxon Hid = 32 Saxon acres = 40 Norman acres. 
 
 Saxon Virga = 8 Saxon acres = 10 Norman acres. 
 
 Saxon Ferling = 2 Saxon acres = 2b Norman acres. 
 
 “ The document entitled ‘ Eectitudines singularum personarum ’ sdys 
 that the poor settler, on first coming in, ought to have seven acres laid 
 down for him in seed, out of his Tardland; and the same authority implies 
 that his grass-land was usually short of his need. This it might be, if he 
 had only one acre to support the two oxen and one cow with which his 
 land was stocked on entry. ... It is obvious that all these calculations 
 are ultimately founded upon the value of the acre relative to our own Statute 
 measure, in which the Survey of 1841 is expressed. That ager and acra 
 are equivalent terms appears from their being used interchangeably in 
 various entries of Domesday. Nor is there any good reason to suppose 
 that the Normans made any violent change in the values of these several 
 denominations, although they might adopt more convenient subdivisions of 
 the larger sums. They did just the same thing in respect to the Saxon 
 money. Besides, as it was from the Saxons that they derived the informa¬ 
 tion which the Survey contains, it is reasonable to believe that the Saxon 
 values were generally adopted, at least, as far as the Hid was concerned. 
 
 The minute subdivision of land consequent upon the Conquest probably 
 rendered it necessary to pay special attention to the smaller units, and I 
 can conceive nothing more likely than a slight change in the value of the 
 acre, while the Hid and Virgate remained unaltered. Then, where an 
 estate comprised only one Saxon acre, it might readily be considered equal 
 to half a ferling, or lb Norman measure, for it would have been difficult 
 and complicated to express it in other terms. In fact, where small frac¬ 
 tional parcels of land were to be subtracted, the Commissioners were 
 generally glad to avoid details, and enter A. has so much in demesne, and the 
 Villani have aliam terrain, the rest of the land. If the Saxon ager paid for 
 half & ferling in the time of the Confessor, it was likely to be taken at that 
 value in the Survey; for the law, guce de minimis non cwat, could hardly 
 notice so trifling a deviation. The approximate value of the Saxon acre, 
 however, I have given;—it was one day’s work for a plough and oxen, in 
 other words, very nearly our own Statute acre.” 
 
 These elaborate investigations of Kemble assuredly may be deemed 
 almost decisive that the Virgp. or Virgate should be taken generally 
 as equal to 10 Norman (or Statute) acres, and therefore were one- 
 fourth of a Hide. Webb, as cited by Sir H. Ellis (vol. i. p. 155) 
 from a consideration of the Ely and Exeter MSS., arrives at the 
 same conclusion; and, for our own immediate purpose, we may 
 reject for the present the various measurements assigned to it by 
 Agard and Nash. (See Sir H. Ellis, vol. i. pp. 155, 156.) 
 
 In Note 44, p. 160, supra, I have endeavoured to prove that a 
 Jugum was equal to one-fourth of a Suling or Carucate; and in 
 Note 53, p. 171, supra, that, although no fixed measurement could 
 
 1 Kemble, in his subsequent calculations, seems to have overlooked these 4 agri. The 
 amount of the omission, howover, is so small tliat it will not materially affect the general 
 
 - In the table below ho makes the 40 Norman ncres equal to 32 Saxon j but, in this 
 tublo, he makes 40 Norman acres equal to 33b Saxon. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 179 
 
 Vi boa. be universally assigned to the Carucate, yet that, as a general rule, 
 
 we may considor 160 acres as an approximation to the truth. If this 
 be the case, the Jugum and Hide were identical; and this seems to 
 have been the opinion of Matthew Paris, Ealph de Diceto, Bromton, 
 and the annalist of Dunstable. The only passage in which the term 
 Hide accurs in the Kent Domesday is the following:— 
 
 “T.B.E. se defendebat pro iij solins. Et modo, pro ij Hidis et dimidia. 
 Terra est . . . In doininio sunt ij”. Et six Villani cum v Bordariis 
 babent vij carucas.” (Extension, p. 18,1. 43.) 
 
 Now, nine teams, and a tenantry of nineteen villans and five 
 bordars, seem vastly out of proportion for either the old assessment 
 of 3 Solins or the present estimate of 2 Hides and a half; and cer¬ 
 tainly these numbers do not well accord with our valuation of the 
 Hide at 40 acres. Still, the number of teams actually found on the 
 Manors, in several instances, in our Kent Domesday, appear equally 
 out of proportion, and I hesitate to accept this single instance as 
 contradictory to Kemble’s deductions that the Hide consisted of 
 40 acres. (See p. 178, supra, column 1, last 5 lines.) The fact that 
 the term Jugum is of frequent occurrence, and that Hide appears 
 but once in the Kent Survey, furnishes a fair argument that the 
 former was used instead of the latter in Kent, and that they were 
 identical, and that therefore the Juodm consisted of 40 acres; and 
 if so, as a necessary inference,- the Virga was equal to ten acres. 
 
 If we test this measurement with the 12 passages quoted above 
 (pp. 8, 9,10) from our Extension, we shall find that, with the excep¬ 
 tion of Nos. vii, ix, xi, there is strong confirmation of the correctness 
 of our measurement; and these exceptions are of no great force, 
 when we take into the account the disproportion frequently occurring, 
 as already stated, between the number of teams actually on a Manor, 
 as compared with its apparent acreage, and I think that sufficient 
 arguments have been adduced for us to estimate the Virga, as a 
 general rule, at 10 acres. 
 
 (64.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 1,— “In Oivitate Ganiuaria habuit Hex Ed- 
 war dus.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1. 6,— “In the City of Canterbury King Ed¬ 
 ward had.” 
 
 City of Tlio page of the Survey on which we are now entering is devoted, 
 
 Canterbury. almost entirely, to a detailed account of tenures in the City of Can¬ 
 terbury, and furnishes a valuable exemplification of the statements 
 made by Madox in the passages which I have cited from his ‘ Emma 
 Burgi’ (Note 3, p. 150, supra). A careful perusal of the details set 
 out in the Survey, as compared with these statements, will well 
 repay the labour of the student. They clearly develope that the 
 City' was originally held in demesne by the Crown,—that different 
 portions had been thence granted to individuals or religious houses,— 
 how much it stiff retained in its own hands,—what was let to ferai to 
 the townsmen,—and for how much the Sheriff was answerable. In 
 noticing these details as we proceed, I shall illustrate them by 
 reference to the Corpus Comitatus accounts on the early Pipe Eolls, 
 and such other evidences as I can collect from original Kecords. 
 
 The one important fact, however, of which we must not lose sight 
 is, that the City of Canterbury is here clearly proved to have been of 
 the demesne of the Crown,— Civitas Regis (the King’s City), for such 
 was the title given to a City that was vested in the King—(see 
 Madox, ‘Firma Burgi,’ p. 15)—who, being seised of it in demesne— 
 
 “Had a complete seisin of it in all its parts and adjuncts. He was Lord 
 of tbe soil—to wit, of all the land within the site and precinct of the town, 
 as proved in the case of the Priour of Canterbury, posthac, cap. 11, sect. 3, 
 of all the burgage-houses, sheds, stalls, and buildings erected on the said 
 land. He was lord and proprietor of the profits, if any, of aldermanries,— 
 the herbage and product of the earth,—profits of fairs and markets,—pleas 
 and perquisites of courts; in a word, of all issues, profits, and appurtenances 
 of the City or Town, of any kind, which had not been aliened by the King 
 or some of his ancestors. But sometimes the King thought fit to grant 
 some part of a City or Town to a private Man, or to a Religious House.” 
 (See Madox, ‘ Firma Burgi,’ p. 14.) 
 
 I forbear to cite more of this passage, because I have already 
 given the remainder of it in p. 150, supra, Note 3, No. 10, q. v. 
 
 Various pleadings and documents bearing upon the above state¬ 
 ments will be found in the Appendix. (See Appendix XXIV.) 
 
 (65.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 2 ,—“ L etj Burgenses reddentcs gabhm.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1. 6,— “Fifty-one Burgesses rendering gafol.” 
 
 Among the Records of the Exchequer, there is still preserved a Gablum, — 
 Chartulary of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, in which is entered an- Hqusegave 
 other version of the Domesday enrolment relating to Canterbury. 
 
 Judging from the handwriting, it must have been a work of the end 
 of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century, but may 
 have been copied from one of an earlier date. The accounts of the 
 respective possessions and jurisdictions of the King and the Bur¬ 
 gesses, as set out in the two Records, correspond nearly, though not 
 exactly, as to their amount and extent; but in the Chartulary they 
 are given with more precise detail, and we are thereby furnished with 
 materials for elucidating much that seems to require explanation in 
 the Domesday account, especially in relation to the terms Gablum, — 
 
 Census, — Theloneum, etc., and other sources of revenue, and their 
 respective amounts. It is desirable, therefore, to give here a trans¬ 
 lation into English of such portion of this entry in the Chartulary as 
 relates to these points. The entire Record, as transcribed literatim 
 from the original, will be found in the Appendix. (See Appendix 
 XXIV.) 
 
 “ Of the City of Canterbury, King Edward had in demesne Fifty-one 
 Burgesses, who used to render Three pounds, fifteen shillings, and five 
 pence of gafol (de gablo ); and in the same City were two hundred and 
 twelve homagers (homines), from whom the King used to have Saca and 
 Soca; and three mills, which used to render to the King forty-two shillings 
 of gafol (de gablo); and eight acres of meadow, from which were fed the 
 King’s horses, going and returning; and a thousand acres of small wood 
 (? scrubwood), from which the countrymen and the Burgesses of the City 
 used to render to the King’s Propositus twenty shillings; and the toll of 
 bread used to render twenty shillings.” 
 
 In Note 3, p. 150, supra, I have named Housegavel as one of the 
 locata, or sources of revenue issuing from a town to the owner or 
 farmer of such town. Of this nature must have been the Gablum, 
 or Gafol, which forms the subject of this Note. It must have been 
 Housegavel, —not a regular rent, as for the hiring of their residences, 
 paid by the Burgesses, but more in the nature of a due to the Lord, 
 
 —a tax, or quit-rent. The amount paid by these 51 houses is not 
 recorded in Domesday, but the Chartulary represents it as having 
 been £3. 15s. 5 d .,—that is, on an average, about eighteen pence for 
 each house,—evidencing at once that it was not a real tenant’s rent, 
 but an assised rent, to which all inhabited houses within the demesne 
 of the town were liable. In fact, it was one of the incidents of 
 Burgage tenure, as appears by a reference to Madox’s ‘ Firma 
 Burgi,’ p. 253, note w; the term Housgavel there occurs in the ac¬ 
 counts of John de Byroun, late “Gustos” of York, rendered 22 Ed. I. 
 
 Although these refer to a period two hundred years subsequent to 
 the enrolment of the Domesday Record, yet I may fairly cite a pas¬ 
 sage from them, as confirmatory of the opinion which I have ven¬ 
 tured to advance, that Housegavel was an assised rent, not the hiring 
 rent of a tenant. Rendered into English, the passage is as follows:—- 
 
 “ And 60s. 2 %d. from a certain rent which is called Housegavel, for the 
 same time (i. e. for one year), to wit, from some houses which are inhabited, 
 one penny; from some, one halfpenny; from some, a farthing; and not more, 
 because many houses in the aforesaid City from which the said rent ought 
 to come are fallen down and in ruin, so that they cannot be inhabited.” 
 
 The inhabitants of our Burgesses of Canterbury must have en¬ 
 joyed houses in better trim than these unfortunate dwellings in 
 York, the inhabitants of which City, and others in Yorkshire, 
 seem to have been sorely impoverished by the Scotch wars of this 
 period. 
 
 Sufficient, I trust, has been advanced in elucidation of the nature 
 of this Gafol (Gabhm). The modern “ ground-rent ” paid by owners 
 of houses to the Lord of the soil, even where no Burgage tenure 
 exists, is an analogous charge to this of Housegavel. 
 
 In p. 155, supra, Note 20,1 have remarked upon the Consuctudines 
 of certain houses in Dover, of which the King had been despoiled; 
 and at p. 154, Note 12,1 have made a few observations on the mean¬ 
 ing of the word, as used in those passages. 
 
 The Housegavel which we are now discussing was doubtless one 
 of these Consuctudines. 
 
180 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 ( 66 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 2,— “FA alios cc et xij, super quos habebat Sacam 
 et Socam.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 6 ,—“ And two hundred and twelve others, over 
 whom, he had Saca and Soca.” 
 
 Thf. Kino’s The terms Saca and Soca have been fully explained in former 
 Saca & Soca. notes. Their occurrence here, subsequent to the assertion that the 
 King had Gablwm from fifty-one Burgesses, by no means implies 
 that these fifty-one were a distinct body, exempt from the jurisdic¬ 
 tion of the King’s Court. The very tax imposed upon them was, in 
 fact, a manorial tax, and proves them to have been within the King’s 
 Soca ; indeed, it could hardly have been otherwise, the very houses in 
 which they lived, and for which they paid Housegavel, boing part of 
 the King’s own possessions. Perhaps the “ two hundred and twelve 
 others” were only holders of small tenements. The Canterbury Char- 
 tulary calls these two hundred and twelve Homines, — i. e. Homagers, 
 —“ Burgesses,” nevertheless, they were within the King’s Soca, and 
 subject to the suits and services of his Court. They may, perhaps, 
 have held of the King small patches of land, or gardens, but appa¬ 
 rently they were not actual householders,—or, at least, of houses of 
 sufficient quality to be charged with Housegavel, or they would, almost 
 necessarily, have been liable to that charge; and this view of the case 
 is strongly confirmed by the Record of the altered state of the City at 
 the time of the Survey; “ rnodo,”— now, as it affirms, the Burgesses 
 rendering Housegavel are nineteen, instead of the fifty-one in the time 
 of the Confessor; but still there are two hundred and twelve Burgesses 
 over whom the King has Saca and Soca. After recording that the 
 houses of the other thirty-two had either been destroyed in making 
 the City Ditch, or alienated to the Archbishop and the Abbot of St. 
 Augustine’s, it adds, “Adhuc sunt cc et xij Bwrgenses super quos hahet 
 Rex Sacam et Socam.” None of their messuages or residences, there¬ 
 fore, however small, had been sacrificed to the formation of the City 
 Ditch,or alienated to religious houses—they remained intact as before. 
 
 (67.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 5 ,—“ Modo Burgenses reddentes gablum stmt xur.” 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 7,— “ Now the Burgesses rendering gafol are 
 nineteen .” 
 
 Only 19 Just a few words in passing, to call the attention of the reader to 
 Burgesses a f ew f ac fc s 0 f considerable interest as regards the history of Cantee- 
 to House- bury. We have it evidenced here that the defences of the City— 
 gavel. the City Ditch, Fossatum Oivitatis, —was completed between the 
 time of the Confessor and the date of the Survey; of course, it must 
 have been by command of the owner of the City,—the Lord of the 
 Demesne,—the Conqueror himself,—and this, at the sacrifice of 
 eleven houses; and not only so, but it appears that, in order to 
 complete the defences of the City, he sacrificed not only the value of 
 these eleven houses, but that of fourteen more, in securing to him¬ 
 self the Castle from the possession of the Abbey of St. Augustine’s, 
 and other seven to the Archbishop; doubtless not as a gift, but 
 either to obtain laud out of his own demesne, which was necessary 
 for the purposes of his fortifications, or to secure spiritual influence 
 to complete his purposes. Be this as it may, we have now the 
 number of houses paying Gafol reduced from fifty-one to nineteen; 
 the sacrifice of Housegavel, however, taking it at an average, 
 amounting to a sum not worth a moment’s thought in such an 
 undertaking as the fortification of the City—at the utmost a revenue 
 of fifty shillings,—the King’s manorial rights, however, still remain¬ 
 ing intact, and his two hundred and twelve homagers still amenable 
 to his Courts, as they were to those of the Confessor. 
 
 The Rent of his three mills seems to have risen, since the time of 
 the Confessor, from forty shillings to one hundred and eight shillings. 
 With regard, however, to these mills, I would refer the reader to 
 much interesting information in the Chartulary of St. Augustine’s, 
 as printed in the Appendix. (See Appendix XXTV.) 
 
 ( 68 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 9,— “ Theloneum reddens Ixviij.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 11,—“ Thol rendering sixty-eight shillings.” 
 Tuol. The Survey gives us no particulars of the constituent parts of this 
 
 Thol. The Chartulary of St. Augustine’s states that the Thol of 
 bread used, T.R.E., to render twenty shillings. From whence the 
 
 sixty-eight shillings of Thol, in the time of the Conqueror, arose, we Thol. 
 have no details, either in the Survey or in the Chartulary. They 
 were probably market tolls, and such as arose from the privilege of 
 buying and selling. 
 
 (69.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6. 1. 9,—“ Yiij acrce prati, quee solebant esse legatorum 
 Regis, modo reddunt de censu xv solidos.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1. 12,— ■“Eight acres of meadow, which used to 
 belong to the King’s legates, now render fifteen shillings of 
 rent.” 
 
 It would seem by this entry that the Confessor had reserved these King’s 
 eight acres for feeding the horses of his messengers; but that, M |:ad - 
 since his time, the reservation was at an end, and that now they 
 were let to farm for fifteen shillings— i. e. about two shillings per 
 acre. The Chartulary of St. Augustine’s names these eight acres 
 merely as lands from which “were fed the King’s horses, going and 
 returning;” that is, as if they were in the King’s own hands, and 
 used by himself—no allusion whatever to any rent arising from 
 them. The solebant of the Survey, in reference to the time of the 
 Confessor, coupled with the expression, modo reddunt de censu xv 
 solidos, would imply that, instead of feeding the King’s horses there, 
 as on his own land, the Burgesses were now charged with a rent of 
 fifteen shillings per annum for the use of the meadow. 
 
 Thorpe, in the Glossary to his edition of the ‘Anglo-Saxon 
 Chronicle,’ cites Roquefort as representing “ Census ” to be manorial Census. 
 or quit-rent. Rente seigneuriale etfonciere dont un heritage est charge 
 envers le Seignewr clu fief d’ou il depend. But it should hardly be 
 limited to that interpretation. In the passage before us, the amount 
 is certainly too large for a mere quit-rent; it can hardly be other 
 than a bond fide rent. 
 
 In our Kent Survey there are only four other passages in which 
 the word occurs, viz.— 
 
 “j ruolendinum sine censu”— (See Extension, p. 18,1. 23.) 
 
 “Dimidiam piscariam sine censu”— (See Extension, p. 32,1. 43.) 
 
 “ ij piscarite sine censu ”— (See Extension, p. 38,1. 12.) 
 
 “ iij molini sine censu ”— (See Extension, p. 38,1. 21.) 
 
 In all of these it certainly seems to represent a toll or cess due to 
 the Lord, rather than an actual rent paid by a tenant for the hire of 
 the mill or fishery. But in the case of these eight acres the amount, 
 fifteen shillings, seems to represent the full letting value of the land 
 at that time; though I will not presume to pronounce dogmatically 
 that it is so. It certainly may have been a Signoral Rent; but, if 
 so, it was one of unusually high amount. 
 
 This meadow, called King’s Mead, continued, until very recently, 
 to be property of the Corporation, who sold it some years since. 
 
 They used to let it at a nominal rent, a fine being charged on 
 every renewal. It is situated in St. Stephen’s parish, close to the 
 river. 
 
 (70.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 12,— “ Ta/ntundem quando Haimo Vicecomes 
 recepit 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 14,— “ As much when the Sheriff Haimo received 
 it.” 
 
 As this is the first instance of the occurrence of the term “ Vice- Vicecomes 
 comes ” in the Kent Survey,—it will not be out of place to offer a —>Sheriff. 
 few remarks on the position which he held in the County, and the 
 duties which he was called upon to perform. His position was the 
 same as that of the Scirgerefa of the Saxons; in fact, he was the 
 same officer under a new title. The Scirgerefa, or Sheriff, says 
 Kemble (under the Saxon rule in England)— 
 
 “is, as liis name denotes, the person who stands at the head of the shire, 
 payus, or County. He is called Scirman, or Scirigman. He is, properly 
 speaking, the holder of the Couuty-Court, Scirgemot, or Folcmot, and 
 probably at first was its elected chief; but, as this Gerefa was, at first, 
 the people’s officer, he seems to have shared the fate of the people, and to 
 have sunk in the scale as the royal authority gradually rose. During the 
 whole ol our historical period, we find him exercising only a concurrent 
 jurisdiction, shared in and controlled by the Ealdorman on the one hand, 
 and the Bishop on the other. The latter interruption may, very probably, 
 have existed from the very earliest periods, and the heathen priest have 
 
NOTES. 
 
 181 
 
 Vicecomes enjoyed the rights which the Christian Prelate maintained; but the inter- 
 Sheriff. ven ti 0 n of the Eaedorman appears to be consistent only with the establish¬ 
 ment of a central power, exercised in different districts by means of 
 resident superintendents, or occasional commissioners especially charged 
 with the defence of the royal interests. In the Anglo-Saxon legislation, 
 even of the eighth century, the Ealdorman is certainly head of the shire; 
 but there is, as far as I know, no evidence of his sitting in judgment in 
 the Folcmot without the Sheriff, while there is evidence that the Sheriff 
 sat without the Ealdorman (as in the instances cited, p. 160, supra, Note 
 40; L. B. L.).—Usually the Court was held under the presidency of the 
 Ealdorman and Bishop, and of the Scirgerefa, who from his later title 
 of Vicecomes, Vicedominm, was probably looked upon as the Ealdorman’ s 
 
 deputy—a strange revolution of ideas.”.“ The presence of the 
 
 Sheriff was necessary in any case, while that of the Ealdorman might 
 be dispensed with. By the provisions of our later kings, it appears that 
 the Scirgemot, or Sheriffs Court for the County was to be holden twice in 
 the year, and before this were brought all the most important causes, and 
 such as exceeded the competence of the hundred.” (See Appendix XVII. 
 L. B.L.) 
 
 “.But the judicial functions of the Scirgerefa were by no 
 
 means all that he had to attend to. It is clear that the execution of the 
 
 law was also committed to his hands.He was also the principal 
 
 fiscal officer of the county.There is, of course, every probability 
 
 that the Sheriff was charged with certain disbursements, required by the 
 public service, and that he rendered a periodical account both of receipts 
 and expenditure to the officers who then represented the royal exchequer; 
 —but upon this part of the subject, we are unhappily without any evi¬ 
 dence.” (‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. ii. pp. 158-164.) 
 
 The want of evidence here lamented by Kemble, is amply sup¬ 
 plied, in the twelfth and following centuries, by the Pipe Rolls, in 
 which the Sheriff, as the principal fiscal officer of the Crown, rendered 
 yearly accounts of receipts and expenditure into the Exchequer. I 
 have hitherto been describing the position and duties of the Sheriff 
 in Saxon times, deeming such description to be an important pre¬ 
 liminary to the inquiries we are making relative to the same subject 
 in the Norman era. We will, therefore, now turn to Madox, and 
 ascertain from his researches, what the office and duties of the 
 Sheriff were, after the Conquest, and we shall find them little if at 
 all changed from the state in which they were through the three 
 preceding centuries, as described by Kemble, excepting that the 
 jurisdiction of the Ealdorman as his superior officer was now entirely 
 at an end. 
 
 “ It was the Sheriff’s duty (says Madox) to do the justice of the county, 
 —to keep the public peace,—to stock and improve the King’s lands,—and 
 to collect the King’s revenue. There may, perhaps, be some other things 
 pertaining to his duty, which, though not here mentioned, are not designed 
 to be excluded. It is not my business to speak of the Sheriff here as an 
 officer of justice, or a Conservatour of the Peace. I am to speak of him as 
 he was the King’s Farmer or Bailiff, and his Collector of Rents and other 
 Revenue.” (Madox, Hist, of Exchequer, ed. London, 1711, p. 643.) 
 
 It is with his character of principal fiscal officer of the county that 
 we also are principally concerned in discussing the passage before 
 us. In that capacity, he received the rents of the King’s cities or 
 towns, when let either for a term of years, or in fee-farm—and he 
 made his returns thereof to the Exchequer yearly, accounting for 
 them on the Great Roll, or Pipe Roll. (See Appendix II.) 
 
 We have him here, then, in the passage before us, recorded as 
 receiving the rent of Canterbury, which was then let to a private 
 individual (qv/i tenet nunc), and accountable, therefore, to the King’s 
 Exchequer for the amount—and this was, at that time, the practice 
 usually adopted by the Crown. Madox tells us :— 
 
 “ The towns, burghs, and villates of England, which were in the hands of 
 the King, were commonly let to farm; and the farms of them were 
 answered to the Crown, either by the Sheriff of the county wherein the 
 towns lay, as included in the Corpus Oomitatus, or superadded to it, or by 
 the Townsmen themselves, per manum suani," etc. etc. (See ‘History of 
 Exchequer,’ ed. London, 1711, p. 226, as already cited in full p. 150, supra, 
 Note 3, No. iij.) 
 
 And again, he says:— 
 
 “In the early times, after the coming in of the Normans, the towns and 
 burghs were, most of them (if I have observed right) let out at the King’s 
 pleasure. In the succeeding ages, some of them were let out in Fee, or, as 
 they called it, in Fee-Farm, particularly to the men or Burgesses of the 
 respective towns.” 
 
 Before we proceed further, it will be well to explain the meaning Vicecomes 
 of this term, Fee-Farm, ; and we cannot do so better than in Madox’s Sheriff. 
 own words:— 
 
 “ By Fee-Ferme is meant perpetual Ferm or Rent. In ancient time, 
 
 both in England and France, Ferm signified Sent .When land, or 
 
 other desirable estate was granted to an aggregate body, or to any persons 
 or person having perpetual succession, or to a man and his heirs, it was 
 sometimes granted in Feudi jirma. This was called, in the bald sense of 
 the word, Feudum, or Feodum, to wit, as it denoted a perpetual estate. 
 
 For, ever since Feodum, Fee, was, by usage in England, applied to signify 
 a perpetual estate or inheritance in land, it hath been also used to signify 
 perpetuity in an office, and in a Rent or Ferm. Thus, inheritable offices 
 
 have been called offices in Fee, and perpetual Ferms, Fee-Ferms . 
 
 Thus, the King, if he pleased, demised his town to the townsmen, or others 
 in like manner as he demised any of his manours to the tenants thereof 
 .... aud when a town was put to Fee-Ferra, the tenure of it was 
 Burgage —as well particular Burgage-tenements lying in the town, as also 
 the town itself, were said to be so holden.” (Madox, ‘ Firraa Burgi,’— 
 
 3, 4, 21.) 
 
 In 22. Oar. II. an Act was passed, by which the Fee-Ferm rents 
 of the Crown were sold to trustees, with power of alienation, to such 
 parties as might be willing to purchase them. • 
 
 Canterbury was not regularly demised in Fee-Farm till the 18. 
 
 H. III. At the time of the Survey, as we have seen, it was let to a 
 private individual,— gwi tenet mine ,—and that, probably, “at the 
 King’s pleasure.” For many years subsequent to this period, the 
 Sheriff, in his annual return on the Pipe Rolls, regularly accounts for 
 the rent paid for it by a private individual, as will presently be 
 shown by extracts from these Rolls. By the following Charter, 
 bearing date the 19th October, 18. H. III. ( i.e . a.d. 1234), it appears 
 that then, for the first time, the King demises the City to the Bur¬ 
 gesses, in Fee-Farm at a rent of £60 per annum,—and that they 
 were thenceforth endowed with the privilege of self-government— 
 
 They were, for the future, to elect their own bailiffs. 
 
 The enrolment of the original Charter is no longer extant, but, on 
 the Patent Roll, 3. H. VI., there is the following “Inspeximus” and 
 confirmation of it,—by which we are enabled to give it in its 
 entirely:— 
 
 “ Do Confirmacione j Rex omnibus ad quos, etc.—Salutem. Inspeximus 
 Cantuarie / Carfcam quam bone memorie Dominus Henricus, 
 quondam Rex Anglie, Proavus noster, fecit Civibus nostris Cantuarie, in 
 htec verba: 
 
 “Henricus, Dei gracia, Rex Anglie, Dominus Hibernie, Dux Nor- 
 mannie, Aquitanie, et Comes Andegavie, Arehiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbati- 
 bus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justieiariis, Vicecomitibu3, Prepositis, 
 
 Ministris, et Omnibus Ballivis et fidelibus suis,—Salutem. 
 
 “ Sciatis,—quod concessimus, et hac carta nostra confirmavimus, Civibus 
 nostris Cantuarie, —quod ipsi, et heredes eorum, habeant et teneant, do 
 nobis et heredibus nostris, imperpetuum, Civitatem nostrum Cantuarie, ad 
 firmarn pro sexaginta libris sterlingorum, singulis annis, per manum suam, 
 ad Seaccarium nostrum, nobis, et heredibus nostris, reddendis,—videlicet, 
 ad Seaccarium Pasche,' triginta libras, et ad Seaccarium Sancti Michaelis, 
 triginta libras. Concessimus, eciam, et hac carta nostra confirmavimus, 
 eisdem Civibus, et heredibus suis, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod de 
 se ipsis ballivos suos Civitatis Cantuarie eligant imperpetuum. Quare 
 volumus et firmiter precipimus, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod pre¬ 
 dict cives, et eorum heredes, habeant et teneant, de nobis et heredibus 
 nostris imperpetuum predictam Civitatem Cantuarie, ad firmarn, per pre- 
 dictas sexaginta libras nobis reddendas ad Seaccarium nostrum;—et quod 
 de se ipsis ballivos suos Civitatis Cantuarie eligant imperpetuum, sicut 
 predictum est. 
 
 “ His testibus, Venerabilibus Patribus, R. Dunelmensi,—R. Bathoniensi, 
 
 H. Roffensi, et W. Karliolensi, Episcopis;—J. Comite Cestrie et Ilun- 
 tyngdonie,—H. de Bohun, Comite Herefordie,—Hugone Dispensario,— 
 
 Henrico de Alditheleg,—Radulpho filio Nicholai Godefridi de Craucomb, 
 
 Galfrido Dispensario,—Henrico de Capella, et aliis. 
 
 “ Datum per manum Venerabilis Patris R. Cicestrensis Episcopi, Can- 
 cellarii nostri, apud Westmonasterium, deeimo nono die Octobris, anno 
 regni nostri deeimo octavo." (See Rot. Pat. 3. Hen. VI., p. 2, m. 7.) 
 
 It appeal's by this Charter that their rent was to be paid in future 
 “ by the townsmen themselves,per manum suam;’’ they, and not the 
 Sheriff, were to account for it to the Exchequer. The amount of 
 the rent was nearly the same as that which the King is recorded in 
 the Survey as receiving through the Sheriff, quando Haimo Vice¬ 
 comes recepit. Now let us turn to the Pipe Rolls, and see what 
 returns were therein mado by the Sherifi, relative to the Ferm of 
 
182 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 VlCECOMES 
 —SUEEIFF. 
 
 Ceevequeb. 
 
 Brasted, Eltham, Dttton, Mereworth, Bleane, etc. etc., and wo Hamot>e 
 know, from other sources, that on tho disgrace of Ono, he was Ceevequf 
 endowed with the Barony of Chatham and its dependencies, Leeds, 
 etc., and numerous other estates. He seems to have continued 
 Sheriff to the end of his life—for in 1111 we have him restoring to 
 tho Abbey of St. Augustine tho town of Fordirch, styling himself, 
 in the Charter thereof, 1Tamo Oamtii Viceconies, et Eenrici Regis 
 Anglorum Da/pifer. 
 
 Canterbury, in the century immediately following the Survey. 
 In the earliest of these documents, viz. the Roll for 31. H. I. (a.d. 
 1130—1)—Rualonus the Sheriff— 
 
 “'Reddit Compotum de firma Civitatis Cantuarie. In thesauro, xxvij u et 
 viij*, et x d , ad peusani, et Quietus est.” 
 
 But, according to the Survey, the Sheriff was accountable for £30 
 assayed and weighed (see Appendix XII.), and £24 by tale, as due 
 from the tenant,—besides 110s. from other sources. Now, as he 
 accounts in this Pipe Roll for only £27. 8s. 10c£. as tho Ferm, and 
 receives his Quietus, (thus clearly proving that he had paid all that 
 the King claimed from him,) we arc at fault to account for these 
 differences in the amount of the rent due to the King from Canter¬ 
 bury. Then, again, in the next Roll, viz. that of 1. H. II. (a.d. 1155), 
 the Sheriff, Ralph Pichot, returns the Ferm as xxiiij u hlanc (i. e. 
 assayed by Combustion), and names William de Ypra as the tenant. 
 In the next year, he returns xxix 1 ' blcinc, and William de Ipre as 
 tenant ; and in the next year, xiiij 1 ' x 8 for the half year in which 
 William de Isfre held it. (See the transcripts from the Pipe Rollsj 
 in Appendix II. p. 2, etc.) Whence did these discrepancies in the 
 amount of the issues of Canterbury arise ? The paragraphs below 
 that which wo are considering, evince much confusion in the details 
 of the Survey. Odo steps in to add to the perplexity. It is evident 
 that he has filched much from the King, or from the King's Tenant, 
 in Canterbury; and, in these spoliations, two of his creatures, with 
 whose proceedings we are already intimate, are again prominent, 
 viz. Rannulph de Columbels and Ralph de Curbespine. In the 
 Sheriff’s returns on the Pipe Rolls, after the entries which I have 
 just cited, there is, on each of these Rolls, a distinct clause— Reddit 
 Computum de Firma Terrce Fpiscopi Baiocensis, in which the sum of 
 xx u per annum seems to be the charge relating to Canterbury. If 
 this be added to the sums with which the Sheriff charges himself for 
 the Ferm of Canterbury, we obtain a result very little different from 
 that recorded as the value of the Issues of the City, quando Eaimo 
 Vicecomes recepit, the deficiency not being much more than might 
 have arisen if the Crown had exemplified, in this instance, the de¬ 
 scription given by Madox, that its wearer was generally “ a kind 
 and equitable Lord, making abatement or allowance to his fermers, 
 when unable to pay their whole tax.” On this point, however, I 
 hardly dare venture to give a decided opinion. The page of Domes¬ 
 day which we are discussing, is full of perplexities, as we always find 
 to be the case when Odo’s name appears,—resulting, I am inclined 
 to believe, from the changes that had taken place between the time 
 when the Commissioners first collected their materials, and the 
 enrolment of their returns. During that period had occurred, 
 apparently, the disgrace and forfeitures of Odo. By them many of 
 his encroachments had been brought to light, and thence arises 
 much confusion; nay, even apparent contradiction between their 
 first notes, and the completion of them on enrolment. In the 
 Chartulary of St. Augustine's (for which see Appendix XXIV.) more 
 particulars of these spoliations are recorded. 
 
 Before the conclusion of this Note, it will be right to state that 
 this Haimo was probably Hamo de Crevequer, and the same indi¬ 
 vidual who appears in various deeds of the time as Hamo Dapifer,— 
 and, in our Kent Survey as holding numerous manors in the county. 
 
 Madox ( c History of Exchequer,' p. 634) tells us that— 
 
 “ In ancient times, the Sheriffs of Counties were usually men of high 
 rank and great power.” 
 
 And Kemble (‘ Saxons in England,' ii. p. 166) says— 
 
 “ He (the Sheriff) was, we may presume, always a considerable landowner 
 in the Shire; indeed, several of those whom we know, to have held the office, 
 were amongst the greatest landowners in their respective districts. It is 
 even possible that there may have been some provision in land, attached to 
 the office, for I meet occasionally with such words as geref-land, gerefmod, 
 where the form of the composition denotes, not the land or meadow of 
 some particular Sheriff, but of the Sheriff generally.” 
 
 Now in the list of the thirteen " Tenentes terras in Chent,” given at 
 p. 7, Extension, we have the name of Haimo Vicecomes, whereby he is 
 distinctly declared to be, as Tenant in capite, one of the great lords 
 of manors in the county. If we turn to the details of the Survey, 
 we shall find that, besides those which he seems to have held merely 
 as the King’s officer in the lands in “ ancient demesne,” he held 
 
 (71.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 14,— “xxx libras areas etpensatas, et xxiiij libras 
 ad numemm. 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1.16,— Thirty pounds assayed by fire and weighed, 
 and twenty-four pounds by Tale. 
 
 All payments into the Exchequer were tested by weight or com- Arsa et 
 bustion, and certain rules were established regulating the eompensa- Bensata. 
 tion required for deficiencies in the standard. 
 
 Madox, in his ‘ History of the Exchequer,' tells us that 
 
 “In the most ancient times next after the Norman Conquest, pay- 
 “ ments at the Exchequer were made ad scalam, and ad pensim; and 
 “in Blank silver and money, numero, or by Tale. . . . The payment 
 “ ad scalam was payment by weight, and so was the payment ad pensim. 
 
 “When money was paid by weight, and the King’s officers accepted 
 “ vj d over and above each Pound of xx 9 of silver paid in, it was called Pay- 
 “ raent ad scalam. This kind of payment was very ancient. And in those 
 “ early times, when there was but little of the Silver species running, and 
 “ the arts of depraving it were not yet invented, it was thought sufficient 
 “ that yj d advance should be paid for every pound, or xx", to make good 
 “ the weight. This vj a per pound seems to have been of the like nature 
 “ with the Trebuchet used in France, that is, Vantage-money, or so much 
 “ added to turn the Scale. 
 
 “ When Payment was made adpensum, the person paying was to make 
 “ good the deficiency of Weight, though it was more than vj d per xx 8 . 
 
 “ But, in regard to Money paid in by the King’s Fermers, which might Arsa, Com- 
 “ happen to be deficient in Fineness as well as Weight, it was found neces- bustion. 
 
 “ sary to use another method of Trial in payments, and that was by Com- 
 “ bustion, or melting down part of the money paid in, and reducing it to 
 “ Vessel or Plate of the due Fineness. 
 
 “ The Payment by Combustion was twofold. Real and Nominal;—Real, 
 
 “ when a Sample of the Ferm paid was put into the Furnace and melted:— 
 
 “ Nominal, when a twentieth part, or j" per xx“, was paid and accepted, in 
 “ lieu of actual Combustion. This latter seems to have been admitted, to pre- 
 “ vent the trouble, charge, and inconvenience of actual Combustion. When 
 “ the Ferm paid in was melted down, or the supplement made by adding 
 “ j" to each xx 8 , the Ferm was said to be dealbated or blanched. As, sup- 
 “ pose a Ferm of C 1 was paid into the Exchequer; after the Combustion, 
 
 “ it was said to be C 1 Blank. Nevertheless, it is (I conceive) to be under- Blank. 
 
 “ stood, that, in some particular times, if there was cause, namely, if the 
 “ Ferm paid in happened to be of baser alloy than ordinary, the King’s 
 “officers at the Exchequer required more than j 8 per xx 8 for Combustion- 
 “ money. 
 
 “ The payment made Numero, or by Tale, needs no explication, it being Numero 
 “according to modern usage.” It was as the word imports, in money By Tale. 
 counted down. Madox adds, “ It shall be left to the Reader to judge what 
 “ the difference in some cases was between the payment Blank, and the 
 “ payment Numero. I suppose it cannot well be adjusted. For the money 
 “ was at sometimes more corrupt than it was at other times; So it is likely 
 “ the Difference varied, in some measure, after that proportion.” 
 
 He proceeds to cite numerous cases, one of which is sufficient for 
 our purpose here, viz. That the City of London (11th Hen. II.), in 
 an Aid, were allowed xlj 1 v s ij d Numero, for xxxix 1 v s x d Blank. (See 
 Madox, Hist, of the Exchequer, ed. 1721, p. 187, Chap. IX. Sect. II.) 
 
 (72.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 18,— ec Burgenses habuerunt xlv manswras extra 
 eivitatem, de quibus ipsi habebant gablum et consuetudinem ; 
 
 Rex autem liabebat Sacam et Socam.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 20 ,—“ The Burgesses had forty-five messuages 
 without the Git/y, of which they themselves had the gafol and 
 custom j but the King had the Saca and Soca.” 
 
 I have already made a few remarks on the terms manswra and Mansuea. 
 masura. (See p. 155, supra, Note 19.) In the passage before us, 
 manswa can hardly designate anything but an actually inhabited 
 
NOTES. 
 
 183 
 
 Mansuba. house,—and the declaration that the Burgesses themselves had the 
 
 gablum et consuetudinem of these houses, while the King, as Lord of 
 the Demesne, has the Saca and Soca, is a most satisfactory confirma¬ 
 tion of the interpretation which I have given in Note 69, that Gdblvm 
 in that passage must necessarily have meant Housegavel. 
 
 Since that note was sent to press, Mr. Jones’s most valuable pub¬ 
 lication, the ‘ Domesday for Wiltshire,’ has issued from the press. 
 In the very first entry therein, there is a passage which so strongly 
 confirms my observations in Notes 19 and 69, that I cannot resist 
 transcribing it here. 
 
 “ In Burgo Malmesberie babet Bex 26 masuras hospitatas, et 25 ma- 
 suras in quibus sunt domus quse non reddunt geldum plusquam vasta terra. 
 Unaquasque harum masurarum reddit 10 denarios de gablo; hoc est simul 
 43 [sic] solidi et 6 denarii.” 
 
 And a few lines lower down the following paragraph occurs :— 
 
 “ Rex babet uuam vastam masuram de terra quam Azor habuit.” 
 
 House- In these passages, the distinction between an actually inhabited 
 
 gavee. house and the site whei’e one once stood is marked with precision, 
 and the term masura is used in both instances. Then with regard 
 to Gablum, Housegavel: it appeal's that each house paid 10d., al¬ 
 though the Imegeld on 25 of them was only charged as on waste 
 land,—these 25 being assessed to that tax at a less amount, proba¬ 
 bly, as being in a state falling into decay, if not actually arrived at 
 that state; but the “ Housegavel ” remained at its former amount. 
 Perhaps these 25 houses had been built since the adjustment of the 
 Danegeld Tax for the land on which they had been erected; at all 
 events, if we view Housegavel as analogous to “Ground-Rent” 
 claimed by all Lords of the Soil, there need be nothing to stagger 
 us in this state of things then existing in the town of Malmesbury, 
 and nothing to impugn the correctness of our suggestions as to the 
 terms Masura and “ Gablum,” as far as regards the City of Can¬ 
 terbury. 
 
 (73.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 20,—“ Ip si quoque Burgenses habebcunt de Bege 
 xxxiij acras terre in gildam sua/m,.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 21,— “ The sanne Burgesses also had of the King 
 thirty-three acres of land for their guild.” 
 
 Guilds. At p. 155, supra, Note 21, I have spoken of the establishment of 
 Guilds in Towns, and have entered fully into the subject in Appendix 
 XIII.,—but this case, in which the Burgesses, as a body, had their 
 Guild, it may be well to quote a few words from Madox, who says, 
 in explanation of the origin of Corporations : — 
 
 “ In former times, there were many Gilds in England. Some of them 
 were Religious, others Secular. . . . The Religious Gilds were founded 
 chiefly for Devotion and Alms Deeds. The Secular chiefly for Trade and 
 Alms Deeds. ... In London, there were several ancient Lawful Gilds, to 
 wit, of Weavers, Bakers, etc. The Gild of Sadlers of London was also 
 an ancient Gild. There was also, in former times, a Secular Gild called 
 Gilda mercatoria, a Merchant Gild, or Gilda Mercatorum, a Gild of 
 Merchants, Tradesmen, and Artisans. . . . Peradventure, from these 
 Secular Gilds, or in imitation of them, sprang the method or practice of 
 gildating and embodying whole Towns. The ancient Kings of England, 
 in their Charters or Patent Letters, did many times grant to the men of a 
 Town or Burgh, amongst other Franchises, quod hdbeant gildam mercato- 
 riam, that they should have a Merchant Gild. ... In, or near about the 
 reign of Henry VI., the Kings began to use other terms in their Charters 
 or Letters Patent of Grant of Franchises. They granted to the men of a 
 Town or Burgh, that they should be a Communitas perpetua et Corporate, 
 —a Corporate and Perpetual Community. Thus, the Terms Corporating 
 and Corporation came in.” (‘ Firma Burgi,’ 23-30.) 
 
 These Guilds were frequently endowed with Land, as Madox re¬ 
 cords of the Cnihtengild of London (p. 23) ; and it is here recorded 
 that the Burgesses of Canterbury were similarly endowed for their 
 Guild, although, as we shall see by our next Note, the ruthless hand 
 of Odo had grasped their lands. 
 
 ( 74 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 21,— “Has domos et hanc terrain tenet Bannulphs 
 de Columbels. Hahet etiam ,” etc. etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 22,—“ These houses and this land Banmdph de 
 Columbels holds. Besides these he has,” etc. etc. 
 
 In this passage, Rannulph de Columbels is recorded as holding 45 Odo. 
 manswes “ extra civitatem,” formerly belonging to the Burgesses,-^ 
 
 33 acres which they held of the King for their Guild,—and, besides 
 these, 80 acres of land which Burgesses used to hold of the King in 
 alodia ,—and 5 acres, which belong to a Church,—and that for all 
 these he avouches the Bishop of Baieux as his Protector:—No small 
 amount of spoliation on the part of Odo is here recorded. (See also 
 Note 22, p. 156, supra.) The Term in alodia seems to call for a few 
 explanatory words. According to the cursory remarks which I have 
 made on the Tenure of Alodium, p. 159, supra, Note 32, these 20 
 acres must have been granted by the Crown to the Burgesses before 
 the Conquest, and they must have held them of the Kang, free from 
 all services, and subject only to the universal land-tax of Hidage. 
 
 We next read that Ralph de Curbespine has 4 messuages in the 
 City, which used to belong to a Concubine of Harold, —of which the 
 Saca and Soca belongs to the King, who, however, up to this hour 
 had never had it;—and further, that the same Ralph holds 11 'other 
 messuages of the Bishop or Baieux in the City which had belonged 
 to Sbern Biga. We know from previous entries that this Ralph de 
 Curbespine was one of Odo’s creatures, and that he had tenanted 
 messuages in Dover, part of Odo’s spoils. The tale of spoliation is 
 here continued, and the long catalogue of the Bishop’s appropria¬ 
 tions in Canterbury is here completed. 
 
 ( 75 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 31,—“ Excepta terra ecclesice Sandas Trinitatis,” 
 etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 94, 1. 29,— “Except the land of the Church,” etc. 
 
 Our Kentish Readers need hardly be reminded that St. Trinity was Alodiaries. 
 the ancient Title of the Priory of Ch. Canterbury, whose lands, inter 
 alias, are here declared to be free from the jurisdiction of the King’s 
 Saca et Soca. At p. 3,1.18 to 21 of the Extension, there is a list of 
 those alodiaries from whose lands the King could claim no Belief 
 (? Heriot). Among them, as a matter of course, are the names of 
 those holders of land in Canterbury which are here stated to be ex¬ 
 empt from the King’s Manorial Rights of Saca and Soca. They held 
 by the Tenure of alodiwn (see Notes 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, p. 159, supra ) 
 
 —and though, as a general rule, even alodiaries were liable to the 
 King’s claim for Belief (? Heriot )—yet it appears that all those com¬ 
 prised in the list given at p. 3 of the Extension were exempt even 
 from this charge,—and, more than this: For any forfeitures or mulcts 
 that they had incurred, the King could not levy upon their lands, 
 but only on their chattels. One name appears in this Canterbury 
 list, which is absent from the other, viz. Queen Eddeva. Those Queen 
 holding the lands in Canterbury which had been hers during her Eddeva. 
 lifetime are represented as not being within the jurisdiction of the 
 King’s Saca and Soca; who they were does not appear on the face of 
 the Record. Most probably these lands were among those possessed 
 by the Church of St. Trinity alias the Priory of Christ Church, to 
 which foundation she had been a most munificent Benefactor.—She 
 was the wife of Edward I., The Elder—and is sometimes called 
 Edgiva, or Ediva, and Eddid. By King Edward she was mother of 
 Edmund and Edred, successively Kiugs of England. She died a.d. 
 
 953 and was sumptuously buried in the Cathedral. Dr. Ducarel 
 contributed to Hasted’s History, an engraving from her supposed 
 Portrait in the Library of the Cathedral. 
 
 ( 76 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 6, 1. 37,—Usque ad unam leugarn et iij perticas, et iij 
 pedes. 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 33,—As far as one Leuga and three perches and 
 three feet. 
 
 As usual, when we attempt to assign the precise value of any of the Leuca. 
 measurements of laud, etc., in the Surveys, our efforts are abortive. 
 
 In this case, as in all others, we are compelled to satisfy ourselveB 
 with approximate conjectures. 
 
184 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Leuca. In the Begister of Battle Abbey (MSS. Cott. Domitian, A. ii. f. 
 
 14) dating in the twelfth century, we have the following passage:— 
 
 “ Leuga autem Anglica duodecim quaranteines conficitur. Quarantena 
 vero quadraginta perticis. Pertica habet longitudinis sexdecim pedes.” 
 I. e., “ The English Leuga is made up of twelve Quaranteines,—but the 
 Quaranteiue, of forty Perches. The Perch has sixteen feet in length.” 
 
 The Term Quarantena, i. e. Forty Long, is the origin of our term 
 Furlong. According to the above estimate, the Leuga would consist 
 of 2560 yards. But, if we calculate the Pertica at 161 feet, the 
 usual estimate,—we shall obtain 2640 yards as the contents of the 
 Leuga, i. e. as nearly as possible a mile and a half of our present 
 standard. Among the Cotton MSS., Galba, E. iv. is a Chartulary of 
 Christ Church, Canterbury, of the fourteenth century. Though this 
 period dates more than 200 years from the time of the Survey, yet, 
 inasmuch as it is a Kecord of the Priory itself', its evidence may by 
 some be supposed to claim a certain amount of confidence, in arriving 
 at a proximate estimate of the value of the Lexica in the eleventh 
 century. The possible changes, however, that might have taken 
 place in the interval must never be forgotten in such investigations 
 as are now before us. 
 
 At f. 21 b of this Chartulary, there occurs the following passage:— 
 “ CERTA Mensura unius Leuca:. 
 
 “ Memorandum quod Virga communis continet xvj pedes et dimidium, 
 videlicet, quinque ulnas et dimidiam, secundum standardum Begis.—Item, 
 xl Virgatas continent j Quarentenam. Item, vij Quarentenro et dimidia, iij 
 Yirgataj, et ij Palm® continent unum milliare. Item, ij milliaria continent 
 j Leucam." 
 
 According to this calculation, the mile (taking the Palm as 3 
 inches) consisted of 5000 feet—and thence, if 2 miles made up the 
 Leuca, it consisted of 10,000 feet, or 3333^ yards, i. e. 773 yards 
 longer than that set out in the Battle Abbey Begister, and about 
 200 yards less than our modern 2 miles. 
 
 Blomefiold, 'in his ‘ History of Norfolk/ renders Leuua a league, 
 and considers it as of a length not exceeding two miles ; and this 
 measurement appears to have corresponded generally with the length 
 of the individual cases which he actually examined and measured. 
 Putting together all the evidence furnished by these quotations and 
 references, I think we shall arrive at a fair approximation to the 
 truth if we deem the Leuga, as a general rule, to have represented a 
 length rather less than 2 miles; and, accordingly, taking the Can¬ 
 terbury Chartulary as our guide in this instance, the 1 Leuca, 3 
 Perches, and 3 Feet assigned as the extent of the City’s Jurisdiction 
 over the Eoads were 3351 yards, i. e. about 170 yards less than 2 
 miles of our modern standard. 
 
 (77.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1. 43,—“ Qwidam preepositus, Prumannus nomine,” 
 etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 96,1. 36,— “A certain Reve named Brumann,” etc. 
 Propositus, I have here, again, translated Preepositus as Reve, —such being. 
 Portreeve. ag j j laye observed in Note 10, p. 153, supra, the most generic term 
 to represent the officer styled Preepositus. In the instance before us, 
 he must have been the King’s Beve—the King’s Governor of his 
 City of Canterbury. With regard to the position of the Preepositus, 
 or Reve, under varying circumstances, I would refer the Beader to 
 Append'ux VII. It will there be seen that the Preepositus of Can¬ 
 terbury was styled the Portgerefa or Portreeve, for which statement 
 Kemble produces abundance of evidence. It might, therefore, have 
 been more correct to have used the term Portreeve, instead of Reve, 
 in this passage; but I have preferred using the latter throughout the 
 Translation of the Survey, leaving the explanation of the Title in 
 any particular instance to such note as may be required. 
 
 This Brumann, then, was the King’s Portreeve, or Governor of 
 Canterbury, —and assuredly he had stretched his powers to a great 
 encroachment on the franchises and possessions of the Church. Al¬ 
 though it is stated in the Text that these encroachments had been 
 made T.B.E.,—I cannot divest myself of the impression that Odo’s 
 hand was there. The entries at p. 6, 1. 20 to 30 of the Exten¬ 
 sion, show how busy that hand had been in despoiling the King 
 in Canterbury, and there is little difficulty in the supposition that it 
 had been at work in the encroachments before us. In line 44, it is 
 
 stated that these were disputed and judicially rectified, in tho pre¬ 
 sence of Lanfranc and Odo. They were, therefore, among the ques¬ 
 tions adjudicated at the Penenden Controversy. (See Appendix 
 XIV.) 
 
 In the Chartulary of St. Augustine’s, already cited (see Appendix 
 XXIV.), there is the following passage which perhaps explains more 
 fully than our text the nature of these transactions :— 
 
 “ Si extranei mercatores veniebant in Civitatem, et aecipiebant hospicium 
 in terra Sanctje Trinitatis vel Sancti Augustini, tune habebant sui 
 prepositi (sic). Sed fuit quidem (sic) propositus, nomine Brimannus, qui 
 per totam terrain civitatis accepit omnes consuetudines, et teloneum injuste 
 de quo fecerunt monachi clamorera Begi Willeumo, qui precepit ut inde 
 fuisset ante Episcopum Baiocensem, et ante Hugonem de Mundfort, et 
 Comitem Ow, et Bicardum filium Gisleberti, qui eum jurare fecerunt, utde 
 bac reverum dieeret, quibus, post jusjurandum, dixit, quod verum teloneum 
 habebat aceeptum per totam Civitatem; sed injuste, de terra Sancte Tei- 
 nitatis vel Sancti Augustini.” 
 
 PltJEPOSTTCS, 
 
 Portreeve. 
 
 Although, neither in this passage nor in the Text is it actually 
 stated that these claims were adjudged at the Penenden Controversy, 
 yet, from the names mentioned as among the Judges, and the ex¬ 
 pression in the Text, Judicio Baronum Regis qui plaeitmn tenuenmt, 
 it can hardly be doubted that these formed part of the business be¬ 
 fore that Controversy; and, if so, it strengthens the suggestion I 
 have ventured to advance—that Odo was tho Prime Mover in the 
 aggressions. 
 
 (78.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1.47 ,—“ Judicio Ba/ronvm Regis, qui placitum tenue- * 
 runt.” 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1.40,— "By judgment of the King’s Barons, who 
 held the Plea.” 
 
 The Term Barones Regis, at the time of the Survey, was generally Barones 
 applied to the nobles of various rank, who were Lords of Manors, ^ EOIS - 
 held of the King in capite. From these the King used to summon 
 his great Councils to deliberate on the affairs of the kingdom, and 
 to act as his Justiciaries in administering right between his subjects. 
 
 We have already seen (p. 160, supra, Note 40) that, for the ordinary 
 administration of justice, these magnates of the county were 
 bound to assemble twice a year to hold a Shiremote for that purpose 
 (see Appendix XVII.); but there arose occasionally extraordinary 
 claims for adjudication, which required the gathering of extraordi¬ 
 nary assemblies of those learned in the laws and customs of the 
 kingdom, to decide between the disputants. Such was the great 
 Penenden Controversy, which had been necessitated by the spolia¬ 
 tions of Odo, and to which, in order to decide between two such 
 disputants as Lanfranc, on behalf of the holders of the Metropolitan 
 See of England, and Odo, the great plunderer of the Church, it 
 seemed imperative to summon all the eminent men of the kingdom. 
 Accordingly, as we read in Selden’s account of this controversy 
 (see his Notce et Spicilegmm, at the end of his edition of Eadmer’s 
 History, p. 197), that, when the King had learned from the repre¬ 
 sentations of Lanfranc, that boundless encroachments upon the pos¬ 
 sessions and liberties of the Archbishopric had been made by Odo— 
 
 “ Pneeepit Bex Comitatum totum absque mor& considere, et homines 
 Comitatus omnes, Francigenas, et prmcipue Anglos, in antiquis legibus et 
 Consuetudinibus peritos, in unum convenire. Qui, cum eonvenerunt apud 
 Pinendenam, omnes pariter consederunt. Et quoniam multa placita de 
 diratiocinationibus terrarum, et verba de consuetudinibus legum inter 
 Archiepiseopum et prmdictum Baiocensem Episcopum ibi surrexerunt, et 
 etiam inter consuetudines Begales et Archiepiscopales, qua) prima die ex- 
 pediri non potuerunt, ea causa totus Comitatus per tres dies fuit ibi de- 
 tentus.” 
 
 In these three days, the Archbishop recovered not only all the lands 
 of which his See had been despoiled, but also all his franchises 
 “ within the City and without”—and, as the chronicler proceeds 
 (see Appendix XIV.)— 
 
 “And by all those just and wise men who were present, it was thus there 
 dereyned, and also by the whole County recorded and adjudged, that, as 
 the King himself holds his lands free and quit in his own Demesne, so, the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury holds his lands altogether free and quit in his 
 own Demesne. 
 
 “ At this Plea were present, Goisfeid, Bishop of Constance, who was 
 there in the King’s place, and held the Court; Lanfranc, the Archbishop, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 185 
 
 Barones who, as it has been stated, pjeaded, and dereyned the whole; The Earl 
 Regis. Kent, viz. the foresaid Odo, Bishop of Baieux; Ernost, Bishop of 
 
 Rochester ; JEqeliuc, Bishop of Chichester, a very aged man, and 
 most learned in the laws of the land (who, by the King’s command, was 
 conveyed there in a carriage, to discuss and teach the said ancient laws 
 and customs); Richard de Tunebregge ; Hugh de Montfort ; Wil¬ 
 liam: de Arces; Haymo, the Sheriff; and many others the King’s 
 Barons; and many Homagers of the said Archbishop and of those Bishops; 
 and other Homagers of other counties, also, with all that county,—many, 
 both French and English, of great authority. In the presence of all these, 
 it was demonstrated by many and most clear reasons, that the King of 
 England has only three customs in any of the lands of the Church of Can¬ 
 terbury!’’ (See Appendix SIV.) 
 
 These three customs are then specified; for the particulars thereof 
 see Appendix XIV. 
 
 This extract from the history of the Penenden Controversy, is al¬ 
 most decisive that the complaint against Brumann’s encroachments 
 on the franchises of the Churches of St. Trinity and St. Augustine, 
 were among those there adjudicated;—and, if so, it almost follows 
 of necessity, that Odo had been the instigator. The whole contro¬ 
 versy was between Lanfranc and Odo. 
 
 Before we quit this page of the Survey, it seems desirable that I 
 should give a summary of our observations on the City of Canter¬ 
 bury, deduced from the Record itself and such other documentary 
 evidences as have been touched upon in the previous Notes. From 
 all of these, we collect that the City was of the demesne of the 
 Kings of England; that previously to the Survey, grants of many 
 portions of it had been made to the Church (and this will be still 
 further evidenced when we come to discuss the chapter devoted to 
 Terra Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis) and to religious houses ; that the 
 Conqueror had added to these grants, and, by covenants with the 
 Archbishop and the Abbey of St. Augustine’s, had made over thirty- 
 two houses to them, securing for himself in return the possession of 
 the Castle and the completion of the fortifications of the City; that 
 the number of Burgesses paying him Housegavel was thus reduced 
 to nineteen; that he retained his Signoral Rights over the entire 
 City, with the exception of a few specified possessions of the Church; 
 that at the time of the Survey he had let to Ferm the issues of the 
 City to a private individual ;* that Odo had despoiled the King and 
 the Church of much possession and many franchises; that all of these 
 were dereyned and restored to their right owners at the Penenden 
 Controversy; and, finally, that the City was let to the citizens, in 
 Fee Farm, for £60 per annum, in the year 1234, 18 H. III. 
 
 (79.) 
 
 Extension, p. 6,1.48 ,—“ Civitas Rovecestre T.R.E. valebat c solidos,” 
 etc. 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1.41,— "The City of Rochester in the time of King 
 Edward was worth a hundred shillings.” 
 
 City of The rapid rise in the value of Rochester, as recorded in this para- 
 
 Rochester. graph, requires something more than a passing notice. The city 
 seems to have been granted by the Crown to Odo, who lost no 
 time in exacting all its dues. It at once rises in value from 100s. to 
 £20, and then it is added that the present tenant pays even double 
 this sum, viz. £40. To what cause can we attribute it, that the 
 tenant pays twice as much as the value at which it is assessed 
 (valet) ? He had, doubtless, found means of adding to the exactions 
 by which Odo had already raised the amount of the issues of the 
 city. And here another question arises : Of whom did this tenant 
 hold,—of Odo or of the King? If of the latter, this part of the 
 entry, ille qui tenet, must have been added to the Commissioners’ 
 returns after they were delivered for enrolment, and after the con¬ 
 fiscation of Odo’s estates. I have already noticed that this difficulty 
 always meets us wherever the subject of Odo’s estates comes before 
 us. There is every appearance throughout the Survey, that, when 
 the Commissioners were pursuing their inquiries and collecting their 
 returns, the Bishop of Baieux was in possession of his estates; that 
 these returns had been delivered in after his disgrace; and that the 
 enrolling scribes could only take the returns as they found them, 
 and therefore entered the estates as though still in Odo’s possession, 
 
 1 It lias been suggested to me that the expression (“ Extension,” p. 6. 1. 12) guando 
 Saimo Vice comes recepit would indicate that the City had been consigned to Hnimo, not 
 merely as fiscal officer of the Crown, but that he had himself actually held it to berm 
 before it was let to the present tenant, qui tenel nunc. (See more on this subject, pp. 
 190-191 infra.) 
 
 —whereas, if not yet actually seized into the King’s hands, they City of 
 were, at least, under sequestration: hence the anomalies that cross Rochester. 
 us whenever the possessions of Odo appear in the returns. Pal¬ 
 pably there are frequent after-thoughts jotted down, and these 
 words ille qui tenet have very much the appearance of being one of 
 them. Still, taking them as they stand, we can only interpret them 
 as speaking of an individual who held them of Odo. But to revert 
 to our first question,—whence arose this sudden increase of value ? 
 
 We know from the Survey (Extension, p. 21,1. 29) that Godwin and 
 Odo had successively despoiled the Bishop of Rochester of the manor 
 of Stoke, and the history of the Penenden Controversy divulges 
 other spoliations from the Church and Priory of Rochester. The 
 Survey also tells us (Extension, p. 21, 1. 25) of eighty messuages in 
 Rochester, possessed by the Bishop, offering a temptation to Odo, 
 which he was little likely to resist, in the shape of unjust exactions for 
 housegavel, etc. Then there were the different Locata of the city, 
 pontage, or (supposing the bridge to have not yet been built) toll for 
 passage of the rivei’, tolls of passage from travellers towards the 
 sea, and numerous other sources from which unjust demands, in the 
 shape of Maltolt, such as an unscrupulous exactor like Odo or his 
 tenant, under his sanction, might have made; above all, there were 
 the Archbishop’s franchises within the city, which Odo, from his 
 special and implacable hatred to that Prelate, was little likely to 
 have overlooked, and which—from indications on the Pipe Roll and 
 Memoranda Rolls, as we shall presently cite—he had not overlooked. 
 
 The first citation which I shall make, as illustrating these sugges¬ 
 tions, is from the Pipe Roll, 9 H. III., as follows :— 
 
 “ Homines de Rouecestria reddunt compotum de yj u et is', de rema- 
 nenti firme ville sue :—In Thesauro nichil. Eb in quietancia paagii Cru- 
 cesignatorum transeuucium per Rofam versus mare, quod antiquitus capi 
 solebat, scilicet de homine equite j' 1 , et de homine pedite j obolus, quos 
 Rex, de cetero, quietos clamavit, ix', per breve Regis quod est in i'orulo 
 marescalli, in quo etiam continetur, quod, secundum quod paagium illud 
 fuerit, vel majus vel minus per annum, allocetur predictis hominibus in 
 firma sua, secundum quod talliatum fuit per Ballivum Vicecomitis et Bal- 
 livos Ville. 
 
 “ Et debent Homines vj" qui sunt super Libertates Hominura archiepi¬ 
 scopi.” 
 
 Next, on the Memoranda Rolls, t. H. III., are the following en- 
 i tries recording the King’s writ to the citizens of Rochester, com- 
 | manding the Barons of the Exchequer to make allowance to them in 
 | their Ferm for this Maltolt, levied on the Orucesignati in their passage 
 through the city towards the Holy Land; and, likewise, vj u yearly 
 for the liberties of the Archbishop of Canterbury within the city:— 
 
 “ Baronibus, pro hominibus Roffe. Rex eisdem. Computate Ballivis 
 nostris Roffe, in firma Ville sue Roffe, quantum capi cousuevit de Mala 
 | Tolta a Crucesignatis transeuntibus per predictam Viliam Roffe, antequam 
 Rex Ricardus, avunculus noster, Malam Toltam illam abolevit, per Car- 
 tam suam quam homines eiusdem Ville habent, sicut computari solet ante¬ 
 quam Viliam ipsain concederemus hominibus nostris predictis ad Feodi 
 Firmam. 
 
 “ Item, computate Ballivis nostris Roffe, singulis annis, vj", pro Liberta- 
 I tibus Cantuariensis archiepiscopi in Villa Roffe, sicut eis allocari consue. 
 
 verunt antequam Viliam nostram Roffe Civibus nostris Roffe commisi- 
 | mus ad Feodi Firmam, per Cartarn nostram quam eis inde fieri fecimus." 
 
 ! (Memoranda, 22 H. HI., Rot. 10 a.) 
 
 From these entries of the Maltolts, exacted by the citizens them- 
 j selves after they had their city in Fee Farm, there is less difficulty 
 I in imagining similar exactions, at an earlier period, on the part of 
 Odo and his tenant. Indeed, if we examine closely these extracts 
 from the Pipe and Memoranda Rolls, there are very strong indica- 
 1 tions that Odo had, at all events, usurped the franchises of his hated 
 enemy, the Archbishop. The annual sum of £6 for these franchises 
 was to be allowed the citizens in accounting for their Fee Farm rent, 
 i These franchises, therefore, must have come into the King’s hands, 
 
 ! by escheat, probably on Odo’s forfeiture, as part of his possessions, 
 and, as such, were included in the grant of Fee Farm to the citizens; 
 but when the rights of the Archbishop had been afterwards proved 
 and admitted, they were always regularly deducted from the citizens’ 
 rent inasmuch as they no longer enjoyed them, and therefore could 
 not justly be required to pay for the issues therefrom. 
 
 With regard to the Maltolt (i. e. the unjust toll) demanded of the 
 “ Orucesignati ” passing through the city on their way to the Holy 
 Land for which the citizens had to account to the King before they 
 had their city in Fee Farm: although, at first sight, it might seem that 
 
 3 A 
 
18G 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 City of this extortion had been the invention of Odo or his tenant, and also 
 Rochester. esc i iea t e d to the King, yet we are debarred from such conclusion, 
 inasmuch as the earliest attempts at a Crusade were only made by 
 Peter the Hermit in a.d. 1095, i. e. ten years later than the com¬ 
 pletion of the Survey. Still the practised hand of Odo’s tenant, 
 ille qui tenet, may possibly have still had power. At all events, we 
 may gather from this infliction of an unjust toll on Crusaders passing 
 through the city, that general travellers had previously been sub¬ 
 jected to exactions for passage-money, and that this toll probably 
 formed part of the increase in the issues of the city which we are 
 here discussing. 
 
 Hitherto we are assuming that the tenant held of Odo, but if the 
 city was now in the King’s hands and he was holding of the Crown, 
 a few more words may be necessary. 
 
 The exactor, in this case, must have been the King’s Prcepositus, 
 taking the rent as he found it on Odo’s forfeiture. How long this 
 unjust Maltolt, or whatever it was, continued, wo have no evidence. 
 Hasted speaks of a very early grant of the city to the citizens in 
 Fee Farm at £20 per annum, i. e. the same sum that it is described 
 as worth, raodo valet, in the Survey ; but he gives no authentic re¬ 
 ferences. The earliest record that I can find is an entry on the 
 Patent Rolls, 1 Ric. n., of Letters Patent, in which that King con¬ 
 firms a charter of " Inspeximus,” 4 Ed. III., inspecting and con¬ 
 firming a charter of 50 H. III., in which the King (H. III.) says that 
 whereas he had formerly granted the city of Rochester to the citi¬ 
 zens at a Fee-Farm rent of £20 per annum, and had also granted 
 them divers liberties (which are recited), he now, for their faithful 
 service, and for the loss and damage which they have sustained in 
 his service, remits £8 of the Ferm, so that they shall in future render 
 £12 per annum at the Exchequer. He confirms former liberties, and 
 grants others. This charter is dated at Westminster, 6 Feb., anno 
 50 H. III., i. e. a.d. 1265. All this confirms the idea that the 
 tenant alluded to in the Survey, ille qui, tenet, was paying double the 
 real value of the city, and that the sum assessed in the Survey, modo 
 valet, was its fair value,—one, however, to which Odo, by good 
 management or wrong, had contrived to raise it. The diminished 
 rent of £12 per annum, according to numerous records at subse¬ 
 quent periods, remained unchanged. It agrees also with the extract 
 given above from the Pipe Rolls, 9 H. III. 
 
 On the whole, the best conclusion at which I can arrive is, that 
 £20 was the real value of the city at the time of the Survey, and 
 that this value was afterwards maintained when let at Fee Farm, and 
 subsequently reduced, 50 H. III., to £12 per annum; the fran¬ 
 chises of the Archbishop being included therein, but satisfied by the 
 Crown always allowing the citizens a deduction of £6 per annum on 
 that account. 
 
 (SO.) 
 
 Extension, p. 7,1. 1,— “Item, Possessio Sancti Martini .” 
 
 Translation, p. 96, 1. 43,— “ Item, the Possession of St. Man-tin.” 
 
 Community Notwithstanding the copious details already given of the posses- 
 of St. _ sions of the Priory of St. Martin, we have here another page de¬ 
 voted to the registration of their property. In both instances, the 
 entries appear to be singularly misplaced. In ordinary course, those 
 on pp. 4 and 5 of the Extension should have been included in the 
 chapter devoted to Dover, instead of which they are omitted alto¬ 
 gether there, and not entered till after the record of the King’s sig- 
 nories and rights—the Leges Regis —in different parts of the county; 
 and here again, after a full description of the Burgage Tenures in 
 the cities of Canterbury and Rochester, the remainder of the 
 possessions of the Priory, and a statement of the spoliations to which 
 they had been subjected by Odo are fully recorded. The desultory 
 mode in which all these details are noted, would seem to imply that 
 they were jotted down at intervals by the Commissioners in the 
 course of different visits to the Priory at the instigations of the 
 Canons, whose anxious care for the restoration of their rights was 
 continually on the watch,—and whose influence with the Commis¬ 
 sioners, from whatever cause arising (see Note 46, p. 161, supra), 
 was sufficient to secure them a more complete registration of then- 
 rights than was allotted to any others in the Kent Survey. Besides 
 this, as I have before remarked, wherever Odo had been busy with 
 his plundering hands, there we are sure to find perplexity and con¬ 
 fusion in the Record. In fact (and this is especially evident in the 
 
 case before us) when the returns of the Commissioners were de- Community 
 livered in for enrolment,—nothing was left for the enrolling clerks M.m Ws 
 but to enter them in the form in which they received them,—metho¬ 
 dical arrangement was beyond their powers ; thus it is that we have 
 them in their present desultory state. The most experienced ac¬ 
 countant, even in these days, would find it no easy task to draw up 
 a well-ordered and lucid statement of the particulars enumerated in 
 these accounts of the possessions of the Priory. Still, a certain 
 amount of responsibility rests upon an editor, to furnish the public 
 with the best suggestions that he can offer, albeit he feels but im¬ 
 perfect confidence in their correctness. Under this conviction I will 
 endeavour to put together the various parts of these records relating 
 to the Priory in as intelligible a form as I can devise. 
 
 The general summary of the Terra Ga/nonicorum Scmcti Martini de 
 Dome (Extension, p. 4,1.10-15) gives the whole amount as 24 solins, 
 viz. 21 in the hundreds of Comely and Beusberg, and 3 in the 
 hundreds of Estret, Belissolt, and Blacheborn. Then follow the 
 particular details of these lands, it being first premised that they 
 had been originally held by the Community, i. e. the Chapter in one 
 fund; but that Odo had separated them into distinct Prebends, to 
 be held by the Canons individually. Of these Prebends 22 are 
 enumerated as lying in the hundreds of Comely and Beusberg. 
 
 The quantity of land in each of these Prebends is distinctly set 
 out, and when added together (calculating the solin at 160 acres, 
 the jugum at 40 acres, and the virge at 10 acres, as suggested in 
 Notes 44 and 63, supra) the sum of them is 19 solins plus 45 acres; 
 we shall still, therefore, have to account for 4 solins and 115 acres, 
 or thereabouts (for of course we must not expect minute accuracy in 
 acreage measurement), to make up the total amount of the 24 solins, 
 the estimated extent of the Terra Canoniconim Sancti Martini. 
 
 Now let us turn to page 7 of the “ Extension,” and we shall there 
 find (1. 1 to 16) a record of the holders of lands amounting to some¬ 
 thing more than 4 solins; but, with regard to these, there are a few 
 circumstances which must not be passed over without special notice. 
 
 I have already alluded, in Note 49, supra, to the contradictions that 
 appear in page 4 of the “ Extension,” viz. that Odo had been the 
 first to divide the Oommunitas, i. e. the common possessions of the 
 Chapter, into individual Prebends,—and yet, notwithstanding that 
 assertion, numerous particular prebends are set out as having been 
 so held 'l’.R.E.; and now, again, we have notes of the Gommunitas 
 of St. Martin as still existing. This last statement may be readily 
 explained by the necessity that always exists in the management 
 of chapter property, of reserving a considerable portion of the 
 estates for the common requirements of the establishment—for 
 Domus. The nature, also, of some parts of their possessions, such 
 as Tithes, the “ Theloneum ” of Dover, etc., must be borne in mind 
 as incapable of being divided into separate prebends. It was pal¬ 
 pably so in the case before us, and thus it is that on pages 4 and 5 
 of the “ Extension ” are recorded the lands already divided into dis¬ 
 tinct prebends, while the registration of the possessions assigned to 
 the maintenance of the community is reserved for this page 7. Yet 
 here, at the very threshold, we are met by a most contradictory 
 entry,— De Oommumtate Samcti Martini habent simul iij canonici 
 unvm solin et xvj acras. If this land were of the Communia of the 
 chapter, how can it be consistently described as possessed by 
 three individual canons? I can only conjecture that this small 
 portion was assigned to these three canons for some particular 
 object or services important to the maintenance of the establish¬ 
 ment ; what these were being passed over without notice. Be this 
 as it may, they clearly form part of the 4 solins and 115 acres for 
 which we have yet to account. Three of these are unmistakably 
 set out (“ Extension,” p. 7, 1. 5 to 11) as those which at p. 4, 
 
 1. 12, are described as lying in the hundreds of Estret, Belissolt, 
 and Blacheburne, and here represented as lying in the same 
 hundreds; and to these 3 solins we may add the 5 denns named as 
 belonging to them, and thus, apparently, we make up our comple¬ 
 ment of the 24 solins constituting the Terra Canoniconim Sancti 
 Martini. It is well to note in passing that Staxestede is the manor 
 of Polton Stansted, in Aldington, as proved by the Surrenden 
 MS., cited infra, in which there is an entry of payment made to the 
 Steward of the Court of Polton Stansted, in Aldington. 
 
 Taking up the very next paragraph of Survey, we at once en¬ 
 counter fresh difficulty in the entry Terra Nordeuuode, Terra Ripe, 
 et Ten-a Brandet, which are represented in No. XII, infra, as con- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Community 
 of St. 
 Martin's. 
 
 taining 250 acres, i.e. ratlier more than li solin,—thus exceeding 
 by that quantity the 4 solins for which we have to account, and ex¬ 
 tending the entire possessions of the Priory to nearly 26 solins, in¬ 
 stead of 24, at which they were assessed. It is true that a few small 
 portions of pasture, still further extending their acreage, are enume¬ 
 rated in the present page of the “ Extension,” but these portions 
 are so very minute that we need not pause to make any difficulty 
 about them. This excess, however, of 1^ solin seems to require more 
 notice. This land, it appears, was appropriated to the almonry of the 
 Priory, and therefore it is just possible that it escaped enumeration 
 among the lands supplying revenue to the canons; but it was called 
 to the notice of the Commissioners on the revision and supplementary 
 record of the possessions at the Priory registered at page 7 of the 
 “ Extension.” I cannot pretend to offer any better suggestion than 
 this, regretting to leave the question in so much uncertainty; but there 
 is one most peculiar circumstance to be noted in reference to this 
 page of the “Extension” (lines 1 to 16), viz. that for all these lan ds, 
 as well as for the 5 denns attached to them, the “ Villani ” and 
 “Bordarii” are represented as paying specific money-rents, not 
 mere prcedial services, amounting altogether to £4. 8s. Id .,—a large 
 decrease upon the estimated value of the rental “ T.R.E. et modo,” 
 which seems to have been set at £10. This payment of actual money- 
 rents by Villans and Bordars is of rare occurrence in our Survey, 
 and the amount paid by them being so much less than the estimated 
 value is a fact which the Record leaves unexplained. The only sug¬ 
 gestion I can make is, that the difference was made up by the prm- 
 'dial services of these tenants. 
 
 To confirm the view which we have taken that the 1 solin and 16 
 acres possessed by the three Canons, added to these other 3, with their 
 5 denns made up the complement of the 24 solins of p. 4, Extension, 
 
 1. 9 to 13, and that these 4 had, as yet, been undivided into distinct 
 Prebends, but were part of the possessions of the Priory yet re¬ 
 maining in “Communia,”—the Record states, p. 7, Extension, 1.15— 
 
 “ Ilia quatuor solina supradicta habent Canonici Sancti Martini in com- 
 munitate inter nemus etplanuin.” 
 
 We must necessarily, therefoi’e, take these 4 solins and their 
 denns (to speak in round numbers),—the complement of the entire 
 24, constituting their possessions,—as being still in Communia, 
 i. e. the property of the Chapter in common, and the exceptional 
 circumstance of the three Canons possessing between them 1 
 solin and 16 acres of this Communia must remain unexplained. 
 Perhaps it was only a temporary arrangement, and at their deaths 
 these lands were to revert to the Commu/nia. The expression inter 
 nemus et -planum, and the addition of the 5 denns, might pos¬ 
 sibly indicate that these 4 solins were but partially cultivated and 
 that they consisted mainly of wood, pannage lands, and pasture,— 
 the term denn signifying a low ground of wood, or wooded slope, 
 reserved by the Lord of a manor for pannage or pasturage, or as¬ 
 signed to his tenants for the same purposes. It was generally an 
 outlying portion of the manor, perfectly detached, and often at a 
 great distance from it, but we will reserve a more particular account 
 of these Denns for discussion in a future page. 
 
 Having given full details of the 24 solins, the Record proceeds 
 to note the miscellaneous possessions of the Priory, which have not 
 yet been specifically set out:— 
 
 I. There are lands at Northwode, River, and Brandet charged with 
 
 20s. per annum to the Almonry of the Priory. By a manu¬ 
 script in the Surrenden Collection,—viz. the accounts of the 
 Priory for one year, from a.d. 1530 to a.d. 1531,—I am enabled 
 to identify Nordeuuode as a manor in Whitstable belonging to 
 the Priory. There is entered therein a payment made to the 
 steward. Curie de Northiuood apud ty-liitstaple. Indeed, an¬ 
 ciently the manor of Whitstable was called Northwood alias 
 Whitstaple. Brandred was a manor in Ac,rise, and appears 
 in the same accounts. Ripa was River, the manor of which 
 was part of the possessions of the Priory (see Appendix, p. 
 4, col. 2). 
 
 II. Then it is recorded that on the Inland, i. e. the demesne land, 
 
 there are 7 Bordars with half a team, who are charged with 
 60s. per annum to provide sandals for the Canons. 
 
 III. Then, St. Margaret is represented as producing a rent of £7 
 per annum. In the Surrenden MS. just cited there is among 
 the receipts, De decimis Bcctorie de Sancta Margareta per 
 
 187 
 
 annum x“ vj‘ viij d . The £7, therefore, here must be for the Community 
 annual produce of the Rectory, of which the Priory were 
 owners. It is stated, by interlineation, that there is one 
 Busticus there. This expression “ liusticus ” is new to us. 
 
 It only occurs in one other instance in our Kent Survey, viz. 
 in Extension, p. 49, 1. 43, where we read “xi molini cum 
 gablo rusticorum” clearly indicating the tenants on the 
 manor, Villans and Bordars, who were subject to gafol for 
 their corn ground at the Lord’s mill. If this be so, the 
 Busticus at St. Margaret’s must have been the Bordar em¬ 
 ployed on the glebe there. By the quotation which I have 
 given from the Surrenden MS. it is evident that the record 
 here refers to the Rectory of St. Margaret, not only because 
 the Communia forms the subject of this page, but also because 
 the specific Prebends in that parish have been already set out, 
 and their aggregate value amounts to much more than this £8. 
 
 IV. Next appears on the Record the Theloneum de Doure which we 
 have already fully discussed in Note 5, p. 151, supra, and on 
 which more information will be found in Appendix IV. It 
 will be remembered that the only actual allusion to this Toll 
 hitherto made, has been a very obscure entry in the fifth line of 
 our Survey, which forms the subject of our discussions. Note 
 5, and in the Appendix. Here, however, the Commissioners 
 distinctly enter it as having been really worth £8, T.R.E., and 
 now £22. 
 
 V. Next, we have recorded, as part of the common possessions 
 of St. Martin, three churches rendering 36s. and 8cZ. per 
 annum. 
 
 VI. Next, a pasture in Medreclive, and certain orchards or gardens 
 in Dover, producing 9s. 4 d. per annum. 
 
 VII. Next, a pasture in Shedber-tswell producing 16fZ. per annum. 
 
 VIII. Next, 10i mills, the rent of which is £7, although appraised at 
 £12, but from this the Canons are represented as deriving 
 no profit; no cause, however, is assigned for this deficiency. 
 
 It is added that eight homagers ( Homines ) dwell in these mills. 
 
 IS. Next, there is a note of one pasture at Scortebroc rendering 
 2s. per annum. 
 
 X. In the next entry it is recorded that “de hac communi- 
 tate ” the Archbishop receives, evory year, 55s.; apparently a 
 Signoral Tax on all the lands of the Communia of St. Martin, 
 though this is after all but obscurely indicated. 
 
 XI. The next entry, Ibi sunt vj homines cum j Cornea, et dimidia, 
 i. e. There are six homagers with one Team and a half, is most 
 difficult of satisfactory explanation as to the place designated 
 by Ibi. It cannot refer to the 10£ mills, because eight homagers 
 are already enumerated as residing there; neither is it pro¬ 
 bable that it refers to Scortebroc, because that is described 
 as pasture; and, therefore, any team would be useless there, 
 except for the mere feeding of the animals constituting it. 
 
 Besides which, the entry is disconnected from Scortebroc by 
 the note recording the Archbishop’s claim upon the Com¬ 
 munity for 55s. per annum. Neither can we connect it with 
 hac Commimitate, because the homagers and their teams have 
 all been already distinctly enumerated in the details of the 
 Communia. It is vain to attempt any satisfactory elucida¬ 
 tion of this entry. 
 
 XII. We now come to a paragraph suggestive of many questions. 
 
 Are the lands enumerated from 1. 30 to 1. 37 distinct and 
 separate lands from those recorded 1. 1 to 18, or are they the 
 same, recapitulated here in order to introduce the statement 
 that they were exempted from Scot and Custom ? I think 
 there can be little doubt that this is the true interpretation 
 of the paragraph, otherwise we extend the possessions of the 
 Priory to nearer 30 solins than the amount at which they are 
 assessed in page 4 of the “ Extension.” The entry seems, 
 indeed, to be made for the express purpose of recording that 
 of the lands previously registered, 400£ acres (or 2J solins, 
 according to the suggestions in Note 44, supra), and 250 
 acres more at Ripa, Nordeude, and Brand are not liable to 
 any Scot or Custom, inasmuch as they are acquitted therefrom 
 by the general charges on the 24 solins constituting the pos¬ 
 sessions of the Priory. These terms, Scolns and Gonsuetndo, 
 are not frequent in our Survey. There is a passage in the 
 account of the Archbishop’s lands at Pecheham (see “ Exten- 
 
188 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Community sion,” p. 17, 1. 9 to 14), in which Scot is named as a totally 
 
 Martin's distinct charge from Geld or Danegeld. The precise words 
 
 are these:— 
 
 “ Pro vj solins se defendebat T.R.E... . De terra hujus manerii 
 tenet unus homo Archiepiscopi dimidium solin. Et cum his vj 
 solins geldabat T.R.E., quamvis non pertineret manerio,wm de Scoto, 
 quia libera terra erat.” 
 
 And so again in the Conqueror’s charter conferring the manor 
 of Wi on Battel Abbey (quoted p. 189, infra), he grants it 
 “cum omnibus libertatibus et regalibus Consuetudinibus ,” 
 and free ab oirvni Geldo et Scoto et Hidagio, et Danegeldo, et 
 opere Pentium, etc. Now if we suppose that the expression 
 Consuetudinis vel Scoti of the paragraph we are discussing 
 does not refer to Danegeld, but to other casual claims of the 
 King, we may feel justified in such supposition by the above 
 cited passages, for assuredly in them Scot and Danegeld are 
 distinct charges, and then there will be little difficulty in un¬ 
 derstanding the statement that 24 solins—constituting, in 
 round numbers, the possessions of the Priory—covered or 
 acquitted the lands enumerated in the paragraph before us 
 from any other charge than those to which they were them- | 
 selves liable. Indeed, the expression hcec omnia adquietant 
 seems to prove that this is a correct interpretation. The en- I 
 tire passage is Hcec terra minquam reddidit illiquid Consuetu- | 
 dims vel Scoti, quia xxiv Solini hcec omnia adquietant. Had ] 
 this statement referred to Hcec terra, it would have been 
 written illam adquietant, instead of which we have hcec om¬ 
 nia, — i. e. acquit (not this land, but) all such casual charges 
 as these, viz. Scotus et Oonsuetudmes, —and thus, accordingly, 
 
 I have rendered the passage in the “ Translation.” All the 
 above observations on this paragraph tend to confirm the 
 view that I have taken, viz. that it is not an entry of lands 
 distinct from those which have been previously named in this 
 page of the “ Extension,” but merely a record of such of them 
 as claimed exemption from certain charges. 
 
 XIII. We now come to a summary of the legal claims of the Priory 
 for the lands, etc., which they held in Gommunia, and the 
 unjust deficiencies in their receipts: Hcec omnia, si Ganonici 
 haberent sicut jus esset, valerent illis lx libras singulis annis; 
 rnodo non habent nisi xlvij libras, et vj solidos, et iiij denarios. 
 Now let us collect the different particulars recorded in this 
 page, and we shall find that Nos. XII. and XIII. do not refer 
 to different lands from those before named, but are, in fact, a 
 summary of all that precedes them in the accounts of the 
 Gommunia of St. Martin. The account stands thus:— 
 
 Actual Receipts. Value. Deficiency. 
 
 
 £. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. £. £. " 
 
 The 4 solins, with their 5 denns 
 Terra Nordeuuode et Ripas et 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 1 . 10 . 6 
 
 Brandet. 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 6 
 
 Inland, for Sandals . . . . 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Rectory of St. Margaret. . . 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Toll of Hover. 
 
 22 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Three Churches. 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 Orchards. 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 Pasture in Sibertesuualt . . 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 Mills. 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 0 . 12 , 5 
 
 Scortebroc. 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 
 47 
 
 17 
 
 11 22 11 
 
 Add the deficiency . . 
 
 11 
 
 0 
 
 0 — — 
 
 
 58 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 Their actual receipts, according 
 
 to these details, were about 
 
 £48, and their lawful claims amounted 
 
 to about £59, corre- 
 
 sponding with sufficient precision to the respective amounts 
 named in the text. 
 
 XIY. We next have a list of the spoliations to which the Canons had 
 been subjected at the hands of Harold, and Odo and his crea¬ 
 tures, and it is recorded that they do not resign their claims 
 for restitution. 
 
 And thus closes this unsatisfactory and ill-connected record of the 
 present and former possessions of the Canons of St. Martin. I will 
 
 not offer any further explanations than such as have already suggested Community 
 themselves in the discussion of this page of the Survey, and which I Martin's. 
 have advanced with the greatest diffidence and distrust,—so much so, 
 that I should have left the page without remark, but that I felt it 
 was a duty incumbent upon me to offer the best elucidation in my 
 power; and I can only conclude by repeating again here that all our 
 perplexity arises from the fact that the entries here made iu the 
 Survey of the possessions of St. Martin are a confused collection of 
 miscellaneous memoranda, jotted down at intervals and never re¬ 
 duced into systematic order. 
 
 ( 81 .) 
 
 Extension, p. 7,1. 49,—“ Hie annotantur Tenentes Terras in Ghent.” 
 
 Translation, p. 97,1. 40,—“ Here are noted the holders of Lands in 
 Kent.” 
 
 After seven pages devoted principally to those possessions which Tenants in 
 had been most subjected to Odo’s spoliations, and which, perhaps IN 
 
 for that very reason, had been first separately and distinctly noticed __- 
 
 by the Commissioners, inasmuch as numerous questionable and dis¬ 
 puted claims had thence arisen therein (to say nothing of vast en¬ 
 croachments on the rights of the Crown that had been made by this 
 spoliator and which necessarily demanded their first attention), we 
 come to the ordinary course pursued in the Survey, viz. that of com¬ 
 mencing the returns of each county, with a tabular list of all the 
 owners of manors therein. This list is always headed by the King 
 himself, and then follow the names of his different tenants in 
 capita, viz. those who held their estates immediately of the Crown. 
 
 It appeai-s by the list before us that all the manors of Kent were ap¬ 
 portioned among twelve of these tenants in chief, viz. the Arch¬ 
 bishop of Canterbury, with his Knights and Monks of Christ Church; 
 the Bishop of Rochester; the Bishop of Baieux; the Abbeys of 
 Battle, St. Augustine, and Ghent; four of his Norman Barons; and 
 his Chaplain Albert. Among these, then, he had distributed all the 
 lands of the county previously held by those Saxon chiefs who had 
 not made their submission to him. When we come to investigate 
 the estates of the Church, we shall find that a very large portion of 
 them remained in the same hands that held them before the Con¬ 
 quest. There had been little interference with these estates on the 
 part of the Conqueror, except in the restoration of property of which 
 they had been despoiled and in additional grants; Those which he 
 conferred on the Bishop of Baieux and on his Norman barons were 
 the forfeited estates of the Saxon chiefs. 
 
 These tenants in capita granted their manors to other chiefs or 
 lords to hold of themselves, as we shall find when we come to 
 examine the details of the different possessions of the twelve great 
 tenants in capite above noted. 
 
 It may not be amiss, before I conclude this note, to insert a few 
 particulars as to the list before us. 
 
 1. First, there is the King himself,—his lands being those of the Lands in 
 ancient demesne of the Crown; to the tenants of these, peculiar pri- 
 
 vileges were attached, many of which remain to this day. These_ 
 
 lands were generally put in charge of the King’s own Prmpositus or 
 
 in that of the Sheriff. When we come to examine in detail the 
 history of these Terre Regis in Kent, we shall find that the sheriffs, 
 when in charge, had been guilty of gross spoliations; and we can 
 well understand why the Crown in very early days, as testified by 
 the Pipe Rolls, granted them to different individuals in Fee Farm. 
 
 2. The next name is that of the Archbishop of Canterbury. As I Archbishop 
 have already observed, most of his lands stood as they were T. R. E., 0F Canteb- 
 with the exception of subsequent grants to the Archbishop. 
 
 3. The next on the list are the Monks of the Archbishop, and his Monks of 
 men,—that is, the lands of the Holy Trinity (i. e. the Priory of Christ THE Ahch- 
 Church) and St. Martin, in Canterbury,—and those who held of him hitmen* D 
 by knight-service; to these last a distinct chapter is assigned in the 
 
 Survey (see “Extension,” p. 15). They seem to consist of Norman 
 chiefs, and, if so, it must have been by grants from the Crown that 
 they thus held their lands; but we will leave this question till we 
 come to investigate the details of the different manors thus held. 
 
 4. Next we have the Bishop of Rochester, of whose tenants it BisHor of 
 may be said, as of those belonging to the Archbishop, that they E ’ ochesteb - 
 stood as they were T. R. E. In the record, however, numerous 
 spoliations of them and the restoration of the Bishop’s rights are 
 recorded. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 189 
 
 Bishop op 5. Tlie next named is the Bishop op Baieux, all of his lands being 
 Baieux. grants from the Conqueror, increased by his own spoliations. The 
 
 reader of English History need hardly be reminded that he was 
 uterine brother to the Conqueror,—the son of Herluin de Contaville 
 and Harleta, the concubine of Robert, Duke of Norm an dy. The 
 Earl of Moretaine and Adeliza, or Adelaide, Countess of Aumarle, 
 were his brother and sister. He was created Bishop of Baieux in 
 a.d. 1049. 
 
 “ He was Earl of Kent” (says Kelliam, in his compendious account of 
 Odo’s life,) “ and also Count Palatine, and J•isticiarius Anglie, and had the 
 high titles of Totius Anglie Yicedominus sub Bege, — Princess Palatii ,— 
 Curia Palatines regnique negotiis specialis Prapositus, et a Bege secimdus, 
 given him by historians; and, what was of more eminence, he was at that 
 time reputed the wisest man in England. He had 184 lordships in Kent 
 alone, and 255 in other counties, and looking upon himself as rich enough 
 to purchase the Papacy when it should become vacant, be, in 1082, col¬ 
 lected his treasures together, sent part of them over to Rome, and was 
 preparing, with a great retinue, to follow them ; but William having intel¬ 
 ligence of his design, hastened over from Normandy, surprised him in the 
 Isle of Wight just as he was going to sail, seized him, as Earl of Kent, 
 with his own hands, and sent him to prison in Normandy. His treasure 
 was seized and his estates confiscated, and he did not regain his liberty till 
 William Rufus ascended the throne. This King restored Ono to his 
 Earldom; but Ono finding he had not the same sway and power as in the 
 former reign, he headed the conspiracy in favour of his nephew Robert, 
 Duke of Normandy, against Rufus; this last, however, prevailing, he was 
 obliged to abjure the realm for ever and went into Normandy, where he 
 was received by Duke Robert, and had the whole care of the Province 
 committed to him. He died at Palekmo, in Sicily, in 1096-7, in his 
 journey to Rome with his nephew, and was buried in the Church of Our 
 Lady at Palermo.” (Kelham, pp. 25, 26.) 
 
 Ordericus Vitalis tells us that wben he died at Palermo, he was on 
 his way—with his nephew, Duke Robert—to Jerusalem on a pil¬ 
 grimage. In describing the arrest of Odo by his brother, King Wil¬ 
 liam, William of Malmesbury gives a most characteristic anecdote of 
 the Conqueror in these proceedings. 
 
 “ He commanded the guards to seize him ; but no one daring to touch 
 him in regard he was a Bishop, the King himself laid hands on him. 
 Whereupon he said, ‘That he was a Clerk, and a minister of God; and 
 ‘that he was not to be sentenced by any but the Pope.’ But the King 
 replied, 1 1 neither sentence any Clerk or Bishop, but my own Earl, whom 
 ‘ I made my Vicegerent in my kingdom, resolving that he shall give account 
 ‘ of that his trust.’ ” 
 
 I cannot conclude tbis bistory of Odo without adding a descrip¬ 
 tion of tbe scene which Ordericus Vitalis presents to us from his 
 history of the last moments of the Conqueror. 
 
 “Meanwhile, the physicians and royal attendants in charge of the dying 
 Prince, together with the nobles who had come to visit him, took an oppor¬ 
 tunity of speaking in favour of the captives who were detained in prison, 
 humbly entreating him to have pity on them and grant their release. The 
 King replied to them :—‘ I have long kept in captivity Morcar, the noble 
 ‘ English Earl; in this I have been unjust; but my fear has been that, if 
 * he were liberated, he would raise disturbances in the kingdom of England. 
 
 ‘ I threw into prison Roger de Breteuil, who opposed me with bitter animo- 
 ‘ sity, and stirred up against me his brother-in-law, Ralph de Guader, and 
 ‘ many others, and I swore that he should not be set free as long as I lived. In 
 ‘ like manner I confined many persons to punish them for their own offences, 
 ‘and others to prevent their causing future rebellions. Justice requires 
 ‘ this, and the divine law, through Moses, commands the rulers of the world 
 ‘ to restrain the guilty, that the innocent may not perish. Being now, 
 
 ‘ however, at the point of death as I hope to be saved, and, by God’s mercy, 
 
 ‘ absolved from my sins, I order that the prison doors shall be forthwith 
 ‘ thrown open, and all the prisoners, except my brother, the Bishop of 
 ‘ Baieux, be released and suffered to go free for the love of God, that he 
 ‘ also may have mercy upon me.’ . . . 
 
 “ When Robert, Earl of Morton, heard that, by the King’s decision, 
 his brother was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, he was much dis¬ 
 tressed, . . . and by his own supplications and those of his friends on be¬ 
 half of his brother, wearied the suffering Prince. The King was exhausted 
 by the numerous solicitations from so many quarters for the release of the 
 Bishop of Baieux; but at length he said,— 
 
 “ ‘ I wonder that your penetration has not discovered the character of 
 ' the man for whom you supplicate me. Are not you making petitions for 
 ‘ a prelate who has long held religion in contempt, and who is the subtle 
 ‘ promoter of fatal divisions ? Have I not already incarcerated for four 
 ‘ years the Bishop, who, when he ought to have proved himself exemplary 
 
 ( ' u t * ie J ust government of England, became a most cruel oppressor of the Bishop of 
 ‘ people and destroyer of the convents of monks ? In desiring the libera- Baieux. 
 
 ‘ tion of this seditious man you are ill advised, and are bringing on your- 
 ‘ selves a serious calamity. It is clear that my brother Odo is a man not to 
 ‘ be trusted,ambitious, given to fleshly desires, and of enormous cruelty; and 
 ‘ that he will never be converted from his whoredoms and ruinous follies. 
 
 ‘ I satisfied myself of this on several occasions, and therefore I imprisoned, 
 
 ‘ not the Bishop, but the tyrannical Earl. There is no doubt that if he is 
 • released he will disturb the whole country and be the ruin of thousands. 
 
 ‘ I say this, not from hatred, as if I were his enemy, but as the father of 
 ‘ my country, watching for the welfare of a Christian people. It would, 
 
 ‘ indeed, give me inexpressible and heartfelt joy to think that he would 
 ‘ conduct himself with chastity and moderation, as it always becomes a 
 ‘ priest and minister of God.’ 
 
 “ All the friends of the Bishop pledging themselves for his reformation, 
 the King further said,— 
 
 Whether I will or not, your petition shall be granted, but after my 
 ‘ death there will immediately be a violent change in affairs. It is against 
 my own judgment that I permit my brother to be released from confine¬ 
 ment, for be assured that he will cause the death or grievous injury of 
 ‘ many persons.’ ’’ (See Ordericus Vitalis, ed. Forester, 1854, vol. ii pp 
 414-417.) 
 
 The King himself died a very few days after these scones. Not¬ 
 withstanding this promise of William, Odo was, after all, excepted 
 from the general amnesty, and the “sequel of his history will show 
 how well his brother had penetrated the real character of this 
 voluptuous and turbulent prelate.” 
 
 6. Next on the list appears the Abbey of Battel. Their lands Abbey of 
 consisted of the royal manor of Wye, part of the ancient demesne BatteIu 
 of the Crown, and were granted to that Abbey by the Conqueror in 
 
 these words:— 
 
 “Huic iterum Ecclesie Sancti Martini de Bello, do resale manerium 
 quod vocatur Wi, cum omnibus appendiciis suis, ex mea dominica corona, 
 cum omnibus libertatibus et regalibus consuetudinibus, ita liberum et 
 quietum, sicut liberius et quietius tenui, vel ut Rex dare potui; scilicet, 
 ab omni Geldo, et Scoto, et Hidagio, et Danegeldo, et opere pontium, et 
 Castellorum, et Clausuris, et Parcorum, et Exercitibus, et omnibus auxiliis, 
 et Placitis, et Querelis, et Siris et Hundredis, cum Saca et Soca, et Tol, ec 
 Thearn, et Infangentheof, et Warpeni, et Lestagiis, et Hainsocne, et Forstal, 
 et Blodwite, et Cildwite, et Latrocinis, si acciderit. Similiter do duos de- 
 narios de omnibus forisfacturis et placitis omnium Hundredorum que per¬ 
 tinent ad summonicionem de Wi. In Dengemareis vero, quod est unum 
 membrum de Wi, concedo eidem ecclesie omnes maritimas consuetudines 
 quas illic habui cum omni Wrec. Et si piscis qui adspeis vocatur illic ad- 
 venerit, abbatis et monachorum sit totus : si vero intra terminos de Blacke- 
 ware, et Horsemede, et Brudelle usque Withiburne appulerit, duas partes 
 ejusdem piscis, et linguam, habeat Ecclesia, sicut ego semper habui.” (See 
 Harleian Collection of Charters, 83, A 12.) 
 
 7. Next, the Abbey of St. Augustine,—of whose lands it may be Abbey of 
 said, as of those of the Archbishop,—they stood as they were T.R.E., St - Augus- 
 with the exception of subsequent grants. This appears from the Ifj 
 entries of the different manors belonging to this Abbey in the de¬ 
 tails of the Survey, wherein are occasionally named those who held 
 
 them T.R.E., or those who had made grants to the Abbey. 
 
 8. Next comes the Abbey of Gand, i. e. the Abbey of St. Peter Abbey of 
 of Ghent, in Flanders. Their lands consisted of the manor of Gue ‘ nt - 
 Lewisham, which, with its appendages, Greenwich and Combe,— 
 according to Tanner and Dugdale,—was granted to the Abbey by 
 Elthruda, King Alfred’s niece. 
 
 9. Next on the b'st appears the name of Hugh de Montford. He Hugh de 
 accompanied the Conqueror to England, fighting on his side at the Montfobd. 
 battle of Hastings. He was one of William’s most trusted and 
 
 valued servants, being often employed by him in high places of 
 trust, and was one of the barons assembled at the Penenden Con¬ 
 troversy to adjudicate between Lanfranc and Odo. The King re¬ 
 warded him for his continued and faithful services by grants of more 
 than a hundred lordships in different parts of England, fifty of them 
 being in Kent. He was son of Thurston de Bastenbergh and an¬ 
 cestor of the Lords of Montfort-surrRisle, and lost his life in a combat 
 with Vauquelin de Ferrieres. 
 
 10. Next on the list is Eustace, Earl of Boulogne. He, too, was Eustace, 
 at the battle of Hastings, where, according to Ordericus, he appears ^ AI,L °* 
 to have been somewhat over-cautious and was severely wounded. 
 
 The Conqueror conferred upon him grants of lands and honours. 
 
 In Kent he had Westerham and Boughton Aluph, formerly held by 
 Godwin. Differences having arisen between him and the King, the 
 
 3 B 
 
190 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Eustace, Kentish men, groaning under the tyranny and oppressions of the 
 
 Eabl of Normans, sent messengers to him to cross the sea and aid them in 
 
 wresting Dover Castle from the King’s garrison. He accepted the 
 invitation and crossed over in the dead of the night. On his arrival, 
 he was strenuously supported by the men of Kent, and made a 
 vigorous attack on the castle; but the garrison offered a determined 
 resistance, and the result was a most disastrous defeat for Eustace 
 and the slaughter of an immense amount of his followers, escaping 
 himself, says Ordericus,— 
 
 lowy of Tunbridge. His own actual manors, according to the Sur- Richard de 
 vey, seem to have been only Valding (called there Hallinges) and ^ 0NEBBIGIi - 
 Barmin o'; but there were probably others which the King had dis¬ 
 charged from the liability to Danegeld, and therefore they are not 
 named in the Survey; but he had, as I have stated, large signoral 
 rights in numerous other manors. He was slain in an ambush in 
 
 Wales, shortly after the death of Henry I. His title of Richard de 
 
 Tonebrige he acquired from his seat at that town, which, with its 
 castle, he obtained from the Archbishop of Canterbury in exchange 
 for the castle of Brion; being possessed at the same time, according 
 
 “ By having the advantage of a fleet horse, his knowledge of the road, 
 and finding a ship ready to put to sea. . . . Not long afterwards Count 
 Eustace effected a reconciliation with King‘William and enjoyed his friend¬ 
 ship for many years afterwards. The Count’s origin was most illustrious, 
 as he was a descendant of Charlemagne, the mightiest King of the Franks. 
 His power, also, was very great, he being Sovereign Prince of the three 
 counties of Boulogne, Guines, and Terouanne. He married Ida, a noble 
 and religious woman, who was sister of Godfrey, Dube of Lorraine. She 
 bore him three sons,—Godfrey, Baldwin, and Eustace,—and a daughter, 
 who married Henry IV., Emperor of Germany.” 
 
 to Dugdale, of thirty-eight lordships in Surrey, thirty-five in Essex, 
 three in Cambridgeshire, two in Kent (viz. Yalding and Banning), 
 
 Herefelde in Middlesex, Sudtune in Wiltshire, Levestone in Devon¬ 
 shire, and ninety-five in Suffolk,—besides thirteen burgesses in 
 
 Ipswich, whereof Clare was one, whence he was sometimes called 
 
 Ricliwrd de Glare. 
 
 There is one remarkable circumstance attached to his possession 
 of the castle of Tunbridge which must not be passed over without 
 notice, viz. that it is not mentioned in the Survey, further than that 
 
 Of these sons, Godfrey was the celebrated Godfrey of Boulogne, 
 the conqueror and King of Jerusalem. To this passage which I have 
 cited from Ordericus Vitahs, Mr. Forester appends a note that he was 
 “indeed descended from Charlemagne by his mother, Maud of 
 Louvain. As to his being Count of Terouanne, no such title ap¬ 
 pears, and Guines belonged to Baldwin I., Count d’Ardres. Eustace’s 
 first wife was Goda, sister of Edward the Confessor, whom he mar¬ 
 ried in 1050. Ida of Ardenne (his second wife), daughter of Godfrey 
 le Barbu, Duke of Lower Lorraine, was married to Eustace II. in 
 December, 1057, and died in the odour of sanctity, the 13th of 
 August, 1113. Her only children were Godfrey de Bouillon, Eus¬ 
 tace III., and Baldwin I., King of Jerusalem after his eldest brother.” 
 
 Richard de 11. The next on the list is Richard de Tonebrige, sometimes 
 
 Tonebbige. ca p ei j Richard do Benefacta, from his residence at Benfield, in 
 Northamptonshire, or Richard Fitz Gislibert, being eldest son of 
 Gilbert, Earl of Brion, in Normandy, who was son of Geoffrey, 
 natural son of Richard, the first Duke of Normandy of that name. 
 
 He is also sometimes called Richard de Clare. He, too, was present 
 at the battle of Hastings, and for his services there, and his near 
 alliance to the King, had large estates and honours conferred upon 
 him. His name occurs again and again in the Kent Domesday as 
 holding lands and signoral rights in nearly twenty different parishes, 
 many of these probably being detached appendants of his manor or 
 
 in the description of various manors, there are occasional statement 
 that portions of them, or rights of pannage, etc., and signoral rights, 
 belong to Richard de Tonebrige, as in his leuga , i.e. the franchises 
 attached to his castle. It is difficult to say why the castle itself and 
 the town or manor of Tonebrige thus escaped valuation in the Survey, 
 unless it be that when in the possession of the Archbishop, they were 
 exempted from Danegeld , and still continued to enjoy that privilege, 
 and therefore, as in numerous other instances, they were not noticed 
 by the Commissioners in their returns. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige was succeeded by his son and heir, Gilbert, 
 first Earl of Clare, direct ancestor of the Barons Bergevenny and 
 
 Despencer, now represented by the Earl of Abergavenny and Vis¬ 
 countess Falmouth, who is jure suo Baroness Despencer. The second 
 son of this Gilbert was Gilbert, surnamed Strongbow, Earl of Pem¬ 
 broke, and father of the celebrated Richard de Clare, also surnamed 
 
 Strongbow, second Earl of Pembroke—the conqueror of Ireland. 
 
 12. The next on the list appears “ Haimo the Sheriff,” an account Hatmo the 
 of whom and of his large possessions I have given in Note 70, supra. Sheriff. 
 
 13. The last of these tenants in ccvpite named in the list is Albert Albert, the 
 the Chaplain; with regard to whom, Kelham observes that the office Chaplain. 
 
 “ Capellanus may be likewise interpreted both secretary and chan¬ 
 cellor, for these offices and that of King’s Chaplain were, in early 
 times, one and the same, being always filled by an ecclesiastic, who 
 had also the care of the King’s chapel.” 
 
 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 I. 
 
 WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR AND THE CONFESSOR. 
 
 Wiixtam the The account of William’s confirmation of the Laws of the Confessor 
 2T5ST ' s a ' so vividly described in those Laws ch. xxxiv., and this description is 
 Confessor. followed by a concise history of the descent of the Saxon Kings from 
 Edgar to the Confessor himself, and his reasons for adopting William as 
 his successor, all of which may well find a place here, as illustrative of 
 the Conqueror’s conduct on assuming the Crown. 
 
 “ Quod a Rege Anglorum Willelmo auctorizata est Lex Regis Fdwardi. 
 
 [“ XXXIV. Quam cum ipse Willelmus rex audivit et alias leges de 
 “ regno, maxime appreciatus est earn, et voluit ut ipsa observaretur per 
 “ totum regnum; quia dicebat, quod autecessores sui, et omnium de Nor- 
 “ mannia, de Norweia venerunt, et legem eorum, cum houesta erat, bene 
 “ deberent sequi, cum profundior et honestior sit omnibus aliis, scilicet, 
 “ Britonum, Anglorum, Pictorum.—Sed omnes compatriote qui leges nar- 
 “ raverunt summopere precati sunt eum, ut permitteret eis leges et consue- 
 “ tudines habere cum quibus vixerant antecessores eorum, et ipsi nati sunt, 
 “ quia durum erat eis suscipere leges, et judicare de eis quas nesciebant. 
 “ Et hoc eciam precati sunt eum, pro anima regis JEdwardi, qui sibi cou- 
 “ cesserat regnum, et cujus erant leges, nec aliorum exterorum. Tandem 
 “ consilio et precatu baronum adquievit, et sic auctorizate sunt leges regis 
 “ JEdwardi, que prius adinvente et constitute fuerunt tempore regis 
 “ -Edgari, avi sui; sed, post mortem ejus dimisse sunt annis lx et viij. 
 
 “iEdwardus, filius ejus, natus de uxore, regnavit quatuor annis, xyj 
 “ ebdomatibus minus. Quo occiso innocente, dolo noveree sue, propter 
 innocentem vitam suam castam, et elemosinis plenum, interfeccionem 
 “ ejus pro martirio reputaverunt, ei et vocaverunt Sanctum. Post, 
 “ ASldredus, frnter ejus, regnum suscepit, regnavitque in multis periculis 
 “ xxx et viij annis. Post iEldredum, filius ejusiEdmundus, cui cognomen 
 “ erat Hirenside, i. latus ferreum, ix fere ruensibus regnavit, in quibus 
 “ viriliter quinquies contra Danorum regein Chnutum dimieavit. Pacto 
 “ vero ultimo bello coneordiam inter se fecerunt. Regnum quoque Anglie 
 “ diviserunt; diinidium Clinuto, et dimidium .Edtnundo, ea condicione, ut 
 “ si quis eorum superviveret, alius eorum totum possideret, nec interim 
 “ aliquis eorum coronaretur. Sed hac couveneione, cunctis primatibus 
 “ Anglie consencientibus, firmata, post priinum mensem, _2Edmuudus ex 
 “ hac luce, proh dolor, subtrahitur.—Chnutus vero totum suscepit Anglie 
 “ regnum, regnavitque fere x et viij annis. Quo mortuo, Haraldus, i'also, 
 “ peue ab omnibus filius ejus putatus, successit, et v annis regnavit. Post 
 “quern Hardechnutus, filius Chnuti ex Alfueua Imrae, sorore Roberti 
 “ comitis Normannie, et matre Edwardi regis, ij annis, xij ebdomatibus 
 “ minus, regnavit; et sic completi sunt lx et viij anni dimissis legibus. 
 “ Sed, postquam JEdwardus rex venit ad regnum, consilio baronum regni, 
 “ legem omissam, quia houesta videbatur eis, et quia avus ejus earn consti- 
 “ tuerat, fecit earn reparare et confirmare, et sic voeata est lex regis 
 “./Edwardi, que prius dimissa erat a morte JSdgari avi sui usque ad 
 “ tempus suum. 
 
 “ Re adventu Sancte. Margarnte Matris Regis Scocie, et JEdgari AEthe- 
 “ ling, Fratris ejus, in Anglian, Re quo Sanctus Edwardus Rex 
 “ Ileredcm suum facere noluit; et posted Willelmum Rucem Ilere- 
 “ dem suum fecit, eo quod Re AEdgaro facere nequivit. 
 
 “XXXV.—Iste supradictus Edmundus liabuit filium quendam qui 
 “ vocatus est iEdwardus ; qui, mortuo patre, timore aufugit de ista terra 
 “ usque ad terram Bugorum, quam nos vocamus Russciam, quern rex 
 “ ipsius terre, Malesclodus nomine, ut audivit, et intellexit quis esset, et 
 “ unde esset, honeste eum retinuit. Et ipse Edwardus accepit ibi uxorem 
 
 “nobili genere, de qua ortus est ei JEdgarus iEtheling, et Margareta Wiixiam the 
 “ regina Scocie, et Christiana soror ejus; cui Christiane rex Edwardus Conqueror 
 “ dedit terrnm quam habuit postea Radulfus de Limeseia, propter quem confessor. 
 
 “ misit Rex Edwardus, avunculus ejus, et fecit eum ad se venire. Ipse 
 “ autem et uxor ejus non multo tempore vixeruut post adventum eorum. 
 
 “ Edgarum filium eorum seeum retinuit et nutrivit pro filio. Quia vero 
 “ heredem putabat eum facere, nominavit eum /Etheling, quod nos dicimus 
 “ domicellum; sed nos de pluribus, quia filios baronum vocamus domi- 
 “ cellos; Angli autem nullum printer filios regum vocant. Quod si expres- 
 “ sius volumus dicere, dicemus, quod in quadam parte Saxonie ling 
 “ ‘imago’ dicebatur, AEdela, Anglice ‘nobilis,’ quod conjunctum Ethling, i. 
 
 “ ‘ nobilis imagounde eciam occidentales Saxonici, scilicet, Execestre 
 “ habent in proverbio summi despectus, quod, summa ira commotus, unus 
 “ vocat alteram Kinderling, i. ab omni honestate dejectum. Rex, autem 
 “ Edwardus, quia cognovit uequiciam gentis sue, et maxime filiorum Godu- 
 “uini, scilicet, Haraldi,—Tosti,—Gurthi, Leofwini,—comperit quod non 
 “posset esse stabile vel firmura de ASdgaro,— et adoptavit Willelmum 
 “ ducem Normannorum, filium Roberti, avunculi sui, qui postea, auxiliante 
 “ Deo, conquisivit rectum suum bello contra predictum Haraldum.”] (Leges 
 Edwardi Confessoris, xxxiv., xxxv., apud Tliorpe, vol. i. pp. 458, 459,4(30.) 
 
 II. 
 
 KEDDITUS DE DOVOR. 
 
 In many instances, and more especially in that of Doyor, it is important Reddttus de 
 to the complete understanding of our Domesday Survey, that we should Dovob. 
 know with certainty by whom the Town or Manor was actually held at the 
 time, and how, whether by the King himself, or by others, at Ferm or Fee 
 Ferm, or by the Sheriff or other officer, as Gustos. The question is one 
 of much difficulty, even in later times, when we have the Pipe Rolls to aid 
 us in the investigation. 
 
 Having, in the Notes, raised the question with regard to Dover, I will 
 take the opportunity of discussing it fully in all its bearings on this and 
 other Towns and Manors which we shall have before us in the progress of 
 this Work. 
 
 I have already quoted largely from Madox, with reference to the assign¬ 
 ment of Towns to Fermors or Custodes thereof. I will now extract a few 
 passages from the same learned author as to the Sheriffs’ Office, their 
 Ferm or custody of Counties, and the form in which their accounts were 
 rendered, and I will follow these up by actual transcripts of portions of 
 these accounts from the earliest Pipe Rolls, those, for instance, that date 
 within little more than half a Century from the time of the Survey. 
 
 Although it might seem at first sight that these extracts belong more 
 appropriately to counties than to towns, yet (as indicated in Note 3, iii. and 
 v.) the Issues of Towns were often necessarily included in the accounts of 
 the Sheriff, as the proper officer to deliver them. They will hardly, there¬ 
 fore, be out of place here, since they will enable us to explain more satis¬ 
 factorily the position of the King’s Towns and Manors, and specially of 
 Dover itself, than we could without the aid of these documents. 
 
 “Another branch of the Crown Revenue,” says Madox, “consisted of 
 «the Ferms of the Counties of the Realm (when they were letten to Ferm) 
 
 “ or the issues of the Custody of them (in case they were put into Custody). 
 
 “ From the reign of King William down to the succeeding times, the King 
 “ (who was Lord of the Great Seiguurie of the Realm) used to let out the 
 “ several Counties of England, upon a yearly Ferm or Rent, concerted 
 <f between the Crown and the Feriner, or else, to commit them to Cus- 
 tody —The Fermer or Committee, respectively rendering to the Crown, 
 
 1 * 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Bedditus be 
 D oVJilt. 
 
 Pipe K 
 1130-1. 
 
 “ at the end of his Tear or Term, an account of his Bailywiek, either as 
 “ Former, or as Gustos, and such person, whether Fermour or Gustos, was 
 “usually styled Sheriff. The Ancient Revenue-Rolls evince that the 
 “ severall Counties were constantly let out from year to year, and brought 
 “a yearly Revenue to the Crown. For example. In the reign of King 
 “ Stephen, most, if not all of the Counties were let at Ferm.” 1 
 
 lie then enumerates all the Counties thus proved to be so let. Among 
 the rest, he names Rualon as Sheriff or Fermour of Kent, adducing for 
 evidence thereof, the heading of Rualon’s accounts as entered on the Pipe 
 Roll. 
 
 After describing the manner of the Sheriff’s rendering his accounts 
 and citing various Records in evidence, Madox proceeds thus :— 
 
 “ There is another way of considering the manner or form of a Sheriff’s 
 “ accompt, and that is, as the accompt stands in the Great Foil (i.e. the 
 “ Pipe Roll). In which respect it consisted (when he accounted as Fir- 
 “ marius ) of several parts, viz. the Corpus Gomitatus ; the Femanens Firma ; 
 “ Projicuum, or Firma de Projicuo ; the Issues of Escheats and Purprestures ; 
 
 “ Fines; Oblatas ; Amerciaments of divers sorts, etc.In process of 
 
 “time, the Kings charged the manors or lands which made up the Corpus 
 “ Gomitatus, with certain payments of Alms and Liveries, called Elcemosyna 
 “ and Liherationes constitute; and tlie Kings also granted away part of the 
 “ said Lands; hence came the distinction of Terra Data. For, when several 
 “ of the Lands out of which the Sheriff’s Farm should arise were granted 
 “ away, it was fit the Sheriff should have allowance or deduction, for so 
 “ much as the Terra Data amounted to or bore in the Corpus Gomitatus. 
 “ Accordingly, it was the usage to make such deduction, and the sura to 
 “be answered for by the Sheriff, after that deduction, was called Femanens 
 
 “ Firma, post Terras Datas, etc.Besides the Terra Data, there 
 
 “ were several constant and settled Payments wont to be made by the 
 “ Sheriff out of the Corpus Comitalus. Such were the Eleemosi/na Consti- 
 “ iuta, the Liherationes Gonstituta (ns hath been said above), and the 
 “ Tertius Denarius Gomitatus, etc.® 
 
 To assise in elucidating the subject before us, I will now adduce tran¬ 
 scripts of the Corpus Gomitatus accounts relating to Kent as returned 
 by the Sheriffs on the early Pipe Rolls. 
 
 The earliest extant of these Rolls is that of 31 lien. I., i. e. a.d. 1130-1. 
 It commences thus:— 
 
 “ Rualonus, Vicecomes, reddit Compotum de firma de Ghent. 
 
 “ In Thesauro 3 cclx", ad pensum, A et Ixxvj" et xx d numero.* 
 
 “ Et in Decimis Constitutis, xx 1 ' numero. 
 
 “ Et in Elemosina Ecclesiaj de Boxelkia, xx 8 . 5 
 
 “ Et in Liberationibus Constitute,—I s v d numero. 
 
 “ Et in Liberatione pEi.pehi, prebendarii, dura vixit, iiij 5 iij d numero. 
 
 “ Et Roberto de Crepacokde 6 xviij libratas terra, numero, in Denham 
 “ de proficuo Hamonis Dapiferi. 
 
 “ Et debet xxix 11 xix d blanc,* et lxv 11 xviij 5 numero. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes reddit Compotum de firma Civitatis Cantuarije. 
 
 “ In thesauro xxvij 11 et viij 5 et x d adpensum. Et Quietus est. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes, reddit Compotum de firma de Doura. —In The¬ 
 sauro. 
 
 “ Et in Liberationibus Constitute,—ix 11 et ij 5 et vj d numero. 
 
 “ Et in Liberationibus, et Transfretationibus, et Quietationibus, per 
 “ breve Regis lxi" et ij d numero, qui fuerunt capti de terra Episcopi 
 “ Baiocefsis. 
 
 “ Et debet xxiij" et xvij 5 et ij d llanc. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes reddit Compotum de firma terra Odonis Baio- 
 “ censis Episcopi. 
 
 “ In Thesauro cc et xviij 1 '. 
 
 “ Et in Decimis Constitutis, xx 5 . 
 
 “ Et in Liberationibus Constitutis, xxx 5 v d . 
 
 “ Et in Terris Datis, Ansfrido Dapifero c solidatas terra in Boxeleia. 
 
 “ Et in Ponte de Rouecestre reficiendo contra adventuin Regis iij s et 
 iiij d . Et Quietus est.” 
 
 From this period (31 Hen. I.) we have no notice among the Records, of I 
 any Sheriffs’ accounts delivered into the Exchequer until 1 Hen. II. (i.e. 
 
 1 Since the lime of Madox, the Pipe Roll, which he cites as 5 Stephen, has been proved 
 
 to be of the year 31 H. I., i. e. A.D. 1130-1131. 
 
 3 The Tertius Denarius, or Third Penny, (as explained in Note 4, supra) was the third 
 part of the Profits that arose from the “ Pleas and Perquisites of Courts.”—In ancient 
 times, it was the perquisite of the Earl within whose county the courts were held, and 
 was annually paid over to him by the Sheriff. (See Appendix III.) 
 
 3 “In the Treasury.” The contracted forms of the original “ llinuro,” “thaur," etc., 
 leave it. uncertain whether they should bo extended “ thesauro ” or “ thesaurario,” pro¬ 
 bably the former; the English rendering would be the same in either case, viz. “ the 
 Treasury.” In the instance where we have the addition of the word “ liberavit,” “Thes” 
 must be rendered “tliesaurum ” or “ thesaurariunv 
 
 4 For an explanation of the terms “ ad pensum,” “ in numero,” “ blauc,” see Appen¬ 
 dix XII. 
 
 4 There is a line of erasure through this entry. 
 
 6 In original it is “ Crepacor ”—it is for Crevecour. 
 
 A.D. 1155). When we meet with the following entry in the “ Red Book 
 Exchequer— 
 
 “ Kent. Radulphus Pic hot Vicecomes, reddit compotum de iij par- Sin; riff's 
 „,. Account, 
 
 “ tibus aunt. 1155 
 
 “ In decimis constitutis monaebis Sancti Augustini x libras numero rno- 
 “ nachis Roucensthensibus lx solidos numero. 
 
 “Infirmis Rouecestre xlj solido3 numero et v' 1 . 
 
 “ Janitatori Cantuarie xx solidos numero quia facit justiciam Comitatus. 
 
 “In Dotjra xviij libras blanc de quibus W. Rad 1 reddit compotum. 
 
 “In Cantuaria quam Willelmus de Tpra tenet, xxiiij libras blanc. 
 
 “ In Favelresham lxxv' 1 numero. 
 
 “ In Middelton lxxv 11 quam Willelmus de Tpra tenet. 
 
 “ In Tarexteford lxxv” numero quam idem Willelmus tenet. 
 
 “ In Eilesford xxiiij 11 numero quam idem Willelmus tenet. 
 
 “ In vasto de Sutton et Dele xiij 1 ’ numero. 
 
 “ In vasto de Strodes cviij solidos numero. 
 
 “Et debet viij 1 ' xiiij solidos ij d blanc. 
 
 “ Idem reddit compotum de terra Episcopi Baiocensis. 
 
 “ In Thesauro xxvij 11 xv sol. iiij 1 '. 
 
 “Et Gr. de Broitoht xx marcas de dono Regis. 
 
 “In Docra xxx" numero, unde Cade reddit compotum. 
 
 “ In Canturia xx" numero quam W. de Tpra tenet. 
 
 “ In Boxlega lv" numero, quam idem tenet. 
 
 “ Marie filie Regis Stephani xiij" in Hou, per breve Regis. 
 
 “In Houe quam W. de Tpra tenet ciij", viij’, vij a , 
 
 “ In vasto maneriorum et defalta quarte partis quam W. de Ipra tenet 
 “ xxvij" iij sol. Et quietus est. 
 
 “ In eodem rotulo reddit idem Vicecomes compotum de terns Peverelli 
 “de Doura, de Comitatu Kanoie et terris Danielis de Crepacokde 
 “ et Hade terra Cade, Kemesinges, sed non in particulis. 
 
 The next Pipe Roll extant is that for the year 2 Hen. II., i. e. a.d. 1156. p IPK jj 0ILj 
 I t commences thus:— 1156-7. 
 
 “ Chest. Radulfus Picot reddit compotum de viij" et xiiij s et ij d , 
 blanc, de Veteri Firma . 2 In Thesauro xiiij" ij d . 
 
 “ Et G-aufrido de Briaucurt viij". Et Quietus est. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes reddit compotum de Nova Firma. In Thesauro 
 
 | ▼j 11 - 
 
 ■ “Et in Elemosina noviter constituta. Militibus de Templo ij marcas 
 “ argenti. 
 
 “ Et in Decimis Constitutis. Monaebis Sancti Augustini x" numero. 
 
 “ Et Monaebis de Rouecestre lx 5 numero. 
 
 “ Et Infirmis de Rouecestre xlj 5 v d numero. 
 
 “ Et Janitori Civitatis xx 5 numero, de liberatione, quia facit Justitiam 
 “ Comitatus. 
 
 “ Et in Corredio Reginas lxx 1 ' et ij 5 et ix d , per Radulfum de Hastinge. 
 
 “ Et in Doura xxiij 1 ' blanc, de quibus Willelmus Cade 3 reddit Com- 
 “ potum. 
 
 “ Et Willelmo de Doura xiij" vj s viij d , per breve Regis, ad faciendum 
 “ se Militem. 
 
 “ Et in Cantuaria xxix" blanc, quas Willelmus de Ipre habet. 
 
 “ Et in Middeltun c" blanc, quas idem Willelmus habet. 
 
 ' Sic, but evidently an error of the transcriber for “ W. Cade." 
 
 3 A Eerm for the first, year, or the year immediately accounted for, was called Nova 
 Firma, or barely Firma; the Ferm of the second year was Firma Anni Prceterili, or 
 “ Veins Firma;" the Ferm for the third year was “ Firma Anni Terlii" or “ Veins 
 Firma.” (Madox, Ilisl. of Exchequer, 1711, p. 475.) It is to be observed that these 
 terms “Vetus Firma” and “Nova Firma,” in the accounts of the Sheriff' of Kent, 
 here make their appearance for the first time, and the “ Nova Firma ” seems to be 
 applied to the cities of Canterbury and Boehester, the town of Dovor, and those of 
 ancient demesne, nil of which, with very slight exceptions, in the Domesday Survey, 
 were in the King’s own hands, but which, according to these entries, must have been 
 afterwards let in fee-farm, and that as early as 2 H. II.; yet even then, as we see, there 
 is a remarkable exception as far as regards Dover, the details of the accounts of which 
 are not entered by the Sheriff, but referred by him to William Cade, whom Madox sup¬ 
 poses to have been an officer of the Exchequer. 
 
 3 Madox conjectures that this William Cade was an officer of the Exchequer on tho 
 following evidences, viz.:— 
 
 “In Pipe Boll, Essex, 2 II. II.; there is an entry among the payments made by the 
 “ Sheriff. 
 
 “ In solutis Willielmo Cade xlvj", xiij", iiij d per breve Regia.” 
 
 Ho further quotes the entries on the Kent Pipe Boll; and in 2 H. II. of tho Pipe Boll 
 of Cambridgeshire, the Sheriff enters, “In solutis Willelmo Cade, xx";” and in 7 H. II. 
 among the payments made by the City of London, it. is entered, “ In solutis Willelmo 
 Cade, lxxvj", per breve Begis.” (See Hist. Exchequer, ed. London, 4", 1711, p. 419 (d) 
 477 (m), 480 (r), 481 («>), and Index). 
 
 If tliis conjecture of Madox bo correct, that William Cade was an officer of the 
 Exchequer, it furnishes almost conclusive evidence that Dover was now in the King’s 
 own hands, by escheat on Odo’s forfeiture, since the accounts were not to be rendered by 
 tho Sheriff, but by an officer of the Exchequer, to whom the Sheriff paid ovor the money. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Pirs Eon., “ Et Tarenteford c" Wane, quaa idem Willelmus liabet. 
 
 1156-7. “Et in Einesford, 1 xxxij", hlanc, quas idem Willelmus habet. 
 
 “ Et in Terris Datis.—Monachis de Eaueesham e“, hlanc. 
 
 “ Et Abbati de Angeli x“, hlanc. 
 
 “ Et Mainabdo Camerario vj", nume.ro. 
 
 “ Et Militibus de Templo xx a , per breve Regis. In Chingeswud. 
 
 “ Et in ltestauro de Chemesing x u , nwnero. 
 
 “ Et Eogeko Ostiario j mareara argenti, precepto Episcopi Eliensis. 
 
 “ Et Gaufrido Monacuo xlviij 11 et x s . In corredio Comitis Flan- 
 
 “ DEESSIS. 
 
 “ Et in Camera Curie Warini Filh Geeoldi, x". 
 
 “Et Baldwino de Witsant iiij" ad Corrodium ejusdem Comitis per 
 “ breve Regis. 2 
 
 “ Et debet xi u et vij s et vj d , hlanc. 
 
 “Et idem Vicecomes reddit eompotum de Firma Terra Episcopi 
 “ Baiocensis. In Thesauro xlvij" et vj v et viij d mmero. 
 
 “Etin Dottba xxx" numero, de quibus Willelmus Cade debet reddere 
 “ eompotum. 
 
 “ Et in Cantuaria xx" numero, quas Willelmus de Ipbe habet. 
 
 “ Et eidem lv“ in Boxeleia, numero. 
 
 “ Et eidem c" et lxviij 8 et vij d in numero in Hou. 
 
 “ Et in Wasto ejusdem Manerii quod filius Regis Stephani habuit, c et 
 “ vij s numero. 
 
 “ Et debet xij 11 et iij s et x d numero." 
 
 Pipe Bou., 
 1157. 
 
 The next Pipe Roll extant is that for the year 3 Hen. II. a.d. 1157._ 
 
 It commences thus:— 
 
 “ Chest. Radulpiius Picot reddit eompotum de xi 11 et vij s et vj d , de 
 “ Yetebi Firma, hlanc. —In Thesaurum liberavit. Et Quietus est. 
 
 “Idem Vicecomes reddit eompotum de xij 11 et iij 8 et x d , de Veteri 
 “ Pibma numero. —In thesaurum liberavit. Ed Quietus est. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes reddit eompotum de Noya Firma. 
 
 “ In thesauro lxvij 11 et ij d , blane. 
 
 “ In Elemosinis Constitutis. Militibus de Templo, ij marcas argenti. 
 
 “ In Decimis Constitutis Monachis de Sancto Augustino x u numero. 
 
 “ Et Monachis de Roeeeo 1x s numero. 
 
 “ Et Infirmis Roffec xij 8 et v d . 
 
 “Et in Liberatione Portarii Civitatis xx s , quia tacit Justitiam Comi- 
 “ tatus. 
 
 “ Et in Soltis per breve Regis Petbo Turco vj n , pro j marca auri que 
 “ cnpte fuerunt de firma ipsius. 
 
 “ Et pro clxxix summis et dimidia frumenti et j summa faborum xxiij" 
 “ et xi 8 et v d . 
 
 “ Et Gubernatori et Nautis Suecce Regis vj" et xiij 5 et iiij d . 
 
 “ Et Willelmo Folcardi xl marcas argenti, pro Dextrariis per breve Regis. 
 
 “ Et in {sic). 
 
 “ Et in Dodra xxiiij", hlanc, de quibus Willelmus Cade debet reddere 
 “ Compotura. 
 
 “ Et in Cantuaria xiiij 11 et x 8 , hlanc, de dimidio anno quo {sic) Willel- 
 “ mbs de Ispre habuit. 
 
 “ In Miodeltun 1", hlanc, de dimidio anno quas (sic) idem Willelmus 
 “habuit. 
 
 “ Et in Tarenteford 1", hlanc, quas idem Willelmus habuit. 
 
 “ Et in eadem villa xliiij" et xij 8 , hlanc, quas Willelmus, frater Regis, 
 “ habet. 
 
 “ Et in eadem villa. In Terris Datis Radulpuo Prcox c et viij 8 , hlanc. 
 
 “ Et in Eilesford xxxij", hlanc, quas Estrangia habet. 
 
 “ Et in Terris Datis Monachis de Faurf.sham c", hlanc. 
 
 “ Et Abbati Sancti Johannis de Angeli x", hlanc. 
 
 “ Et Mainabdo Magistro filii Regis vj" mmero. 
 
 “ Et Militibus de Templo xx 8 numero, in Ckingeswuda. 
 
 “Et Roberto filio Radulpui lxx 8 et vj d , in Suttun meinbro de 
 “ Tarenteford, numero. 
 
 “ Et debet xiiij" et xvij 8 et iiij d et obolum, hlanc. 
 
 “ Et idem Vicecomes reddit Compotum de firma teme Episcopi Baio¬ 
 censis. 
 
 “ In thesauro Quater xx et iiij" et xij 8 et x d . 
 
 “EtinDouRA xxx" numero, de quibus Willelmus Cade debet red¬ 
 dere compotum. Et in Cantuaria x" numero, quas Willelmus de 
 Ipbe habuit. 
 
 1 I.e. Aylesford, which was of the ancient demesne of the crown. 
 
 • It is possible that I may not have correctly extended the last entries. They stand in 
 the original thus:— 
 
 “Et Gaufrido Monaeho xlviij 11 et x*. In corred. Com. Flandr. 
 
 “Et in Cam’a Curie War. Fil. Ger. x». 
 
 “ Et Bald, de Witsant iiij" ad Corr. ejusdem Comitis per breve Ilcgis.” 
 
 “ Et in Boxelega lv" numero, quas Monacbi de Bo'xelega tenent. Pipe Boll, 
 “ Et in Ho li" et xiiij* et iij d numero, quas Willelmus de Ipba habuit. 1157 - 
 “ Et in eadem villa lj" et xiiij 8 et iiij d numero, quas Willelmus frater 
 Regis habuit. 
 
 “ Et iu firma de Ho lxv 8 , quas Will elm us frater Regis liabuit. 
 
 “ Et iu Shornis ix" et xj 8 et iij d , quas idem frater Regis habuit. 
 
 “ Et habet de Superplusagio, vij" et iiij 8 .” 
 
 In dorso of this Kent Pipe Roll of 3 Hen. III., we have William 
 Cade’s account rendered thus:— 
 
 “Doura. 
 
 “ Willelmus Cade reddit Compotum de ij annis et dimidio, de 
 “ firma de Douea. 
 
 “ In thesauro, xiiij" et xix 8 , hlanc. 
 
 “ Et in transfretationibus per breve Regis, xxviij" et ij 8 et viij d . 
 
 “ In soltis eidem Willelmo Iiij" numero, per breve Regis. 
 
 “ Et debet xxxviij" et iiij 8 et iiij d , hlanc." 
 
 The above extracts from the Pipe Roll, taken in connection with the 
 evidences cited in Rote 3, prove that Dover had not been let to Ferm to 
 the Townsmen. It always remained in the King’s hands, as part of his 
 demesne,—consigned awhile to Godwin and afterwards to Odo, as “ Cus- 
 todes,”—and from the time of Odo’s disgrace, when his possessions were 
 seized by the King, and down to 3 Hen. II., a period of some seventy 
 years, it continued in the King’s own hands. 
 
 III. 
 
 COMES ET TERTIUS DENARIUS. 
 
 Witli regard to the old Saxon title of Ealdorman, and its more modern CoMEg ET 
 representatives, Gomes or Earl, it will not be out of place here to quote Tertius 
 the observations of Thorpe and Kemble. Denarius. 
 
 “ Eoel, in Danish Jarl, Earl, Gomes, a title of honour which, though 
 “ in early use among us, particularly among the Jutes of Kent, may, as 
 “ designating an office, be regarded as a Danish innovation, and to have 
 “ been substituted by Cnut for the Saxon title of Ealdorman, or governor 
 
 “ of a shire or province.In the Kentish Laws the title of JEldorman 
 
 “ does not occur, its place being supplied by that of Earl; a difference 
 “arising, probably, from its being unknown to the Jutish followers of 
 “ Hengist, to whom the dignity of Eorl was, no doubt, native and familiar.” 
 
 (Thorpe, ‘ Glossary to Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.’) 
 
 “ The internal regulation of the Shire” (says Kemble, 1 Saxons in England,’ 
 ii. 138), “as well as its political relation to the whole kingdom, were under 
 “ the immediate guidance and supervision of the Ealdorman,- the Scir- 
 “gerefa, or sheriff, was little more than his deputy.” In later times the 
 Latin representatives of these two titles being Comes and Vicecomes. 
 
 “The new Constitution introduced by Cnut reduced the Ealdorman to 
 “ a subordinate position. Over several Counties was now placed one Eorl, 
 
 “ or Earl, in the Northern sense a Jarl, with power analogous to that of 
 “ the Frankish Dukes. The word Ealdorman itself was used fay the 
 “ Danes to denote a class, gentle indeed, but very inferior to the princely 
 “ officers who had previously borne that title. It is under Cnut and the 
 “ following Danish kings that we gradually lose sight of the old Ealdorman : 
 
 “ the King rules by his Earls and his Hiisearlas, and the Ealdormen vanish 
 “from the Counties. From this time the King’s writs are directed to the 
 “ Earl, the Bishop, and the Sheriff of the County; but in no one of them 
 “ does the title of The Ealdorman any longer occur.” (Kemble, ‘ Saxons in 
 England,’ ii. pp. 149, 150.) 
 
 The Earl, as remarked in Note 4, had a right to the Third Penmy 
 (Tertius Denarius) arising from the Pleas and Perquisites of Courts in the 
 County, which he had by Charter on his creation. 
 
 “ The most ancient way of creating Earls was by Charter; the King 
 “ thereby granted him tertius denarius comitatm, the third penny of the 
 “ County, and then girded him with the sword of the County or Earldom.” 
 
 (Kelham, p. 193, citing Madox Baron, p. 137.) 
 
 “The dignity of Earl," says Cruise, “was originally annexed to the 
 “ possession of a particular tract of land ; and there appear to have been 
 “ three different kinds of earldoms. The first was where the dignity was 
 “ annexed to the seisin and possession of an entire county, with jura regalia. 
 
 “ In that case the county became palatine, and the person created Earl 
 “thereof acquired royal jurisdiction and royal seignory. By reason of the 
 “ royal jurisdiction the Earl Palatine had all the high courts and officers of 
 “justice which the King had, with a civil and criminal jurisdiction; and, 
 
 “by reason of his royal seignory, he had all the royal services and royal 
 “ escheats which the King had ; so that, in fact, a county palatine was, in 
 “every respect, a feudal kingdom in itself, but held of a superior lord.” 
 
 After citing the instances of the counties of Chester and Pembroke and 
 
 3* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Comes et 
 Denarius. 
 
 the Bishopric of Durham, as instances of ancient Counties Palatine, Cruise 
 proceeds thus:— 
 
 “ The second kind of earldom was, where the King created a person Earl 
 “ of a County, without granting him the seisin and possession of the 
 “ county itself, or any of the franchises of an Earl Palatine ; but only the 
 “ third part of the profits, or tertium denarium, arising from the Pleas of 
 “the County Court.” 
 
 He then cites two charters of grants to that effect, which will be found 
 in Eymer’s ‘ Fcedera.’ 
 
 First, the grant of the Earldom of Essex to Geffrey de Maundeville by 
 Q. Matilda, daughter of Henry L, in these words:— 
 
 1. Ego Matildis,flia Regis Henrici, et Anglorum Domina, do et concedo 
 Gaufredo de Magna Villa, pro servitio suo, et heredibus sins post enm, here- 
 ditaMliter, ut sit Gomes Essexie, et habeat tertium denarium vicecomitatus, 
 de placilis, sicut Comes habere debet in Comitatu suo. 
 
 (‘Fcedera,’ t. 1, p. 18.) 
 
 2. Next, the grant of the Earldom of Oxford to Alberic de Vere, by 
 Henry II., in these words:— 
 
 Henricus, Rex Anglie, etc. Scialis me dedisse et coneessisse Comiti 
 Alberico, in feodo et hereditate, tertium denarium de placilis Comitatus 
 Oxenfordscgre, ut sit inde Comes. Quare volo, etfrmiter precipio, quod ipse 
 et heredes sui kabeant inde Comitatum suum ita libere et quiete et honorijice 
 sicut aliquis Conutum Anglie liberius et quietius et honorificenlius habel. 
 
 (‘Fcedera,’ t. 1, p. 41.) 
 
 “ By these charters,” Cruise adds, “ the grantees became Earls of Essex 
 “and Oxford, though they had not Counties Palatine.” 
 
 (‘ Cruise on Dignities,’ 53-56.) 
 
 Of course we are not to forget that Cruise is writing of a period some¬ 
 what though very little later than the date of the Survey; but sufficiently 
 near that date to form a valuable illustration of the point we are dis¬ 
 cussing. 
 
 In the ‘Fcedera’ we have also another charter by Matilda, a.d. 1141, 
 creating Milo, Earl of Hereford, with the grant of the third penny, in these 
 words:—J 
 
 Matilda Inperatrix, Henrici Regis Filia, et Anglorum Domina, Archi- 
 episcopis, etc. etc. Salutem. Sciatis me fecisse Milonem de Glouces/ria, 
 Comitem de Hereford, et dedisse ei Motam Hereford, cum toto Castello, in 
 Eeodo et Hereditate, sibi et heredibus suis, ad tenendum de me et heredibus 
 
 Dedi ctiam tertium Denarium redditus Burgi de Hereford, quicquid un- 
 quam reddat, el tertium Denarium Placitorum totius Comitatus Hereford. 
 
 (‘ Fcedera,’ t. 1, p. 64.) 
 
 We must here observe, in passing, that in this instance the grant is not 
 merely of the Third Penny of the Pleas of Court; but there is, iu addition, 
 a special grant of the third of the Bender of the Burgh of Hereford. 
 If Godwin had a similar grant in the case of Dover, as we have suggested 
 in Note 4, it must have been assigned to him in palpable violation of the 
 rights of the Priory of St. Martin, unless a special reserve were, at the 
 same time, made to them of their portion. 
 
 Madox, in discussing the term Placita ad Scaccarium, as used in the 
 Sheriff’s Pipe Iloll Eeturus, says:— 
 
 “ These Placita were fines and amercements sett, or entered into, upon 
 “ the occasion or ground of Pleas depending, as may be collected from 
 “ the Becord [i.e. the Pipe Bolls] here cited, touching the Placita ad 
 “ Scaccarium, and likewise, from the ordinary import of the word Placitum, 
 “ which signified primarily, not a pecuniary pain, but a Plea. Hence, in 
 “ the Bevenue Bolls, by Nova Placita, and De Plaeitis, is meant the 
 “ Bevenue, or Profit that arose from Pleas, aud in that sense, Placita is 
 “ used iu other cases. Thus, by the phrase Tertius Denarius (that is, de 
 “ Placilis ) Comitatus, is meant the third part of the profit that arose from 
 “ Pleas in the County ; and by Placita et Perquisite Curiarum is meant, 
 “ the Profit arising by Pleas, and the other Perquisites of Courts.” (Hist. 
 
 “ Exchequer, 1711, p. 142.) 
 
 Aud again, at pp. 650, 651 of the same work, after citing from the Pipe 
 Bolls of various Counties, the entries made by the Sheriffs of the Third 
 Penny paid by them to the respective Earls thereof, t. Hen. II., etc., 
 he says, “ If the Tertius Denarius was withheld, or not duly paid by the 
 “ Sheriff, the Earl to whom it was due might have a writ ordering payment 
 “ of it—and proceeds to give instances of such writs as recorded on the 
 Memoranda Boll. 
 
 IV. 
 
 THELONEUM DE DOVEK. 
 
 Dugdale (‘ Monasticon,’ ed. London, 1823, vol. iv. p. 535), among the 
 documentary evidences which he produces relative to the Priory of St. 
 Martin, Dover, cites a MS. in the Cotton Library (Vespnciun, B. xi. 
 fol. 73), entitled Chronicon Sancti Martini de Dovor a Bruto ad Reaem 
 4* 
 
 Henricim II., as furnishing much information on the early history of 
 this monastery. In enumerating the Boyal Grauts made to it, it states 
 inter alia ,— 
 
 “ Iste With red ns ecclesiam Sancti Martini veterem in villa Dovorrie, 
 “ fundavit et feliciter consummavit; et canonicos seculares de Castro Do- 
 “ vobrie removit, et in eandem ecclesiam Sancti Martini introduxit, et 
 “ eisdem omnes prebendas possessions ac libertates quas prius habuerunt 
 “ in Castro, cum medietate thelonii Portus maxis, plene contulit;—dictique 
 “ Canonici morabantur ibidem in villa Dovorrie, per cccc annos et 
 “ amplius.” 
 
 Whatever be the authority of this MS. or the veracity of its author, it 
 is the only evidence I have been able to discover of the possession of this 
 Half Toll by the Priory anterior to the singularly worded record of it in 
 the Domesday Survey. 
 
 The interesting questions that have presented themselves in discussing 
 the history of the Toll of Dover seem to call for all the evidences of ori¬ 
 ginal documents bearing upon the subject which we can produce. I will 
 therefore adduce all that I have been able to discover, and will commence 
 with the following extract from the ‘ Bed Book of the Exchequer — 
 
 “ Certificatio Portus Dovor, et quid et quantum Domino Begi debetur, 
 “ et quid ab eodem alienatur, et quomodo. 
 
 “ De Teloneo transfretancium et applicancium Dovor, Prior Sancti 
 “ Martini recepit dimidium. 
 
 “ Et de dimidio Teloneo de foro, die Sabbati, idem Prior recepit terciam 
 “ partem, et Dominus Bex duas partes. 
 
 “ Et de parte Domini Begis, magister Hospitalis Sancte Marie recipit 
 “ decimum denarium, de douo Domini Begis. 
 
 “Et iterum, de novem partibus Domiui Begis, idem Prior recipit 
 “ xxij 11 x‘, de dono eiusdem Begis, piaster malam toltam qua> valere (sic). 
 “ singulis aunis ix libras. 
 
 “ Et maneriuin de la Biuere, quod valere solet, annuatim, xxviii 1 ' aut 
 “ plus, quod idem magister habet de dono Domini Begis. Et prisa vinorum 
 “ apud Sanwic, quod valere solet, singulis annis, xx‘, aut plus. 
 
 “ Et omnia ista integra pertiuebant ad Castrum Dovorrie, tempore 
 “ Comitis Kancie, que modo alienantur, ut patet superius.” 
 
 Here, then, we have it most distinctly recorded that Godwin (as sug¬ 
 gested in Note 5) had appropriated to himself the share in the Toll of 
 Dover, which, by right, belonged to the Canons of St. Martin’s, for he was 
 “ Custos ” of the castle at that time. 
 
 Then follows a list of those who have privilege of passage without Toll, 
 thus:— 
 
 “Istisuntqui habent transitum sine teloneo, apud Dovor, cum tota 
 “ eorum familia. 
 
 “ Quinque Portus, cum ipsorum membris omnibus,” etc. etc., [a large 
 number of Bishops and Ecclesiastics enumerated, whom it will be unne¬ 
 cessary to name here; the list ending with] “ Comes Marescallus,—Comes 
 “ Kancie,—Hamo Peche,—Dominus de Chilham, Comitissa Augi,—Comes 
 “ de Gisnes,—Willelmus de Fesnes,—Engelramus de Merk. 
 
 “ Sciendum, omnes pnenominati sunt quieti de teloneo apud Dovor, 
 ‘•penes Dominum Begem, cum tota familia sua, in transfretacione et ap- 
 “ plicacioue.” (From the Transcript of the Bed Book of the Exchequer, 
 preserved in the General Becord Office at the Bolls, vol. v. p. 277.) 
 
 The occurrence of the names of the Earl of Kent (i. e. Hubert de 
 Burgh, for he was the first Earl after Stephen’s reign), the Count de 
 Guisne, Countess d’Ewe, and William de Fesnes simultaneously fix the date 
 ot this Becord as about the middle of the thirteenth century, t. Hen. HI. 
 
 My next note shall be the transcript of an entry on the Lord Treasurer’s 
 Memoranda Boll, being the Becord of a search made by the Barons of the 
 Exchequer (in obedience to the King’s mandate) among the Bolls and 
 memoranda and other books in the Exchequer, for evidiences as to the 
 claim of the Prior aud Convent of St. Martin, Dover, to the half Toll of the 
 Port of Dover and the third part of the Tolls of the Market held at Dover 
 on every Saturday. It is as follows :— 
 
 ‘ Becorda, coram Barouibus de Seaccario, de termiuo Sancte Trinitatis, 
 
 “ anno xxxiiij" Begis Edwardi filii Begis Henrici. 
 
 “ Kancia do I g ® ex mandavit breve suum Thesaurario et Baronibus 
 “ Priore Douorr. | ' j u l iec verba. 
 
 “Edwardus, Dei gracia, etc., Anglie, Thesaurario, et Baronibus suis de 
 “ scaccario. Salutem. 
 
 “ Ex parte Priorts et Conventus Sancti Martini Dovorie, nobis 
 “ est ostensum, quod, licet ipsi, per cartas progenitorum nostrorum, quon- 
 “ dam Begum Anglie, que in conflictu inter Angligenas et Francigenas 
 “ nuper apud Dovorriam Imbito, 1 capte fuerant et asportate, percipere et 
 
 1 This piratical attack by a French fleet with 15,000 men, who sacked and burned a 
 large part of Dover, in the space of a few hours, is described by Knyghton in full detail. 
 It occurred “ circa festum Sancti Petri ad Vincula,” ad. 1295, i. c. about 1st August, 
 23 Ed. I. (See Ttoysden, X Scriplores, p. 2503.) 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Theioneum “ habere debeant; et ipsi, et predecessores sui, Priores et Conventus ejusdem 
 on Dover. ,, j oe j ) sem per hactenus, a tempore confectionis cai-tarum predictarum, per- 
 “ eipere et habere consueverunt medietatem exituum Portus Dovorrie, et 
 “ terciam partem theolonii provenientis de mercato ville Dovorrie, sin¬ 
 gulis diebus Sabbati. Vos nichilominus, jam de novo, ipsos Priorem et 
 “Conventum, super percepcionem medietatis dictorura exituum dicti 
 “ Portus, et eciam dicte tereie partis theolonii, in ipsorum grave dampnum 
 “ et exheredacionem ecclesie sue Sancti Martini Dovorrie, inquietare 
 “ et impedire, ac Robertum de Burghersshe, Custodem Quinque Portuum 
 “ in compoto suo, quern ad Seaccarium predictum, de exitibus ballive sue, 
 “est redditurus, tarn de prefatamedietate exituum dicti Portus, et predicta 
 “tercia parte theolonii, quam alia medietate eorum exituum, et de residuo 
 “ dicti theolonii, ad nos pertiueutibus, onerare, et illas de profato Roberto 
 “ad opus nostrum levare intenditis, minus iuste. Et quia eisdem Priori 
 “et Conventui iniuriari, seu dictum Robertum indebite pregrauari nolu- 
 “mus in bac parte. Vobis mandamus, quod si per inspectionem librorum, 
 
 “ aut aliorum memorandorum de dicto Scaccario, seu per legalem Inquisi- 
 “cionem inde per vos, si necesse fuerit, faciendam, vobis constare possit, 
 “prefatos Priorem et Conueutum dictam medietatem exituum dicti Portus, 
 “et eciam dictam terciam partem theolonii, ut predicitur, pereipere et 
 “ habere debere; ipsosque, et predecessores suos predictos, eas, semper 
 “hactenus, a tempore confectionis cartaruin predictarum, percepisse et 
 “ habuisse, tunc vos ab hujusmodi inquietacione et impedimento inde pre- 
 “fatis Priori et Conventui faeiendis desistatis, ipsos medietatem et terciam 
 “partem predictas pereipere et habere permittentes prout pereipere et 
 “habere debent, et ipsi, et predecessores sui predicti, eas, semper hac- 
 “ tenus, a tempore predieto, precipere et habere consueverunt, prefatum 
 “Robertum, iude, compoto suo predieto, totaliter exonerantes. 
 
 “ Teste mo ipso, apud Wyntoniam x° die Maii, anno regni nostri xxxiiij" 1 . 
 
 “Et, pretextu istius mandati, scrutatis libris et memorandis, compertum 
 “ est in rubeo libro quidam Certificacio Portus Dovorrie, in qua continetur, 
 “inter cetera, quod de theloneotransfretanciuin etapplicantium Dovorrie, 
 
 “ Prior Sancti Martini recepit dimidium. Et de dicto theloneo de foro 
 “ die Sabbati, idem. Prior recepit terciam partem, et Rex duas partes ; et 
 “non est aliud inde compertum in libris seu memorandis ad presens scru- 
 “ tatis ex hac causa. 
 
 “ Et predictus Prior, super hoc, dicit, quod predecessores sui Priores 
 “loci predicti, et ejusdem loci Conventus, temporibus suis, ac ipse tempore 
 “ suo, a tempore quo non extat memoria, pacifice habuerunt medietatem 
 “exituum Portus predicti, et terciam partem telonii fori, die Sabbati, etc., 
 
 “ usque nunc. 
 
 “ Et quod Carte progenitorum Regis, quas inde habuerunt, capte fuerunt 
 “ et asportate per Erancigenas, etc., ut in ostensione sua facta domino 
 “ Regi, que in mandato Regis supradicto expremitur, ad plenum continetur. 
 
 “ Et hoc dicit se paratum esse verifieare per Patriam, etc. 
 
 “ Et habito inde tractatu per Thesaurarium et Barones, visum est eis, 
 
 “ quod ex quo continetur in mandato Regis predieto, quod si per inspec- 
 “ tionem librorum, aut aliorum memorandorum de Scaccario, seu per le- 
 “ galem inquisicionem inde per ipsos, si necesse fuerit faciendam, reperiri 
 “ poterit quod per ipsum Priorem superius est ostensum, etc., quod tunc 
 “ eidein Priorem inde facerent quod, etc. Et non est suffieienter compertum 
 “ in libro predieto, etc., qualiter predictu3 Prior habere debeat medietatem 
 “ et terciam partem predictas, procedendum est ad inquirendum, etc. 
 
 “Et super hoc, assignantur Willelmus de Carltone, et Rogerus de 
 “ Hegham, Barones, quod ipsi, vel eorum alter, inquirant, etc. 
 
 “Et preceptum est Vicecomiti Kancie, quod venire faciat coram eisdem 
 “ Willelmo *et Rogero, vel eorum altero, ad certos diem et locum, quos 
 “ iidem Willelmus et Rogerus, vel eorum alter, ei scire faciat tot et tales, 
 “tain milites quam alios, etc., ad certiSeandum in premissis, etc. 
 
 “ Postea, capta fuit inde Inquisicio, apud G-renewyeum, die .Tovis, in 
 “ festo apostolorum Petri et Pauli, hoc anno, coram prefato Willelmo de 
 “Carltone, quam Inquisicionem ipse modo, ad Octabas Sancti Johannis 
 “ Baptiste, liberavit hie, per quam compertum est, quod Henrtcus Primus, 
 
 “ quondam Rex Anglie, Progenitor Regis nunc, per cartam suam, dedit et 
 “concessit Priori et Conventui Sancti Martini Dovorrie medie- 
 “tatem exituum Portus Dovorrie, et terciam partem theolonii proveni- 
 “ entis de mercato ville sue Dovorrie, singulis diebus Sabbati. Habendas et 
 “ teuendas ipsis Priori et Conventui, et eorum successoribus imperpetuum. 
 
 “Et quod Prior et Conventus loci predicti qui nunc sunt, et eorum pre- 
 “ decessores, a tempore quo non extat memoria, pretextu Carte predicte, 
 
 “ pacifice, et sine aliquo impedimento, semper hactenus habuerunt et per- 
 “ceperuut medietatem et terciam partem predictas. 
 
 “ Et quod, in principio guerre inter Regem nunc, et Regem Erancie, 
 “huper suborte, quidam hostes Regis, de partibus transmarinis apud 
 “ Dovorriam applicuerunt, et Prioratum Dovorrie hostiliter iuvaseruut 
 “ depredarunt, et spoliarunt, et cartam predictam simul cum aliis bonis I 
 “ ipsorum Prioris et Conventus, ceperunt et asportaverunt. 
 
 “Et quod constauit Juratoribus predicte Inquisicionis de predicta carta, 
 “eo quod quidam eorum aliquando earn viderunt et inspexerunt, et inve- 
 “ nerunt earn continentem ad plenum donum Regis predictum. 
 
 “ Et, ideo, concordatum est, quod predicti Prior et Conventus habeant Theloxeum 
 “ et percipiant, absque ullo impedimento, etc., medietatem exituum dicti dbDoter - 
 Portus Dovorrie, et terciam partem theolonii provenientis de mercato 
 “ ville Dovorrie singulis diebus Sabbati, prout eas hactenus perceperunt 
 “ et habuerunt, etc. Salvo, semper inde Jure Regis, cum aliud inde, etc. 
 
 “ Et mandatum est Roberto de Burghhessh, Constabulario Castri Do- 
 “ vourie, et Custodi dicti Portus, quod prefatos Priorem et Conventum 
 “ pereipere et habere permittat medietatem et terciam partem predictas, 
 
 “ in lorma predicta, etc.” (Lord Treasurer’s Memoranda, Trin. Term, 
 
 34 Ed. 1., Recorda.) 
 
 Among the Records of the Treasury of the Exchequer (Miscellanea, if) 
 is a bundle of copies of original documents relating to this Half Toll of 
 Dover. They are in a very imperfect and tattered state, in a hand of the 
 latter part of the fourteenth century, on several membranes stitched together 
 in one fascicle. It will not be necessary to transcribe them all here, some 
 being exemplifications or inspeximus of the others; to give them all, there¬ 
 fore, would be a task involving needless repetition. 
 
 The first of them is a copy of the Inquisition “ de quo warranto ” held 
 at Greenwich on 34 Edward I. (a.d. 130G), as cited in the preceding ex¬ 
 tract from the Lord Treasurer’s memoranda; it need not, therefore, be here 
 repeated. The next three are the Writs to the Barons of the Exchequer 
 to search the Records and to hold the Inquisition, and their certificate in 
 return thereto; neither, therefore, need these be repeated, as we have them 
 in full in the extract aforesaid from the Memoranda Rolls. 
 
 The fifth is a charter “ de nemini perdono ” of Henry II., securing their 
 share of the Toll to the Prior and Convent of St. Martin, as follows:— 
 
 “ Carta Regis Henrici Secundi de nemini perdono.partem 
 
 “ Thelonei pertinentem ad monachos. 
 
 “ Henricus, Dei Gracia, Rex Anglie, et Dux Normannie et Aquitannie, 
 
 “ et Comes Andegavie, Preposito et ministris suis de Dovorria, Salutem. 
 
 “Sciatis, quod nemini perdono illam partem de theloneo que pertinet ad 
 “ monachos Sancti Martini de Dovorria, nisi tautummodo illam partem que 
 “ ad me ipsum pertinet de dominio meo. Quia elemosinam Sancti Martini 
 “ nolo diminuere. 
 
 “Teste Magistro Waltero Constabulario Arclndiacono Oxoniensi.” 
 
 The sixth is King John’s charter “ de nemini perdono ” to the same 
 effect. 
 
 .... Johannis de ne.Thelonei pertinentem. . . . 
 
 Johannes, Dei Gracia, Rex Anglie.et Comes Andegavie. 
 
 Prepositis et ministris suis de Dovorria Salutem. 
 
 Sciatis, quod nemini perdonamus illam partem de theloneo que pertinet 
 ad monachos Sancti Martini de Dovorria, nisi tantummodo illam partem 
 que ad nos ipsos pertinet de dominio nostro. 
 
 Quia elemosinam Sancti Martini nolumus diminuere. Sicut Littere 
 Patentes Domini et Patris nostri Henrici Regis testantur. 
 
 Teste H. Cautuariensi Archiepiscopo, Cancellario nostro, apud Shorham 
 septimo decimo die Junii. 
 
 The seventh is a Confirmation Charter of Hen. III. This, and the 
 others, of subsequent dates, it will be beside our purpose to notice, as they 
 throw no more light upon the early history of the grant of this Half Toll 
 to the Prior and Convent of St. Martin. 
 
 y. 
 
 QUINQUE PORTUS. 
 
 There is so much of local and historical interest attached to the Cinq Quinque 
 Ports and the origin of their peculiar services, that we may well seize the Bobtus. 
 occasion of this entry in the survey to enlarge upon them. 
 
 As far as the notice before us will allow us to form a conjecture, they 
 originated in a covenant between the King and the Ports, the former 
 granting them franchises which made them independent of any jurisdiction 
 but their own, in return for which they were to render various services, 
 the most prominent thereof being their obligation to supply the King with 
 naval forces; and, as far as appears on the record, this covenant dates 
 from the time of the Confessor. 
 
 In the case of Dover, it is stated that that port, in return for their en¬ 
 dowment with the franchise of saca and soca, were bound to provide the 
 king with twenty ships, each with a crew of twenty-one men, once a year, 
 for fifteen days, at which standard, as near as may be, according to all the 
 records to which we have access, it remained for many centuries. 
 
 Jeake, in his invaluable work on the Cinq Ports, their privileges and 
 services, atp. 25, gives a detailed statement of the proportions which each 
 port had to supply, in order to complete the full complement of fifty-seven 
 ships yearly, for fifteen days, laid upon the ports collectively, “ as by the 
 “ memorandum thereof among the Records of the Town of Rye, fol. 55, of 
 “ their old Custoraal, and specified as an ordinance of the king, touching 
 «the service of shipping, a.d. 1229, circiter 14 Hen. III.” 
 
 5* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Quinque 
 
 PoBTUS. 
 
 T adopt his plan of printing the original Latin and English in parallel 
 columns. 
 
 “ Isti sunt Portus Regis Anglie, haben- 
 tes Ubertates quas alii portus non 
 habent , viz 1 , prout plenius palet 
 in carlis hide factis. 
 
 Hastyng, 
 
 Ad quam pertinent tanquam membra 
 unus vicus litus maris in Seford, Pe- 
 wymse, Bulwarlieth, Hydonye, Ill am, 
 Bekysborn, Greneche, et Nortbye. 
 Servieia inde debita Domino Eegi, xxi 
 naves (‘), et in qualibet nave xxi ho¬ 
 mines, cum uno gartione, qui dicitur 
 gromet ( 2 ). 
 
 Wynchiclsey et Eye, tanquam mem- 
 
 Viz. Wynchelsey x naves, et Eye 
 quinque naves, cum hominibus et gar- 
 tionibus, ut supra. 
 
 Eomone, ad quam pertinent, 
 
 Promhell, Lyde, Oswarstone, Denge- 
 marsh, et Vetus Eomone, quinque 
 naves cum hominibus et gartionibus, 
 ut supra. 
 
 Hethe, ad quam pertinent, 
 Westhethe, quinque naves cum ho¬ 
 minibus et gartionibus, ut supra. 
 Dovebb, ad quam pertinent, 
 
 Folkston, Feverysliam, et Mergate, 
 non de solo ( 3 ), sed de catallo, xxi 
 naves, ut Hastyng, cum hominibus et 
 gartionibus, ut supra. 
 
 Sandwich, ad quam pertinent, 
 Fordwych, Eecolver, Sarre, Storey, 
 et Dale, non de solo, sed de catallo, 
 quinque naves, cum hominibus et gar¬ 
 tionibus, et supra. 
 
 Summa navium—lvij naves. 
 
 Summa liominum (•') in eisdem, mcxl 
 homines, exceptis gartionibus. 
 
 Summa gartionum lvij. 
 
 Summa totalis personarum mcxcvij 
 persome. 
 
 Servieium quod Barones Quinque Por- 
 tuum recognoscunt facere Eegi, ad 
 summouitionem servitii, per xl dies 
 ante exitum, scilicet, per annum, si 
 contigerit, est per xv dies ad custum 
 eorum proprium, ita quod primus dies 
 computetur a die quo vela navium 
 erexerint, ad siglandum ad partes ad 
 quas tendere debent, et ulterius, quam 
 diu Eex voluerit ad custodiendum 
 Eegis ordinationem. Anuo Domini 
 
 “ These are the Ports of the King of 
 England, having liberties which 
 other ports have not, that is to say, 
 as more fully appearelh in the char¬ 
 ters thereof m ade. 
 
 Hasting, 
 
 To which pertaineth as members one 
 town on the seashore in Seaford, Pe- 
 vensea, Bulvarhithe, Hydney, Iham, 
 Beaksborne, Grench, and Northye. 
 
 The services thereof due to our Lord 
 the King 21 ships, and in every ship 
 21 men, with one boy, which is called 
 a Gromet. 
 
 Winchelsea and Eye, as members. 
 
 That is to say, "Winchelsea 10 ships, 
 and Eye 5 ships, with men and boys 
 as above. 
 
 Eomney, to which pertaineth, 
 
 Promhill, Lyd, Oswardstone, Denge- 
 marsh, and Old Eomney, S ships, with 
 men and boys, as above. 
 
 Hithe, to which pertaineth, 
 
 "Westhitke, 5 ships, with men and 
 boys, as above. 
 
 Doveb, to which pertaineth, 
 
 Folkstone, Feversham, and Margate, 
 not of soil, but of cattle, 21 ships, as 
 Hasting, with men and boys, as above. 
 
 Sandwich, to which pertaineth, 
 Fordwieh, Eeculver, Sarre, Storey, 
 and Deale, not of soil, bnt of cattle, 5 
 ships, with men and boys, as above. 
 
 Sum of the ships—57 ships. 
 
 Sum of the men in them 1140 men, ex¬ 
 cept boys. 
 
 Sum of the boys, 57. 
 
 Sum total of the persons, 1197 persons. 
 The service which the Barons of the 
 City Ports acknowledge to do to the 
 King, at the summons of the service 
 by 40 days before the going out, viz. 
 yearly, if it shall happen for 15 days, 
 at their own cost, so that the first day 
 be reckoned from the day in which 
 they shall hoist up the sails of the 
 ships, to sail to the parts to which they 
 ought to go, and further, as long as the 
 King will, to be kept by ordinance of 
 the King. Anno Domini 1229.” 
 
 It is well to note that I give Jealie’s translation in his own words, for iu 
 some instances his rendering is palpably wrong. 
 
 Jeake states that he copied his account of the services of the ports from 
 records at Eye, because ‘ The Ports Domesday Book,’ in which they were 
 originally enrolled, is now lost, though, as he takes pains to prove, that 
 book was once existiug among the records of the castle. 
 
 As I happen to be in a position to give some account of this book and 
 its whereabouts in the seventeenth century, and to offer a conjecture that 
 it is possibly still in existence, I will not lose the opportunity of placing 
 these circumstances upon record. 
 
 1 “ Hero is added in the copy, modo xx naves, nodo unam, which words seem to be 
 inserted by the scribe, wherefore I omitted them.” (Jeake.) 
 
 2 “ Grom,—Dutch for a stripling,—from whonce our word Groom." (Jeake.) 
 
 3 “ Non de solo sed in catallo, both in Doveb and Sandwich, I found not in some 
 other copies. It seems to note as much as, that their lands then were not charged to 
 the shipping in those members, but their chattels only.” (Jeake.) 
 
 4 “The sum of the persons I found false, and have altered here.” (Jeake.) 
 
 6 N.B. “ The ten ships found by Winchelsea, and the five by Rye, are to be taken 
 “inclusively for part of the twenty-one to be found by Hasting and its members, 
 “because, otherwise, the total of the ships will be seventy-two, that is, fifteen more than 
 “ they were to find; so as, besides Winchelsea and Rye, Hasting and her members 
 “ were to find only six ships.” (Jeake.) 
 
 G* 
 
 From about the year 1630 to 1636, Sir Edward Dering had been Lieu- Quinque 
 tenant of Dover Castle. On his retirement from that office, he carried ■ PoETUS - 
 away with him to Surrenden a large number of the records of the castle, 
 and among them was evidently this ‘ Ports Domesday Book,’ the loss of 
 which is so much regretted by Jeake. 
 
 Sir Edward, during the period of his lieutenancy, had transcribed into 
 books all the correspondence which had passed between himself and the 
 Council, the Lord Warden, and other public officers and departments. It 
 appears from this correspondence that the Earl of Suffolk, the Lord 
 Warden in 1636, had demanded the restoration of this Domesday Book 
 and other records that Dering had carried off to Surrenden; for I find in 
 the last volume of that correspondence the copy of a letter from Sir 
 Edward Dering to the Earl of Suffolk, from which I transcribe, verbatim, 
 the following extract:— 
 
 “ Surrenden-Dering, 14th Nov., 1636. 
 
 “ When I returned from that service under your lordship, my servant 
 “that packed up all within my study, did not divide all papers so precisely, 
 
 “but that some belonging to the castle were brought away with mine 
 “owne. Most of them, if not all (for I do not know of any remayning), I 
 “ did long since send backe. If I have any more, I have not seene them 
 “since they were heere; but whensoever I doe order the confusion which 
 “I am now in, I do humbly pledge my creditt they shall be carefully re- 
 “ turned, as they ought. 
 
 “ This booke called Domesday, being torne, defaced, and unbound, I took 
 “ care to have renewed as it is, resolving to have added in the end thereof, 
 
 “ the names and armes of all your Lordshipp’s Honourable and some Eoyal 
 “Predecessors in Office, with their Lieutenants; but I could not gett the 
 “ Paynter downe this sommer, nor could I gett Mr. Somersett’s 1 helpe 
 “ for the perfecting of this Catalogue. The eldest and hardest halfe I 
 “ have gone through. For deteyning it so long I begg your Lordshipp’s 
 “ pardon,—and, if it stand with your Lordsbipp’s good liking, I will see 
 “ the other halfe also finished. If any of the number be left out (as I sup- 
 “ pose some omissions are) the reason is, because I durst not insert any 
 “thing that was doubtfull.’ , 
 
 Notwithstanding Dering’s “ pledge of his creditt,’’ a very large mass of 
 the ancient Dover Eecords never found their way back from Surrenden. 
 
 In 1844,1 discovered there a vast number of them, and although this 
 ‘ Ports Domesday Book ’ was not among them, I found portions of very 
 elaborate transcripts from it, inter alia, Stephen de Pencestre’s Laws for 
 the Government of the Castle, and others which I have printed in ‘ Archteo- 
 logia Cantiana.’ The compiler of a work on Dover Castle recently pub¬ 
 lished, to whom 1 lent them, not for private publication, but for the ser¬ 
 vice of the Kent Archieological Society, has nevertheless made free use 
 of them. He gives no authority for them, nor names the sources whence 
 he obtained them. It will add largely to the value of his compilation, 
 should it reach a second edition, if he be enabled to state whence they were 
 derived. I have, therefore, much gratification in here recording for him 
 that I copied them from Sir Edward’s transcripts from the Dover Castle 
 Domesday. 
 
 About the year 1811, Sir Edward Dering the Grandfather, and imme¬ 
 diate predecessor of the present Baronet, bequeathed his personalties to 
 his younger son, to whom the ancient Library and vast store of MSS. 
 collected by his ancestor in the time of Ch. I. thus passed in due course 
 of Law. They were shortly afterwards sold. The late Mr. Thorpe was 
 the largest purchaser, and they were soon dispersed. The most valuable 
 portion of the MS. Chartularies, and similar MSS. have, I am informed, 
 been secured for the collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. If this infor¬ 
 mation be correct, there, in all probability, is now deposited the ‘Ports 
 Domesday Book’ of which we are speaking. The collection which I 
 found at Surrenden was still large and valuable—it consisted almost en¬ 
 tirely of ancient Eolls and Charters which the legatee of the personalities 
 had suffered to remain at Surrenden, the books only attracting his atten- * 
 tion. All have since been sold by auction by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, 
 in three several sales, the last of which took place about a month since, 
 viz. in July, 1865, when the Official Letter Book to which I have alluded 
 was sold with the other remnants of this once grand collection. The 
 Sale Catalogues of Messrs. Puttick and Simpson for Eeb. 7, 1863, and 
 J uly 15, 1865, will testify to the large amount of Dover Castle muniments 
 which had remained at Surrenden. 
 
 But to return to the Services of the Five Ports. In the ‘Ked Book of 
 the Exchequer ’ is the following Eecord, which must, of course, be deemed 
 the most official and authentic document to which we can refer:— 
 
 “ Quinque Poetus, et eorum membra, cum serviciis Eegi debitis de 
 “ portubus predictis annuatim, cum necesse fuerit. 
 
 “ Memorandum quod in octabis Sancti Hillarii, anno regni Eegis Ed- 
 “ wardi, filii Eegis Henriei, vicesimo primo (sic). Stepiiano de Pencestbe, 
 
 “tunc Constabulario Dovoeeie, et Constabulario Quinque Portuum ex- 
 “istente, in Scaccario, super Compoto suo Ballive sue predicte, coram 
 
 1 I. e. Philipott, Somerset Herald, a great friend and fellow-labourer of Derm 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Quinque “Magistro Willelmo de March, tunc Thesaurario Scaccarii, et Baroni- 
 Pobtus. “ bus ejusdem Scaccarii; ipsoque Stepiiano plenius allocuto de predietis 
 “ quinque portubus, videlicet, Qui fuerunt portus, et que eorura membra, 
 
 “et que seruicia ipsi portus Regi debeant, et qualiter, et quo modo. 
 
 “ Idem Stefhanus, predictos Thesaurai'ium et Barones de premissis cer- 
 “tificabat, in hunc modum. 
 
 “Sussex, 1 Hasting est capitalis portus, cujus membra sunt, videlicet, 
 
 “ Kascia. j Winchelse, Rye, Leucata de Peuenesse, et Bulwareheth, 
 
 “ in Comitatu Sussexie ; Bekesburne, et Grencth, in Comitatu Kancie ; 
 
 “ qui portus, cum suis membris predietis, debet invenire, ad sumonitionem 
 “ Regis, viginti et unam naues. Et, in qualibet naui debent esse viginti 
 “et unus homines, fortes, et apti, bene armati, et parati ad seruicium 
 “ Eegis; Ita, tamen, quod sumonitio inde fiat, ex parte Eegis, per xl dies ante. 
 
 “ Et, cum predicte naues, et homines in illis existentes, ad locum ilium 
 “ uenerint, ad quern fuerint sumoniti, morabuntur ibidem in seruicio 
 “ Eegis per quindecim dies, ad custus suos proprios. Et si Eex seruicio 
 “ illorum post predietas xv dies indiguerit, seu ipsos ibidem amplius mo- 
 “ rari voluerit, erunt naues ille, cum hominibus in illis existentibus, in 
 “seruicio Eegis morantes, ad custus Eegis, quamdiu Eegi placuerit;— 
 “videlicet, magister capiet yj d per diem, et Constabularius vj d per diem, et 
 “ quilibet aliorum capiet iij d per diem. 
 
 “Kancia. ROMENHALE, Portus Capitalis,—Y etds Romenhale, 
 
 “ et Lyde, membra eiusdem; Qui Portus, cum suis membris, inueuiet Eegi 
 “ quinque naues, in forma predicta. 
 
 “Portus de HETH debet Eegi quinque naues, in forma predicta.” 
 
 “DOTJORR est Portus Capitalis, cuius membra sunt,—viz. Fauer- 
 “ sham, Folkestane, et Meegate. Debet portus iste, cum suis membris 
 predietis xxi naues, in forma predicta. 
 
 “SANDWICH’S est Portus Capitalis, cuius membra,—F ordwiz, 
 
 “ Stonore, et Serre. Qui Portus, cum suis membris, debet Eegi, quinque 
 “ naues, in forma predicta. 
 
 “ Summa Seruicii Quinque Portum lvij naues.” 
 
 On the Patent Roll, 33 Ed. III. pt. 3, m. 6, is an “Inspeximus ” of this 
 certificate, to which is subjoined another certificate that Stephen de Peu- 
 cestre had, in the 31 Ed. I. (sic, 31 JEd. J.), delivered into the Exchequer 
 a Book in which the services of the 5 Ports are set out, corresponding with 
 the above, but the respective portions of the Ports and their limbs are i 
 given more in detail, from which it appears that the numbers assigned to j 
 each were as follows:—Hastings, 3 ships; Pevensey, 1 ship; Bulwareth, 
 Pette, and Iham, 1 ship; Bekesburne, 1 ship; Grencth, 2 men, with 2 
 oars ( auirons ); Rye, 5 ships; Winchelsea, 10 ships; Old and New Eomnev, 
 
 5 ships (on the Roll it is qatre, a clerical error for cinq, as the sum total 
 proves); Heth, 5 ships; Dover, 19 ships; Folkestone, 1 ship; Faversham, 
 
 1 ship; Sandwich, Stonor, Fordwich, Dele, and Serre, 5 ships,—Total, 57. 
 
 VI. 
 
 SAGA et SOCA. 
 
 With regard to the precise meaning of the words Saca and Soca, I have 
 collected together from various authors all that seems necessary for their 
 elucidation, and have set out in order their opinions, as follows:— 
 
 g ACA “SACA.—(i.) “Libertatem sive potestatem significat, alicui a Domino 
 
 “ Eege concessam, causas et querelas tractandi, sive cognoscendi,—audi- 
 “endi, scilicet; et judicandi, forisfacturas sive mulctas exinde proventuras 
 “ capiendo, intra Socam, vel Dominium, ejus.— Saca, enim, fluit a Saxonico 
 “ pae, i. e. causa, lis, dissensio, accusatio .” (Wilkins in the Glossary at the 
 end of his Leges Saxonica, p. 426.) 
 
 (ii.) “ Sacha est, quod si quidlibet aliquem nominatim de aliquo calum- 
 “niatus fuerit, et ille negaverit, forisfactura probationis, vel negationis (si 
 “evenerit) sua erit.” (Laws of Edward the Confessor, No. 22.) 
 
 After citing this law, Wilkins (Glossary, p. 426) adds— 
 
 (iii.) “ Multo rectius, ni fallor, Clemens Eegnercs, in onomastico, apo- 
 “ stolatui Benedictiuorum iu Anglia prefixa. 
 
 “ Sacca vel Saccha est regale privi-leghorn, quo qiois gaudet in suo Manerio, 
 “ circa placita et correctiones delinquentim." 
 
 (iv.) “ Cognitio quam domiuus habet in Curia sua de causis litibusque 
 “inter vassallos suos exorientibus.” (Spelman.) 
 
 (v.) “Amongst the Franks or Saliques, certain Lawyers were called 
 “ Sachibarones; because they were (say the Glossarists) saoharum, i. e. 
 
 “ causarum, perili. Men skilful in Causes or Pleas. Scech, sive Sack, 
 
 “ causa est de qua collitigatur. Sunt, ergo, Sachibarones, Jurisperiti, viri 
 “ cordati ac prudentes, sacharum, seu controversinrum dirimendarum 
 “seientes.” (Madox, History of the Exchequer, p. 133, note d— citing 
 Wendelin. Glossar. Salicum, p. 175.) 
 
 (vi.) “ The Jurisdiction of holding Pleas.” (Kelham.) 
 
 (vii.) “The power and privilege of hearing and determining causes and 
 “ disputes, levying forfeitures, and fines, executing laws, and administering 
 “justice within a certain precinct.” (Sir H. Ellis, Introduction to Domesday 
 Book.) Which observations are, iu fact, an almost literal rendering of the 
 passages cited above from Wilkins. 
 
 (viii.) “The privilege called Sake is, for a man to have amerciaments of 
 “ his Tenants in his own Court.” (Les Termes de La Ley—citing Keloway', 
 Casus incerli temp or is, f. 145 a.) 
 
 SOCA.—(i.) “Territorium, prmcinctum, in quo Saca, et emtera privi- 
 “legia exercentur.” (Wilkins in Glossary, ut supra, p. 427.) 
 
 Among the Laws of Edward the Confessor—xxiij. “ Quid sit Soche et 
 “ Sache &c.,” we have— 
 
 (ii.) “ Soche est, quod si aliquis qu&rit aliquid in terra sua, etiara fur- 
 “ turn, sua est justicia, si inventum fuerit an non.” 
 
 (iii.) Again, among the laws of Edward the Confessor, in the chapter “ Do 
 animalibus et alia re inventa,” there is this clause:— 
 
 "Si Dominus, in cujus terra inventum est, non habet consuetudines 
 “ suas, scilicet Sake et Soke, omnia tradat Priefecto Ilundredi (si habere 
 “ voluerit) cum bonis testibus.—Sed si Dominus habuerit consuetudines 
 “suas, in Curia Domini rectum teneatur.” (Wilkins, ‘Leges Edwardi,’xxviii. 
 p. 202.) 
 
 Wilkins, in his Glossary (p. 427), citing this Law, observes— 
 
 “ Vocis igitur expositionem in Legibus Edwardo Confessori attributis, 
 “ cap. 23, ut nimis arctam, ne dicara incongruam, rejiciendam puto. Multo 
 “rectius meo quidem judicio, Fleta, lib. i. cap. 47. So7ce (inquit) signi- 
 “ ficat libertatem Curiee tenentium, quam Solcam appellamus. Cui convenit 
 “ Codex quidam MS. Ecclesiaj Gantuariensis, Soke auer framiche court de 
 “ ses hommes, i. e. liberam habere Curiam de suis homiuibus. Vel, ut 
 “alter Codex antiquus MS., Not a,—quod Sok est queedam libertas, per 
 “ quam Domini tenebunt Curias suas, et habebunt seclam homagiorum ."— 
 “Nonne, autem, hinc confunduntur Soca et cousors ejus Saca? —Minime, 
 “ cum in hoc ni fallor, signanter differunt, quod territorium, prmcinctum 
 “in quo Saca et emtera privilegia exercentur, Soca prmcipue sonat;— Saca, 
 “ autem, cum emteris, scilicet, Tol, — Tim, — Infangthefe, etc., privilegia ipsa, 
 “ sive privilegioruin species, intra idem territorium exercendas. 
 
 “A Soca autem hac, sensu quo privilegium, immunitatem, libertatem, 
 “ signat, venit terraruin ilia apud nos possessionis species Sockagium alias 
 “ Socagium dicta, sumpto hinc nomine, quod terra eo modo possessa (sub 
 “certis, scilicet, et nominatis servitiis, in pacto inter Dominum et Vassal- 
 “lum ejus conventu, contentis) a quibuscuuque aliis oncribus immunis sit 
 “ et libera.” 
 
 Thus far Wilkins on the confusion of the terms Soca and Saca. They 
 | certainly are used indifferently by many writers to imply the Franchise 
 | granted to the Lord, to hold Pleas of Court within his Manor, and so they 
 j well may be used;—for, although it appears from the numerous authorities 
 cited in this Note, that, strictly speaking, Saca is the privilege of holding 
 Pleas, and Soca, the district wherein this privilege is exercised, yet the 
 one, of necessity, implies the other. The Saca, the privilege, could not be 
 exercised elsewhere than within the Manor or precinct of the Lord to whom 
 it was granted;—and the Soca, the precinct itself, within which the privi¬ 
 lege was to be exercised, necessarily implied the existence of that privilege; 
 and so it was, that Soca was almost as often used as Saca, to denote the 
 privilege itself. 
 
 (iv.) “ Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Comites, Barones, et Milites suos, et 
 “proprios servieutes suos, scilicet, Dapiferos, Pinceruas, Camerarios, 
 “ Cocos, Pistores, sub suo fridborgo habebant; et ipsi suos armigeros, vel 
 “ alios servieutes suos, sub suo fridborgo; quod si ipsi forisfacerent, et 
 “ clamor viciuorum iusurgeret de eis, ipsi baberent eos ad rectum in Curia 
 | “ sua, si baberent Sacham et Socha-m, tol et theam.” (Leges Eegis Edwardi 
 
 ! Confessoris, cap. xxi. apud Thorpe; Descriplio Liberlatum Diversarum, 
 vol. i. p. 451.) 
 
 For explanation of Fridborga, see Appendix, sub Gilda, infra. 
 
 (v.) “The district over which the jurisdiction of Saca was exercised.” 
 (Kelham.) 
 
 (vj.) “The territory, or precinct, in which the Saca and other privileges 
 “ were exercised.” (Sir H. Ellis, Introduction to Domesday Book, i. pp. 151, 
 273.) This, again, is a literal translation of the passage cited above from 
 Wilkins. 
 
 (vij.). “It signifies power or liberty to minister justice and execute 
 
 ii j aw g_ a i SOj _the circuit or territory wherein such power is exercised; 
 
 “ whence our law-Latin word Soca is used for a Seignory or Lordship en- 
 “ f ra nchised by the King, with the liberty of holding or keeping a court of 
 “ his Sole men.” (Jacob.) 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 (viij.) “ Soca vero placitormn alia prop vie pertinet ad fiscum regium, et 
 “ singulariter; alia participaeione; alia pertinet Vieecomitibus et Ministris 
 “ Eegis, in firma sua; alia pertinet Baronibus SocJtam et Sacharn htiben- 
 “ tibus.” Leges Henrici Primi, apud Thorpe, cap. ix.; De qualitale causa- 
 rum, yoI. i. p. 518.) 
 
 (ix.) “ Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Comites, et alie potestates, in terris 
 “potestatis sue, Sacam et Socam habent, Tol et Theam, et infongentheaf.” 
 (Leges Henrici Primi, apud Thorpe, cap. xx.; De Socna et Thol et Theam, 
 vol. i. p. 52S.) 
 
 (x.) “ Si exurgat placitum inter hominus alicujus Baronum, Socnam ha- 
 “bentium, traetetur placitum in curia domini sui, de causa communi. Si 
 “ est inter homines duorum dominoruin Socnam habendum, respondeat ae- 
 “cusatus in Curia domini sui, de causa communi.” (Leges Henrici Primi, 
 apud Thorpe, cap. xxv.; De privilegiis Proceruin Angiie, vol. i. p. 530.) 
 
 (xi.) Eadweard of Wessex, in 90-1, transferred his royal rights in 
 Taunton, to the See o'f Winchester. 
 
 “ He says, ‘ Concessi, ut episcopii homines, tarn nobiles quam ignobiles 
 “ [i. e. xii. hynde and ii. hynde) in praifato rure degentes, hoc idem jus in 
 “ omni haberent dignitate (bad) quo llegis homines perfruuntur, regalibus 
 “ fiscis eommorantes: et omnium siccularum rerum judicia ad usus prse- 
 “ sulum exerceantur eodem modo quo regalium negotiorum discutiuntur 
 ‘‘judicia.—Preediet® etiam vilke mercimonium quod Anglice clas tunes 
 “ (typing appellatur, censusque omnis civilis, sanctse dei mcclesi® in Win- 
 “touia civitate sine retractionis obstaculo, cum omnibus commodis 
 “mternaliter deserviat.’” (Cod. Dipl. No. 1084.) 
 
 “He had previously granted au immunity from regal and eomitial inter¬ 
 ference; the result of which was to place all judicial and fiscal functions 
 “ in the hands of the Bishop’s Eeeve, instead of the Sheriff or the King’s 
 “ Burgreeve. 
 
 “ The document furnishes an admirable example of an immunity, or, as 
 “ it is technically called in the Anglo-Saxon law, a grant of Sacn and Socn.” 
 (Kemble, The Saxons in England, vol. i. p. 177, note.) 
 
 (xij.) “Manerium, dominium, locus privilegio et immuuitate Socce do- 
 “natus.” (Ducange in verbo.) 
 
 (xiij.) “ Soca, pro manerio vel dominio. Eegistr. Pr. Lewes, p. 1. Hi 
 “ sunt reddilm de Socha de Hecham. Et mox ibidem sequuntur, redditus 
 “ totius manerii de Hecham. Item, p. 16— Pertinent ad Socliam de He- 
 “ chant, tarn in Sernebruna et Etune et Ringstede, quam in ipsa villa de He- 
 “ chain. Et, p. 17. In Soca de Hecham sunt 24 Lancetce. Denique, 
 
 “ p. IS. Et faciet alias consuetudines cum Socha, quod quispiam forte in- 
 “tellexerit, cum aratro; nobis, autem, videtur significare secundum con- 
 “ suetudinem manerii , scilicet, uti omnes alii tenentes faciunt. 
 
 “ Soca. —Id quod francbisiam dicimus, id est, locusprivilegiatus, libertas, 
 
 “ mmunitas, refugium, asylum, sanctuarium. Hinc, maneria et dominia, 
 
 “ qu;c aliis potestates appellautur, Socce, etiam, antiquis dicta; sunt,—ut 
 “ jam supra indicaviinus. Hoc sensu, maneriorum partes, qua; a capitali 
 “sunt disjunct®,— Socas et Sobies multis, bodie, in locis nomiuantur, 
 “illud, scilicet, denotantes, quod sunt illius libertatis partes, cujus deuo- 
 “minationem pr® se ferunt. Sic villa; in comitatu Norfolcie, qua; dicun- 
 “ tur in Soca de Oressenhal, sunt de libertate illius manerii:—et sic de 
 “reliquis.” (Spelman in verbo.) 
 
 xi v. “ Soca is always distinguished from demesne land, inland, or thaneland. 
 “The Conqueror, directing that invaded lands should be restored to Ely 
 “ minster, says, Let those who hold the inlandes which undoubtedly should 
 “ be held of the Church, malce the best agreement which they can with the 
 “ Abbot ... let the same be done concerning those holding Soo AND Sac. 
 
 “ (Hist. Elien. ii. 120.) These strange syllables ‘Soc and Sac ’ had a shade 
 “ of difference in their meaning. Our ancestors were fond of alliteration; 
 “and some of their jingles aro still used; for example, health and wealth, 
 
 “ wear and tear. Sac appears to be our common word sake, with the force 
 “ of placitum or causa, and to mean the correction of offences, or power of 
 “ imposing penalties. ‘ Dioit quod rations de Sok, intend'd habere sectam 
 “ ‘ omnium tenentium suorum, tarn liberorum quam villanorum ; et ratione de 
 “ * Sak, intendit habere emendationem omnium delictorum.’ ” (Quo Warranto 
 3 Ed. III.)—(Morgan, ‘ England under the Normans,’ p. 129.) 
 
 All the authorities, then, after all, confirm the statement made in Note 
 7, p. 153 supra, —that the term Saca signifies the privilege of holding 
 pleas; and that Soca was the territory within which the privilege was 
 exercised; and that the franchise of “Saca et Soca” was a grant made by 
 the Crown to Lords of Manors, authorizing them to hold their own Courts 
 and administer justice therein. Indeed, in early times, a manor was 
 rarely, if ever, grauted without the annexation of a civil and criminal 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 Thence, doubtless, arose the term “ Socage tenure,” whereby the tenants 
 
 within the Soc, i. e. the Lord’s territory, held of their Lord by fealty, Saoa 
 homage, suit of court, etc., and certain specified services, such as money 
 rents, or fixed prmdial services, etc., as distinguished from military or 
 knight service, wherein the render was precarious and uncertain, besides 
 the liability to the further incidents of aids, primer-seisin, wardships, 
 marriages, etc. etc.; and they stood to right among themselves in their 
 lord's court (see notes iii. and iv., p. 7*, supra). But it would be out of 
 place to enter further into these subjects here; nor should. I have at all 
 alluded to them had not our discussions on the terms Sac and Soc led us 
 to notice that of Socage. 
 
 It seems as though this tenure by free and common Socage had remained 
 a relic of Saxon liberty after the Conqueror had established feudal tenures; 
 and to have been retained, as Blackstone remarks, by such persons as had 
 neither forfeited their estates to the King, nor been obliged by him to 
 exchange their tenure for the more honourable, as it was called, but, at the 
 same time, more burthensome tenure of knight-service. 
 
 New grants, after the Conquest, were almost invariably made of lands 
 and manors to be held by this latter service. 
 
 In the text, Note 7, p. 32,1 spoke, in passing, of other powers than those 
 of Saca and Soca which were probably granted to Dover in this Charter 
 
 It is evident by the Custumal of Dover, printed by Lyon, that from 
 time immemorial, the burgesses had had committed to them the power of 
 life and death,—a power which properly belonged only to the Scyremot, 
 i. e. the county court. When that power was conferred dees not appear; 
 probably by this very charter in which the franchise of Saca and Soca was 
 given to them. 
 
 According to Jealce, citing the Custumals and Eecords of Hastings 
 and Wlnchelsea, those two ports had always had the right of trying 
 felons; and, in the original Custumal of Pevense, lately among the 
 MSS. at Surrenden, not only is it recorded that its burgesses had the 
 power of life and death, but the very form of passing the sentence of death 
 is set out,—aud also, the manner of carrying it into execution,—in these 
 words, which I have copied from the MS.:— 
 
 “Item, en cas [de jugment] de eoronne, si homme soit ateynt, e for- 
 “ fait la vye, le portreve, come coroner, dirra le jugement, e sera assys 
 “juxte le senescal, e dirra cestez paroles, scilicet: * Wypdrajp and axe 
 “ 1 pane prest.’ E si cely qest dampne soit de la franchise, il sera amene 
 “au pount de la ville, a la pleigne meer, e outr le pount botu en le havene. 
 
 “ E sil soit del Geldable, sera suspendez deyns la Lewe, en certain lui 
 “appelle le Wrhjtrew.” 
 
 Indeed, it appears from all the Custumals of the five ports, and their 
 limbs, that all of them had the power of life and death. 
 
 It is true that, in the Charter of Edward I. confirming the franchises 
 enjoyed by the Five Ports in the times of Edward the Coneessor, 
 ■William I., William II., Henry II., Eichard I., John, and Henry 
 III. (“ per cartas eorundem, sicut cart® ill® quas iidem barones nostri 
 “ inde habent, et quas inspeximus, rationabiliter testantur; ” i. e. by their 
 “ charters, as the same charters, which the same our barons thereof have, 
 
 “ and ice have seen, do reasonably testify ”), there is this reservation:— 
 
 “ Salva semper in omnibus regia dignitate, et salvis nobis, et hmredibus 
 “ nostris, placitis eoronis nostra;, vit® et membrorum; ” i. e. saved always, in 
 all things, our kingly dignity, and saved to us and our heirs pleas of our 
 crown, life, and members. 
 
 But Jeake satisfactorily determines it, that the pleas of life and mem¬ 
 bers here mentioned are, not all capital offences, but only those special 
 ones which, before this charter of King Edward I., had been determinable 
 at the Court of Shepway, and no other. 
 
 In the Confirmation Charter, 5 Ed. IV., there are actually these 
 words:— 
 
 “ Ac insuper concessimus, pro nobis et h®redibus nostris, quantum in 
 “ nobis est, prcedictis baronibus et probis hominibus ac eorum hmredibus et 
 “ successoribus, quod ipsi furcas, infra quemlibet portura, et merabrum 
 “ portuum et membrorum priedictoruin erigi, et judicium de malefactoribus, 
 
 “quos ididein capi et deprehendi contigerit, juxta dictam libertatem de 
 “ iufangtheff et utfangtheff, ac juxta consuetudinem in portubus et menibris 
 “prcedictis ab antiquo usitatam facerepossint,” etc. 
 
 I. e. “ And moreover, we have granted for us and our heirs, as much as 
 “ in us is, to the aforesaid barons and good men, and their heirs and suc- 
 “ cessors, that they may erect gallows, within every port and member of 
 “ the P° rts . and members aforesaid, and judgment cause to be done of ma¬ 
 lefactors which there shall happen to be taken and apprehended, 
 
 “ according to the said liberty of iufangtheff and utfangtheff, and ac¬ 
 cording to the custom iu the ports and members aforesaid, of ancient 
 “ time used.” 
 
 Even so, there are those living now in Dover who remember public 
 executions within the liberties of the town, after trial before their own 
 Eecorder and Mayor, and by the sentence of their own court. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I’ltKPOSITOS 
 — GeBEFA- 
 Eeve. 
 
 Gebefa. 
 
 Heahge- 
 
 BEFA. 
 
 . VII. 
 
 PREPOSITUS—GEREFA—REVE. 
 
 For the better understanding what the office of “ Prepositus ” (the 
 Anglo-Saxon Gerefa, Angliee Reve) was, I will here collect together the 
 opinions of different authors who have discussed the subject. 
 
 Mr. Thorpe, in his Glossary, says—“ Of Prtepositi there were evidently 
 “ two kinds; viz. the ‘ Prepositus Regius,’ who seems to have been next in 
 “authority to the Alderman of the Hundred; and the ‘ Prepositus’ of a 
 “ lord, who was a Steward or Bailiff of an estate, answering to the Anglo- 
 “ Saxon ‘ Wicnere.’ ” 
 
 Of “ Gerefa ,” he says, “ Of Reeves, mention of the following classes oc- 
 “ curs in these laws:— 
 
 “ 1. The Gerefa, by which simple denomination the same official seems 
 “ to be meant who is elsewhere called the ‘ Scir-gerefa,’ or Sheriff. He 
 “ was the fiscal officer of the Shire or County, or City, under the Ealdor- 
 “ man, or Comes. His duties were many, as a reference to the places 
 “ where his name occurs will abundantly testify. The King's ‘ Gerefa’ was 
 “ probably identical with the ‘ Scir-gerefa.’ The Court of the Reeve was 
 “ held monthly. In the Anglo-Norman times he is usually styled Vice- 
 “ comes. 
 
 “2. TheTun-greviu3— Tun-gerefa; 3. ThePort-gerefa— Port-Reeve; 4. 
 “ The Wie-gerefa— Wick-Reeve; inferior classes of fiscal officers employed, 
 “ as their names imply, in the Towns, Ports, and Wicks (Hamlets) of the 
 “ Kingdom.” (Thorpe, ‘ Glossary to Anglo-Saxon Laws,’ vol. ii.) 
 
 In the Laws of Edward the Confessor there is a chapter expressly de¬ 
 voted to the explanation of these terms, as follows:— 
 
 “ Cap. xxxii.— Quid sit Prepositus et Prefegtura, et quid Al¬ 
 derman, qui Latine Senior Pofuli sonat, et quam xiultipliciter 
 
 “VOCABULUM pREPOSITI DISTENDITUIt. 
 
 “ Greve autem nomen est potestatis; apud nos autem nichil melius 
 “ videtur esse quam prefectura. Est enim multiplex nomen; greve enim 
 “ dicitur de scira, de wapentagiis, de hundredo, de burgis, de villis; et vide- 
 “ tur nobis compositum esse e gri'5 Angliee, quod est pax Latine, et ve 
 “ Latine, videlicet, quod debet facere griS, i. e. pacem, ex illis qui iuferunt, 
 “ in terram ve, i. e. miseriam, vel dolorem, summa auctoritate Domini nostri 
 “ Jesu Christi dicentis ‘ ve tibi Bethsaida, ve tibi Corozaim.’ Frisones et 
 “ Flaudrenses comites suos meregrave vocant, quasi majores, vel bonos 
 “pacificos; et sicut modo vocantur groves qui habent prefecturas super 
 “ alios, ita tunc temporis vocabantur elderemen, non propter senectutem, 
 “ sed propter sapienciam.” 
 
 In reference to this chapter, Kemble well observes:— 
 
 “ The laws of Edward the Confessor show at how early a period the word 
 “ was unintelligible.” He devotes a chapter to the subject, from which it 
 may be advisable to transcribe a few passages. He commences his observa¬ 
 tions thus:— 
 
 “ The most general name for the fiscal, administrative, and executive 
 “ officer among the Saxons was * Gerefa,’ or, as it is written in very early 
 “ documents, 1 Geroefa,’ but the peculiar functions of the individuals com- 
 “ prehended under it were further defined by a prefix compounded with it, 
 “ as ‘ Scirgerefa,’ the Reeve of the Shire or Sheriff, ‘ Tungerefa,’ the Reeve 
 “ of the Farm, or Bailiff. The exact meaning and etymology of this name 
 “ have hitherto eluded the researches of our best scholars, and yet, per- 
 “ haps, few words have been more zealously investigated. . . . Whatever 
 “ were the original signification of the word, I cannot doubt that it is of 
 “ the highest antiquity, as well as the office which it denotes. In all pro- 
 “ bability it was borne by those elected chiefs who presided over the free- 
 “ men of the Ga in their meetings, and delivered the law to them in their 
 “ districts. RUguntur in iisdem conciliis et principes, qui jura per pagos 
 “ vicosque reddunt. (Tac. Germ, xii.) Some tribes may have called these 
 “principes by one name, some by another,—‘ Ealdorman,’ c vEsaga,’ ‘ Lah- 
 “ mon,’ are all legitimate appellations for a ‘ Gerefa.’—Throughout the 
 “ Germanic constitutions, and especially in this country, the ‘ Gerefa’ 
 “ always appears in connexion with judicial functions. He is always the 
 “holder of a Court of Justice. . . . Upon this point it is unnecessary to 
 “multiply evidence, and I shall content myself with saying that wherever 
 “ there was a Court there was a Reeve, and wherever there was a Reeve 
 “ he held some sort of Court for the guidance and management of persons 
 “ for whose peaceful demeanour he was responsible. From this it is to be 
 “inferred that the ‘ Gere fan’ were of very different qualities, possessed 
 “ very different degrees of power, and had very different functions to per- 
 “ form, from the ‘ Gerefa’ who gave law to the Shire, down to the ‘ Gerefa’ 
 “ who managed some private landowner’s estate. It will be convenient to 
 “ take the different classes of ‘ Cerefan’ seriatim, and collect under each 
 “ head such information as we can now obtain from our legal or historical 
 “ monuments.” 
 
 I. Heahgerefa, or High Reeve.—Kemble expresses himself as unable 
 to speak witli certainty on this subject. “ I am inclined to believe,” he 
 says, “ that they are exceptional, and, perhaps, in some degrees, similar to 
 
 the Missi of the Franks. Officers dispatched under occasional commis¬ 
 sions to perform functions of supervision, hold courts of appeal, and dis- 
 “ charge other duties, as the necessity of the case demanded ; but that they 
 “are not established officers found in all the districts of the kingdom, and 
 “ forming a settled part of the machinery of government. In this par- 
 “ ticular sense, our judges going down upon their several circuits, under a 
 “ commission of jail delivery, are the Heahgerefan of our day.” .... 
 
 II. Scirgerefa, or Sheriff.—“ The Scirgerefa is, as his name denote^ Scirgerefa. 
 
 “ the person who stands at the head of .the Shire.He is, properly Sheriff. 
 
 “ speaking, the holder of the County Court, Scirgemot, or Folcmot, and, 
 
 “ probably, at first, was its elected chief. But, as this Gerefa was, at first, 
 
 “ the people’s officer, he seems to have shared the fate of the people, and to 
 “ have sunk in the scale ns the royal authority gradually rose. During the 
 “whole of our historical period, we find him exercising only a concurrent 
 “jurisdiction, shared in, and coritrolled by, the Ealdorman, on the one 
 
 “ hand, and the Bishop on the other.In the Anglo-Saxon legisla- 
 
 “ tion, even of the eighth century, the Ealdorman is certainly head of the 
 “ Shire; but there is, as far as I know, no evidence of his sitting in judg- 
 “ ment in the Folcmot, without the Sheriff'; while there is evidence that 
 “ the Sheriff sat without the Ealdorman.” 
 
 The remainder of Kemble’s remarks on this office I defer till we come 
 to speak of the “ Vicecomes,” as he is called in the Survey, and of the Scir- 
 mote itself. 
 
 III. Cyninges Gerefa, or Royal Reeve.—“There is some difficulty Ctninges 
 “ with regard to this officer, because, in many cases where the Cyninges Gerefa. 
 
 “ Gerefa is mentioned, it is plain that the Scirgerefa is meant. For ex- 
 
 “ ample, iElfred twice mentions the Cyninges Gerefa as sitting in the Folc- 
 “ mot, and administering justice there, which is hardly to be understood 
 “ of any but the Sheriff. However, it is consistent with the general prin- 
 “ ciples of Teutonic society, that, as there was a Scirgerefa to do justice 
 “ between freeman and freeman, so also there should be a Cyninges Gerefa, 
 
 “before whom the King’s tenants should ultimately stand to right, and 
 “ who more particularly administered the King’s Sacu and Socn in his own 
 “ private lands. To this officer, under the Ealdorman, would belong the 
 “ investigation of those causes which the King’s manorial courts could not 
 “ decide; perhaps, he might possess some sort of appellate jurisdiction ; and 
 “ it cannot be doubted, that it was his duty to superintend the management 
 “ of the King’s private domains, and to lead the array of the King’s private 
 “ tenants in the general levy. It is, therefore, not unlikely that this officer 
 “ may be identical with the Heahgerefa already noticed. But, in many 
 “ cases where a King’s Reeve is mentioned [Regis Pnepositus] and where 
 “ we cannot understand the term of the Scirgerefa, it is clear, that a Wie- 
 “gerefa, or Burli, or Tun-gerdfa, are intended; and that they are called 
 “ royal officers merely because the "Wic, Burh, or Tun, happened to be 
 “ royal property.” .... 
 
 IV. The Burhgerefa.—“ In a fortified town, which I take to be the Burhge- 
 “ strict meaning of Burh, there was an officer under this title. We know befa. 
 
 “ but little of bis peculiar powers; but there is every reason to conclude 
 “ they were similar to those of other 1 Gerefan,’ according to the eircura- 
 “ stances in which he was placed. If the town were free, it is possible that 
 “ he may have been the popular officer, a sort of Sheriff where the town 
 “itself is a county. But this is improbable, and it is much more likely 
 “ that the ‘ Burhgerefa’ was essentially a royal officer, charged with the 
 
 “ maintenance and defence of a fortress.It was this officer’s duty 
 
 “ to preside in the Burhgemot, which was appointed to be held thrice in 
 “ the year, and he was most likely the representative of the townspeople, 
 
 “ so far as these were unfree, in the higher courts. It is also probable that 
 “ he was their military leader, and that he was expected to be present at 
 “ sales and exchanges, in order to be able to warrant transactions if im- 
 “ peached. Lastly, he was to see that tithes were duly rendered from his 
 
 “ fellow-citizens.The ‘ Burhgerefa’ may, perhaps, be said to have 
 
 “ had some of the rights of the JEdile and Prietor Urbauus under the old, 
 
 “ or those of the Duumvir under the later, provincial constitution of Rome. 
 
 “ Still, he seems to have been, in some degree, subject to the supervision 
 “ of the Ealdorman. . . . We have no means now of ascertaining the dura- 
 “ tion of his office, the nature of his appointment, or the actual extent of 
 “ his powers.” 
 
 V. “ The Portgerefa is, in many respects, similar to the ‘ Burhgerefa’: Pobt- 
 
 “ but, as it appears that Port is applied rather to a commercial than a gebefa. 
 
 “ fortified town, there are differences between the two officers. In some 
 “ degree, these will have depended upon the comparative power, freedom, 
 
 “ and organization of the citizens themselves. ... In London he holds 
 “ the place of the Sheriff, and the King’s writs are directed to the Earl, 
 
 “ the Bishop, and the Portreeve. There are two cities in which we hear 
 « of ‘ Portreeves,’ viz. London and Canterbury. In the former, we have 
 “ Swetman, uElfsige, Ulf, Leofstati, and the great officer of the royal 
 « household, Esgar the Steallere, which alone would be sufficient evidence 
 “ of the importance attached to the post. In Canterbury, we read of 
 
 “ yEthelred, Leofstan, and Godric, occupying the same station. 
 
 “ In the smaller towns especially, it must have been a principal part of the 
 
 9* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 “ Portreeve’s duty to witness all transactions by bargain and sale. A 
 “ portion of his subsistence at least was probably derived from the pro- 
 “ eeeds of tolls and fines levied within his district.” 
 
 Wicgerefa. VI. Wicoerefa.—“ The Wicgerefa was a similar oflicer in villages,” etc. 
 
 I am not aware of any mention of this officer in our Kent Survey, and, 
 therefore, need not follow out Mr. Kemble’s observations on his rank and 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 Tungerefa. VII. Tungerf.fa.—“ The Tungerefa is, literally, the reeve of a tun, en¬ 
 closure, farm, vill, or manor; and his authority, also, must have fluctu- 
 “ ated with that of his lord. He is the villicus or bailiff of the estate, and, 
 “ on the royal farms, was bound to superintend the cultivation and keep 
 “ the peace among the cultivators,” etc. 
 
 Swan- VIII. Swangerefa.—“ The Swangerefa, as his name denotes, was Eeeve 
 
 gebefa. “ o( that forest-court which, till a late period, was known in England as the 
 “ Swainmoot. It was his business to superintend the swanas, or swains, 
 “ the herdsmen, and foresters, to watch over the rights of pasture, and re- 
 “ gulate the use which might be made of the forest.” 
 
 We need not, however, proceed further in the description of this officer, 
 as we do not meet with him iu the Kent Survey. 
 
 Wealhge- IX. We Aim gerefa, or IVelsh Eeeve.—Eor the same reason we are 
 befa. U0 ); ca ]l e d U pou to discuss the duties of this officer. 
 
 “ The Gerefa was not necessarily a royal officer; on the contrary, we 
 “ find Bishops, Ealdorraen, nay, simple nobles with them upon their esta- 
 “ blishinent. Of course, the moment an immunity of Sacu and Soon existed 
 “ upon any estate, the lord appointed a Gerefa to hold his court, and do 
 “ right among his men, as the Scirgerefa held court for the freemen in his 
 
 “ shire.Of course, iu many cases, these Gerefan would be merely 
 
 “ stewards: but, in nearly all, we must consider them to have been judges 
 “ iu various courts of greater or less importance, public or private, as it 
 “ might chance to be. This one original character distinguishes all alike; 
 “ whether it be the Scirgerefa of a county court, the Burhgerefa of a cor- 
 “ poration, the Swangerefa of a woodland moot, the Motgerefa of any court, 
 “ in which plea could be holden, or the Tungerefa of a vill or indepen- 
 “ dent settlement, the ancient Steward of a manorial court.” (Kemble’s 
 “ ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. ii. p. 151 to p. 181.) 
 
 Of the above different classes, the one with which we are ordinarily most 
 familiar is the Tungerefa, the Eeeve or Bailiff of a manor. 
 
 “ The Gerefa or Grieve. — Propositus villee was an important officer in 
 “ those days, and it would seem that the tillage of the bordlands, as well 
 “ as of the villenage, was often under his superintendence.” 
 
 “ One of Chaucer’s pilgrims to Canterbury was a Eeeve, whose person, 
 
 “ character, and abode, are minutely described by the poet:— 
 
 “ The Eeeve was a slendre colerike man. . . . 
 
 Wei coude he kepe a garner and a binne: 
 
 There was non auditour coude on him winne. 
 
 Wei wiste he by the drought, and by the rain, 
 
 The yelding of his seed and of his grain. 
 
 His lordes shepe, his nete and his deirie, 
 
 His swine, his hors, his store, and his pultrie, 
 
 Were holly in this reves goueruing. . . . 
 
 His wonning was ful fayre upon an heth, 
 
 With grene trees yshadewed.” . . . 
 
 “ The claims and independent proceedings of the Beeves are occasionally 
 “ noticed in Doomsday. In one case, we are told that the Eeeve, after an 
 “ exchange, had kept possession of both objects of the transaction (p. 38 b). 
 
 “. . . . Other passages relate to disputes between the Beeves and the 
 “ Eoresters (p. 38 b). Still, it is not clear that all such entries refer to 
 “ the Eeeve of the villenage, because 1 Prepositus,’ in Doomsday, is a name 
 “ common to various officers; we meet with Prepositus Eegis, Prepositus 
 “ Bwgi, Prepositus Bundrcdi, just as there are Shire Beeves, Portreeves, 
 
 “ andWoodreeves now.” (Morgan, ‘England under the Normans,’ p. 92.) 
 
 We have an instance of the dishonest exactions of the Portreeve of 
 Canterbury. See Extension, p. 5,1. 42. 
 
 And now, having fully discussed the offices held by the different classes 
 of “ Gerefa,” during the Saxon era, we ought not to close the inquiry 
 without a few words on the position of a lower class of Propositus, viz. 
 the individual who, under the Custos or Steward, had the superintendence 
 of the prsedial labour of his fellow-villans. We find no notice of this office 
 in our Kent Domesday, but in later manorial rolls it is of constant occur¬ 
 rence ; and, as many writers have confounded it with the office of Eeeve, 
 and thence deemed that the Propositus of Domesday was always one of 
 the Yillans, we will pause awhile to describe the nature of the office. 
 When w r e have the Pnepositus named in ancient records as one of the 
 Yillans, he assuredly was not the Eeeve, but merely a sub-officer of the 
 manor, an elected foreman of his class, serving under the Senescallus, or 
 even under the Ballivus. 
 
 I have remarked, Note 10, p. 153 supra, that in the few instances which 
 we have of the term Propositus in the Kent Survey, that officer could not 
 have been a Villan. There are only eight passages in which the term 
 10 * 
 
 occurs, which I here adduce in proof of my assertion as to the rank or 
 position of the official therein named :— 
 
 1. Extension, p. 2, 1. 15,— hide Propositus Regis accipiebat emenda- 
 
 tionem. 
 
 2. Do. p. 2, 1. 23,— Propositus inde reddit liiij libras. 
 
 3. Do. p. 6, 1. 39,— Sequitur ilium Propositus Regis. 
 
 4. Do. p. 6, 1. 42,— Quidam Propositus Brumannus nomine. 
 
 In each of these eases the Propositus must have been the official de¬ 
 scribed above as the Portgerefa, or Portreeve. 
 
 5. Extension, p. 8, 1. 10,— Propositus vero Francigena. 
 
 Here he must have been the official described above as Tungerefa, tiie 
 Eeeve of the Manor, or, as this manor was of the ltoyal Demesne, he would 
 perhaps have been styled Cyninges Gerefa. (See supra, No. III.) 
 
 6. Extension, p. 8, 1. 20,— Alestan Proposito Lundunio. Unquestion¬ 
 ably the Propositus of this passage was a Portgerefa, or Portreeve. 
 
 7. Extension, p. 9, 1. 12,— Vicecomiti dal Propositus xij libras. 
 
 In this passage, the Propositus must have been a Tungerefa, or, as in 
 the case of Dnrtford, this being a Eoyal Manor, he may have been styled 
 Cyninges Gerefa. 
 
 8. Extension, p. 14, 1. 47,— Tamen Propositus reddit, etc. 
 
 This must have been the Reeve of the Archbishop’s Manor of Newenden 
 —his Tungerefa. He could hardly have been one of the Villan Propositi 
 whom we shall presently describe—a mere foreman of the Villans—but 
 must have been the head officer and manager of the manor— The Reeve. 
 
 It is probable that, in these instances, the Propositus could not by any 
 possibility have been a Villan. He was either the head officer in the 
 government of a Town or Port, or The Reeve, i. e. the Steward of the 
 Manor, holding its Courts, and presiding over all its Officials and Tenants. 
 
 It will give us a clearer iusight into the real position of a Villan Pro¬ 
 positus, if I adduce a few Eecords, aud other evidences, wherein such an 
 officer is apparently intended to be described. 
 
 1. Baron Maseres, in his IListorite Anglicano Monumenta, p. 382, gives a 
 transcript of the grant of the Manor of Spalding in Lincolnshire, a.d. 1051, 
 with all the rents, services, etc. The following passage occurs as part of 
 the grant:— 
 
 “ Scilicet, Colgrinum Praposilum meum, et totam sequelam suarn, cum 
 “ omnibus bonis et catallis quas habet in dicta Villa, et in campis ejus et 
 “ mariscis, absque aliquo de omnibus retinemento.” 
 
 2. But, as this is a quotation from Ingulphus, whose authority we have 
 been taught to question, it may be more satisfactory to furnish one from 
 undoubtedly authentic sources. 
 
 Dugdale cites, from the Registry of Burton Lazars in Leicestershire, a 
 charter of Confirmation of Sir William Burdet K‘ of grants made by his 
 ancestors to the hospital of Burton Lazars, aud among them one granting— 
 
 “ Totam terram quam habui, vel habere potui; vel quse ad me, vel ad 
 “ lucredes meos de jure possit de cretero deseendere, in villa et in territorio 
 “ de Neuton juxta Louseby cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, scilicet eapitale 
 “ mausum meum in eadem villa cum quatuor virgatis terras, de dominico 
 “ meo, cum pertinentiis suis, et totum boscum meum, quod vocatur Swine- 
 “lond, et Kobertum Proposi/uni, —Eicardum de la Lane,—Willielmum 
 “ de Barkeby, et Agnetem relictam Galfridi Hert, custumarios meos, cum 
 “totis eorum sequelis, et omnibus catallis eorum, cum quatuor virgatis 
 “ terras, quas dicti custumarii, cum toftis suis, de me tenuerunt in villen- 
 “ agio, cum omnibus redditibus, homagiis, serviciis, et sectis Curife libere 
 “tenentiuin ineorum in dicta villa de Neutou, wardis, releviis, maritagiis, 
 
 “ escaetis, pratis, pascuis, pasturis,” etc. 
 
 This recited charter bears no date. The Confirmation is dated at 
 Louseby, “ die Lume proximo ante festum S. Margaret® Virginia, anno 
 regni Eegis Edwardi xxvi.”—i. e. 1298. 
 
 (See Dugdale’s ‘ Monasticon,’ ed. 1849, vol. vi. pt. 2, p. 633.) 
 
 It is clear that the Propositus in the above quotations from Baron 
 Maseres and Dugdale, who is represented as sold, with his rents and chat¬ 
 tels, etc., held a very different office from that of the Reeve or Steward of 
 the Manor. In fact, he was a Villan, the foreman of his class by election, 
 as we shall presently see. The alienator of the manors in question is 
 giving the list of the tenants who are bound to the customary services of 
 the Demesne, in agricultural labour, and begins with their foreman. 
 
 3. In the Survey of the Manor of St. Paul’s, a.d. 1279, as described by 
 Archdeacon Hale ( Domesday of St. Paul's, p. xxxvi.), it appears that a 
 foreman of the labourers was annually elected by the Villata, and he was 
 styled “ Propositus ,” i. e. the foreman placed over them. This, I conceive, 
 was the official who is so designated iu these alienations. The real “ Eeeve,” 
 the Steward or Manager of the Manor, receiver of the rents, as powerful 
 as the Lord himself, and infinitely more arbitrary, could never by any 
 possibility have been a “Villan;” and the designation “Propositus,” in 
 these passages, merely signifies one placed over the others of his class, a 
 position not much, if at all, higher than that of our modern Bailiff. 
 
 Eleta, who wrote tempore Edw. I., thus describes the Propositus of his 
 day:— 
 
 “ Pnepositus, autem, tanquam appruator et cultor optimus, per villatam 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 “ electus ad praposituram, Domino, vel ejus Senescallo, pnlam debet pra- 
 “ sentari, eui injungatur offieium illud indilate. Non, ergo, sit piger vel 
 t; Bomnolentus, sed efficaciter et continue commodum Domini adipisci nita- 
 “ tur, et exarare, carucasque intrinsecas et extrinseeas mane conjungi, 
 “ terrasque conjunctim et pure arari, puroque semine, nec minus sparse 
 “ dispergi faciat et seminari, fimum etiam nutriri et eoadunari, ad stereu- 
 “ linium cum terra fiinumque (sic) mixtum faciat exaltari.” 
 
 (Fleta, lib. ii., cap. 76, s. 1.) 
 
 As far as tbe duties of liis office are concerned, according to this passage, 
 they are such as belong to our modern Farm-Bailiff. For the remainder 
 of the different duties which be has to perform, I refer the reader to 
 Appendix NX., sub tit. “ Manerium.” 
 
 4. Similar to the duties here set out by Fleta, are those which appear 
 to have been assigned to the Prcepositus in the following quotation from a 
 Kegistry of the Priory of Christ Church, Canterbury, tempore Edw. I., in 
 the British Museum :— 
 
 “Item injungatur Prceposito, quod omnes minutos defectus, tarn in 
 “ co-operturis domorum et murorum, quam clausuris circa domos et curias 
 “ nemora, campos, pasturas, et alia reparari faciat, sumptibus Conventus 
 “ infra terminum competentem eis assignandum, alioquin, Custodes liujus, 
 “ termino elapso, omnes tales defectus reparari faciant sumptibus Prmpo- 
 “ sitorum.” 
 
 (See Additional MSS. 6160. Pegistrum Prioris Eeelesie Christi Canluarie 
 f. 101. b.) 
 
 The above is from a series of Instructions, ( ordinaiiones ) to the “ Custodes” 
 of their manors, drawn up at an audit held at Easter, a.d. 1300. 
 
 Inasmuch as the Prcepositus was to receive orders from the Custos, he 
 was certainly no Peeve. From the nature of the duties assigned to these 
 Custodes themselves in the Instructions before us, such as seeing to the 
 fattening of stock, marling the land, etc., per totarn cuslodiam suam, it would 
 seem that even they were hardly in the position of Peeves, but rather of 
 Bailiffs; and this accords with the gradations in office assigned by Fleta 
 {ibid. cap. 72), viz.(1) the “ Se?iescallus,” or Beeve; (2) under him the 
 Pallivus, and (3), under him the Prcepositus, who, in this case also, was 
 elected by the tenants of the Ville as foreman of his class. 
 
 From a reference made by Archdeacon Hale to a Survey of the Manors 
 of St. Paul’s, a.d. 1279 (see Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, 
 p. xxxvi.), it would seem that “ certain of the tenants were compelled to 
 “ accept this office, that it was an annual office, and that, while performing 
 “ its duties, the tenant was exonerated from other services.” 
 
 To avoid this compulsory appointment, on the part of the tenant, or to 
 secure himself against the loss of his tenant’s pradial services, special 
 agreements were sometimes made between the lord and his tenant to pro¬ 
 vide against such contingencies, as appears by an entry on an original 
 Court Boll of the Manor of Tregarrek, in the parish of Boche, in Cornwall, 
 a.d. 1372, now open before me, in which Stephen Elde, Lord of Tregarrek, 
 lets to John Guy, of Trefrank, three ferlings of land for fourteen years, at 
 a rent of 12s. per annum, suit of court and mill, with three days’ work as 
 “my” conventionary tenants are accustomed to do; and “the said John 
 “ Guy shall not serve the office of Propositus, or Bedell, or Tollonarius." 
 
 Among the Cotton MSS. is a Begister of the Priory of Bochester, in 
 which are recorded the customs of their different manors ( circiter 13th 
 cent.) 
 
 From the Cunsuetudines de liedenlam et de Cudintune I extract the fol¬ 
 lowing passage, as bearing upon the question before us:— 
 
 “ Dominus faciet Prcepositum de illo qui tenet unarn virgatam terra, in 
 “ die Sancti Martini. Et idem Prcepositus tenebit terram suam quietam 
 “ ab omnibus, et habebit victum suum in Curia Domini. Et quaudo vadit 
 “ in servieium pro villa de Hedenham extra quadrnginta hidas, habebit 
 “ prebendam equo suo. Item habebit iiij boves in pastura Domini. 
 
 “ Prapositus de Cudintune habebit unam virgatam terra, et defendet 
 “ illam per prefecturam, et habebit iiij boves in pastura Domini. Et a 
 “ festo Sancti Petri ad Vincula, usque ad festum Sancti Miehaelis, habebit 
 “ octo bussellos frumenti, et octo denarios, et prebendam equo suo ad pre. 
 “ dictum terminum.” 
 
 These were clearly Villan Preepositi, and in accordance with Arch¬ 
 deacon Hale’s statement, while executing their office, they were exonerated 
 from any other Servitia. Although we find in the passage a regulation 
 that the Lord of the Manor shall appoint this Prcepositus — Dominus faciet 
 Prcepositum —it can hardly be taken as militating against the rule that that 
 official should be elected by the Ville. Faciet, probably, signifies no more 
 than the ratifying the choice of the Ville. 
 
 Some apology is, perhaps, due to the reader, for the great extension of these 
 remarks, ranging, as they do, through a period of more than three centuries, 
 viz. from the Saxon era to the latter part of the fourteenth century. I 
 hesitated long before I committed myself to this course, and only adopted 
 it from the apparent necessity of exhausting the subject, owing to the 
 countless and contradictory explanations of the term Prcepositus, that have 
 been given by various writers. Indeed, Kemble’s remark, which I have 
 cited above, in reference to the word Gerefa, that, at a very early period, 
 
 it had become unintelligible, may well be applied]to its representative 
 Prcejmsitus in later periods. On each occasion, when we meet with the 
 term, much, in the interpretation of it, must be left to our own judgment, 
 on comparing it with the context. 
 
 We shall seldom err in assigning the term Prcepositus to its proper class 
 among the nine different varieties of the office Gerefa, described by Kemble, 
 unless it be in the class Tmgerefa. I believe that the best rule for our 
 guidance will be to consider the term Prcepositus as one of very wide and 
 general application,—to take it as a word primes intentionis, Prce-Fositus, 
 one placed before, or above, or over any other official, or office; the office 
 of which he has the superintendence, or the official over whom he may be 
 placed, depending entirely on the case that may be under consideration. 
 This rule will be decidedly applicable in the nine classes of Gerefa, described 
 by Kemble; and when we descend to the lower classes of Prcepositus, the 
 strict observation of it mil be found of prime importance; else the Tun- 
 gerefa, the Peeve, will be confounded with the Villan Prcepositus, the mere 
 foreman of his fellows; and there will be found many instances in which 
 the term Prcepositus is used even for the Peeve himself, or even a higher 
 official. The term should, therefore, be taken, as I have observed, in first 
 intention —the presiding official ,—and the determination what that official 
 may be must depend on the passage under consideration. In those eight in¬ 
 stances of its occurrence in our Kent Survey, there can be no mistake; 
 they are all clear and distinct, as high officials. We need hardly, therefore, 
 perplex ourselves with the varieties of the Villan Prcepositus, unless it be to 
 caution ourselves against confounding any one of these eighty with such 
 lower office as that implies. 
 
 FBITHBOBGA—FKANKPLEDGE. 
 
 With regard to the FriSborg alluded to in Note 21, it will, I hope, be not Fhithborg; 
 deemed out of place, if I here introduce a few passages from Mr. Kemble’s Fkank- 
 1 earned remarks on the Institution of the Tithing :— pledge. 
 
 “ The form and nature of the Institution long known in the English law, 
 
 “ under the name of ‘ Frankpledge,’ (*) may be compendiously described in 
 “ the words of the laws called Edward the Confessor’s. ( 2 ) According to that 
 “ document,— 
 
 “ Another peace, the greatest of all, there is, whereby all are maintained 
 “ in firmer state, to wit, in the establishment of a guarantee, which the 
 “English call ‘FriSborgas,’ with the exception of the men of York, who 
 “ call it ‘ Tenmannetale, 5 that is, the number of ten men; andjit consists in 
 “ this, that, in all the vills throughout the kingdom, all men are bound to 
 “ be in a guarantee by tens, so that if one of the ten men offend, the other 
 “ nine may hold him to right. But, if he should flee, and they allege that 
 “ they could not have him to right, then should be given them by the 
 “ King’s Justice a Bpace of at least thirty days and one; and if they could 
 “ find him, they might bring him to justice. But, for himself, let him out 
 “ of his own restore the damage that he had done; or, if the offence be so 
 “ grave, let justice be done upon his body. But, if within the aforesaid 
 “ term he could not be found, since in every Frifiborh there was one head- Feith- 
 “ man whom they called ‘ Fritiborgheved,’ then this headman should take bobh. 
 
 “ two of the best men of his FriSborh, and the headman of each of the 
 “ three I’riSborhs most nearly neighbouring to his own, and likewise two of 
 “ the best in each, if he can have them ; and so, with the eleven others, he 
 “ shall, if he can, clear both himself and his Fri'Sborh, both of the offence 
 “ and flight of the aforesaid malefactor; which if he cannot do, he shall 
 “ restore the damage done out of the property of the doer, so long as this 
 “ shall last, and out of his own, and that of his Fri'Sborh ; and they shall 
 “ make amends to the Justice, according as it shall be by law adjudged 
 “ them. And, moreover, the oath which they could not complete with the 
 “ venue, the nine themselves shall make, viz. that they had no part in the 
 “ offence. And if at any time they can recover him, they shall bring him 
 “to the Justice, if they can, or tell the Justice where he is.” (Kemble's 
 ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. pp. 249-251.) 
 
 For the satisfaction of the learned, I here give this chapter of Edward 
 the Confessor’s Laws, in the original Latin:— 
 
 “ De Frithboegis, et quod soli Eboracenses tocant Frithborch, 
 
 “ Tenmenne Tale ; i. e. Sermo Decem Hominum.” 
 
 “ xx. Alia pax maxima est, per quam omnes firmiori statu sustentantur; 
 
 “ scilicet, fidejussiouis stabilitate, quam Angli vocant Fri'Sborgas, preter 
 “ Eboracenses, qui vocant earn tenmanne tale, hoc est, numerum x homi- 
 
 1,1 An early confusion gave rise to the reading of ‘Freoborh’ liberum plegium, free 
 “ pledge, frankpledge, for ‘ Fri'Sborh,’ the pledge or guarantee of peace, pads p/egium. 
 “ This distinction is essential to the comprehension of this institution.” 
 
 3 “This is here given only as the most detailed account ; the principle was as old as 
 “ the Anglo-Saxon monarchy itself, or older.” 
 
 11* 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Fkioboro. “ nurn. Et hoc esfc, quod de omnibus villis tocius regni sub decennnli fide- 
 “juspione debeant omnes esse, ita quod, si unus ex decern forisfecerifc 
 “ novem haberent eum ad rectum. Quod si aufugeret, et dicerent quod 
 “ non possent eum habere ad rectum, daretur eis ad minus, a justicia regis 
 “ spacium xxx dierum et unius diei. Et, si possent eum invenire, adduee- 
 “ rent eum ad justiciam. Ipse quidem de suo restauret dnmpnum quod 
 “ tecerat, et de corpore suo fiat justicia, si ad hoc forisfecerit. Si autem, 
 “ ' n *' ra supradictuin terminum inveniri non poterit, quia in omni FriSborge 
 “ unus erat capitalis quem ipsi vocabant FriSborgheued, ipse capitalis acci- 
 “ P er et duos de melioribus in suo FriSborge, et de tribus Fri'Sborgis pro- 
 “ pinquioribus vicinis suis accipiat de unoquoque capitalem, et, similiter, 
 “ duos de melioribus, si poterit eos habere, et se duodecimo expurget se et 
 “ FriSborgum suum, si facere poterit, de forisfacto et fuga supradicti male- 
 “ fnctoris. Quod si facere non poterit, restauraret dampnutn quod ipse 
 “ fecerat de proprio forisfactoris quantum duraverit, et de suo; et erga jus- 
 “ ticiam emendent, secundum quod legaliter judicatum fuerit eis. Et tamen 
 1 saeramentum quod non potuerunt coraplere per vicinos, per se ipsos 
 “ novem jurent se esse immunes. Et si aliquem potuerint recuperare, ad- 
 “ ducent eum ad justiciam, si potuerint, aut dicent justicie ubi sit.” (Anglo- 
 Saxon Laws—Leges Regis Edwardi Confessoris, cap. xx.—Thorpe, vol. i. 
 p. 450.) 
 
 IX. 
 
 CONSUETUDO—CUSTOM. 
 
 It will help to illustrate the meaning of the word Consuetudo in this 
 place, if I introduce here a few of Madox’s remarks upon it:— 
 
 “ The Customs paid to the King was anciently wont to be called in Latin, 
 “ Consuetudo and Custuma. Consuetudo was used in an extensive sense, 
 “ for Payments or Duties of many kinds. For instance, King ‘William I. 
 
 granted to the Abbey of Westminster eight hides of his Demesne Land 
 “ belonging to the Manor of Piriford, free and quit db omni uiea Consue- 
 “ tudine et Censu pecunice qua Geld vocatur anglice [quit of all manner 
 “ of Custome or Tribute], 
 
 “ Kbig Stephen remitted to Richard Fitz-William x“,—a duty payable 
 “ out of Richard’s Land [de Consuetudine terra sure], 
 
 “ In the 9th year of King Henry III., an accompt was rendered to the 
 “ Crown of certain yearly duties, Consuetudines annua, which accrued in 
 “ the Manour of Linlee, and were turned into money. [See Pipe-Roll, 9 
 “ lien. III., Berks:— De aratura et aliis Consuetudinibus annuis ejusdem 
 “ Manerii conversis in denarios .] 
 
 “ In an accompt of the Issues of the Bishoprick of Winchester, during 
 “ avoidance, there was answered to the Crown the sum of xvij" vii* viij d 
 “ °b-> arising out of a certain Payment or Duty [de quadam Consuetudine], 
 “ called Kirlcetliet, by sale of three thousand fourscore and seven hens. 
 
 “ [De iij mills quater xxv ii gallin is pro venien tib us de quadam Consuetudine 
 “ qua vocatur Kirlcetliet per Maneria ejusdem Episcopatus venditis per idem 
 “ fempus. — Mag. Hot. 12 Edw. I. Comp. Episcopat. Winton. rn. 1. a.] 
 
 “ In fine, Consuetudines signified Regal Dues (Salvo nobis jure et consue- 
 “ tudinibus nostris. — Pat. 5. Joh. m. 2. Ex omni exaclione et Consuetudine 
 “ Kegia. Eorm. Angl. n. Ixiv.), and Episcopal or other Ecclesiastical Dues. 
 “ and Dues or Payments and Exactions of many kinds.” (Hist, of Excheq. 
 p. 525.) 
 
 We need not cite any of Madox’s observations relating to Prisage of 
 Wines, Disme of Merchandise, and Customs Duties on importation; for 
 these are not in question in the passage before us. 
 
 At page 3, line 44, we have a specific instance of Custom— Consuetudo — 
 paid to the King, in Briseuuei, viz. 2 Crates and 2 Sticks of Eels, in lieu 
 of an Ineward—and the Inewards themselves, as personal services, or money 
 payments in lieu of them, are Consuetudines due to the King—Regal Dues, 
 out of the enumerated Manors. 
 
 In the last page of the Domesday of Kent, two instances occur of spe¬ 
 cific Consuetudines, due from the Manor of Milton to the Manor of New¬ 
 ington, viz. a certain number of Weys of Cheese. 
 
 X. 
 
 QUIETUS DE THELONIO. 
 
 Quietus The privilege of freedom from Toll was a franchise enjoyed by the inha- 
 lonTo E " bitants of various towns and manors. In the customal of Pevensey, we 
 have the following entry:— 
 
 “Item, si ascoygn homme de la franchise de Pevenese veyne ala cite de 
 “ Londrs, ou en qele ville, ffaire, ou marche, ou nostre Seigneur le Roy 
 “ ath p . . . ou seignorie, pour marchandize vendre ou acatre, soit de- 
 
 12 * 
 
 “ streynt pour custume, tohel, pichage, panage, stallage, morage, ou asceyn q 0IETUi 
 “ autre manere poynt en contre lor ffranchise. Deyveut les dits llessevour de The 
 “ et Jures, et soleient mander les lettres a cely qi tiel extorcion lor ath L0NI °- 
 “fait, en priaunt qils facent deliverance a lor combaron ses destre ensi 
 “pris; et si ils ne voillent, soit Wythername (‘) pris du segneur don . . . 
 
 “ il estoit distre, et de son tenant, de jour en autre, tanqil ath fait delive- 
 “ ranee de la destre ensy pris, ove les amendes.” ( From the Original among 
 the Charters at Surrenden.) 
 
 “Where the citizens or burgesses of any city or borough have been quit 
 “ of toll throughout the realm by grant of the King’s progenitors, or by 
 “ prescription, then, if such citizens, or any man of such cities or boroughs, 
 
 “ come with their merchandises unto any fair or market, and there sell 
 “ them, or buy any merchandise, if the King’s officer will demand toll of 
 “ them against the King’s charter, or against the usage or custom, they 
 “ may sue forth this writ, viz.:— 
 
 “ The King to his bailiff's of A., greeting: Whereas we granted by our 
 “ charter to the burgesses of our town of E. that they, and their heirs and 
 “ successors, burgesses of the same town, should be for ever quit of Toll 
 “ throughout our whole realm and dominion; we command you that you per- 
 “ mit those burgesses to be quit of yielding Toll to you in our said town 
 “ according to the tenor of our charter aforesaid, not molesting or in any wise 
 “ aggrieving them contrary to the tenor thereof. 
 
 “ If the grant to be quit of Toll be of the grant of the King’s progenitors, 
 
 “ then the form of the writ is such:— 
 
 “ The King to the bailiffs of I., greeting: Whereas, amongst other liberties 
 “ granted to the burgesses of our town of G., by the charters of our progenitors 
 “ Kings of England, it is granted to them that they and their heirs for ever 
 “ should be quit of Toll throughout our ivhole realm ’’ etc. etc. 
 
 “ Tenants of ancient demesne, by the custom of the realm, ought to be 
 “ quit of Toll, etc. in every market, fair, town, or city, throughout the 
 “ realm; and, therefore, every one of them may sue to have letters patent 
 “ under the King’s seal, to all the King’s officers, and to the mayors, 
 
 “bailiffs, etc.; and the form of the patent is such. [Then follows the 
 “ form.] 
 
 “ Also, they may have a writ directed to the bailiffs or mayor, or others 
 “ who may compel them to pay Toll, that they suffer them to go quit, etc., 
 
 I “ and the form of the writ is such.” [Then follows the form.] (Fitzherbert, 
 
 1 De Natura Brevium,’ ed. London, 1794, p. 22G to 228.) 
 
 XI. 
 
 ORA. 
 
 Fleta, in his chapter on weights and measures, says :—“ Denarius Anglia; Oba. 
 “qui sterlingus appellatur, et fit rotundns, qui debet ponderare triginta 
 “ duo graua frumenti mediocria, et unde viginti denarii faciunt unciam, et 
 “ duodecim unci® faciunt libram viginti solidorum in pondere et nurnero.” 
 (Fleta, lib. ii. c. 12.) 
 
 Spelman—sub voce Oba —says :—“ Nummus apud Saxones nostros, qui 
 “ valebat 16 denarios, dute Or© 32 denarios; iE. Miscel. 15 Or® libram 
 “ faciunt juxta alium Codicem, et quandoque poni videtur pro uncia, ut 20 
 “ denarii in Ora. . . . 
 
 “ Nota quod Ora significat Uncia; sic enim reperi in antiquo Registro. 
 
 “ MS. nuper Abb. de Burton in Com. Staff’, expositum. Ex hoc tempore 
 “ unci© valor numerabatur aliquando pro 16d., aliquando pro 20</., unde 
 “ provenit litec differentia de 20 d. in Ora toties in libro de Domesday.”— 
 (Spelman in verbo.) 
 
 On p. 8 of Extension, column 1, line 9:— 
 
 “ c libris et 20 sol.” 
 
 As the Libra was not calculated by Or© of 20 d. to the Ora (see Extension 
 p. S8), it may account for the term 20s., instead of £10. 
 
 XII. 
 
 [For this Mr. Larking had made no preparation^ 
 
 Wythernam (from the Saxon Wythe,■, i.e. altera, and Nam, captio), is where a 
 distress is driven out of the County, and the Sheriff, upon a Replevin, cannot make deliver¬ 
 ance to the party distrained. In this ease, the writ of Wither am is directed to the Sheriff, 
 for the taking of as many of his beasts or goods that, did thus unlawfully distrain into his 
 keeping, till the party make deliverance of the first distress, etc. It is a'taking or reprisal 
 of other cattle or goods, in lieu of those that were formerly unjustly taken and esloined, 
 or otherwise withholden. (See Jacob.-Fitzherbert, Natura Bremim, etc.) 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 GUILDS. 
 
 Judicia CmTATia LmrDOHXZB. 
 
 Guilds. “ The general outline of an urban constitution, in the earlier days of the 
 
 “ Saxons, may have been somewhat of the following character. The free- 
 “ men, either with or without the co-operation of the lord, but usually with 
 “ it, formed themselves into associations or clubs, called gylds. These must 
 “ not be confounded either on the one side with the Hanses (in Anglo- 
 “ Saxon, H<5sa), i.e. trading guilds, or on the other with the guilds of 
 “ crafts (collegia opificum) of later ages. Looking to the analogy of the 
 “ country Gylds or Tithings, described in detail in the ninth chapter of 
 “ the First Book, we may believe that the whole free town population was 
 “ distributed into such associations; but that in each town, taken alto- 
 “ gether, they formed a compact and substantive body called in general 
 “ the Burhwaru, and perhaps sometimes more especially the Ingrng Boeh- 
 “ ware, or ‘ burghers' club .' 1 It is also certain from various expressions 
 “ in the boundaries of charters, as c Burhware maid,’ ‘ Burhware mearc,’ 
 
 “ and the like, that they were in possession of real property as a corporate 
 “ body -. whether they had any provision for the management of corpora- 
 “ tion revenues, we cannot tell; but we may unhesitatingly affirm that the 
 “ gylds had each its common purse, maintained at least in part by private 
 “ contributions, or what we may more familiarly term rates, levied under 
 “ their bye-laws. These gylds, whether in their original nature religious, 
 
 “ political, or merely social unions, rested upon another and solemn prin- 
 “ ciple; they were sworn brotherhoods between man and man, established 
 “ and fortified upon ‘ a'S and wed,’ oath and pledge; and in them we conse- 
 “ quently recognize the germ of those sworn communes, communes or com- 
 “ munirn? which iu the times of the densest seignorial darkness offered a 
 “noble resistance to episcopal and baronial tyranny, and formed the 
 “nursing-cradles of popular liberty. They were alliances offensive and 
 “ defensive amoDg the free citizens, and in the strict theory possessed all 
 “ the royalties, privileges, and rights of independent government and 
 “internal jurisdiction. How far they could make these valid de¬ 
 fended entirely upon the relative strength of the neighbouring lord, 
 “whether he was ealdorman, king, or bishop. Where they had full power 
 “ they probably placed themselves under a gerefa of their own, duly elected 
 “from among the members of their own body, who thenceforth took the 
 “ name of Portgercfa, or Burhgerefa, and not only administered justice in 
 “ the burhwaremot or busting, on behalf of the whole state, but if neces- 
 “ sary led the city trainbands to the field. Such a civic political constitu- 
 “ tion seems the germ of those later liberties which we understand by the 
 “ expression that a city is a county of itself,—words once more weighty 
 “ than they now are, when privilege has become less valuable before the 
 “ face of an equal law. Nevertheless there was once a time when it was 
 “ no slight advantage for a population to be under a portreeve or sheriff of 
 “ their own, and not to be exposed to the arbitrary will of a noble or bishop 
 “ who might claim to exercise the coinitial authority within their precincts. 
 
 “ Such a free organization was capable of placing a city upon terms of | 
 “ equality with other constituted powers; and hence we can easily un- I 
 “ derstand the position so frequently assumed by the inhabitants of Lon- j 
 “ don. As late as the tenth century, and under JEfielst&n, a prince who j 
 “ had carried the influence of the Crown to an extent unexampled in any i 
 “ of his predecessors, we find the burghers treating as power to power with 
 “ the King, under their portreeves and bishop: engaging indeed to follow | 
 “ his advice, if he have any to give which shall be for their advantage, but ] 
 “nevertheless constituting their own sworn gyldships or communes, by 
 “ their own authority, on a basis of mutual alliance and guarantee as to 
 “ themselves seemed good. 
 
 1 “ The ‘Ingnng Burlin'are’ may possibly be only a selected portion of the population; 
 
 “ as, for example, the richer inhabitants, a special burghers’ club. The argument in the 
 “ text is no way affected by the pre-eminence of some particular association among the 
 “rest, and an ‘Ingang Burhware,’ even if a distinct thing, only proves the existence 
 “ of a ‘ Burhwaru’ besides. However, it is probable that there was a general disposi- 
 “ tion to admit as many members as possible into associations whose security and influ- 
 “ ence would greatly depend upon their numbers.” 
 
 3 “ The word communa occurs at almost every page of the ‘ Liber de Antiquis Legibus, 
 
 “ to express the whole commonalty of the city of London. Glanville himself uses eom- 
 “ muna and gylda as equivalent terms. ‘ Item si quis nativus quicte per unum annum et 
 “ ‘ unum diem in aliquft villii privilegiatA manserit, ita quod in eorum communiam, scilicet 
 “ ‘ gyldam, tanqunin eivis receptus fuerit, eo ipso a villenagio liberabitur.’ (Lib. v. cap. 5.) 
 
 “ The reader may consult with advantage Thierry’s History of the Communes in Franco, in 
 “ his ‘ Lettres sur l’Histoire de France,’ a work which has not received in this country an 
 “ attention at all commensurate to its merits, or comparable to that bestowed upon his 
 “ far less sound production, the ‘ Conqufite de 1'Angleterre par les Normands.’ At the 
 “ same time it would be an error to apply the example of the French Communes to our 
 “ own or those of Flanders, which had frequently a very different origin.” (See Warn- 
 konig, Hist, de Flandre, par Glieldolf: Bruxelles, 1835, particularly vol. ii. with its 
 valuable appendixes.) 
 
 “The rights of such a corporation were in truth royal. They had their Guilds. 
 "own alliances and feuds; their own jurisdiction, courts of justice, and 
 “ power of execution; their own markets and tolls; their own power of 
 “ internal taxation; their personal freedom, with all its dignity and pri- 
 “ vileges. And to secure these great blessings, they had their own towers 
 “ and walls and fortified houses, bell and banner, watch and ward, and 
 “their own armed militia.” (Kemble’s ‘Saxons in England,’ ii. 309- 
 312.) 
 
 The Dooms of the City of London. 
 
 (The laws of JEfielstan, Thorpe i. 228 seq.) 
 
 “ This is the ordinance which the Bishops and the Beeves belonging to Dooms of 
 “ London have ordained, and with weds confirmed, among our ‘frith gegil- 
 “ 1 das ’ as well eorlish as ceorlish, in addition to the dooms which were 
 “ fixed at Greatanlea, and at Exeter, and at Thunresfeld. 
 
 “ This is then Mi-st. 
 
 “ 1. That no thief be spared over xii pence, and no person over xn years, 
 
 “ whom we learn according to folkright that he is guilty, and can make no 
 “ denial; that we slay him, and take all that he has; and first take the 
 “ ‘ceapgild’ from the property; and after that let the surplus be divided 
 “ into II; one part to the wife if she be innocent, and were not privy to 
 “ the crime; and the other iuto II; let the king take half, half the fellow- 
 “ ship. If it bo bocland or bishop’s land, then has the landlord the half 
 “ part in common with the fellowship. 
 
 “ 2. And he who secretly harbours a thief, and is privy to the crime and 
 “ to the guilt, to him let the like be done. 
 
 “ 3. And he who stands with a thief, and fights with him, let him be 
 “ slain with the thief. 
 
 “ 4i. And he who oft before has been convicted openly of theft, and shall 
 “ go to the ordeal, and is there found guilty; that he be slain, unless the 
 “ kindred or the lord be willing to release him by his * wer,’ and by the 
 “ full ‘ ceapgild,’ and also have him in ‘ borh,’ that he thenceforth desist 
 “from every kind of evil. If after that he again steal, then let his kins- 
 “ men give him up to the reeve to whom it may appertain, in such custody 
 “ as they before took him out of from the ordeal, and let him be slain in 
 “ retribution of the theft. But if any one defend him, and will take him, 
 
 “ although he was convicted at the ordeal, so that he might not be slain ; 
 
 “ that he should be liable in his life, unless he should flee to the king, and 
 “ he should give him his life; all as it was before ordained at Greatanlea, 
 
 “ and at Exeter, and at Thunresfeld. 
 
 “5. And whoever will avenge a thief, and commits an assault, or makes 
 “ an attack on the highway; let him be liable in exx shillings to the king. 
 
 “ But if ho slay any one in his revenge, let him be liable iu his life and in 
 “ all that he has, unless the king is willing to be merciful to him. 
 
 “ Second. 
 
 “That we have ordained: that each of us should contribute iy pence 
 “ for our common use within xii months, and pay for the property which 
 “ should be taken after we had contributed the money; and that all should 
 “ have the search in common; and that every man should contribute his 
 “shilling who had property to the value of xxx pence, except the poor 
 “ widow who has no ‘ forwyrhta,’ nor any land. 
 
 “ Third. 
 
 “ That we count always ten men together, and the chief should direct 
 “ the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained; and (count) 
 “afterwards their ‘hyndens’ together, and one ‘hyndenmau’ who shall 
 “ admonish the x for our common benefit; and let these xi hold the money 
 “ of the ‘ hynden,’ and decide what they shall disburse when aught is to 
 “ pay, and what they shall receive, if money should arise to us, at our com- 
 “ mon suit; and let them also know that every contribution be forthcoming 
 “ which we have all ordained for our common benefit, after the rate of xxx 
 « pence, or one ox; so that all be fulfilled which we have ordained in our 
 “ ordinances and which stands in our agreement. 
 
 “ Fourth. 
 
 “ That every man of them who has heard the orders should be aidful to 
 “ others, as well in tracing as in pursuit, so long as the track is known ; 
 
 “ and after the track lias failed him, that one man be fouud where there is 
 “ a large population as well as from one tithing where a less population is, 
 
 “ either to ride or to go (unless there be need of more) thither where 
 “ most need is, and as they all have ordained. 
 
 “ Fifth. 
 
 “ That no search be abandoned, either to the north of the march or to 
 “ the south, before every man who has a horse has ridden one riding; and 
 “ that he who has not a horse work for the lord who rides or goes for him, 
 
 “ until he come home; unless right shall have been previously obtained. 
 
 13* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 " Sixth. 
 
 Dooms of “ l. Respecting our ‘ ceapgild,’ a horse at half a pound, if it be so good; 
 - - “ and if it be inferior, let it be paid for by the worth of its appearance, and 
 
 “ by that which the man values it at who owns it, unless he have evidence 
 “ that it be as good as he says, and then let (us) have the surplus which 
 “ we there require. 
 
 “ 2. An ox at a mancus, and a cow at xx, and a swine at x, and a sheep 
 “ at a shilling. 
 
 “ 3. And we have ordained respecting our ‘ tlieowmen ’ whom men might 
 “ have; if any one should steal him, that he should be paid for with half a 
 “ pound; but if we should raise the ‘ gild ’ that it should be increased 
 “ above that, by the worth of his appearance, and that we should have for 
 “ ourselves the surplus that we then should require. But if he should have 
 “ stolen himself away, that he should be led to the stoning, as it was for- 
 “ merly ordained ; and that every man who had a man should contribute 
 “ either a penny or a halfpenny, according to the number of the fellowship, 
 “ so that we might be able to raise the worth. But if he should make his 
 “ escape, that he should be paid for by the worth of his appearance, and we 
 “ all should make search for him. If we then should be able to come at 
 “ him, that the same should be done to him that would be done to a Wylisc 
 “ thief, or that he be hanged. 
 
 “ 4. And let the ‘ ceapgild ’ always advance from xxx pence to half a 
 “ pound, after we make search ; further, if we raise the ‘ ceapgild,’ to the 
 “ full ‘ angilde; ’ and let the search still continue, as was before ordained, 
 “ though it be less. 
 
 “ Seventh. 
 
 “ That we have ordained: let do the deed whoever may that shall avenge 
 “ the injuries of us all, that we should be all so in one friendship as in one 
 “ foeship, whichever it then may be; and that he who should kill a thief 
 “ before other men, that he be xii pence the better for the deed, and for 
 “ the enterprise, from our common money. And he who should own the 
 “ property for which we pay, let him not forsake the search, on peril of our 
 “ ‘ oferhyrnes ’ and the notice therewith, until we come to payment; and 
 “ then also we would reward him for his labour, out of our common money, 
 “ according to the worth of the journey, lest the giving notice should be 
 “ neglected. 
 
 “Eighth. 
 
 “ 1. That we gather to us once in every month, if we can and have 
 “ leisure, the ‘liyndenmen,’ and those who direct the tithings, as well with 
 “ 1 bytt-fylling,’ as else it may concern us, and know what of our agreement 
 “ has been executed; and let these xii men have their refection together, 
 “ and feed themselves according as they may deem themselves worthy, and 
 “ deal the remains of the meat for the love of God. 
 
 “ 2. And if it then should happen that any kin be so strong and so great, 
 “ within land or without, whether * xii hynde ’ or * twy hynde,’ that they 
 “ refuse us right, and stand up in defence of a thief; that we all of us ride 
 “ thereto with the reeve within whose ‘ mauung ’ it may be. 
 
 “ 3. And also send on both sides to the reeves, and desire from them aid 
 “ of so many men as may seem to us adequate for so great a suit, that there 
 “ may be the more fear in those culpable men for our assemblage, and that 
 “ we all ride thereto, and avenge our wrong, and slay the thief, and those 
 “ who fight and stand with him, unless they be willing to depart from him. 
 
 “ 4. And if any one trace a track from one shire to another, let the men 
 “ who there are next take to it, and pursue the track till it be made known 
 “ to the reeve; let him then with his ‘ manung ’ take to it, and pursue the 
 “track out of his shire, if he can; but if he cannot, let him pay the 
 “ ‘ angylde ’ of the property, and let both reeveships have the full suit in 
 “ common, be it wherever it may, as well to the north of the march as to 
 “ the south, always from one shire to another; so that every reeve may 
 “assist another, for the common ‘frith’ of us all, by the king’s ‘ofer- 
 “ ‘ hyrnes.’ 
 
 “5. And also that every one shall help another, as it is ordained, and by 
 “ ‘ weds ’ confirmed; and such man as shall neglect this beyond the march, 
 “ let him be liable in xxx pence, or an ox, if he aught of this neglect which 
 “ stands in our writings, and we with our ‘ weds ’ have confirmed. 
 
 “ 6. And we have also ordained respecting every man who has given his 
 “ 1 wed’ in our gildships, if he should die, that each gild-brother shall give 
 “ a * gesufel ’ loaf for his soul, and sing a fifty, or get it sung within xxx' 
 “ days. 
 
 “7. And we also command our ‘hiremen’ that each man shall know 
 “ when he has his cattle, or when he has not, on his neighbour’s witness, 
 “ and that he point out to us the track, if he cannot find it within three 
 “ davs; for we believe that many needless men reck not how their cattle 
 “ go, for over-confidence in the ‘ frith.’ 
 
 “ 8. Then we command that within ill days he make it known to his 
 “ neighbours, if he will ask for the ‘ceapgild; ’ and let the search never- 
 “ theless go on as it was before ordained, for we will not pay for any un- 
 “ guarded property, unless it be stolen. Many men speak fraudulent 
 
 14* 
 
 1 speech. If he cannot point out to us the track, let him show on oath 
 ‘ with in of his neighbours that it has been stolen within in days, and 
 ‘ after that let him ask for his * ceapgild.’ 
 
 “ 9. And let it not be denied nor concealed, if our lord or any of our 
 ‘ reeves should suggest to us any addition to our ‘ frithgilds,’ that we will 
 1 joyfully accept the same, as it becomes us all, and may be advantageous 
 ‘to us. But let us trust in God, and our kingly lord, if we fulfil all 
 1 things thus, that the afiairs of all folk will be better with respect to 
 : theft than they before were. If, however, we slacken in the ‘ frith ’ and 
 ! the ‘ wed ’ which we have given, and the king has commanded of us, then 
 r may we expect or well know, that these thieves will prevail yet more 
 ! than they did before. But let us keep our * weds ’ and the ‘ frith ’ as is 
 : pleasing to our lord; it greatly behoves us that we devise that which he 
 wills; and if he order and instruct us more, we shall be humbly ready. 
 
 Dooms of 
 the City 
 of London. 
 
 “Ninth. 
 
 “That we have ordained: respecting those thieves whom one canuot iin- 
 “ mediately discover to be guilty, and one afterwards learns that they are 
 “ guilty and liable; that the lord or the kinsmen should release him in the 
 “ same manner as those men are released who are found guilty at the 
 “ ordeal. 
 
 “ Tenth. 
 
 “ That all the ‘ witan ’ gave their ‘ weds ’ altogether to the archbishop at 
 “ Thunresfeld, when iElfeah Stybb and Brihtnoth Odda’s son came to meet 
 “ the ‘ gemot ’ by the king’s command; that each reeve should take the 
 “ ‘ wed ’ in his own shire; that they would all hold the ‘ frith ’ as King 
 “ iEthelstan and his ‘ witan ’ had counselled it,’ first at Greatanlea, and 
 “ again at Exeter, and afterwards at Feversham, and a fourth time at 
 “ Thunresfeld, before the archbishop and all the bishops, and his ‘ witan ’ 
 “whom the king himself named, who were thereat: that those dooms 
 “ should be observed which were fixed at this ‘gemot,’ except those which 
 “ were there before done away with; which was, Sunday marketing, and 
 “ that with full and true witness any one might buy out of port. 
 
 “ Eleventh. 
 
 “That iEthelstan commands his bishops and his ‘ealdormen,’ and all 
 “ his reeves over all my realm, that ye so hold the ‘ frith ’ as I and my 
 “ witan have ordained; and if any of you neglect it, and will not obey me, 
 “ and will not take the ‘ wed ’ of his ‘ hiremeu,’ and he allow of secret com- 
 “ positions, and will not attend to these regulations as I have commanded, 
 “ and it stands in our writs; then be the reeve without his ‘ folgoth ’ and 
 “ without my friendship, and pay me cxx shillings; and each of my thanes 
 “ who has land, and will not keep the regulations as I have commanded, 
 “ (let him pay) half that. 
 
 “ Twelfth. 
 
 “ That the king now again has ordained to his ‘ witan ’ at Witlanburli, 
 “ and has commanded it to be made known to the archbishop by bishop 
 “ Theodred, that it seemed to him too cruel that so young a man should be 
 “ killed, and besides for so little as he has learned has somewhere been 
 “ done. He then said, that it seemed to him, and to those who counselled 
 “ with him, that no younger person should be slain than xv years, except 
 “ he should make resistance or flee, and would not surrender himself; that 
 “ then he should be slain, a3 well for more as for less, whichever it might 
 “ be. But if he be willing to surrender himself, let him be put into 
 “ prison, as it was ordained at Greatanlea, and by the same let him be 
 “ redeemed. 
 
 “ 2. Or if he come not into prison, and they have none, that they take 
 “ him in ‘borh’ by his full ‘wer ’ that he will evermore desist from every 
 “ kind of evil. If the kindred will not take him out, nor enter into ‘ borh ’ 
 “ for him, then let him swear as the bishop may instruct him, that he will 
 “ desist from every kind of evil, and stand in servitude by his ‘ wer.’ But 
 “ if he after that again steal, let him be slain or hanged, as was before done 
 “ to the elder ones. 
 
 “ 3. And the king has also ordained, that no one should be slain for less 
 “ property than xn pence worth, unless he will flee or defend himself; and 
 “ that then no one should hesitate, though it were for less. If we it thus 
 “ hold, then trust I in God that our ‘frith’ will be better than it has before 
 “ been.” (Kemble's ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. ii. p. 521 to 527.) 
 
 Oeci’s Guild at Abbotsbuey. 
 
 “This writing witnesseth that Orcy hath granted the Guildhall at Oecy’s 
 “ Abbotsbury, and the site thereof, to the honour of God and St. Peter, Guild at 
 “ and for a property to the guild, both during his life and after his life, for BU ay TS " 
 
 “ a long lasting commemoration of himself and his consort. Let him that 
 “ would set it aside, answer it to God in the great day of judgment! 
 
 “Now these are the covenants which Orcy and the gyldsmen of Abbots- 
 “ bury have ordained, to the honour of God, the worship of St. Peter, and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Obcy’s 
 Guild at 
 Abbots- 
 buby. 
 
 Guild at 
 Eseteb. 
 
 Guild at 
 Cambbidg: 
 
 “ the hele of their own souls. Firstly, three days before St. Peter’s Mass, 
 “ from each guild-brother one penny, or one pennyworth of was; look 
 “ which the minster most needeth; and on the mass eve, from every two 
 “ guildbrothers one broad loaf, well sifted and well raised, towards our 
 “ common alms; and five weeks before Peter’s Mass, let each guildbrother 
 “ contribute one guildsester full of clean wheat, and let this be paid within 
 “ two days, on forfeiture of the entrance, which is three sesters of wheat. 
 “ And let the wood be paid within three days after the corn contribution, 
 “ from every full guildbrother one load of wood, and from those who are 
 “ not full brothers, two; or let him pay one guildsester of corn. And let 
 “ him that undertaketh a charge, and performeth it not accordingly, be 
 “ mulcted in the amount of his entrance; and be there no remission. And 
 “ if one brother misgreet another within the guild, in hostile temper, let 
 “ him atone for it to all the fellowship with the amount of his entrance, and 
 “ after to him whom he misgreeted, as they two may arrange; and if he 
 “ will not bend to compensation, let him lose our fellowship, and every 
 “ other advantage of the guild. And let him that introduceth more guests 
 “ than he ought, without leave of the steward and the caterers, forfeit his 
 “ entrance. And if any of our fellowship should pass away from us, let 
 “ each brother contribute a penny over the corpse for the soul’s hele, or 
 “ pay . . . brothers: and if any one of us should be afflicted with sickness 
 “ within sixty ... we are to find fifteen men who shall fetch him, and if he 
 “ be dead, thirty, and they shall bring him to the place which he desired 
 “ to go to, while he lived. And if he die in this present place, let the 
 “ steward have warning to what place the corpse is to go; and let the 
 “ steward warn the brethren, the greatest number that he can ride or send 
 “ to, that they shall come thither, and worthily accompany the corpse, and 
 “ bear it to the minster, and earnestly pray there for the soul. It is 
 “ rightly ordained a guildship if we do thus, and well fitting it is both 
 “ toward God and man: for we know not which of us shall first depart. 
 
 “ Now we have faith, through God’s assistance, that the aforesaid ordi- 
 “ nance, if we rightly maintain it, shall be to the benefit of us all. Let us 
 “ earnestly, from the bottom of our hearts, beseech Almighty God to have 
 “ mercy upon us, aud also his holy apostle St. Peter to make intercession 
 “ for us, and take our way unto eternal rest, because for his sake we have 
 “ gathered this guild together: he hath the power in heaven to admit into 
 “ heaven whom so he will, and to exclude whom so he will not, even as 
 “ Christ himself spake unto him in his gospel; ‘ Peter, I give to thee the 
 “ 1 keys of heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have bound on earth the same 
 “ ‘ shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have unbound on 
 “ ‘ earth the same shall be unbound in heaven.’ Let us have hope aud 
 “ trust in him, that he will guide us here in this world, and after death be 
 “ a help to our souls. May he bring us to eternal rest! Amen!” 
 
 The Guild at Exetee. 
 
 “ This assembly was collected in Exeter, for the love of God, and for 
 “ our souls’ need, both in regard to our health of life here, and to the after 
 “ days, which we desire for ourselves, by God’s doom. Now we have 
 “ agreed that our meeting shall be thrice in the twelve months; once at 
 “ St. Michael’s Mass, secondly, at St. Mary’s Mass, after midwinter, and 
 “ thirdly at Allhallows’ Mass, after Easter; and let each gildbrother have 
 “ two sesters of malt, and each young man (‘) one sester and a sceat of 
 “ honey; and let the mass-priest at each of our meetings sing two masses, 
 “ one for our living friends, the other for the dead: and let each brother of 
 “ common condition sing two psalters of psalms, one for the living and one 
 “ for the dead; and at the death of a brother, each man six masses, or six 
 “ psalters of psalms; and at a death, each man five pence; and at a house- 
 “ burning each man one penny. And if any one neglect the day, for the 
 “ first time three masses, for the second five, and at the third time let him 
 “ have no favour, unless his neglect arose from sickness or his lord’s need. 
 “ And if any one neglect his subscription at the proper day let him pay 
 “ double. And if any one of this brotherhood misgreet another, let him 
 “ make boot with thirty pence. Now we pray, for the love of God, that 
 “ every man hold this meeting rightly, as we rightly have agreed upon it. 
 “ God help us thereunto.” 
 
 The Guild at Cambridge. 
 
 “In this writ is the notification of the agreement which this brother- 
 “ hood hath made in the thanes’ gild of Grautabrycg. That is first, that 
 “ each gave oath upon the relics to the rest, that he would hold true 
 “ brotherhood for God and for the world, and all the brotherhood to sup- 
 “ port him that hath the best right. If any gildbrother die, all the gild- 
 
 1 The meaning of Cniht is not certain in this passage. It may imply a servant, but I 
 think it more likely that merely young freemen are intended, who were not full citizens, 
 and were therefore not reckoned full gegyldan. 
 
 “ ship is to bring him where he desired to lie; and let him that cometh Guild at 
 “not thereto pay a sester of honey; and let the gildship inherit of the Cambridge. 
 “ dead half a farm, and each gildbrother contribute two pence to the alms, 
 
 “ and out of this sum let what is fitting be taken to St. JEtSelfin'ti. Aud 
 “ if any gildbrother have need of his fellows’ aid, and it be made known to 
 “ the reeve nearest the gild (unless the gildbrother himself be nigh), and 
 “ the reeve neglect it, let him pay one pound; if the lord neglect it let him 
 “ pay a pound, unless he be on his lord’s need, or coufined to his bed. And 
 “if any one steal from a gildbrother, let there be no boot, but eight 
 “ pounds. But if the outlaw neglect this boot, let all the gildship avenge 
 “ their comrade; and let all bear it, if one misdo; let all bear alike. And 
 “ if any gildbrother slay a man, and if he be a compelled avenger, and 
 “ compensate for his insult, and the slain man be a twelve-hundred man, 
 
 “ let each gildbrother assist... if the slain be a ceorl, two ores; if he be 
 “ a Welshman, one ore. But if the gildbrother, with folly and deceit, slay 
 “a man, let him bear his own deed; and if a comrade slay another com- 
 “ rade through his own folly, let him bear his breach as regards the rela- 
 “ tives of the slain; and let him buy back his brotherhood in the gild with 
 “ eight pounds, or lose for ever our brotherhood and friendship. And if a 
 “ gildbrother eat or drink with him that slew his comrade, save in the 
 “ presence of the king, the bishop, or the ealdorman, let him pay a pound, 
 
 “ unless he can clear himself, with two of his dependants, of any knowledge 
 “ of the fact. If any comrade misgreet another, let him pay a sester of 
 “ honey, except he can clear himself with his two dependants. If a servant 
 “ draw a weapon, let his lord pay a pound, and recover what he can from 
 “ the servant, and let all the company aid him to recover his money. And if 
 “ a servant wound another, let the lord avenge it, and the company, so that 
 “ seek what he may seek, he shall not have his life. And if a servant sit 
 “ within the spence, let him pay a sester of honey, and if any one hath a 
 “ foot-sitter let him do the same. And if any gild-brother die or lie sick 
 “ out of the country, let his gild-brethren fetch him, alive or dead, to the 
 “ place where he desired to lie, under the same penalty as we have before 
 “ said, in case of a comrade’s dying at home, aud a gild-brother neglecting 
 “ to attend the corpse.” (See Kemble, ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. 
 p. 511-514.) 
 
 In a discussion on the Leicester Guilds, at a meeting of the British Origin op 
 Archamlogical Association, held at Worcester, July 22-29, 18U2, Mr. Guilds. 
 Wright remarks that the origin of Guilds was very obscure, aud not 
 likely to be definitely cleared up:— 
 
 “ His own opinion was, that the Guilds in the medieval towns were 
 “ derived from the municipal system of the Homans. We know that such 
 “ Guilds existed in the Homan towDS, with much the same objects. All 
 “ people, at all times, have placed great importance in the ceremonies at- 
 ‘‘ tending the interment of the dead; and the process of burial among the 
 “ Romans was one of great expense, which could be met by families which 
 “ were wealthy, but it must have been very onerous falling all at once 
 « on men of limited means; to avoid the inconvenience of which they 
 “ clubbed together, in a spirit which exists in the same degree in modern 
 “ times, so that the expense on each occasiou, instead of falling upon 
 “ one, was distributed among the members of the club. This was the 
 “great object of the Homan Guild, and the second seems to have 
 “been drinking and sociality. People clubbed together to be merry 
 «while alive, and to be buried when dead. The principal, or at least 
 “the original, objects of the Anglo-Saxon Club were conviviality and 
 “ providing for the honourable burial of the dead. Even before the eon- 
 “ version of the Anglo-Saxons, their burials, from what we know of their 
 « forms, must have entailed great expense; and, after they became Chris- 
 “ tians, new considerations entered into the feelings connected with death 
 « ani i burials which did not tend to lessen the expenses. While they still 
 “ remained attached to their old customs iu burials, they were now taught 
 “ the duty of investing money in the foundation of obits, or perpetual 
 « prayers for the dead; and this was the first and grand object of the 
 “ mediseval Guilds, and, being looked upon as a superstitious usage, was 
 « the cause of their dissolution after the Reformation. Of course, in the 
 “ successive changes in society, they embraced, from time to time, other 
 « objects, such as providing for the education of the children of mem- 
 “ bers, or even for those of the townspeople generally; but the two grand 
 “ objects of the Homan, Saxon, or mediieval Guilds seem to have been 
 « alike the respectable burial of their deceased members, aud the promoting 
 “ of convivial intercourse. The legal view of the history of Guilds gave a 
 “ very erroneous notion of their antiquity or character.” 
 
 15* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 THE PENENDEN CONTROVERSY. 
 
 The Penen- In order to complete tlie history of Odo’s character and usurpations, I 
 den Con- have deemed it advisable to transcribe from Eadmer and Selden the ac- 
 
 TliOYEBST. . ... 
 
 count which they give of the celebrated Peneuden controversy, in which 
 the spoliations of this grasping ecclesiastic and his men are fully detailed. 
 The tale is somewhat long, but it is full of historical interest, and can 
 hardly be otherwise than acceptable to the student, especially as the works 
 in which it appears are not among those to which an ordinary reader has 
 easy access. 
 
 Eadmer’s concise narrative is as follows:— 
 
 “ Alias quoque consuetudines quas priscis temporibus Ecclesia? Cantu- 
 “ ariensi ut liberrima in cunetis esisteret, reges Anglia? sua munificentia 
 “ coutulerunt et stabiles in perpetuum rnanere sacratissima sanctione 
 “ constituerunt, quorundam iraprudentia perditas, sua prudentia recu- 
 “ peravit. Odo siquidem Episcopus Baiocensis, ut de aliis taceam, frater 
 “predicti Regis AViLi.Ei.Mr, et Cantia? Comes, priusquam Lanfran- 
 “ ciis Angliam intrasset, magnus et pra?potens per totura reguum 
 “ habebatur. Hie, dominations qua immensum sustollebatur, non modo 
 “ terras, sed et libertatem nominate Ecclesia? nullo ei resistente multi- 
 “ pliciter invaserat, oppresserat, teuebat. Qua?, ubi Lanfrancus, ut erant, 
 “ didicit, apud Regem de illis egit sicut oportere sciebat. Unde pr<e- 
 “ cepit Rex, quatenus adunatis primoribus et probis viris, non solum de 
 “ Comitatu Cantia?, sed et de aliis Comitntibus Anglia?, querela? Lanfranci 
 “ in medium ducereutur, examinarentur, determinarentur. Disposito itaque 
 “ apud Pinnedene Principum conventu Goffridus Episcopus Constan- 
 “ tiensis, vir ea tempestate prtedives in Anglia, vice Regis Lanfranco jus- 
 “ titiam de suis querelis strenuissime facere jussus, fecit. Lanfrancus 
 “ enim valida rations subnixus, ex communi omnium astipulatione et ju- 
 “ dieio, ibi cuncta recuperavit qua? ostensa sunt antiquitus ad jura Eccle- 
 “ sia? Christi Oantuariensis pertinuisse, tarn in terris quam in diversis con- 
 “ suetudinibus.” 
 
 (Eadmeri Historia, London, 1623, p. 9.) 
 
 The writer of the Latin appendix to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (MS. 
 Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, clxxiij) furnishes us with the precise 
 date of this celebrated controversy. In chronicling the acts of Lan- 
 franc, after assigning the date of the Archbishop’s consecration to the 
 year MLXX, he proceeds to narrate the events of the next two years. In 
 the third year after the consecration, i. e. a.d. MLXXIV, he writes thus:— 
 
 “ Hoc quoque anno habitum est magnum placitum in loco qui dicitur 
 “ Pinenden, in quo Lanfranous diratiocinavit se suamque ecclesiam 
 “ omnes terras et consuetudines suas ita liberas terra marique habere, sicut 
 “ Rex habet suas, exeeptis tribus, videlicet, si regalis via fuerit effossa; 
 “si arbor incisa juxta super earn ceciderit; si homieidium factum vel 
 “ sanguis in ea fusus fuerit; in iis qui deprehensus, et ab eo pignus accep- 
 “tum fuerit; regi euiin dabit; alioquin liber a regis exactoribus erit.” 
 (Thorpe, ‘ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,’ vol. i., pp. 3S6, 3S7.) 
 
 And the following account of the controversy itself is given by Selden 
 in his Notre et Spicilegium, at the end of his edition of Eadmer’s History, 
 p. 197:— 
 
 “ Disposito apud Pinnedene Principum Conventu. Qua?uam in illo con- 
 “ ventu acta sint, et qua judicii formula, luculentius ex historiola quam in 
 “ Codice MS. Rofiensis Ecclesia? comperimus, edocemur. Earn cum epi- 
 “graphe quam in dicto Codice prse se fert, subjungimus.” 
 
 “Deplacito apud Pinendenam inter Lanfrancum Archiepiscopum, et 
 “ Odonem Baiocensem Episcopum.” 
 
 [Collated with Cotton MS. Vespasian, A. xxii. f. 120.] 
 
 “ Tempore magni Regis AVillielmi, qui Anglicum regnum armis con- 
 “ quisivit, et suis ditiouibus subjugavit, contigit Odonem Baiocensem 
 “ Episcopum, et ejusdem Regis fratrem, multo citius quam Lanfrancum 
 “ Archiepiscopum in Angliam venire, atque in Comitatu de Chest cum 
 “ magna potentia residere, ibique potestatem non modicam exercere. Et 
 “ quia illis diebus in Comitatu illo quisquam non erat, qui tanta? forti- 
 “ tudinis viro resistere posset, propter magnam quam habuit potestatem, 
 “ terras complures de Archiepiscopatu Cantuahbert.e et consuetudines 
 “ nonnullas sibi arripuit, atque usurpans sum dominationi ascripsit. 
 
 “ Postea vero non multo tempore, contigit pra?fatum Lanfrancum Ca- 
 “domensis Ecclesi® Abbatem, jussu Regis, in Angliam quoque venire, 
 “ atque in Archiepiscopatu Cantuariensi, Deo disponeute, totius Anglia? 
 “ reo-ni Primatem sublimatum esse. Ubi dum aliquandiu resideret, et 
 “antiquas Ecclesia? sum terras multas sibi deesse inveniret, et suorum 
 « negligentia antecessorum illas distributas et districtas fuisse reperisset, 
 “ diligenter inquisita et bene cognita veritate, Regem quam citius potuit 
 “ et non pigre inde requisivit. Pnecepit ergo Rex Comitatura totum 
 16* 
 
 “ absque mora eonsidere et homines Comitatus omnes Francigenas et The Penen- 
 “ pneeipue Anglos in antiquis legibus et Consuetudiuibus peritos in unum ° s *'. ' 
 “ convenire. Qui cum convenerunt apud Pinendenam omnes pariter 
 “ consederunt. Et quoniam multa placita de diratiocinationibus terrarum 
 “ et verba de cousuetudinibus legum inter Archiepiscopum et prasdictum 
 “ Baiocensem Episcopum ibi surrexerunt, et etiam inter consuetudines 
 “ Regales et Archiepiscopales qua? prima die expediri non potuerunt, ea 
 “ causa, totus Comitatus per tres dies fuit ibi detentus. 
 
 “ In illis tribus diebus diratiocinavit ibi Lanfrancus Archiepisco- 
 “pus plures terras quas tunc ipse Episcopus et homines sui tenu- 
 “ erunt, videlicet, 1 Herebertus filius Ivonis, Turoldus de Roue- 
 «cestria, UIadulfus de Curva Spina, HIugo de Monte Forti, cum 
 “ omnibus consuetudinibus et rebus qua? ad easdem terras pertinebant; 
 
 “scilicet, Raoulfe, Sandevic, Rateburg, Medetune, Monasterium de 
 “ Lunninge, cum terris et consuetudinibus ad ipsuin monasterium pertinen- 
 “ tibus, Saltvude cum Burgo Hetue ad Saltvude pertiuente, Lang- 
 “ port, Niwendenne, Rokinge, Detlinge, Prestitune, Sunderherste, 
 
 “ Earhethe, Orpintune, Einesford, quatuor Prebendas Broche , 2 de 
 “ Niwentune, Stokes et Deuintune. 
 
 “In Sutureia, favente Rege Willielmo, diratiocinavit ipse Archi- 
 “ episcopus Murtelache. 
 
 “ In Londonia, monasterium Sancta? Maria;, cum terris et domibus quas 
 “ Livingus Presbyter et Uxor illius habuerunt; 
 
 “ In Midlesexe, IIerghas, Heisam ; 
 
 “In Bochingeamsire, Riseburgam, Haltune; 
 
 “ In OXENEFORDSIRE, NlWENTCNE; 
 
 “ In Eastsexe, Stistede ; 
 
 “In Sutfolchia, Frachenham. 
 
 “ Item, super Radulfum de Curva Spina, lx solidatas de pastura in 
 “ Greax. 
 
 “ Et omnes illas terras et alias diratiocinavit cum omnibus consuetu- 
 “ dinibus et rebus qua? ad easdem terras pertinebant, ita liberas atque 
 “ quietas, quod in ilia die qua ipsum placitum finitura fuit non remansit 
 “ homo in toto regno Anglia: qui aliquid inde calumpniaretur neque super 
 “ ipsas terras etiam parvum quicquam clamaret. 
 
 “ Stokes vero et Deuintune et Frachenham reddidit Ecclesia? Sancti 
 “Andrea?, quia de jure ipsius Ecclesia? antiquitus fuerunt. 
 
 “Et in eodem placito, non solum istas prsenominatas et alias terras, 
 
 “ sed et omnes libertates Ecclesia; sua?, et omnes Consuetudines suas 
 “ renovavit, et renovatas ibi diratiocinavit,— Soca, Saca, Tol, Team, 
 
 “ Flymena, Fyrinthe, Grithbreche, Foresteal, Haunfare, Infan- 
 “ gennetheof, cum omnibus aliis consuetudinibus paribus istis vel mino- 
 “ ribus istis in Terris, et in Aquis, in Sylvis, in Viis, et in Pratis, et in 
 “ omnibus aliis rebus, infra Civitatem et extra, infra burgum et extra, et in 
 “ omnibus aliis locis. 
 
 “ Et ab omnibus illis probis et sapientibus hominibus qui affluerunt fuit 
 “ ita ibi diratiocinatum, et etiam a toto Comitatu recordatum atque judi- 
 “ catum, quod sicut ipse Rex tenet suas terras liberas et quietas in suo 
 “ Dominico, ita Archiepiscopus Oantuariensis tenet suas terras omnino 
 “ liberas et quietas in suo Dominico. 
 
 “ Huic placito interfueruut Goisfridus Episcopus Constantiensis, qui 
 “in loco Regis fuit, et Justitiam illam tenuit; Lanfrancus, Archiepi- 
 “ scopus, qui, ut dictum est, placitavit, et totum diratiocinavit; Comes 
 “ Cantia, videlicet, pra?dictus Odo Baiocensis Episcopus; Ernostus, 
 
 “Episcopus de Rouecestria; JEgblricus, Episcopus de Cicestria, vir 
 “ antiquissimus et legum terrie sapientissimus (qui ex pra?cepto Regis 
 “ advectus fuit ad ipsas antiquas legum Consuetudines discutiendas et 
 “edocendas in una quadriga); Riohardus de Tunebregge; Hugo de 
 “Monte Forti; "Wili.elmus de Arces ; Havmo, Vicecomes, et alii 
 “ multi Barones Regis et ipsius Archiepiseopi atque illorum Episcoporum 
 “ homines multi, et alii aliorum Comitatuum homines etiam cum toto isto 
 “ Comitatu multa? et magna? auctoritatis viri, Francigen-e, scilicet, et 
 “ Angli. 
 
 “ In horum omnium prmsentia, multis et apertissimis rationibus de- 
 “ monstratum fuit, quod Rex Anglorum nullas Consuetudines habet in 
 “omnibus terris Oantuariensis Eccleshe, nisi solummodo tres. 
 
 “ Et illffi tres, quas habet, Consuetudines ha? sunt: — 
 
 “ Una, si quis homo Archiepiseopi effodit illam regalem viam qua? vadit 
 “ de Civitate et in Civitatem. 
 
 “ Altera, si quis arborera incidit juxta Regalem viam, et earn super 
 “ ipsam viam dejecerit. 
 
 “ De istis duabus Consuetudinibus qui culpabiles inventi fuerint atque 
 “ detenti, dum talia faciunt, sive vadimonium ab eis acceptum fuerit, sive 
 “ non, tamen, in secutione ministri Regis et per vadimonium emendabunt, 
 
 :< qute juste emendanda sunt. 
 
 1 These three arc among those of Odo’s creatures enumerated, p. 93 Translation, 
 having beon foisted into messuages at Dover, by him, to the prejudice of the King. 
 
 2 Sic.—But Broche is omitted in Vespasian MS. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The Penes- “ Tertia Consuetudo talis est. Si quia in ipsa Regali via sanguinem 
 den Con- “fuderit, ant homicidittm vel aliud aliquid fecerit quod nullatenus fieri 
 tboveksy. „licet, si dum hoc facit deprehensus atque detentus fuerit, Regi eraen- 
 “ dabit. Si vero deprehensus ibi non fuerit, et inde absque vade dato 
 “ semel abierit, Bex ab eo nihil juste exigere poterit. 
 
 “ Similiter fuit ostensum in eodem placito quod Archiepiscopus Cantua- 
 “hiensxs Ecclesi® in omnibus terris Begis et Comitis debet multas 
 “ Consuetudines juste habere. 
 
 “Etenim ab illo die, quo elauditur Alleluta, usque ad Octavas 
 “ Pascb®, Si quis sanguinem fuderit, Archiepiseopo emendabit. Et in 
 “ omni tempore tarn extra quadragesimam quam infra, quieunque illain 
 “ culpam fecerit qu® Childwite vocatur, Archiepiscopus aut totam aut 
 “ dimidiara emendation® partem habebit. Infra quadragesimam quidem, 
 “ totam; et extra, aut totam aut dimidiam emendationem. 
 
 “ Habet etiain in eisdem terris omnibus qusecunque ad curam et salutem 
 “ animarum videntur pertinere. 
 
 “ Hujus placid multis testibus multisque rationibus determinatum 
 “finem postquam Bex audivit, laudavit, laudans cum consensu omnium 
 “ Principum suorum confirmavit, et ut deinceps incorruptus perseveraret, 
 “ firmiter prmeepit. 
 
 “ Quod propterea seriptum est hie, ut et futune in asternuin memori® 
 “ proficiat, et ipsi futuri ejusdem Ecclesi® Christi Cantuakiensis suc- 
 “ cessores sciant, qu® et quanta in dignitatibus ipsius Ecclesi® a Deo 
 “ teuere, atque a Eegibus et Principibus hujus regni ®terno jure debeant 
 “ exigere.” 
 
 (See ‘Not® et Spicilegium,’ at the end of Eadmer, ed. London, 1623, 
 p. 197.) 
 
 XV. 
 
 HERIOT AND BELIEF. 
 
 Hehiot and Fleta devotes a very short chapter to an explanation of the term Heriots. 
 
 Belief. it is as follows 
 
 De IIeriettis. 
 
 “Est autem qiuedam alia pra3statio qiue dicitur Heriettum, ubi tenens 
 “ liber, vel servus, in morte sua, dominum respicit de meliori averio suo, 
 “ vel de secundo meliori, qu® quidem prmstatio magis fit de gratia quam 
 “ de jure; nullam habet comparationem ad Relevium, eo quod hseredem 
 “ non contingit, quia factum est antecessoris.” (Fleta, ed. Selden, lib. iii. 
 cap. 18.) 
 
 De Bedevils. 
 
 “ Captis igitur homagiis et fidelitatibus ab illis qui plen® fuerint ®tatis 
 “ statim oportet quod ten’ quod fuit in manu antecessoris, et htereditas qme 
 “jacens fuerit per eorum decessum, relevetur in man us b®redis, et propter 
 “ talem relevationem facienda erit ab hajrede qumdam prmstatio qu® dicitur 
 “Belevium. Bationabile autem Belevium est secundum constitutionem 
 “Magna Chart® de libertatibus, ut de comitatu integro centum lib’ 
 “ sterlingorum: per hieredes vero Baron’ de Baronia integra dari debent 
 “ centum marc®: de h®rede militis de feodo militari integro centum 
 “ solidi sunt petendi. Et qui minus tenuerit, minus det secundum portionem 
 “ tenementi sui. 
 
 “ Et omnes illi lnereditates suas relevare tenentur, qui alicui succedunt 
 “ hereditari®, et in quorum personis relevantur hmreditates, qu® jacentes 
 “ fuerint per mortem antecessorum, nisi minores fuerint h®redes, propter 
 “ quorum minorem ®tatem in custodiis fuerint doininorum, quamvis per 
 “ modicum tempus, et relevium dare non debent nisi semel, quamvis plures 
 “ decesserint domini successive, quia unicum erit relevium quantum ad 
 “tenentem, quamdiu idem tenens vixerit. . . . De Sokagio autem fiat 
 “ secundum quod de feodo militari in jur’ ordine, non tamen in relevii 
 “ quantitate, eo quod dominus feodi homagiuin petere non poterit, eo quod 
 “tales per servicia regalia non feoffantur. Nec aliquid petere poterunt 
 “nomine relevii, nisi solummodo tantum, quantum reddit ei per uuum 
 “ annum in redditu assiso; nec propterea sit tenens quietus de redditu 
 “ suo sibi pr®stando in terniinis in donatioue comprehensis; et sic habebit 
 “ dominus in uno anno pro relevio, et pro redditu, redditum unius anni 
 “ duplicatum.” (Fleta, ed. Selden, lib. iii. cap. 17, p. 212.) 
 
 XVI. 
 
 ADULTERIUM. 
 
 Adulte- “ Pro mulcta adulterii (Saxonibus nostris legerwita) et privilegio vindi- 
 
 eiom. i, can( ]| j,j sce ] er j 3) q U o multi proceres infra sua dominia gaudebant. 
 
 “ Domesdei sub titulis, Chent, Bex, Dover. De adulterioper totam Client, 
 
 habet rex hominem, Archiepiscopus mulierem : excepta terra S. Trinilatis, Adulte- 
 et S. Augustini, et S. Martini, de quibus rex niliil habet. Mulct® ratio 1UCM - 
 ibidem tit-t. Sudsex, Will, de Warene. Adulterium vel raptum faciens, 
 vij* iiijf emendabat homo, et feemina tantundem : Sex habet hominem adul- 
 terum, Archiepiscopus fasminam. Sed tit. Cestre Civitas: Vidua si se 
 non legitime commiscebat, XX s emendabat, puella vero X s . A dulterii autem 
 mulctam sic disposuit Henr. I. per totam Augliam, Legum suarurn, 
 cap. 12. Qui uxoratus faciet adulterium, habeat Sex vel Dominus supe- 
 riorem, Dpiscopus inferiorem. Edmundus Bex adulterium alfiei jussit 
 instar homicidii, Legum suarum cap. 4. Canutus hominem adulterum, 
 in exilium relegari; feemiu®, nasum et aures pr®cidi, Legum par. 2, 
 cap. 6 et 50.” (Spelman in voc.) 
 
 XVII. 
 
 SCIBEMOT. 
 
 According to Spelman the Sheriff’s “ Torn” of later days was substituted Sciremot. 
 for the ancient “Sciremot.” These are his'words:— 
 
 “ SCIREGEMOT. 
 
 “ Sciregemot (si pluries opus non esset) bis solummodo in anno indice- 
 “ batur. A derat provinci® Comes, aderat Episcopus, aderant Magnates 
 “ omnes Comitatenses. Episcopus jura divina renunciabat, et vindicabat; 
 
 “Comes secularia; alter alteri auxilio. De causis hie cognitum est tam 
 “ criminalibus quam civilibus; tam Ecclesiastic® quam laicis: sed juris- 
 “ dictiones postea separavit Gulielmus primus. Videtur hoc idem fuisse 
 “quod jam Turnurn dicimus Vieecomitis: nam et Turnus olim (non minus 
 “ quam nunc dierum) bis in anno tenebatur, aderantque omnes una Comi- 
 “ tatus Magnates et Tenentes Liberi: Shergemoli autem obsolevit notitia 
 “ et Turnus hodie multum dividitur, adeo ut singuli Tumi in singulis 
 “ teneantur Hundred®: sed Statuto Marburgensi an. 52 II. 3, ea. 10. 
 
 “ Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, 
 
 “ Virisque omnibus religiosis indultum est ut non appareant in Turnis, 
 
 “ nisi pluri exacti, necessitate. Vide LL. Politicas reg® Eadgnri, ca. 5, 
 
 “ Cauuti, par. 2, ca. 17.” [Spelman, sub v. Gemotum.] See also Wilkins, 
 p. 240; Thorpe, i. 269, seq., and 387. 
 
 TITHING AND HUNDRED. 
 
 My lamented friend John Mitchell Kemble devotes a long chapter in his 1 
 1 Saxons in England ’ to the origin and extent of the Tithing and Hundred. * 
 The whole of the dissertation being necessarily employed in treating of a 1 
 period long anterior to the time of the Domesday Survey, it would have 
 been hardly admissible into the text of our “Notes;” yet, as a most im¬ 
 portant and valuable history of the nature and origin of the Hundred Court, 
 an institution whose decisions and judgments are frequently recorded in 
 the Survey, it could not, with auy propriety, have been altogether over¬ 
 looked. 1 have therefore here given it a place in our Appendix 
 
 “ Throughout the earliest legislation of the Teutonic nations, and espe- 
 “ ciallv in our own, we find arrangements based upon two distinct prin- 
 “ ciplesSn active operation. The responsibility of the family lies ever in 
 «the background, the ultimate resort of the State against the individual, 
 
 “ of the individual against the State. But we also find small bodies of men 
 « existing as corporations, founded upon number and neighbourhood, and 
 “ thus making up the public units in the State itself. 
 
 “ From the first, we find the inhabitants of the mark classed in tens and 
 “ hundreds (technically, in England, lithings and hundreds), each, probably, 
 
 “ comprising respectively a corresponding number of members, together 
 «with the necessary officers, viz., a Tithingman for each Tithing, and a 
 “ If uudredman for the Hundred, thus making one hundred and eleven men, 
 
 « or heads of houses, in the territorial hundred. The Frankish law names 
 « the officers thus alluded to. In it the tithingman is decanus, the hun- 
 “ dredman centenarian. The Anglo-Saxon law does not, indeed, mention 
 “ its divisions by these names till a comparatively late period, when their 
 «significations had become in some respects altered; but it seems pro- 
 “ bable that it does imply them under the term ! Gegyldan,’ fellows, 
 
 « brothers of the ggld. In a case of aggravated crime it is provided that 
 “ the offender’s relatives shall pay a third part of the fine, his gegyldan a 
 «third part, and, if he cannot pay the remainder himself, he is to become 
 “ an outlaw; i. e. forfeit his land and flee, perhaps formally abjure the 
 “ country. (See Laws of Alfred, ch. xxvii.; Thorpe, vol. i. p. 79.) Now, 
 
 “ it is perfectly clear that a law expressed in such general terms as these 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 Tithing “cannot be directed to a particular and exceptional condition; that it 
 duei/^^" " does uofc a PP^ t0 tke accidental existence of gegyldan, but, on the contrary, 
 “assumes every man to have such. We cannot, therefore, construe it of 
 “ voluntary associations formed for religious, social, or funereal objects, (see 
 “ the agreements of the Guilds of Abbotsbury, Exeter, and Cambridge, in 
 “Appendix XIII.,) and, for the purposes of this law, we must look upon 
 “S/ p ff!/id a as a general name borne by every individual, in respect of some 
 “ gyld or association of which he was taken to be a member. The only 
 “ meanings which the root gyld enables us to attach to the word gegylda 
 “ are these; either one who shares with others in paying, or one who shares 
 “ with others in worshipping. If we adopt the former rendering, we must 
 “ suppose that certain contributions were made by a number of persons to 
 “ a common purse, partly for festive purposes, partly as a mutual guarantee 
 “ and club-fund for legal costs for the expenses of reciprocal aid and defence, I 
 “perhaps even for mortuary celebrations and charitable institutions. 
 
 “ Another, perhaps, a less probable suggestion, is, that such gegyldan may j 
 “ lmvo been jointly responsible for taxes, or the outfit of armed men who 
 
 “ attended in the fyrcl, or military expedition, in behalf of them all. 
 
 “ It is well known that, in the later Anglo-Saxon law, and even to this day, 
 “the tithing and hundred appear as local and territorial, not as numerical 
 “ divisions. We hear of tithings where there are more, and tithings where 
 “ there are few people. We are told of the spoor of cattle being followed 
 “into one hundred, or out of another. I do not deny that, in process of 
 “ time, these divisions had become quite territorial [as assuredly they are 
 “ in the Domesday Survey,—L. B. L.] ; but this does not of necessity inva- 
 “ lidate the doctrine that originally the numbers were calculated according 
 “ to the heads of families, or that the extent of territory, and not the tax- 
 “ nble, military, or corporate units formed at first the varying quantity. 
 
 “ Had it been otherwise, we should naturally have found a much greater 
 “ equality in the size of the territorial hundreds throughout, at least, each 
 “ Saxon kingdom; nor, in all probability, would the numbers of the hundreds 
 “ in respective counties differ so widely,—a difference intelligible only if we 
 “ assume population, and not space, to have been the basis of the original 
 “ calculation. Moreover, to a very late period, in one part of England, the 
 “abstract word 1 Teofiung’ was replaced by the more concrete ‘tenmen- 
 “tale’ (tyn-manna-tffil), to which it is impossible to give any meaning but 
 “the simple one the words express, viz. the. tale, or count, of ten men. 
 
 “ Again, as late as the tenth century in a part of England where men and 
 “ not acres became necessarily the subjects of calculation, viz. in the City 
 “of London, we find the citizens distributing themselves into Xri’Sgylds, 
 
 “ or associations, for the maintenance of the peace, each consisting of ten 
 “ men, while ten such gylds were gathered into a Hundred. The remark- 
 “ able document known as ‘ Judicia Civitatis Londinensis’ gives the fol- 
 “ lowing detailed account of the whole proceeding:—‘ This is the ordinance 
 “ ‘ which the Bishops and Beeves belonging to London have ordained and 
 “ ‘ confirmed with pledges among our frifigylds, as well eorlish as ceorlish, 
 
 “ * in addition to the dooms which were fixed at Greatley, at Exeter, and at 
 “ ' Thundersfield. 
 
 “ ‘Resolved,—That we count every ten men together, and the chief one 
 “ 1 to direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained, and 
 “ ‘afterwards the hyndens of them together, and one hyndenman, who shall 
 “ ‘ admonish the ten for our common benefit; and let these eleven hold 
 “‘the money of the hynden, and decide what they shall disburse when 
 “ ‘ aught is to pay; and what they shall receive should money accrue to us 
 
 “ ‘ at our common suit.That we gather to us once in every month, 
 
 “ ‘ if we can and have leisure, the hyndenmen and those who direct the 
 “ ‘ tithings, as well with butt-filling or as else may please us, and know what 
 “ ‘ of our agreement has been executed; and let those twelve men have their 
 “ ‘ refection together, and feed themselves as they themselves think right, 
 
 “ ‘ and deal the remains of the meat for love of God.’ (See Appendix XIII.) 
 
 “ Upon a review of the preceding passages it may be inferred that the 
 “ hynden consisted of ten tithings, and, consequently, answered to what we 
 “ more commonly call a ‘ hundred.’ It may, perhaps, be suggested that 
 “ if any distinction existed between these two terms, the hynden repre- 
 
 “ sented the numerical, the hundred the territorial division.How, 
 
 “ hynden can only mean one of two things, viz. a collection of ten, or a 
 “ collection of a hundred, according as we render the word hund. Admit- 
 “ ting that, at some very early period, hund did mean ten, we yet never 
 “find it with such signification in any book or MS., or, indeed, at all, 
 
 “ except in the numerals hundseofontig, liundeatatig, hundnigontig, hund- 
 “ twelftig, where its force is anything but clear, when we compare those 
 “ words with fiftig, sixtig, twentig, etc. On the other hand, the adjective | 
 “ hiynde does clearly denote something which has the quality of a hundred. 
 
 “ Thus, a tvvyhynde, or twelfhynde-man, is he whose life is worth, respec- 
 “tively, two or twelve hundred shillings. Again, it is clear that the 
 “ ‘ Judicia Civitatis Loudinensis ’ intends by hynden a collection of a hun- 
 “ dred, and not of ten men, inasmuch as it distinguishes this from the 
 “ tithings. And, further, it must be admitted, upon the internal evidence of 
 “ the law itself, that a hundred and not a tithing is referred to, since so small 
 “ a court a? that of the ten men could not possibly have had cognizance of 
 18 * 
 
 | “ such a plea as manslaughter, or been competent to demand a King’s oath ’Tithing 
 
 I “ of thirty hides; but, as such plea might well be brought before the Hun- AND Hun- 
 “dred Court, it is probable that such was meant. Lastly, it was the DEED ’ 
 j “ custom for the Hundred Court to be bolden monthly, and we observe 
 I “ the same provision with the London hynden , at which it is very probable 
 I “ that legal matters were transacted, as well as accounts investigated, for 
 | “ it is expressly declared that their meeting is to ascertain how the under- 
 
 “ takings in the record have been executed; that is, how the peace has 
 “ been kept. I therefore conclude that the hynden and the hundred are, in 
 “ fact, and were, at first, identical, with the hypothetical reservation that 
 “ at a later period the one represented a numerical, the other a territorial 
 “ division, when these two had ceased to coincide; in corroboration of 
 “ which view it may be observed that the word hynden does not occur in 
 “ the laws later than the time of iEthelstan, nor hundred earlier than that 
 “ of Eadgur.” 
 
 “ It is true, that no division founded upon numbers can long continue to 
 “ coincide with the first corresponding territorial allocation, however closely 
 “ they may have been at first adjusted. In spite of every attempt to regu- 
 “ late it, population varies incessantly; but the tendency of laud divisions 
 “ is to.remain stationary for ages; 1 a holy horror prevents the alteration of 
 “ that which has been sanctified in men’s minds by long continuance, [and 
 “ which] was, perhaps, more deeply sanctified at the first by religious cere- 
 “ monies. The rights of property universally demand the jealous guardian- 
 “ ship of boundaries. Moreover, the first Tithings, or, at all events, the 
 “ first Hundreds, must have had elbow-room enough within the Mark to 
 “allow for a considerable elasticity of population, without the necessity 
 “ of disturbing the ancient boundary; and thus we can readily understand 
 “ two very distinct things to have grown up together out of one origin, 
 
 “ namely, a constantly increasing number of gylds, yet a nearly or entirely 
 “ stationary tale of territorial Tithings and Hundreds. I cannot but think 
 “ that, under happier circumstances, this view might lead us to conclusions 
 “ of the utmost importance with respect to the history of our race; that, 
 
 “ if it were possible for us now to ascertain the original number of Hun- 
 “ dreds in any County of which Beda, in the eighth century, gives us the 
 “ population, and also the population at the period of the original division, 
 
 “ we should find the two data in exact accordance, and thus obtain a clue 
 “ to the movement of the population itself down to Beda’s time. Looking 
 “ to the permanent character of land-divisions, and assuming that our pre- 
 “ sent Hundreds nearly represent the original in number and extent, we 
 “ might conclude that, if in the year 400 Kent was first divided, Thanet 
 “ then contained only one hundred heads of houses, or hydes, upon three 
 “ thousand acres of cultivated land ; while, in the time of Beda, three cen- 
 “ turies later, it comprised six hundred families, or hides, upon eighteen 
 “ thousand acres. 
 
 “ It is a common saying, that we owe the institution of Shire, Tithings, 
 
 “ and Hundred divisions to AElfred. Stated in so broad a manner as this 
 “I am compelled to deny the assertion. No one can contemplate the life 
 “ and acts of that great Prince and accomplished man without being filled 
 “ with admiration and respect for his personal energy, his moral and en- 
 “ lightened policy, and the sound legislative as well as administrative prin- 
 “ ciples on which he acted. But we must, nevertheless, not in the nine- 
 “ teenth century allow ourselves to be blinded by the passions and preju- 
 “ dices which ruled in the twelfth. The people, oppressed by foreign 
 “ power, no doubt, long looked back with an affectionate regret to the 
 “ memory of ‘ England’s Darling’—he was the hero of a suffering nation; 
 
 “ '"'s activity and fortune had once cleared the land of Norman tyranny, 
 
 “ his arm had smitten the forefathers of those whose iron yoke now weighed 
 “ on Eugland. He was the reputed author of those laws which, under the 
 “ amended and extended form enacted by the Confessor, were now claimed 
 “ lj )' the English people from their foreign kings. He was, in a word, the 
 “ representative, and, as it were, very incarnation, of English nationality. 
 
 “ We may smile at, but must yet respect, the feeling which made him also the 
 “ representative of every good thing, which connected every institution or 
 “ custom that his suffering countrymen regretted, with bis time-hallowed 
 “name. It is unnecessary to detail the many ways in which this tradi¬ 
 tional character of Alfred continually reappears; the object of these 
 “ reraarks is merel - v t0 I 10111 * out the attribution to him of the system of 
 “ Tithings, Hundreds, and the like, is one of many groundless assertions 
 “ connected with his name. Not one word in corroboration of it is to be 
 “ found m Asser ’ or a «y otller contemporaneous authority; and there is 
 “ abundant evidence that the system existed long before he was born, not 
 “ only m other German lands, but even among ourselves. Still, I am un- 
 “ willing to incur the responsibility of declaring the tradition absolutely 
 “ wltll0ufc foundation. On the contrary, it seems probable that Alfred 
 
 1 “ It is very remarkable how many modern parishes nmy be perambulated with no 
 other direction than the boundaries found in the * Codex Diplomatic^.’ To this very 
 “ day, the little hills, brooks, even meadows and small farms, bear the names they bore 
 “ before the time of Alfred, and the Mark may be traced with certainty upon the local 
 ‘ information of the labourer on the modem estate.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Tithing 
 and HUN¬ 
 DRED. 
 
 “ may have fouud it necessary, after the dreadful confusion and devastation 
 “ of the Danish wars, to make a new muster or regulation of the Tithings; 
 “nay, even to cause, in some districts, a new territorial division to be 
 “ established upon the old principle; and this is the more credible, siuce 
 “ there is reason to believe that the same causes had rendered a new defini- 
 “ tion of boundaries generally necessary, even in the case of private estates • 
 “ the strongest argument against this lies, however, in the total silence of 
 “ all contemporary writers. A less tenable supposition is, that Alfred in- 
 “ troduced such divisions, for the first time, into the countries which he 
 “ united with Wessex; as it is impossible to conceive any Anglo-Saxon 
 “ State to have existed entirely without them. 
 
 “ The Hundred, it has been seen, was originally a collection of ten 
 “ Tithings, and was presided over by a Hundredes-ealdor, or Hundred-man, 
 “ who exercised a jurisdiction over his circuit and its inhabitants. From 
 “ the concurrent practice of later periods, we may conclude that his Court 
 “ was holden monthly, for the hearing of such civil and lighter criminal 
 “ causes as could not be settled in the Tithing, or [that] interested more 
 “ Tithings than one. 1 It is not probable that the higher criminal causes 
 “ could, at any period, be pursued in the Hundred, but that they were 
 “ necessarily reserved for the consideration of the Folcmot, or Shire-Court, 
 “ which met three times (? twice,—L. B. L.) in the year. In the later legis- 
 “ lation, trial of capital offences was reserved for the Scyremot, and the 
 “ words of Tacitus 2 seem to imply that this was the case in his time also; 
 “ perhaps even such causes as involved the penalties of outlawry may have 
 “ been beyond the jurisdiction of the Hundred. It is, however, less as a 
 “ Court of Justice, than as part of a system for the maintenance of peace, 
 “ that we are to contemplate the Hundred. It may be securely affirmed, 
 “ that, where the Tithing alone could not be made responsible, or [where] 
 “ more Tithings than one were involved in a similar difficulty, as to crimes 
 “ committed by their members, resort was had to the responsibility of the 
 “ collective Hundred—a principle which, it is well known, subsists even to 
 “ this day.” (Kemble, 1 Saxons in England,’ p. 237 to p. 255.) 
 
 “ The following document, which seems justly referable to the reign of 
 “ Eadgar, that is to the close of the tenth century, gives the regulations 
 “ under which the Hundred was constituted” (Thorpe, i. 258, etc.) 
 
 “ This is the Ordinance how the Hundred shall be held. 
 
 “ First, that they meet every four weeks, and that each man do right to 
 “ other. 
 
 “ That a thief be pursued, if necessary. If there be present need, let it 
 “ be told the Hundred-man, and let him afterwards make it known to the 
 “ Tithing-men, and let them all go forth whither God may direct them to 
 “ their end: let them do justice on the thief as it was formerly E&dmund’s 
 “law. And be the ce&pgeld paid to him that owns the chattel; and be 
 “ the rest divided in two, half to the Hundred, half to the lord, except 
 “ men; and let the lord take possession of the men. 
 
 “ Aud if any man neglect this, and deny the judgment of the Hundred, 
 “ aud the same be afterwards proved against him, let him pay to the IIuu- 
 “ dred thirty pence; and the second time, sixty pence; half to the Hun- 
 “ dred, half to the lord. If he do it a third time, let him pay half a pound ; 
 “ the fourth time, let him lose all that he hath, and be an outlaw, unless 
 “ the King will allow him to remain in the land. 
 
 “ And we have ordained respecting unknown cattle, that no man should 
 “ have it without the witness of the Hundred-man or the Tithing-man; 
 “ and that he be a well trusty man; and unless he have one or other of 
 “ these, let no vouching to warranty be allowed him. 3 
 
 “We have also ordained, that if the Hundred pursue a track into an- 
 “ other Hundred, notice be given to the Hundred-man, and that he then 
 “ go with them. If he neglect this, let him pay thirty shillings to the 
 “ King. 
 
 “If any one flinch from justice and escape, let him that had him in 
 “ custody pay the angild. And if he be accused of having aided the escape, 
 “ let him clear himself according to the custom of the country. 
 
 “ In the Hundred, as in every other gemot, we ordain that folk-right be 
 “ pronounced in every suit, aud that a term be appointed when it shall be 
 “ fulfilled. And if any one break that term, unless it be through the lord’s 
 “decree, let him make amends with thirty shillings, and on a set day 
 “ fulfil that which he should have done before. 
 
 “ An ox’s bell, and a dog’s collar, and a blast horn, each of these three 
 “ shall be worth a shilling, and each is reckoned an informer. 
 
 “ Let the iron for the threefold ordeal weigh three pounds, and for the 
 “ single one pound.” (See Kemble’s ‘ Saxons in England,’ vol. i. pp. 
 514-516.) 
 
 1 “This, again, ws learn from tlio Law attributed to Eadweard the Confessor. Cam 
 “ autem majores causal insurgebant (that is, greater than those which concerned the 
 “ Tithing), referebant eas ad alios majores justiciaries, quos sapientes supradicli super eos 
 “ cunsiituerant, scilicet, super decern decanos, quos possumus cocare centenarios, quia 
 “ super centumfrithborgas judicabant." (Ch. xxix.) 
 
 a “ Licet apud concilium accusare quoque et discrimen capitis intendere.” (Germ, xii.) 
 
 3 Compare the further provisions of Eadgar’s law. (Supp. XI., § 6, 7, 8, 9,10,11. 
 Thorpe, i., 274-276.) 
 
 XIX. 
 
 PREBEND.E. 
 
 [I 1 or illustration of this subject, the reader is referred to Archdeacon Prebend.r. 
 Hale’s ‘Doomsday of St. Paul’s,’ Introduction pp. lxiv., xciv., xcv.] 
 
 XX. 
 
 MANERIUM. 
 
 On this word we find the following passage in Somuer’s Glossary to Manebiuu. 
 Twysden’s 1 Decern Scriptores ’:— 
 
 “Ante Normannorum tempora, vox apud nos, in chartis aut aliis nostris 
 “ borne fidei monumentis, frustra qumritur. Egfridus (fateor) filius Regis 
 “ Of he donasse dicitur Ecclesim S. Albani terrain quinque maneriorum, ut 
 “ in vitis Abbatum ibidem per Mat. Paris, pag. 36. Ipsa vero donationis 
 “ eliarta, pag. 239, habet, terram quinque manentium. Nec in toto legum 
 “ antiquarum gentium exterarum codice, Manerii vocabulum reperitur. 
 
 “A Normannis (inter alia ejusdem farinas verba) e Gallia hue adductum 
 “ eonjicio, quorum in Anglia prcecessoribus, Hi da, Familia, Villa, Sulinga, 
 
 “ Casala, Mansura, Manens, (ut Mansus, Mansio, Mansum, Oolonica, et eis 
 “ et exteris simul) idem significarunt, ac ipsis et aliis posterioris sevi popu- 
 “ 1 is Manerium: quod quoinodo differat a Mansione vide Fleta, lib. vi. cap. 
 
 “51.” 
 
 Ordericus Vitalis thus speaks of the origin of the word:— 
 
 “ Gaufredus quoque, Constantiniensis Episcopus .... dono Guillelmi 
 “ Eegis dueentas et octoginta villas (quas a mauendo manerios vulgo vo- 
 “ camus) obtinuit.” (Ordericus Vitalis, lib. iv. cap. 7.) 
 
 J. e. “ Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances, obtained, by the gift of King 
 “ William, two hundred and eighty vills, which we commonly call manors, 
 
 “ from the word manendo.” 
 
 On which passage Baron Maseres makes the following observations:— 
 
 “Here we have the derivation and original meaning of the word manor; 
 namely, the mansion-house of a country gentleman. The French use the 
 word manoir, in the same sense, at this day. But, in England, the word 
 manor now denotes a parcel of land (with or without a house upon it), 
 of which a part remains in the lord’s or owner’s hands, and is called his 
 demesne land, terra dominica, or terra domini, and another part has been 
 granted away before the eighteenth year of the reign of King Edward I., 
 or the year of Christ 1290, to two or more other persons, to hold to them 
 and their heirs for ever, of the grantor, or lord, and his heirs, for ever, 
 either by knight-service, or in free and common socage. In that year 
 the Statute of Quia emplorcs terrarum was passed, which prohibited the 
 making of these under-grants of land to be holden of the grantor (which 
 were found to be attended with many inconveniences), and ordained that 
 all lands that should afterwards be granted away, to be holden in inherit¬ 
 ance by the grantees, should be holden of the same upper lord of whom 
 the grantor himself had held them before the new grant. In consequence 
 of this statute, it has been impossible to create a new Manor ever since 
 the year 1290, which is now near 500 years ago. But, before that time, 
 any man that was possessed of freehold lands of inheritance might have 
 converted them into a Manor, whenever he pleased, by granting two, or 
 more, portions of them to two, or more, other persons, to be holden, to 
 them and their heirs for ever, of him and his heirs for ever, either by 
 the tenure of military service (called in the law books knight's service ), 
 or in free and common socage. Thus, for example, if a man had hud 
 three hundred acres of land lying together in any county, holden to him 
 and his heirs for ever, either of the Crown or of some inferior lord, by 
 some free service, and had granted twenty-five acres a-piece, out of the 
 said three hundred acres, to eight different persons, to hold the same, to 
 them and theirs for ever, of him and his heirs for ever, in free and com¬ 
 mon socage, doing fealty to him and his heirs for the same, and paying 
 him a quit-rent of a penny a year, for each of the said lots of twenty-five 
 acres, the said three hundred acres of land would, thereby, have been con¬ 
 verted into a Manor, of which the said grantor would have been lord, and 
 the hundred acres which he would have reserved to himself, after he had 
 thus granted away the other two hundred acres, to the said eight persons 
 in lots of twenty-five acres a-piece, would have been the demesne-land; 
 and he would have had a right of holding a Court-Baron in his said 
 Manor, to determine actions of debt, and some other civil suits, between 
 lis said eight tenants, or grantees, and, more especially, to hold plea 
 of a writ of right brought against any one of them, concerning his right 
 to the land he held in such Manor. And this right of holding such 
 Court-Baron would have belonged to the lord of such new Manor, of 
 common right, as the law expresses it, or without any grant of the 
 Crown, and would have been the natural and necessary consequence of 
 lis having thus granted away a part of his three hundred acres to other 
 tersons, to be holden in inheritance of himself by a free tenure. In this 
 
 19* 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Man eric si. “ Court-Baron, the suitors of the Court, or those who are hound to follow 
 “ (from the French word suivre), or attend it, that is, in the example just 
 “now given, the eight grantees' above mentioned are the judges who are 
 “ to determine the matters that are contested in it, and the lord, or his 
 “ steward, is only the register of the Court, and is bound to adopt the 
 . “ decisions of the said suitors or grantees, and to cause them to be executed. 
 
 “ These suitors of the Court, or freehold tenants of the same lord, are sorne- 
 “ times called each other’s peers, or equals, or the peers of the Court, pares 
 “ curice, and sometimes in very old records, the Barons of the Court, 
 
 “ Barones Curia, or the Barons of the lord, Barones (lomini .” (Maseres’ 
 
 * Historic Anglican® Monuments,’ p. 256.) 
 
 Fleta distinguishes between Manerium and Mansio, Villa and Baroclda, 
 thus:— 
 
 “ Inter mansionem, autem, villain et manerium est differentia, quia 
 “ Mansio esse poterit constructs ex una domo vel pluribus, et sic dicitur 
 “ habitatio una et sola, cum nulli sit vicina. Si autem alii mausio fuerit i 
 “ vicinata, ideo propter hoc erit villa. 
 
 “2. Villa vero ex pluribus mausionibus est vicinata et Villetta ex 
 “ pluribus vicinis; Manerium autem fieri potest ex pluribus Yillis vel ex 
 “ una, plures enitn Villa) esse possunt in corpore unius Manerii sicut et 
 
 “ 3. Ad unam vero Mansionem plura poterunt pertinere teuementa, et 
 “ tenementorum genera pluribus et diversis nominibus specificata, qu® cum 
 “ ad Mansionem pertiueant non poterit dicx quod fuit in tali Villa specifi- 
 “ cata denominatione Mansiouis. Sed Mansio et tenementum simul esse 
 “poteruut in alia Villa ex pluribus Mausionibus vicinata. Manerium 
 “ autem et Villa uno nomine possunt nominal! cum non fuerit nisi uniea 
 “ Villa in Manerio, et tenemeuta tali Manerio adjacentia erunt in tali Villa 
 “ et etiam in tali Manerio cum Villa denorainetur a Manerio, vel e converse; 
 
 “ et sic possunt plura Maneria esse in patria una et plures Villas, et cum 
 “ teuementa et agri ad unum Manerium sint limitati vel ad unam Viliam, 
 
 “ non possunt dici quod sint in Manerio alio, sive in alia Villa, cum limitati 
 “ sunt fines agrorum, et cum plures sunt Villas in uno Manerio poterit res 
 “ petita esse in una earum vel in diversis. Et si in diversis quamvis speci- 
 “ficetur quid vel quantum petitur in una et quantum in alia, utraque 
 “ tamen erit in uno Manerio et uno corpore Manerii, sed non e converso, 
 
 “ ve l quicquid sit in Manerio sit in qualitate, Villa eniin non continet 
 “ Manerium quamvis e converso; poterit euim esse cum plures sint Villas 
 “in uno Manerio diversis nominibus specificat®, quod totum Manerium 
 “ nominator a nomine unius Villas, et unde aliud est dicere in tali Villa, et 
 “ aliud, in tali Manerio. Et idem speciticato nomine Manerii obseura erit 
 “ petitio et nulla, nisi speeificatuin fuerit nomen Villas in qua tenementum 
 “ petitum fuerit, si alia fuerit Villa et ab ilia diversa, de qua Manerium 
 “nomen assumpsit. 
 
 “4. Si autem res petita fuerit in Villa de qua nominator Manerium 
 “ recte petitur si fiat respectus ad denominationem, pro specifications 
 “ tamen Villa) et non Manerii quamvis Villa ilia sit in Manerio eodem, quia 
 “ si habetur respectus ad nomen Manerii tantum, nulla erit speeifieatio cum 
 “ plures ali® sunt Villse in eodem Manerio. Sed ea qu® dicta sunt de Villis 
 “ non intelligantur de Parochiis, cum plures Parochial esse possunt in una 
 “ Villa.” (Fleta, lib. vi. cap. 21, Be Manerio et Mansionilus. See also 
 Jones’s ‘ Domesday of Wiltshire,’ p. xlvij.) 
 
 The constituent parts of the Manerium {ire well set forth in Fleta, p. 157 j 
 [ii. 72], where he particularizes the different particulars of which the “ Do- 
 minus ” ought to have an “ Extent ” made, before he can know what he is | 
 really worth, and how to regulate his expenditure. 
 
 Senescallus Communis} 
 
 Senesoal- 1. His characteristics and duties—among which the first is, to hold the 
 sutn is° M " Courts of the Manors, at which the usual enquiries are to be made, 
 
 and to enquire into alienations ( inter alia) and in the time of what 
 Bailiff they occurred, and to distrain or sue in the Kind’s Courts 
 accordingly. 
 
 2. To know the number of acres in each Manor, and the quantity'of seed 
 
 of each sort requisite, in order to check fraudulent “ Prepositi.” 
 
 3. In every office to have all fastenings made secure. 
 
 4 & 5. To be certified of the Costs of “ Carhop” in each Manor, e. g. in 
 tripartite lands, 60 acres should be ploughed in winter, 
 
 60 iu Lent, 
 
 60 left for summer fallow. 
 
 Thus 180 acres make a “ Cabucate.” 
 
 But in bipartite lauds, 160 acres must be reckoned for a Plough, 
 “ad Carucam,” —one half for fallow, and the other half (ploughed) 
 in winter, and sown in Lent. Thus he can easily certify himself as 
 to the number of ploughs (Carucle) needed. 
 
 1 Probably the “Seneachall” of all the Lord’s Manors in a district; his “Agent,” as 
 we now call him. 
 
 20 * 
 
 6. He should know the number of Precari® Days and ploughs, and all other Senescal- 
 
 aids and “ operationes” to which the Lord is entitled. mdsis° M ' 
 
 7. To have an Inventory of the Stock in each Manor, indented between 
 
 him and the “ Serviens.” 
 
 8. To inquire into defect of beasts in each Manor, and have it supplied, 
 
 with the Lord’s consent. 
 
 9. To enquire into the character of the “ Serviens ” or “ Ballivus ” 
 
 and his “ Subministric,” whether they be tipplers, frequenters of 
 taverns, etc., and what damage had ensued to the Lord; to have it 
 remedied, and if oft repeated, to be dismissed by the Lord himself, or 
 at least by the “ Senescallus ” himself. 
 
 10. To take care that there be not an overstock of beasts; should such 
 occur, to be sola or exchanged for some other commodity, but not 
 without the warrant of the Lord, or the Seneschall, on trustworthy 
 evidence. 
 
 11. To be fully informed as to the fines, amerciaments, reliefs, heriots, 
 
 “ exennia,” etc. 
 
 12. Also as to the wardships and marriages, when occurring, their annual 
 value, and by whom the revenues thereof have been received. 
 
 13. To know what appropriations have been made by the “Bailiff” of 
 the Manor and his minister by distraints. 
 
 14. To enquire into the wastes or damages made by the “ Bailiff ” or 
 other servant or tenant of the Lord, in woods, parks, warrens, etc. 
 
 15. To keep a roll of the names of all “ Sub-Bailiffs” in each Manor, 
 both “ Majorum et Minorum,” and those of their sureties, to be en¬ 
 rolled in Court; and neither “ Major” nor “ Minor ” to be appointed 
 without sureties to the Lord, unless it happen that the “ Seeyientes” 
 themselves be elected in full Court to the office. The “Senes¬ 
 callus” cannot dismiss from the Lord’s service any one dwelling 
 with him “ in capite.” The right of dismissal rests alone with the 
 Lord, nor can any one but the Lord himself sell wardships, marriages, 
 or escheats, or the dower of widows. 
 
 But the “Senescallus” shall receive none of his Lord’s moneys, 
 being free from all accounts. 
 
 16. To suffer no beast to be skinned till the cause of its death has been 
 ascertained by the “ Ballivus” and the “ Prepositus.” Remedies 
 in case death has been caused by malicious injuries, or accidents, etc. 
 
 17. It is the duty of the “Senescallus” every night to ascertain the 
 daily expenses by the accounts of the “ Emptor,” the “ Mareseallus,” 
 the “ Coquus,” the “ Dispensarius,” and other officials. 
 
 18. To receive from the “Prrpositus de Laedario” the necessary 
 quantities of Fish and Flesh, by tally, and in his presence to have 
 the “ messes” cut off and delivered to the Cook, by counting, and to 
 receive from him a “compotus” thereof. 
 
 19. To know' how many halfpenny loaves can be made from a quarter of 
 wheat, which the “Panetarius” is to receive from the Baker by 
 tale; also, how many loaves and how many messes are daily required 
 by the family. 
 
 20. To have a tripartite Tally of the Corn and “ Bbaseum” delivered to 
 the Baker by the “ Prieposuus.” 
 
 21. All the “Servientes” are conjointly and severally, in their offices, 
 held responsible to the “ Senescallus,” and he is bound to render evi¬ 
 dence of their doings. 
 
 Ballivus} 
 
 His characteristics:— 
 
 1. He must rise early; and, the first thing, have the “ CARUOiE” yoked, 
 
 and then go round the fields, woods, meadows, and pastures,*to see all 
 free from damage. 
 
 2. After his circuit he is to inspect the customary and precari® ploughs, 
 
 and, in the beginning of the sowing and threshing season, the “ Balli¬ 
 vus,” “Propositus,” and “Messor” must together be with the 
 ploughs, through the whole daywork, to see that the ploughings are 
 completed, and, when done, to measure the work. 
 
 A few instructions as to the comparative work of horses and oxen 
 in the ploughs, according to the soil. 
 
 3. A few notes as to their comparative costs, the horse being most ex¬ 
 
 pensive, and their respective values when too old to work. 
 
 4. He is to superintend the “ falcatores, messores, cariatores, operarios,” 
 
 and all the labourers of the Manor, to see that they do their duty to 
 the Lord, and to punish the transgressors. 
 
 5. To take care that the demesne lands are marled, pastured, folded, etc. 
 
 6. To see that the plough-horses, aud affri, and cart-horses are well treated 
 
 and well fed. 
 
 7. Not to take reliefs, fines for marriages, etc.; nor brew or bake in the 
 
 Manor, unless the Lord be present. 
 
 8. Not to be at the Lord’s table, but to be boarded by fixed daily wages. 
 
 ' Evidently the sui 
 
 r Baillyman. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Ballivus. 9. To superintend the threshers, that they get all the grain out; stubble 
 to be left in the ground to be ploughed, except what is wanted for 
 thatching. 
 
 10. April is the best month for making a fallow, and after Midsummer Day 
 for the “ rebinning,” i. e. ploughing the fallow for seed. 
 
 31. For sowing when the ground is settled, and not “ hover.” 
 
 12. To take care that, in the ploughing, the furrows are sufficiently ample, 
 and not hurried over. When good laud is to be ploughed for fallow] 
 the ploughmen to take care that they do not dip into bad soil] 
 and in the time of “ rebiuning ” not to go too deep, but plough 
 lightly just to destroy the weeds, lest, if wet weather ensue, when 
 they come to sow the seed will be deposited in mud, instead of solid 
 soil. 
 
 13. To take care, in sowing, that there be no large heavy furrows, but 
 small and numerous, and well united. The mischief of a contrary 
 course pointed out. 
 
 14. The surplus seed to be returned into the granary. 
 
 15. Instructions for the ploughman when laud “ deorsum seminari debeat”* 
 to tread in the furrow with his left foot, etc. 
 
 16. To see that the sowing is begun sufficiently early, to avoid risks of 
 early frosts. 
 
 17. If delayed, and rain come, followed by frost, the crop perishes. 
 
 18. Marly lands should be sown early, and the reasons for it; light and 
 sandy lands need not be sown early, and the reasons; wet and marshy 
 lands must be well dug and furrowed; barren and derelict lands 
 should be sown with broom. 
 
 19. Winter corn must not be sown in the same land which produced it, 
 but should be brought from distant parts, to ensure a better crop. 
 But Lent corn may be sown from the Lord’s own seed. There is 
 nothing discreditable in a Bailiff appropriating to his Lord’s use his 
 own products, e. g. to brew from his own barley, to make cloth and 
 linen from his own wool and flax, feed his horses from his own pro¬ 
 duce, etc. 
 
 20. To keep his ponds, stews, etc., well stocked with bream and perch, but 
 not with pike, tench, or eels, which devour the spawn. 
 
 21. To limit the posterns of the Court to a single place of ingress, and to 
 keep up the stock of horses, swans, and bees. 
 
 22. To keep a constant superintendence of all the officials under him. 
 
 (Fleta, pp. 161 to 164.) 
 
 PliiEPOSITUS. 
 
 Pn.ui'osmjs. l. The “ PitJ3FOsrrus” should be elected by the “ Vjt.lata,” as the best 
 “ Cultor ” and best manager of the Lord’s property among them, 
 and be presented by them to the Lord or his “ Senescaxlus.” He 
 must be ever active, and labouring for the Lord’s interests; to see the 
 ploughs, both those of the Demesne and the Precarim* yoked in the 
 morning; the seed well sown; and the dung mixens well heaped with 
 earth, and dung well mixed. 
 
 2. To have the floors of the sheepfolds well marled and littered every 
 
 fortnight; to collect the refuse straw and dung before the droughts of 
 March, and when the “ Caeiatores” carry it out to the farm, the 
 “ Prjepositus” to be with them all day to see that they do a proper 
 day’s work. 
 
 3. Sandy soil not to be manured with pure dung, but with dung mixed 
 
 with earth. The reasons given. 
 
 4. More reasons for using compost, and the management of sheep-dung. 
 
 5. Between Whitsuntide and Easter the “ Pbjepositds,” with the con¬ 
 
 sent of the “ Ballivus” and “ Senescaxlus,” to separate the weak 
 and sick stock from the sound. Reasons given. 
 
 6. Instructions for the purchase and sale and management of stock. 
 
 7. The working stock to have no deficiency of pasture. 
 
 8. Prom dawn of day the “ Pejepositus,” in his own presence, or that of 
 
 the “Messob,” shall see the “Affbi” and horses provendered; their 
 provender to be mixed with oat or wheat straw, not barley straw, the 
 ears of the latter impeding their lowing. “ Prom dawn,” lest their 
 provender be stolen by their keepers at night. Reasons for mixing 
 with straw. 
 
 9. The “ Afi’ri” to be sometimes washed and combed down, and the oxen 
 
 to be whisped down twice a day, that they may lick themselves more 
 effectively. 
 
 10. Rules for management of Cows and Calves. 
 
 11. Ditto. 
 
 12. Management of Milch Cows, and their estimated productiveness at • 
 different seasons. 
 
 13. No cow should be milked after Michaelmas. 
 
 (Pleta, lib. ii. cap. 76, pp. 164 to 166.) 
 
 1 1 suppose this means, when the land is to be laid down for grass. 
 
 The “PW.IOSITM” shall not he both “ Gianat.ries" and “Oran- Pninosirr, 
 panus. ’ 
 
 , J he “ ^aixivus ” slia11 ^ “ Granqiablus,” and deliver the corn to the 
 Propositus ” by strike measure, not heaped measure. 
 
 (Cap. 82, p. 170.) 
 
 §■ 
 
 By the kind attention of my friend J. N. Dudlow, Esq., of West Mai- Addington 
 ling, I am enabled to give a transcript of a very early Rent Roll of the Rent Row.. 
 Manor of Addington, from a large collection of ancient papers in his 
 possession. 
 
 The handwriting of this document would point to the latter part of the 
 reign of Henry III., but we can fix its date with greater precision by a 
 reference to the public documents of that period. 
 
 It is the Rent Roll of Roger de Soaccabio, Lord of the Manor of Ad¬ 
 dington. 
 
 Now, among the “ Pedes Pinium ” of Kent, there is one of the Manor of 
 Addington (No. 808), bearing date 41 H. IH., a.d. 1257, in which Hugh 
 de Maundevill warrants the said manor to Roger de Scaccabio, for 
 200 marks. The said Rogeb, then, was not possessed of the manor before 
 1257. By another (No. 885), bearing date 44 H. III., a.d. 1260, the manor 
 is entailed on himself and his wife Lora for life, with remainder to his son 
 and heir Laurence. 
 
 And on the Pine Rolls (JRotuli Finium ) is an entry of the Relief and 
 Homage of this Laurence, on the death of his father Roger, dated 17 
 April, 55 H. III., a.d. 1271. 
 
 Our Court Roll, then, must bear date between the years 1257 and 
 1271. 
 
 Its principal value consists in its affording a complete elucidation of the 
 term Warland, which frequently occurs in ancient documents, but of 
 which I have never before seen an explanation. In connection with the 
 observations cited in the text from the 1 Revue des Deux Mondes,’ the 
 term “Warland,” as it appears in this Roll, clearly designates the por¬ 
 tions used by the Tenants of the Manor, in the open field system of culti¬ 
 vation. 
 
 The Roll will, however, serve also as a valuable illustration of the 
 changes which had gradually taken place in the Manorial system between 
 the period of the Domesday Survey and the close of the thirteenth cen¬ 
 tury. The actual course of these changes we can ascertain only by the 
 study of a successive series of Court Rolls or Manorial Surveys during 
 that period. I had hoped to accomplish this task in time for the publica¬ 
 tion of this work; but the extreme rarity of the requisite documents, and 
 the protracted labour of completing such a search, preclude the possibility 
 of my introducing any such illustration in these pages, without deferring 
 the publication to an indefinite period. I must, therefore, content myself 
 at present by printing a few of these documents, deferring all commentary 
 upon them till I am in a position to give a complete elucidation of this 
 interesting subject, should life and health be spared me to put forth a 
 supplementary volume. Meanwhile, we may notice that in this Rent Roll 
 the “Bordarii,” or the “ Operarii” (who seem to have represented them in 
 a period shortly following the time of the Survey), do not appear as a spe¬ 
 cific class of the Tenants of the Manor. The obligation of furnishing por¬ 
 tions of a man’s labour, as expressed in such terms as “j hominem et 
 dimidium,” “dimidium hominem,” etc., would seem to indicate that money 
 payments to the labourers had now taken the place of payment by services, 
 and therefore that the labouring class, the “ Bordarii,” or “ Operarii,” no 
 longer held by such tenure, and in consequence do not appear on the Roll 
 as Tenants of the Manor, excepting in so far as by a careful study of the 
 Roll we may conjecture that, in common with the “ Villani,” they held 
 portions of the Warland ; still, as a distinct class of the Tenantry of the 
 Manor, they seem to be extinct. 
 
 The Survey records the existence of two distinct Manors in Addington. 
 One (Extension, p. 22,1. 21) a very small district, with land for only one 
 Team, no “Yillans,” but all the laud in demesne, with only 4 “ Bordarii” 
 and 2 “ Servi,” and it is expressly stated “ T. R. E. parum valebat.” 
 Whether this manor was afterwards merged in the principal Manor of 
 Addington, or remained distinct, I have been unable to ascertain. 
 Having no tenants, there were no manorial rights to exercise, and there¬ 
 fore its distinctive character as a manor might soon be lost or for¬ 
 gotten. 
 
 The other (Extension, p. 27,1. 45) consisted of the land of 5 Teams, 
 two of which were in demesa*, and six “ Villans,” with nine “ Borders,” 
 had one Team, and there were ten Slaves. 
 
 This last we may conjecture to be the Manor of Addington to which 
 our Roll belongs. 
 
 The subjoined tabular view will show its state, as contrasted with its 
 position in the time of the Survey 
 
 
 21 * 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington 
 Rent Roll. 
 
 Domesday Survey, a.d. 1086. 
 
 Rent Rolt. of Manor, a.d. 1257-1271. 
 
 Land for 5 Teams, 2 of them in 
 
 46 Portions of land, consisting of 
 
 Demesne. 
 
 182 acres, with 46 messuages, 
 
 G Villani, with 1 Team. 
 
 let to Tenants of the Manor; 
 
 9 Bordarii. 
 
 many of them held iu partner- 
 
 10 Servi. 
 
 ship by co-heirs, others in part¬ 
 nership by parties not appa¬ 
 rently related. The number of 
 individuals actually named is 
 86, paying in all, in money rent, 
 £6. i)s. lid., and rendering spe¬ 
 cified services of reaping, mow¬ 
 ing, etc., and certain rents of 
 Hens, Eggs, etc. 
 
 8 owe the service of 8 Ploughs. 
 
 5 Free Tenants, holding among them 
 5f acres. 
 
 We have, then, here certain Freeholders, a class created since the 
 Domesday Survey, either by the purchase of portions of the Demesne, or 
 of fresh enclosed land, or by the conversion of Yillan tenure into Freehold. 
 More land had evidently been brought into cultivation than that which 
 was under tillage at the time of the Survey. 
 
 REDDITUS ET CONSUETUDINES DOMINI ROGEUI DE SCACCARIO, DE 
 MANE RIO DE ADINTON. 
 
 : Videlicet per Walterum de Burgo, Rogerum de Corulo, Radul- 
 : phum Campium, Rioardum Lotekyn, Egidium de la Done, Thomam 
 Rioard, Robertum Burel, Walterum de Monte, Simonem Bolle, 
 
 1 Adam de Campo, et per alios Juratores. 
 
 “Heredes Roberti de Trottesclue tenent vij acras de Wareland . . 
 
 : Adinton, et debent per annum vj d , ad duos anni termiuos. 
 
 “Euekardus et Lucas Pirich, fratres, tenent unum mesuagium . . . v 
 ' acras, et j virgatam de Wareland, et debent per annum xxxj d et oboluin, 
 
 1 et ij gallinas et j gallum, et quartam partem unius galline,—et xxj oua,— 
 
 1 et j hominem ad fena domini colligenda, et arrare in yeme quartern (sic) 
 
 1 partem j perticateterre, et metere quartam partem j perticate frumenti vel 
 1 siliginis. 
 
 “Clemens Pirich tenet unum mesuagium, et iij acras, et iij virgas 1 de 
 : Wareland, et debet per annum xxij d obolum, et j gallinam, et j gallum, et 
 ■ quartam partem j galline, et xv oua, et debet arrare quartam partem j vir- 
 ' gate, et metere quartern (sic) partem j virge 1 frumenti et siliginis. Et j 
 ‘ hominem ad falcanda prata domini per j diem, et j hominem ad colligenda 
 1 prata domini. 
 
 “ Radulphus Campiun, Simon, Ricardus, et Galfridus, fratres, tenent 
 ‘iij mesuagia, et vj acras de Wareland, et debent per annum vj s ,—et j 
 1 vomerem ad Nativitatem sancti Johannis. Et ij gallinas et j gallum, et 
 1 xxiiij oua. Et debent arrare dimidiam uirgam 2 terre, et metere j virgam,— 
 
 * et j hominem ad falcanda prata domini. Et ij homines ad prata domini 
 ‘ colligenda. 
 
 “ Petrus de la Bergh tenet ij mesuagia, et viij acras terre de Wareland ; 
 ‘ et debet per annum iij 8 vj d et j quadrantem, et ij gallinas et dimidiam, et 
 ‘ dimidium gallum in j anno, et j gallum in altero anno,—et xx oua. Et 
 ‘ debet arrare quartam partem j perticate. Et dimidium hominem ad fal- 
 ‘ candum per j diem. Et ij homines ad fena colligenda. 
 
 “ Willelmus, Robertus, Johannes, et Gylebertus, filii et heredes 
 ‘ Radolphi Godwyne, tenent iij mesuagia, et x acras et iij uirgas 2 de Ware- 
 ‘ land, et debent per annum vj s iiij d iij quadrautes. Et j vomerem ad fes- 
 1 turn Sancti Michaelis, et sextam partem j vomeris. Et vij gallinas, et ij 
 ‘ gallos, et quartam partem j galline. Et xliij oua. Et debent arrare ter- 
 1 ciam partem unius uirge 3 terre. Et sextam partem j hominis ad prata fal- 
 ‘canda. Et ij homines ad prata spargenda. Et iiij homines ad prata colli- 
 ‘ <*enda. Et metere dimidiam acram et dimidiam virgam 1 terre. 
 
 “ Robertus le Desye tenet unum mesuagium, et ij acras de Wareland. 
 ‘ Et debet per annum xxij d . Et j gallinam, et j gallum. Et viij oua. Et 
 ‘j homiuem ad fena spargenda. 
 
 “ Cristina filia et heres Payn tenet j mesuagium, et j acram de Ware- 
 ‘ land ; et debet per annum x d . Et j gallinam in j anno, et j gallum in 
 ' altero. Et v oua. Et j hominem ad prata spargenda. Et arrabit sextam 
 
 * partem j perticate. Et metere dimidiam uirgam. 3 Et xvj partem j vomeris, 
 ‘ scilicet obolum. 
 
 “Thomas, Ricardus, et Johannes, filii Ranulfi le Bealde, tenent j 
 > mesuagium, et iiij acras de Wareland ; et debent per annum xxvij d et 
 ‘ obolum. Et iij gallinas, et dimidium gallum. Et xvj oua. Et arrare di- 
 
 * midiam uirgam. 2 Et metere j uirgam 2 terre. 
 
 1 Sic in the original, “uirg’. 1 ’ 
 
 3 In original it is “ u’g’.” 3 In original it is “ u’ge.” 
 
 4 In original “oirg”’ anil “uirg." 
 
 “ Simon Bolle, et Walterus filius 1 Amfelote, et Albretha tenent ij Addington 
 “ mesuagia. Et iij acras et j uirgam 2 terre. Et debent per annum xvij d . ^ I!NT H°ll. 
 ! ‘ Et ij gallinas. Et xiij oua. Et metere dimidiam uirgam 1 terre. Et sextam 
 ‘partem j vomeris, ad festum Sancti Michaelis. Et arrare j daywerbam 3 
 1 terre. 
 
 " Rogerus de Corulo tenet j mesuagium, et viij acras et iij uirgas 2 de 
 ‘Wareland. Et debet per annum vj 8 . Et iij gallinas et dimidiam, etj 
 ‘gallum. Et "Willelmus Bruning aliam dimidiam gallinam. Et idem 
 ‘ Rogerus xxvj oua. Et ipse et participes j homiuem ad falcanda prata. Et 
 ‘ metere j acram et ij day werkas et dimidiam. 
 
 “ Idem Rogerus, et Galfridus atte Wodegate, et Mabilia de Burgo 
 1 debent xxv d quadrantem, de terra que fuit Eldrich atte Wodegate. Et 
 'j gallinam. 
 
 “ Robertus de Aqua tenet duas acras de Wareland. Et debet xvj d , et 
 ‘ j gallinam, et viij oua. 
 
 “ Orgarus filius Henrici, et Aldred et Galfridus Textor tenent j 
 ‘ mesuagium. Etvj acras de Warland; et debent per annum iiij 8 iij d . Et 
 1 sextam partem j vomeris, ad festum Sancti Michaelis. Et ij gallinas, etj 
 1 gallum; et xviij oua. Et arrare sextam partem j uirge 2 terre. Et metere 
 1 dimidiam uirgam. 1 
 
 “ Simon Franceys et Johannes frater eius tenent ij mesuagia, et j 
 ‘ acram et dimidiam de Warland. Et debent per annum xj d . Et j gallinam. 
 
 ‘ Et yj oua et dimidium. Et terciam partem j vomeris. Et arrare sextam 
 1 partem j uirge 2 terre. Et metere dimidiam uirgam 2 terre. 
 
 “ Johannes le Webbe tenet j mesuagium, et j acram de Warland. Et 
 ‘ debet per annum vj d . Etj gallinam. Et iiij oua. Et sparget fena domini. 
 
 “ Ricardus le Myre tenet ij mesuagia, et vj acras et dimidiam de War- 
 ‘ land. Et debet per annum iiij®—iii d obolum. Et iij gallinas, et terciam 
 ‘ partem j galline. Et j gallum. Et xxij oua. Et arrare ij day werkas et 
 ‘ dimidiam, et quartam partem j dawerke. Et metere v daywerkas et dimi- 
 1 diain. Et idem et Willelmus Bruning, et participes sui, debent falcare 
 ‘ per j diem. 
 
 “ Egidius de Monte tenet iij acras et dimidiam de Warland. Et debet 
 ‘ per annum xxj d . Et iiij gallinas. Et xiiij oua. 
 
 “ Walterus atte Done tenet ij mesuagia, et vj acras, et iij uirgas 4 de 
 1 Warland. Et debet per annum ij 8 -v d obolum. Et idem, et Walterus, 
 
 ‘ Johannes et Radulphus, filii Hereberti, debent iij gallinas, et j gallum. 
 
 ‘ Et idem debet xxvij oua. Et idem et participes sui j hominem per diem 
 ‘ ad prata domini falcanda. 
 
 “Petrus de Corulo, et Willelmus de la Lyminne, et Walterus de 
 ‘ Corulo, tenent j mesuagium et vij acras de Warland. Et debent per 
 1 annum iij s -vj d . Et j vomerem ad Natiuitatem Sancti Johannis Baptiste. 
 
 ‘ Et iij gallinas, et j gallum, et xxviij oua. Et arrare dimidiam uirgam. 2 Et 
 ‘ metere j uirgam. 4 Et j hominem ad fena falcanda per j diem. 
 
 “Adam de Campo, et Willelmus frater eius, tenent j mesuagium, et v 
 1 acras de Warland. Et debent per annum ij 8 vj d . Et ij gallinas, et j 
 ‘ gallum, et xx oua. 
 
 “Thomas Ricard tenet j mesuagium, et v uirgatas 5 de Warland. Et 
 ‘ debet per annum vij d obolum. Et j gallinam in j anno, et dimidiam gal- 
 ‘ linam in alio anno,—et v oua. Et arrare ij daywerkas et dimidiam. Et 
 ‘ metere v daywerkas. 
 
 “Robertus Burel tenet j mesuagium, et ij acras et dimidiam de War- 
 1 land. Et debet per annum xv d . Et idem et Randulphus Leaflelle ij 
 ‘ gallinas et j gallum. Et debent xxiiij oua. Et debent arrare dimidiam 
 ‘ uirgam. 4 Et debent metere j uirgam B et j daywerkam et dimidiam. 
 
 “ Ricardus Lotekyn tenet j mesuagium et iij acras de Warland. Et 
 ‘ debet per annum iij 8 v d . Et j vomerem ad Natiuitatem Sancti Johannis 
 ‘ Baptiste. Et iij gallinas et dimidiam, et j gallum et xviij oua. Et dimi- 
 ‘ dium operis j hominis ad prata spargenda. Et metere dimidiam uirgam. 4 
 ‘Et arrare dimidiam uirgam. 4 Et dimidium operis j hominis ad prata 
 ‘ falcanda. 
 
 “ Willelmus filius Turgeys tenet v uirgas 4 de Warland. Et debet per 
 ‘ annum x d . Et j gallinam. Et in tercio anno j gallum et quinque oua. 
 
 “Radulphus filius Hereberti de la Done et Walterus tenet v 
 ‘ uirgas 4 de Warland. Et debent per annum vj d obolum. Et predicti, 
 
 ‘ et Eld red filius Henrici, debent j gallinam. 
 
 “ Idem Eadulphus, Walterus, et Johannes, fratres tenent j mesuagium, et 
 ‘ x acras de Warland. Et debent per annum vj 8 xi d obolum. Et ij gallinas 
 ‘ et ij gallos, et xl oua. Et iij homines ad prata domini colligenda. Et 
 ‘ dimidium hominem ad prata domini falcanda. Et j hominem in secundo 
 ‘ anno ad fena spargenda. Et metere dimidiam acram de gauelrep. 7 
 
 “Dauid Leaflell tenet j mesuagium, et ij acras et dimidiam de Wau- 
 1 land. Et debet per annum xv d . 
 
 1 In original it is “ fil,” and therefore may perhaps bo for “ filii.” 
 
 2 In original it is “ u’g 1 .” 
 
 3 A daywork of land, as stated by Sir Roger Twysden, in his Commonplace Book, was 
 equal to four perches. 
 
 4 In original “ oirg’ ” and “ uirg.” 
 
 fi “IFgat’.” s “TFiga.” 
 
 7 Z. e. Reaping Tax, or the customary service of reaping, due to the lord. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington “ Waltekus de Burgo tenet j mesuagium et dimidium et v acras et 
 Rent Roll. “ dimidiam de Warland. Et debet per annum xliij d . Et iij gallinas. Et 
 “ in tercio anno j erit gallus, et unum pullum gallinarum ad festum Sancti 
 “ Michaelis et xxij oua, et j horainem ad falcanda prata dornini. Et metere 
 “ ij daywerkas et dimidiam. Et arrare j daywerkam et quartam partem 
 “ j daywerke. Et dimidium vomeris. 
 
 “ Clemens de Burgo, et partieipes sui, tenent j mesuagium et iiij acras 
 “ de Warland. Et debent per annum xxxij' 1 . Et ij gallinas, et xvj oua. 
 
 “ Et metere vj daywerkas frumenti vel siliginis. Et arrare v daywerkas. 
 
 “ Et j hominem ad falcanda prata dornini. 
 
 “Petrus, Elyas, Robertus, et Radulfhus, beredes Willelmi de 
 “ Burgo, tenent j mesuagium. Et ij acras de “Warland. Et debent per 
 " annum xij d . Et j gallinam, et viij oua. Et ipsi et partieipes eorum inue- 
 “ nient j bominem ad falcanda prata dornini. 
 
 “ Elyas Pope tenet j mesuagium et dimidium et iiij acras et iij virgas 1 de 
 “ Warland. Et debet per annum xxiij d et iij quadrantes. Et j vomerem 
 “ ad Natiuitatem Sancti Jobannis. Et ij gallinas et ij gallos, et xix oua. 
 
 “ Et arrare j daywerkam, et quartam partem unius daywerke. Et metere ij 
 “ daywerkas et dimidiam. Et j hominem et dimidium ad fenum colligen- 
 “ dum. Et j hominem et dimidium ad prata falcanda. 
 
 “ Willelmus Brunig tenet j mesuagium et vij acras de Warland. Et 
 “ debet per annum iij 3 xj d . Et ij gallinas et dimidiam, et j gallum et xxviij 
 “oua. Et arrare j day werlcam. Et metere dimidiam acram. 
 
 “ Walterus et Robertus, filii Randulphi de Broca, tenent j mesua- 
 “ gium, et viij acras de Warland. Et debent per annum iiij 3 . Et iij 
 “ gallinas et j gallum, et xxxij oua. Et j hominem ad prata falcanda per j 
 “ diem. 
 
 “ Johanna et Agnes filie Mathei de Hopton tenent j mesuagium et ij 
 “ acras et dimidiam de Warland. Et debent per annum xv d . Et j gallinam 
 “ et dimidium gallum, et x oua. Et arrare ij daywerkas et dimidiam. Et 
 “ metere dimidiam virgam 1 frumenti siue siliginis. Et predicte, et Lucas 
 “ et Euerardus, et Clemens Pirich j bominem ad falcanda prata per j 
 “ diem. 
 
 “Walterus Denger tenet j mesuagium, et iij acras et dimidiam de 
 “Warland. Et debet per annum ij 3 obolum. Et ij gallinas et j gallum, et 
 “ xiiij oua. Et arrare quartam partem j virge.® Et metere dimidiam uirgam. 1 
 “ Et idem et partieipes sui de terra Wariner j hominem ad prata falcanda 
 “ per j diem. 
 
 “ Matilda Denger tenet dimidium mesuagium et j acram et dimidiam de 
 “ Warland. Et debet per annum ix d . Et j gallinam, et vj oua. Et dimi- 
 “ dium hominem ad prata falcanda per diem. Et dimidium vomerem ad 
 “festum Sancti Michaelis. 
 
 “Galfridus de Broc, et Petrus de la Bercii, et Hugo filius 
 “ Cristine, tenent ij mesuagia, et vij acras de Warland. Et debent per 
 “ annum iij 3 iiij d . Et ij gallinas, et viij oua. 
 
 “Idem Galfridus tenet j acram et dimidiam de Warland. Et debet 
 “ per annum xiiij d . Et j gallinam et vj oua. Et dimidium hominem ad 
 “ fena dornini spargenda. 
 
 “Thomas Strephing et Juliana de la Berch, et partieipes sui, tenent j 
 “mesuagium, et v acras et dimidiam de Warland. Et debent per annum 
 “ xxxj d , et iij gallinas et j gallum. 
 
 “Eadem Juliana tenet iij uirgas 1 terre de Warland. Et debet per 
 “ annum iiij d obolum, et iij oua. Et metet j daywerkam et dimidiam. 
 
 “ Hugo filius Cristine tenet j mesuagium, et j perticatam de Warland. 
 “ Et debet per annum iij obolos. 
 
 “Rogerus Brun etRADULPHUs, cum particibus, tenent j mesuagium, et 
 “ iij acras de Warland. Et debent per annum xxv d obolum. Et j galli- 
 “ nam, et j gallum, et xij oua. 
 
 “ Rogerus Grant, et Simon, fratres, tenent j mesuagium, et ij acras de 
 “ Warland. Et debent per annum xij d . Et j gallinam, et viij oua. Et 
 “metent dimidiam acram. Et predicti, et partieipes sui, inuenient j 
 “ hominem ad prata falcanda. 
 
 “Johannes et Ricardus, filii Ysabelle, tenent j acram et dimidiam de 
 “ Warland. Et debent per annum v a , et j gallinam. 
 
 “ Nicholaus de Walda, XX s . 
 
 “ M d quod dominus tenet j acram de Warland, que vocatur Iselyland, 
 “ et debet per annum iiij d , et sunt in defectu. 3 
 
 “ Heredes Chantrel tenent j mesuagium apud Rapham. Et debent per 
 “ annum vj d . Et sunt in defectu. 
 
 “ Dominus Robertus de Creuquer tenet j acram et dimidium prati. Et 
 “ debet per annum j d quadrantem. Et sectam Curie. Et est in defaltu. 
 
 “ Redditus in vomer^bus. 
 
 “Petrus de Corulo, et partieipes sui, j vomerem, ad Natiuitatem 
 “ Johannis. 
 
 “Walterus de Burgo et Matilda Denger j vomerem ad festum Sancti 
 “ Michaelis. 
 
 1 “ Yirg’.” 5 Sic in extenso, “virge.” 
 
 3 Probably this, a piece of barland, which the Lord had taken into his own hands, on 
 default or escheat of his tenant. (See Note 4.) 
 
 “ Elyas Pope, j vomerem, ad Natiuitatem beati Johannis Baptiste. Addington 
 “ Ricardus Lotekyn, j vomerem, ad Natiuitatem beati Johannis Baptiste. P° LL - 
 
 “ Radulphus Campiun, et partieipes sui, j vomerem ad festum Sancti 
 Michaelis. 
 
 “ Willelmus de Reyerssf . 4 j vomerem, ad natiuitatem beati Johannis 
 Baptiste. 
 
 “ Heredes Radulfi Godwyne j vomerem, ad festum Sancti Michaelis. 
 
 “ Orgarus, et partieipes sui j vomerem ad festum Sancti Michaelis. 
 
 “ Surnma vomerum, viij. De quibus, iiij ad festum Sancti Michaelis. Et 
 iiij ad Natiuitatem Sancti Johannis Baptiste. 
 
 lib s d. 
 
 “ Summa tocius redditus, in denariis, vj ix xi. 
 
 “ Summa ouorum delxxvj oua et dimidium. 
 
 “ Summa gallinarum iiij iiij galline et diraidia et xxv galli.” 
 
 [Then in a somewhat later hand]— 
 
 “ Summa metendi,vj acras et dimidiam iiij deywercas et quartam partem 
 j deywerce.” 
 
 [Then in a hand t. Ed. III.]— 
 
 “ Summa arurarum per annum, i acram dimidiam. 
 
 “ M d . Q.uod tenentes debent inuenire viij homines et viij curtanas fimam 
 “ dornini extrahendam, et dominus inueniet ij plaustra vel iiij curtanas. 
 
 “ Et debent domino Iij homines ad ij precarias messionum, et Iij homines 
 “ ad prata.] 
 
 “ Liberi tenentes soluentes scutagium ad xl de acra j quadrantem. 
 
 “ Rogerus atte Hesele tenet ij acras. 
 
 “ Walterus Godwyne, dimidiam acram. 
 
 “ Johanna de Burgo et Bartholomeus atte Broke ij acras. 
 
 “ Johannes de Burgo et G. Alyndon i uirgam. 8 
 “ Johannes le Webbe i acram. 
 
 “ Summa acrarum, v acre iij uirge.” 6 
 
 I will just remark, in passing, that the lands in this Manor are very 
 poor, little more than mere sandstones and sandbanks, almost worthless 
 for cultivation. In my own memory a very large portion of it lay unculti¬ 
 vated in Goss and Broomland rabbit warren, which might have remained 
 in that state till this day but for the requirements of the present owner 
 in creating a park round his mansion, for which purpose he has enclosed 
 a large number of acres, planting some, and converting the rest into grass¬ 
 land, an observation fully borne out by the returns of the jury in the 
 next ensuing inquisition, viz.:— 
 
 That taken by the Escheator, on the death of Roger de Coleynagne, 
 
 8 December, 35 Ed. III., a.d. 1361.—The jury in their return:— 
 
 “ Dicunt, quod predictus Rogerus tenuit in dominico suo, ut de feodo, 
 
 “ die quo obiit, Manerium de Adyngton, cum pertinenciis, in eodem Comi- 
 “tatu Kancie, de herede Rogeri de Mortuo Mari, nuper Comitis 
 “ Marchie, defuncti infra etatem, et in Gustodia Regis existente, ut de 
 “ Manerio de Swannescompe, per seruicium tercie partis unius feodi 
 “ militis, et per seruicium reddendi ad predictum Manerium xxxvj 3 per 
 “ annum ; scilicet, ad festum Sancti Andree, et faciendi duos aduentus, ad 
 “ festa Pasche et Sancti Michaelis. 
 
 “ Et dicunt, quod est ibi unum Capitale Mesuagium, quod nil ualet per 
 “ annum ultra reprisas. 
 
 “ Et est ibi unum Columbarium, et ualet per annum iij 3 iiij d in seisina, 
 
 “ et non plus, quia non est bene stauratum. 
 
 “ Et sunt ibidem lx acre terre arabilis, de quibus due partes inde pos- 
 “ sunt seminari per annum, si bene coluntur ; et tunc ualet acra inde 
 “ per annum iiij d , ultra reprisas; et quando non seminantur, tunc ualet 
 “ acra inde per annum ij d , ut in pastura et bestiis pasturandis. Et pre- 
 “ diete due partes seminabantur ante mortem predicti Rogeri ; et tercia 
 “ pars de predictis lx acris terre, uidelicet xx acre, iacet in warecto; set 
 “ tamen ualet acra inde j d , ut in pastura pro bidentibus, et non plus, quia 
 “ est terra sicca et sabulosa; set jam seminantur inde xij acre terre cum 
 “ semine yemali, et ualet acra inde ultra reprisas iiij d . 
 
 “ Et sunt ibi vj acre prati, que ualent per annum vj 3 , precium acre xij d , 
 
 “ tempore falcacionis, et alio tempore anni, ualet acra inde per annum iij d , 
 
 “ ut in pastura, et faleabantur ante mortem predicti Rogeri, ut dicunt 
 “ super sacramentum suum. 
 
 “ Et sunt ibi xxiiij acre pasture in bruera in scobis, que ualent per 
 “ annum ij 3 , precium acre i d , et non plus, quia est sicca et sterilis, ut patet 
 “ per uisum. 
 
 “ Et sunt ibi vj xx acre pasture separalis, que ualent per annum x 3 , pre- 
 “ cium acre j d , ut iu pastura pro bidentibus, et non plus, quia predicta 
 “ pastura est sicca et petrosa, et iacet in montanis, ut dicunt super sacra- 
 “ inentum suum. 
 
 “Et est ibi unum molendinuin aquaticum, quod ualet per annum 
 “ xiij 3 iiij d , et non plus, quia est totum dirrutum et ruinosum, et non 
 “ potest bene molare per defectum lapidum. 
 
 4 There is interlined here, “ Et Robertus Godewyn cst debitor de terra Yslyn.” 
 
 6 “U'ga.” 
 
 « « U’g,” and this entry proves to conviction, that the “ virga ” or “ virgata of the roll 
 is a rood, for the sum of the acreage of the free tenants is 5$ acres. 
 
 23* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington “ Et es *' >bi de redditibus assisis liberorum teuencium 1 per annum 1 
 Rent Bolt.. “ lx 8 viij* 1 , soluendis ad iiij or anni terminos principales equis porcionibus. 
 
 “Et dicunt, quod perquisifca Curiarum ibidem ualet per annum xviij 8 
 “ iuxta uerum ualorem eusdem.” (See Esc. 35 Ed. III. No. 52.) 
 
 The next Roll which I adduce of this Manor is one of a century later 
 than the preceding. It is a record of the First Court held by the Lord 
 of the Manor, Edmund Watton, on the 17th December, 12th Ed. IV., 
 a.d. 1472, as follows:— 
 
 “ Adyngton. —Prima Curia Edmundi Watton tenta ibidem die Jovis 
 proxima post festum Sancte Lucie Virginia, auno regui Regis 
 “ Edwardi quarti post eonquestum, duodecimo. 
 
 “ Essonia. —Nulla ad hunc diem. 
 
 >j d 
 
 “Defulta. —Tenentes ibidem presentant, quod Efisoofds Ruffensis, 
 ij 4 ij d 
 
 “ Georgius Browne, miles, Jodannes Clerk, unus Baronum, I 
 
 >j 'j d 
 
 “Scaccarii domini Regis, Ricardus Eggyock, Johannes Irere, 
 
 ,ij d >j d >j d . 
 
 “ Ricardus Borgh, Johannes Osbarne, Johannes Cotton, Wil- 
 ijd _ ij d ij 4 
 
 “ lelmus Stevynson, senior, Johannes Hokeby, Willelmus Cul- 
 ij 4 
 
 “ peper, Willelmus Loperham, faeiunt defaltum—Ideo 
 “ in miserieordia. 
 
 “ Finis.—Johannes Hassell dat domino pro fine pro seeta Curie relax- 
 “ anda de hoc anno iiij a . 
 
 “ Distrahere. —Et preceptum est distrahere Thomam Pykenham, pro j 
 “ secta Curie et Releuio domino faciendis. 
 
 “ Alienaoio. —Item presentant, quod Johannes Frere, Senior, de 
 “Adyngton, alienauit Jouxnni William, Johanni Serch, et 
 “ Johanni Clerk, unam peciam terre vocatam Mille Lone, 
 
 “ continentem per estimacionem iij acras et dimidiam terre, et 
 “ reddentem per annum vij d . Ideo, preceptum est distrahere 
 “dictum Johannem William, pro secta Curie, Releuio, et 
 “fidelitate domino faciendis, erga proximam Curiam. 
 
 “Alienacio. —Et quod Ricardos Borgh alienauit unam peciam terre 
 “vocatam Bealde, Johanni William, Johanni Serch, et 
 “ Johanni Clerk. Ideo, preceptum est distrahere eos erga 
 “ proximam Curiam pro secta Curie, Releuio et fidelitate 
 “ domino faciendis. 
 
 “ Alienacio. —Et quod predictus Johannes Frere, Senior, alienauit unam 
 “ peciam terre vocatam Litilstone, prefatis Johanni William, 
 
 “ Johanni Serch, et Johanni Clerk. Ideo, preceptum est 
 “ distrahere eos erga proximam Curiam, pro secta Curie, Re- 
 “ leuio, et fidelitate domino faciendis. 
 
 Alienacio. —Et quod Johannes Hasill alienauit prefatis Johanni 
 “ William, Johanni Serch, et Johanni Cleric, unum mesua- 
 “ gium, cum certis terris adiacentibus, quondam Thome Hasill 
 “ atte Wodgate. Ideo, preceptum est distrahere eos erga 
 “ proximam Curiam, pro secta Curie, Releuio, et fidelitate 
 “ domino faciendis. 
 
 “Alienacio. —Et quod Johannes William, alienauit unum mesuagium in 
 
 “ quo inhabitat, iacens in.cum certa terra eidem mesua- 
 
 “gio pertinente Johanni Carpynteu, Johanni Serch, Jo- 
 
 “ hanni .Deysye. Ideo, preceptum est distrahere eos, 
 
 “ erga proximam Curiam, pro secta Curie, Releuio, et fidelitate 
 “ domino faciendis. 
 
 “Alienacio. —Et quod Ricardus Paktrych, perquisiuit de Johanne 
 “ Elyott, unam peciam terre in Northfelde, continentem 
 “ per estimacionem j acram et dimidiam terre. Ideo, precep- 
 “ turn est distrahere predictum Ricardum pro secta Curie, 
 
 “ Releuio, et fidelitate domino faciendis. 
 
 “ Alienacio. —Et quod Johannes Cherch, perquisiuit de Thoma Frere, 
 “unum mesuagium cum crofto adiacente, quondam vocatuin 
 “ Bokeherst. Ideo, preceptum est, distrahere predictum Jo- 
 “hannem, pro secta Curie, Releuio, et fidelitate domino 
 “ faciendis. 
 
 “Alienacio. —Et quod Willelmus Lopham perquisiuit de Johanne 
 “ Clerk, uno Baronum Scaccarii domini Regis, eertam terrain 
 “ et boscum jacentes atte Compe, quondam Galones et Johan- 
 “ Nis Hexstaple. Ideo, preceptum est distrahere eum, erga 
 “ proximam, etc., pro secta Curie, Releuio, et fidelitate domino 
 “ faciendis. 
 
 1 The services of the “ villani,” then, must now have been commuted to money pay¬ 
 ments, and themselves become “ Liberi Tenentes ” by payment of assised or fixed rents, 
 which rents consisted partly of money, and partly of eggs, hens, a specified number of 
 men to sow, reap, etc. It is true they are not distinctly enumerated in the inquisition, 
 nor are they in later ones, but they nre regularly set out in the Court Rolls down to the 
 end of the seventeenth century, of which I have a large number, and it is important to 
 notico the continuance of these services even down to modern times; they are regularly 
 detailed in all the Rolls. 
 
 24* 
 
 “Alienacio.—E t quod Johannes Delton, perquisiuit de Johanne Wil- Addington 
 “ liam, unum mesuagium, cum certis terris adiacentibus, quou- ® Ef,T Eoi.l 
 “ dam Thome Hasill, atte Wodegate, nunc Johannis Hasill. 
 
 “ Ideo, preceptum est distrahere predictum Johannem Delton, 
 
 “ pro secta Curie, Releuio, et fidelitate domino faciendis.” 
 
 Then follows the record of another Court held at the ensuing Epiphany, 
 but it developes no new feature, and its insertion will not furnish any in¬ 
 formation requisite to be inserted here. The above is sufficient to evidence 
 the complete change that had taken place in the Manor as to the nature 
 of the tenure. There is now not a single “ Villanus ” bolding as that class 
 seems to have held at the time of the Survey. All are now “ Liberi Te¬ 
 nentes,” and alienations in freehold seem to have been made them in 
 that capacity for many years past. They still, however, hold of the Lord 
 by assised rents, and services of Suit of Court, Heriot, Relief, etc.; and 
 as it appears throughout this series of Rolls, by providing the service of 
 labour at fixed periods, the Bederips or Precari®, and certain rents in 
 eggs and poultry, as the “ Villani ” used to do of old. 
 
 The next document to introduce is a roll containing a list of the services 
 due from the tenants of the Manor to the Lord. I found it in the collec¬ 
 tion of Mr. Dudlow described above. It has no date, but, judging from 
 the handwriting, I would assign it to the middle of the sixteenth Century. 
 
 It is as follows:— 
 
 Servyces due to the Manour of Adyngton. 
 
 “ In primis, off Mr. Clarke, viij men to every worke. 
 
 “ Item, off Patche, for old John Godyn, one man. 
 
 “ Item, off Gamox, ij men. 
 
 “ Item off Sage, for Buschopp, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off Bartholomews Smyth, one halfe man. 
 
 “ Item, off Vydnan, ij men et dimidius. 
 
 “ Item, off Buysenden, for Mr. Sydley, j man. 
 
 “Item, off Tong Gamble, for Mr. Sydley, ij men. 
 
 “ Item, off Alyxaundek Fulcicam, for Palleyz heirs, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off Wymble, for old John Goden, ij men. 
 
 “Item, off John Dan, and old Gamble, for the lands sumtyme Wel- 
 “ beck’s, iiij men. 
 
 “ Item, off Richahd Clarice, for Pyckener’s tenement, dimidius man. 
 
 “ Item, of hym, for the tenement that Homewodde dwellyth in, j man. 
 
 “ Item, of hym, for the iandds callyd Heme’s landds, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off hym, for Pyrchotts. 
 
 “ Item, off Nycholas Howell, for Bensanz tenement, i man. 
 
 “ Item, off old John Godyn, for the Brokeffelds, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off hym for the tenement that Eye dweyllyth in, hytt was parcell 
 “ of the Upperhowse lands, whyche Thomas Godyn holdyth, whiche 
 “ Thomas is alowyd for hytt the payment of hys seruyees. 
 
 “Item, off hym for Pyckenur’s tenement, sumtyme one John Hasell, 
 
 “ij men. 
 
 “ Item, off Wyllard, for old John Godyn, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off Thomas Godyn, for the Hpperitowse lands, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off hym, for the tenement att East streete, and the landd 
 “thereunto belougyDg, sumtyme one John Amphell, j man. 
 
 “ Item, off Margerye Walsyngham, ij men. 
 
 “Item, off Syr Mathewe Browne, for Underwoddes Bromes, j man. 
 
 “ Item, of Rychard Clarke, for the Pyiiohotts. 
 
 “ Item of George Clarke, and of hys mother, for Tomlyns and Lover 
 “ and other landds. 
 
 “Item, of Nyciiolas Howell, for the tenement that he dwellyth in, 
 
 “ and the lands thereunto belongyng. 
 
 “Item, of my Lorde of Burgeyvennie, for Carpenters lande, nowe in 
 the Parke, and Lawnder’s Mede, lyyng to the pale. 
 
 “ Item, of Thomas Godyn, for Edward’s feld, Monefeld, Byrchotte, 
 
 “ and the ij Midll Croftez. 
 
 “ Item, tor the landd callyd Goftes Land, in the occupyeing of Mr. 
 
 “ George Clarke. 
 
 “ Item, of old John Godyn, for Womanffeld, Erakalands, Burgh 
 “ mede, the Lyttyl mede, and other lands. 
 
 “ All theyse paye no servyces, for that they have agreeyyd with the L, 
 
 “ Mr. Watton, to paye for theyr landd, after iiij 8 the acree by the yere, as 
 “ long as hytt shall please hym,” etc. 
 
 We will now pass on to the Court Roll of a Century later, viz. a.d. 
 
 1657. 
 
 It begins with “ A view of Frank Plege with Court Baron,” at which 
 the appointment of officers, and the presentments of different nuisances 
 and offences are made. It is beside our purpose to transcribe these here, 
 although I cannot avoid noticing the heading of the Inquisition, as a most 
 extraordinary one for the year 1657. It is thus :— 
 
 “ The Inquisition for the King’s Majestie.” 
 
 Pass we on then to that which more concerns us in our present investi¬ 
 gation, “ The Surveyit is as follows:— 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington 
 Rent Roll. 
 
 “Addington. —The Court Baron of William: Watton, Esq., of his 
 “ Mannor of Addington aforesaid, holden there the viij th daie 
 “ of October, Anno Domini, 1657. 
 
 “Essoynes. —The heires of S r William Clarke, essoyned by Thomas 
 “ Young. George Lux ford, essoyned by Thomas Haryy. 
 “Thomas Godden, essoyned by Thomas Young. William 
 “ Btng, essoyned by Richard Hastelyn. 
 
 “Homage f Thomas Young, ~\ 
 
 John Gosling, i- Jurati. 
 
 Edward Croewrst.J 
 “ Which said Homage being sworne and charged upon theire oathes, pre- 
 “ sent, that the late Busiiop of Rochester, John, Baron of Aberge- 
 “venny, Christofer Morland, Gent., Augustine Morland, Gent., 
 
 “ Nevell Savage, Gent., the heires of Lambard Kitchill, Thomas 
 “Brigden, Thomas Stacy, the heires of George Elfick, Martha 
 “Vavaser, widow, John Neaue, and George Savage, are tenants of 
 “ this Mannor, and do owe theire suite and service at the Court holden 
 “ heere this daie, and have made default. Wherfor, they have forfeited 
 “ unto the Lord of the said Mannor, every of them, severallie, ij' 1 . 
 
 “ A Survey of all and singular the lands and tenements within 
 “the Mannor of Addington aforesaid, with the rents, 
 “ customes, and services due, and of right belonging to the 
 “ Lord of the Mannor aforesaid, for the same. And also, 
 “ the severall tenants which clayme to hold of the said 
 “ Mannor. Taken and presented by the Homage aforesaid, 
 “ at this Court, as followe:— 
 
 “Busiiop “Inprimis, they present, that the late Bushop of Rochester 
 “ holdeth of the Lord of this Mannor as of his Mannor of 
 “Addington aforesaid, by fealtie,—suite unto his Court of 
 “ the Mannor aforesaid from three weeks to three weeks, 
 “ harriott, and relief, when it shall happen, and by the yeerlie 
 “ rent heer under written, one parcell of meadow land, lying 
 “ neere Frowdforth bridge, alias Erow'dbridge, conteyning 
 “ by estimacion one acre and an half. The rent wherof by the 
 “ yeere is ii d ob. 
 
 "Lord -.“Item, they present that John, Baron of Abergevenny, 
 Abebga- I “holdeth of the Lord of this Mannor, by fealtie,'—suite unto 
 venney, hisj «jjj a Courte, etc., Harriott and Releif, when it shall happen, 
 Tenure. ,< |jy fcjj 0 yearlie rent of certeine lands, called Carpen- 
 “ ter’s Land, lying within the late parke, called Birling Parke, 
 “ and part of a parcell of meadowe land, called Lawnder’s 
 “ Meade, lying on the west side of the said [sic]. He holdeth 
 “ also one other parcell of land, called Mantles, conteyning 
 “ by estimacion three acres, for all which lands no rent is paid, 
 “ bycause the Lord of this Mannor holdeth certeine lands of 
 “ the said Baron of Abergevenny, as of his Mannor of 
 “ Ryarsh, for which the Lord of this Mannor paieth no rent. ■ 
 “ S r Wit 1 “ Item, they present that the heires of S r William Clarke, 
 
 T .nw [ “ knight, bold of the Lord of this Mannor, by fealtie, suite 
 Claeke, [“unto his Court, etc., Harriott, and Releif, when it shall 
 IS enure. «) ia pp en> certaine lands which were his antecessors, for which 
 “ the yeerlie rent is xyj s iiij d ; fora plough-share, ij s viij d ; and 
 “ for the service and labour of viij men yeerlie at all workes, 
 “ v 3 iiij d ; for viij hens, ij 3 ; for iiij cocks, viij 3 ; and for Ixxxxix 
 “ eggs, x 3 . The said ij 3 viij d for the henns and cocks ought to 
 “ be paid at Christmas, yeerlie, and the said x 3 for eggs to be 
 “ paid at the feast of Easter yearlie. They hold also one tene- 
 “ ment, and certeine lands purchased by W illiam Clarke, 
 “Esq., grandfather of the said Sir WIlliam Clarke, of James 
 “ Godden, of Cuckstone, and late in the tenure of Robert 
 « Ellis, by fealtie, suite unto his Court, etc., Harriott and 
 “ Releif, when it shall happen, and by the yearlie rent of ij 3 vj d ; 
 “ and for a plough-share, iiij d ob.; and for suite unto his Court 
 “ for the last mencioned lands, yeerlie iiij 3 ; and by the service 
 “ of one man, for one daie yeerlie, at every worke, and ij henns, 
 “ and xiiij eggs. 
 
 “Thomas - “ Item, they present, that Thomas Brigden holdeth of the 
 Brigden’s l “ Lord of this Mannor, by fealtie, sute unto his Court, etc. 
 Tenure. J « Harriott and Releif, when it shall happen, vij pieces of laud 
 “ and wood, called Tomlyns, conteyning by estimacion xxxij 
 “ acres late the lands of Samuell Cooke, Clerke, deceased 
 “ and purchased by him of Sir John Howell, Knight. For 
 “ these lands the yeerlie rent is xij d . 
 
 “Lambert “Item, they present, that the heires of Lambard Kitchill 
 Kitcuill’s L« hold of the Lord of the Mannor, one Messuage, and certeine 
 Tenure. J «] anc [ S) w Mch w-ere the lands of Thomas Kitchill, grand- 
 “ father of the said Lambert, by fealtie, suite unto his Courte, 
 “ etc., Harriott and Releif, when it shall happen, and by the 
 “yeerlie rent of iiij 3 vj d ; and for a plough-share viij 3 , iij hens, 
 “ and xxiiij eggs; and by the service of ij men for one daie 
 
 “ TnoMAS 
 Kitcii ill’s 
 T enure. 
 
 “ William 
 Tenure. 
 
 “George 
 Elfick's 
 Tenure. 
 
 “ Thomas 
 Godden, 
 liis Tenure. 
 
 “ yeerlie, at two bedrips, one of wheate and the other of rye, Addington 
 “belonging to the Lord of the said Manner; and by the Kent Koli - 
 “ service of ij men, for one daie yeerlie, to turne, gather together, 
 
 “ and cock the hay belonging to the Lord aforesaid; and by the 
 “ service of ij men, for one daie yeerlie, to scowre the water- 
 “ course belonging to his mill; and by the service of ij men, 
 
 ‘one daie yeerlie, to carry out and spread the dung of the said 
 “ Lord, which shall yeerlie arise and be made upon his demeasne 
 “ lands. 
 
 “Item, they present, that Thomas Kitchill, unkle unto the 
 “ said Lamberd, claymeth to hold of the Lord of this Manner 
 “a cottage, with the garden and backside thereunto belonging' 
 
 “ and also tenn acres of land, by estimacion, called 
 “ which said cottage and lands were part of the lands of Thomas 
 “Kitchill, grandfather unto the said Lamberd, and were 
 “purchased of the said Lamberd by the said Thomas Kit- 
 “ chill, his unkle, and hold by fealtie, suite of Court, Harriott, 
 
 “ and Releif, when it shall happen, and by the yeerlie rent of 
 “ iij 3 iiij d , iiij hens, and xxiiij eggs, for which alienacion there 
 “ happeneth unto the Lord of the said Mannor, for a Releif, 
 
 “ iij s iiij d , which Releif is not paid. Therfore it is ordered, 
 
 “ that a distresse be taken for the same, and that the said 
 “ Thomas shall appears at the next Courte to be holden for 
 “ this Manner, to do his fealtie, and paie the Releif, upon paine 
 “ to forfeit unto the Lord of the said Manner x d . 
 
 “Item, they present, that William Byng, gentleman,holdeth 
 “of the Lord of this Manner, by Fealtie, suite unto his Court, 
 
 “ Harriott and Relief, when it shall happen one messuage and 
 “ xxx acres of land and one parcell of woodland, conteyning 
 “ by estimacion one acre. And by the yeerely rent of iiij 3 xj d , 
 
 “ ij hens and xxv eggs, and by the service of ij men and an 
 “ half for one daie yeerlie at every of the workes above men- 
 “ eioned, which messuages and lands were sometyme the lands 
 “ of George Scott. 
 
 “ Item, they present, that Christofer Morland, gentleman, 
 
 “and Augustine Morland, gentleman, Lord of the Manner, 
 
 “one messuage, situate at Woodgate within the Manner afore- 
 “ said, and certeine lands thereunto belonging, late the lands of 
 “Anthony Attwood, deceased, and formerlie the lauds of 
 “ James Attwood, gentleman, by Fealtie, suite unto his Court, 
 
 “etc., Harriott and Releif when it shall happen, and by the 
 “ yeerlie rent of vj 3 , For sharesilver iiij d , For the service of iiiij 
 “ men at the several workes aforesaid ij 3 viij d , and iiij hens and 
 “ xliiij eggs. Also, they hold certeine woodland purchased of 
 “ James Willard by the yearlie rent of ij d , and one other 
 “ parcell of land, lying neere Gallows Leaze, late purchased 
 “ of Edmund Clarke, gentleman, by the yeerlie rent of viij d . 
 
 “Item, they present, that George Elfick holdeth of the 
 “ Lord of this Manner one Messuage, called The Fell, and 
 “ xx acres of land, with the appurtenances, late the lands of 
 “ Anthony Godden, andformerlieof William BooREMAN,pur- 
 “ chased by the said George of William Faireman, by Fealtie, 
 
 “ suite unto his Courte, Harriott and Releif when it shall 
 “ happen, and by the yeerlie rent of ij 3 iiij d , for share silver j d , 
 
 “ one hen, and xij eggs, and by the service of ij men for one 
 “ daie yeerlie at all the severall workes aforesaid. Also, he 
 “ holdeth one Messuage and certeine lauds thereunto belong- 
 “ing, conteyning by estimacion vj acres, late purchased of 
 “Anthony Godden, and formerlie the lands of William 
 “ Booreman, by the yeerlie rent of iiij 3 , For share silver viij, 
 
 “ iij henns, and xxiiij eggs, and by the service of j man for one 
 “ daie yeerlie at everie severall worke aforesaid. Also, two 
 “ parcels of land, called Brookefeilds, conteyning v acres, 
 
 “purchased of the heires of James Faireman, by the yeerlie 
 “ rent of ij 3 , and the service of j man for one daie yeerlie at 
 “ the severall workes aforesaid, j hen, and x eggs. 
 
 “Item, they present, that Thomas Godden, gentleman, 
 
 “ holdeth of the Lord of this Manner, by Fealtie, Suite unto 
 “ his Court, etc., Harriott and Releif, when it shall happen, 
 
 “divers lands and tenements hereafter named. That is to 
 “ saie,—One Messuage or Tenement, called Woodgate, within 
 “ the Manner aforesaid, and one parcell of Meadow to the 
 “same adioyning, and by the yeerlie rent of xij d , for Share 
 “ silver ij d , iij hens, and xxij eggs. And certeine lauds which 
 “late were the lands of John Godden and his unkle, and by 
 “ the yeerlie rent of iij 3 , j hen, and xij eggs. And by the ser- 
 
 « vice of ij men.at the severall workes aforesaid. Also 
 
 “ certeine lands called IIorsleaze and IIorsleaze Meade, 
 
 “ late the lands of George Godden, by the yeerlie rent of ij 3 , 
 
 “ for Share silver ij d , and the service of one man for one daie 
 
 25* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington 
 Kent Roll. 
 
 “ Martha 
 
 Vauaser’s 
 
 Tenure, 
 
 bought of 
 
 Stbbven 
 
 Godden. 
 
 “Augus- "1 
 tineMor- ! 
 land, liis | 
 Tenm-e. J 
 
 Young's > 
 Tenure. J 
 
 “ Laurence- 
 
 Fisher’s 
 
 Tenure. 
 
 “ George -i 
 Savage, > 
 liis Tenure. J 
 
 “ Nevh.l 
 Savage’s i 
 Tenure. } 
 
 Tenure. 
 
 ■».} 
 
 “yeerlio at every of the severall workes aforesaid, all which 
 “the premises were, t.yme out of mind, the lands of John 
 “ Godden, of Woodgate aforesaid. Also one Messuage or 
 “ Tenement, and three parcels of land, late purchased of Wil- 
 “ liasi Clarke, of Ford, Esq., called Pottit’s Croft and 
 “ Pottit’s Tenement, by the yeerlie rent of sx' 1 . Also, certeine 
 “ lauds called Spirchetts, couteyning, by estimacion, xxx acres, 
 “ purchased of Edmond Clarke, Gentleman, by the yeerlie rent 
 “ of x s . Also, one parcell of land called Brookefeild, pur- 
 “ chased of John Clarke, Gentleman, by the yeerlie rent of 
 “ ij s viiij d . 
 
 “ Item, they present, that Martha Vayaser holdeth of the 
 “ Lord of this Manner certeine lands called Hasells, by 
 . “ Fealtie, Suite unto his Court, etc., Harriott, and Releif 
 “ when it shall happen, and by the yeerlie rent of ij 8 iiij d , and 
 “x eggs. Also, one Messuage and certeine lands at East- 
 “ streete, by the yeerlie ren tof ij 3 vj a , For Share silver ij 11 , and 
 “ the service of ij men for one daie yeerlie at all the severall 
 “ workes aforesaid, and iij hens, and xv eggs. Also certeine 
 “ lands called Pettams, late the lands of James "Willard, by 
 “ the yeerlie rent of iij 8 , and one parcell of Meadowe, called 
 “ Borrowe Meade, by the yeerlie rent of v d . And lastlie, one 
 “ Mesuage or Tenement, formerlie in the tenure of Ralfe May, 
 “ by the yeerlie rent of ij d ob., and the service of one man for 
 “ one day yeerlie at everie of the severall workes aforesaid. 
 
 “Item, they present, that Augustine Morland, Gentleman, 
 “ holdeth of the Lord of this Manner certeine lands called 
 “ Upperhouse Land, by Fealtie, Suite unto his Courte, etc., 
 
 “ Harriott, and Releif, when it shall be due, and by the yeerlie 
 “ rent of ij a vij d , for a Share iiij d . And one Messuage, situate 
 “at Eaststreete, by the yearlie rent of iij d , iij hens, and 
 “ xv eggs, and the service of ij men yeerelie at every of the 
 “ severall workes aforesaid. 
 
 “ Item, they present, that Thomas Young holdeth of the 
 “ Lord of this Manner certeine woodland, called Gallows 
 “ Leaze, by Fealtie, Suit of Courte, etc., Harriott, and Releif, 
 
 “ when it shall happen, and by the yeerlie rent of iij 3 , for a 
 “ Share iiij", ij hens and one cock, and xviij eggs, and by the 
 “ service of j man, for one daie yeerlie, at everie of the severall 
 “ workes aforesaid. Allso, one Messuage, wheriu Doe formerly 
 “ inhabited, and certeine lands thereunto belonging, by the 
 “ yeerlie rent of ij* iij 4 , j hen, and xiiij eggs, and the service 
 “ of one man for one daie yeerlie at everie of the severall 
 “ workes aforesaid, find likewise one little Meadow lying neere 
 “Frowdeu’s Bridge, by Fealtie, Suite unto his Court, etc., 
 
 “ and by the yeerlie rent of iiij' 1 . 
 
 “ Item, they present, that Laurence Fischer holdeth of the 
 “ Lord of this Manner one Messuage, scituate in Eaststreete, 
 
 “ and v parcells of land and wood, conteyning, by estimacion, 
 
 “ xviij acres, called by the severall names of Moonefield, 
 
 “ Edwardsfeild, and Birchetts, by Fealtie, Suite unto his 
 “ Court, Harriott, and Releif, when it shall happen, and by the 
 “yeerlie rent of v s , j hen, and x eggs, and by the service of one 
 “ man yeerlie for one daie, at every severall worke. 
 
 “ Item, they present, that George Savage holdeth of the 
 “ Lord of this Manner one parcell of land, called TJnder- 
 “ wood’s Broome, and one little Croft, conteyning, by estima- 
 “ cion, one acre, by Fealtie, Suite unto his Courte, etc., Har- 
 “ riott, and Releif, when it shall happen, aud by the yeerlie 
 “ rent of ij s viij d , j hen, and x eggs, and by the service of one 
 “ man, for one daie, yeerlie, at euery of the said works. 
 
 “Item, they present, that Nevell Savage, sonne of the 
 “ said George, holdeth of the Lord of this Maimer five acres 
 “ of land, with the appurtenances, called Horslees, late pur¬ 
 chased by the above said George Savage of Isabell Sher- 
 “ wood, sister and next heire of John Cost, the younger, who 
 "was heire of the said John Cost, the elder, deceased, by 
 “ Fealtie, Suite of Court, etc., Harriott, and Releif, when it 
 “ shall happen, and by the yeerlie rent of xxij 3 . 
 
 “Item, they present, that the above-named Augustine 
 “ Morland holdeth also of the Lord of this Manner one Mes- 
 “suage, with the appurtenances, formerlie the Messuage of 
 “Robert Lynch, by Fealtie, Suite unto his Court, and by the 
 “ yeerlie rent of iij 3 . 
 
 “Item, they present, that the said Augustine Morland 
 “ holdeth lykewise of the Lord of this Manner one cottage, 
 “formerlie purchased by Robert Lynch, of Collyar, and late 
 “ the cottage of Thomas Cooper, by Fealtie, Suite unto his 
 “ Court, and by the yeerlie rent of j s , which cottage was 
 “ sometyme the cottage of Frauncis Daucke. 
 
 Item, they present, that John Gosling holdeth of the Addington 
 “ Lord of this Manner one Messuage, one Barne, one Orchard, -^ ENT Roll. 
 “one Gardine, and seaven parcels of land, with th’appurte- 
 “ nances, conteyning, by estimacion, xviij acres, by Fealtie, 
 
 “Suite unto his Courte, etc., Harriott, and Releif, when it 
 “ shall happen, and by the yeerlie rent of vij 3 . 
 j “Item, they present, that Thomas Stacy claymeth to hold 
 of the Lord of this Manner one parcell of land, called Lynk- 
 “ reeds, conteyning, by estimacion, vij acres, late the lands of 
 “ Baker, alias Heath, by Fealtie, Suite unto his 
 
 “ Courte, etc., Harriott, and Releif, when it shall happen, and 
 “ by the yeerlie rent of ij a iiij 4 . 
 
 “Item, they present, that John Neaue holdeth of the Lord 
 ■ “ of this Manner ij cottages, late purchased of Richard Lynch, 
 
 “by Fealtie, Suite unto his Court, etc., Harriott and Releif, 
 
 “ when it shall happen, aud by the yeerlie rent of j 3 . 
 
 “Item, they present, that Edward Crowerst holdeth of 
 ' “ the Lord of this Manner one parcell of woodland, called 
 “Horslees Spring, by Fealtie, Suite unto his Court, etc., 
 
 “ Harriott, and Releif, when it shall happen, and the yeerlie 
 “ rent of vj 3 . 
 
 “ Afferred by the Homage above said, 
 
 “ By mee, Laur. Byng, Steward of the Mannor 
 aforesaid.” 
 
 The last Roll which I shall adduce is a Survey of the Manor in the year 
 
 16S0, at which late period the rent of Eggs and Poultry, and Labour service, 
 
 as by the “ Villani ” of old, is still claimable from the Freeholders of the 
 
 Manor. 
 
 The Survey is as follows:— 
 
 “Addington.—A Rentall of the said Manor renewed att a Court there 
 “ holden, the 12th day of October, Anno Domini, 1GS0, with 
 “ Tenements held by fealty, suite of Court, Harriott, and Re- 
 “ lief, as well after alienation as after Death. 
 
 “ The Bishoppe of Rochester, for a Meadow att Frowder’s Bridge, 
 
 “ per annum ... 2JJ. 
 
 “ The Lord Abergeuenney, for Carpenters Lands, and a parcell of Land 
 “ called Launder’s Meade, and also for a parcell of Land called 
 “ Mantles, per annum. 1 
 
 “John Clerke, Esq., for Lands in Addington, which were his ancestors, 
 
 “per annum ... £1. 11s. 2 Id., 2 hens and 14 eggs. 
 
 “Ralph Petley, Esq., for two Messuages att Woodgate, and severall 
 “ lands in Addington, which hee purchased of Thomas Godden, per 
 “ annum ... £1. 2s. Sd., 4 hens and 24 eggs, aud the service of 6 men 
 “ at all workes. 
 
 “ Robert Topps, Clerke, for a Messuage and lands purchased of Phillippe 
 “ Boddenham, Esq., per annum ... Is. 2 d., 1 man and an half. 
 
 “ William Bing, Gent., for a Messuage and divers lands in Addington, 
 
 “per annum ... 6s. id., 3 hens, 34 eggs, and the service of 3 men 
 “ and an half at all workes. 
 
 “Phcebea Smyth, for a Tenement called Birch Hall, and for a parcell of 
 “land called Westfield, per annum ... 3s. 6 d. 
 
 “ Lambert Kitchell, for a Messuage and certaine lands in Addington 
 “ 4s. 10d., 3 hens, 24 eggs, and the service of one man. 
 
 “ The heires of Thomas Kitchell, for a cottage and tenne acres of land in 
 “Addington, per annum ... 2s. 3nf., 2 hens aud 16 eggs, and the 
 “ service of one man for half a day att all workes. 
 
 “ Thomas I-Iarrison, Gent., for two Messuages and divers lands in Ad- 
 “dington, purchased of Mr. Elficke, per annum ... 9s. Id., 4 hens 
 “ and 36 eggs. 
 
 “Anthony Chamberlaine, for the Moyety of seaven parcells of land and 
 “ wood called Tomlins, per annum ... 6s., and the service of one man. 
 
 “Thomas Stone, for the Moyety of the said seaven parcells of land ... 6s., 
 
 “ and the service of one man. 
 
 “William Robins, for Lands purchased of Thomas Hooker, the elder, 
 
 “att severall tymes, per annum ... 2s. 3d. 
 
 "Thomas Hooker, Junior, for a Messuage at Eaststreete, and certine 
 “ lands thereunto belonging, purchased of Thomas Hooker, his 
 “father ... 6s. id., 3 hens, 25 eggs, and the service of 3 men. 
 
 “ Robert Dixon, D r in Divinity, for a Messuage and lauds thereto belong¬ 
 ing, per annum ... 5s. 2d., the service of two men, 2 hens, 22 eggs. 
 
 ' Marke Hubble, for a Messuage and certaine lands att Woodgate, for- 
 “rnerly Valentine Nicholas, per annum ... 4s. 2d., 2 hens, 22 eggs. 
 
 “Marke Hubble, for a Messuage and seaven parcells of land, formerly 
 “John Goslings, per annum ... 7s. 
 
 “Thomas Golding, for a parcel of Woodland, purchased of Thomas 
 “ Young, called Gallon Leaze, per annum 3s. id., 3 hens, 1 cock, 18 
 “ eggs, and the service of one man at all worke. 
 
 Gosling’. 
 
 Tenm-e. 
 
 “ Thomas 
 
 Stacy’s 
 
 Tenure. 
 
 Ne ACE'S 
 Tenure. 
 
 “Edward 
 his Tenure. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Addington “ Thomas Yoong, for a Messuage, and certain lands thereunto belonging, 
 Kent Hold. “ per annum ... 1 hen, 24 eggs, and the service of one man. 
 
 “The heires of Laurence Fisher, for a Messuage at Eaststreete, and 
 “ the lands thereunto belonging, per annum ... 5s., 1 hen, 10 eggs, 
 “ and the service of one man. 
 
 “ Thomas Tresse, for lands lately purchased of Christopher Burston, 
 “ per annum ... 4s. Qd., 1 hen, 10 eggs, and the service of one man. 
 
 “MARYCARNOLD.for lands which'were John Austin’s called Linkereede’s, 
 “ per annum ... 2s. 4 d. 
 
 “James Godden, Gentleman, for two Cottages, which were Mr. Edmund 
 “ Attwood’s, and before, John Neame’s, per annum ... 2d. 
 
 “ The inhabitants of East Streete, for the Common there, 20 egges, viz., 
 “of every of the five Tenements, there, 4 egges, per annum ... 20 
 “ eggs. 
 
 “ Roger Tomlyn, Gentleman, in the right of Mary, his wife, for a Messuage 
 “att East Streete, and certaine lands thereunto belonging, per 
 “ annum, 2s. 10 d., for Sharesilver 4 d., 3 hens and 15 egges, and the 
 “ service of two men. 
 
 “ Also, for a Cottage att Addington Greene, and a little parcell of 
 “ Land thereto belonging, formerly the lands of Cooper and Lynch, 
 
 
 i, 1 d. 
 
 “Also for a Messuage and lands in the occupacion of Henry 
 “ Martyn, per annum, 3 d. 
 
 “ And for another Cottage att Addington Greene, formerly 
 “Nicholas Whiting’s, per annum, M—3s. Id., 3 hens, 15 eggs, 
 “ and the service of two men. 
 
 “ The Totall in Money . 
 
 “ Hennes , 
 
 G 19 4 
 
 thirty and one Cocke. 
 318.” 
 
 Charter by Gaufridus Prior et Couventus Ecclesie Christi, Cantuarie, uni- 
 Gaufeidus versis Christi fidelibus, ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, eternam in 
 bdby ASTBK ' Christo salutem. 
 
 Sciatis, nos, uuanimi voluntate, concessisse terras de dominiis nostris et 
 eschatis, (') salvis consuetudinibus quas solebant facere, apud Parlege, et 
 Lose, et Peciiam, jure hereditario tenendas, hominibus quorum nomina, 
 cum numero acrarum, et annua pensione, (sic) presenti carte inserta sunt; 
 videlicet:— 
 
 Geroldo Carpentario, is acras, pro xij d et obolo. 
 
 Edit la Paumere, j acram pro ij vomeribus. 
 
 Otuel de Lose, iij acras pro iiij d . 
 
 Gunnobe de la Dene, xj acras et dimidiam, pro x' 1 2 et ij vomeribus. 
 
 Ade, dimidiam acram, pro ij d et obolo. 
 
 Frethesent, dimidiam acram, pro j vomere. 
 
 Roberto filio Elfegi, j percatam, pro j vomere. 
 
 Elfstan Le Fullere, j acram, pro vj d . 
 
 Radulpho Clerico, et Jacobo, Fratri ejus, j deiwerc, pro j d . 
 
 Siwordo, dimidiam acram, pro iij obolis. 
 
 Eadwordo Clerico, iij acras, pro ij vomeribus. 
 
 Radulpho Le Boise, ij acras, pro iij d . 
 
 Adword Le Beane, j percatam, pro j vomere. 
 
 Otuel Clerico, j acram de Eschart, ( s ) pro iij obolis, 
 
 Godefrido Gilde, j acram et dimidiam, pro vij d . 
 
 Simon de la Helle et Orgar, iiij acras et dimidiam, pro v d , et j qua¬ 
 drante et ij vomeribus. 
 
 Otuel Clerico, xlviij acras, pro ix solidis, et ix d , et obolo. 
 
 Juleen de Lose, xvij acras, pro iiij solidis et ij d . 
 
 Johanni de la Hoke, xvij acras, pro iiij solidis et ij d . 
 
 Willelmo Forester, iij acras et iij percatas, pro x d . 
 
 Ade et Julien, iiij acras, pro xv' 1 . 
 
 Hereberto, ij acras, pro v d . 
 
 David, ij acras, pro v d . 
 
 Simun de Wrstede, ij acras, pro v d . 
 
 Ordelino, et fratribus ejus, v acras et iij percatas, pro xv' 1 . 
 
 Gileberto, j acram, pro v d . 
 
 Hamun de Pirefeld, et fratri ejus, iiij acras et j percatam, pro xi d , et 
 j quadraute. 
 
 Thome, v acras, et j percatam, pro xv d . 
 
 Thome de Pirefelde, iiij acras, pro x d . 
 
 1 “ Escheats ” is used sometimes for the places or circuit, in which the King, or other 
 Lord, hath escheats of his tenants. (Jacob, citing Bracton, lib. iii. tract. 2, cap. 2.) 
 
 2 Eschart, i. q; assart. It means “assarted lands,” i. e. wild or forest lands broken up 
 for culture. “ Assartum est quod redactuin est ad Culturam.” (Fleta, lib. iv. cap. 21.) 
 
 In the Bed Book of the Exchequer we find the following:— 
 
 “ Assurta, vero, ilieuntur, que apud Isidorum oeeisioncs nuncupautur, quando Eoreste, 
 "nemora, vol Duineta, pnscuis et latibulis fcrarum opportuna, succiduntur; quibus suc- 
 “ cisis et radicitus avulsis, terra subvertitur et excolitur.” 
 
 Elfwine le Cau, i 
 Simun de la Helle, \ 
 
 , pro vj“ et j quadrante. Charter by 
 
 , vj acras et j percatam, pro xv d . ^Canter 
 
 Willelmo, et Elfego, fratri ejus, iij acras et dimidiam, pro x d . bury. * 
 
 Hereui, j acram et j percatam, pro iij ' 1 et iij quadrantibus. 
 
 Ade Worde, ij acras, pro v d . 
 
 Orgar, ij acras et dimidiam percatam, pro v d . 
 
 Elredo, ij acras et dimidiam, pro vij d et j obolo. 
 
 Elueue, Vidue, iiij acras, et iij percatas, pro xij d et obolo. 
 
 Radulpho de Chelested, iiij acras et iij percatas, pro x d . 
 
 Dyonisio Filio Gocelini, xxxij acras, pro viij solidis, et iiij d . 
 
 Marice Stabulario, viij acras, pro xx d . 
 
 Heredibus Albini, ij acras et dimidiam, pro vj d et j quadrante. 
 
 Elfwine le Cau, iiij acras, pro x d . 
 
 Radulpho Filio Ade de Chelested, iiij acras, pro x d . 
 
 Ade et Julien, ix acras et dimidiam, pro xij d . 
 
 Willelmo et Deiungo, ij acras et dimidiam, pro vj d . 
 
 Radulpho Filio Rocelini, j percatam, pro j obolo. 
 
 Eadwino Pikinden, iiij acras, pro iiij d et ij vomeribus. 
 
 Radulpho et Austin de Chillenden, ij acras, pro iiij d . 
 
 Reginaldo de Hundeshate, vj deiwers, pro j d . 
 
 Radulpho Fabro, deiwerc, pro j obolo. 
 
 Willelmo de Chillenden, xx acras, pro iij solidis, et iiij d . 
 
 Rogero de Patinden de Lose, dimidium jugum, pro vj solidis. (Here 
 probably begin the Lose Tenants, the previous ones being of Farlegh.) 
 
 JEdwine et Wlfklrin, j acram, pro ij' 1 . 
 
 Nicholao, j acram et j percatam, pro ij d et obolo. 
 
 Heredibus Deringi, vj acras, pro xij d . 
 
 Eluord, ij acras, pro iij' 1 . 
 
 Ricardo et Clriche , 1 x acras, pro iiij solidis. 
 
 Gromet, ij acras et dimidiam, pro xij' 1 . 
 
 Ricardo se 1 Blake, ij acras et dimidiam, pro xv d . 
 
 Julien de Lose, ij acras, pro vj d . 
 
 Wluard, j deiwerc, pro j d . 
 
 Clement Dod de Pecham,x acras et dimidiam, pro ij solidis et iij' 1 . (Here 
 probably begin the Peckham Tenants.) 
 
 Gerard, j acram et iij deiwercs, pro ix d . 
 
 Heredibus Johannis, ij acras et iij percatas, pro xij d . 
 
 Heredibus Radulphi Cobbe, dimidiam acram, pro vj d . 
 
 Wlstan, ij acras et ij deiwercs, pro iiij d . 
 
 Gileberto de uia, j acram et j percatam, pro vj d et iij vomeribus. 
 
 Irilde, Vidue, ij acras, et iij percatas, pro x d . 
 
 Heredibus Johannis, v acras et dimidiam, et dimidiam percatam, pro 
 xviij d et j vomere. 
 
 Cecilie, Vidue, j percatam et vij deiwercs, pro ij d . 
 
 Gileberto de uia, x acras de eschart, pro ij solidis et iij d . 
 
 Radulpho Ane, j percatam, pro j vomere. 
 
 Volumus vero, ut ii predicti homines nostri, et heredes eorum, prefatas 
 terras, in pace, per constitutas pensiones et consuetudines, in perpetuum 
 teneant. 
 
 [Endorsed in the handwriting of Sir E. Dering, “ T, ut puto, H. II. vel 
 “ Steph. R.,” and, afterwards, iu pencil, “unus Jaufridus Prior fuit, 5 
 “ Joh’is.”] 
 
 Sir F. Madden, finding, by the Monasticon, that “ Gosfridus ” was Prior 
 1126 to 1128, dates this Charter 26 to 28 H. I. 
 
 I rather call it temp. Ric. I., in the time of the Galfridus, who was Prior 
 1191 to 1205, i. e. 3 Ric. I. to 6 John. I think this date suits the character 
 of the writing better than that assigned by Sir F. Madden. We have only 
 one instance of the use of iE diphthong, which rather points to the 13th 
 century than the 12th, when the diphthong was generally used. 
 
 On the other hand, the following note of documents would imply that 
 some of the parties named in this Charter, or rather their descendants, were 
 considerable holders of Free Rents in 1200 to 1235, making grants them¬ 
 selves to Christ Church, Canterbury, in “pure and perpetual alms,” out 
 of lands held of them by other parties, and thereby indicating that their 
 own tenancies from Christ Church were of an earlier period; yet, perhaps, 
 
 1191, forty years before these grants, would be sufficiently early to reconcile 
 the difficulty, and I still abide by the opinion that the Charter is of temp. 
 
 Ric. I.:— 
 
 a.d. 1200, June 12.—Emma, widow of Richard de Loses, quitclaims to 
 Thomas Fitz-Geflrey aud Haino Fitz-Mathew, all right in half the Ville of 
 Pirifeld, which she claimed as Dower from her late husband, Richard de 
 Loses. (‘Arcbfeologia Cantiana,’ Pedes Finium, vol. ii. p. 248, no. lxi.) 
 
 a.d. 1204, November 25.—William de Lose acknowledges the whole 
 Ville of Lose to be the right of the Prior and Convent of Christ Church, 
 
 Canterbury, who, in return, iuter alia, grant him, in fee farm, for Ss. 4<l. 
 per annum, all the land in Pirifeld which his grandmother Emma holds in 
 dower ; she being present, and claiming nothing but her dower. (‘ Archaso- 
 logia Cantiana,’ Pedes Finium, vol. iv. p. 289, no. 136.) 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Charter by a.d. 1235.—’William, son of Julian de Lose, grants to the Prior and Con- 
 op'c!uNi IDnS ven * } Christ Church, Canterbury, in pure and perpetual alms, 7 s . 8 fd ., 
 bury. “liberi redditus mei in tenemento de Parlegh.” The grant is “facta et 
 
 “recordata in Curia de Farlegli, a.d. 1235.” (Surrenden Charters, vol. iii. 
 p. 329.) 
 
 a.d. 1235. —Hamo de Pyrifeld grants to the Prior and Convent of Christ 
 Church, Canterbury, in pure and perpetual alms, 3s. 0 % d ., “ liberi redditus 
 “ mei in tenemento de Parlegh.” This grant is “ facta et recordata in 
 “ Curia de Parlegh, a.d. 1235.” (Surrenden Charters, vol. iii. p. 281.) 
 
 a.d. 1235.—Mathew, son of Hamo de Pyrifeld, grants a charter of con¬ 
 firmation of his father’s grant, and it is “ facta et recordata in Curia de 
 “ Parlegh, a.d. 1235.” (Surrenden Charters, vol. iii. p. 283.) 
 
 a.d. 1235. —In the grant of Hamo de Pyrifeld, in setting out the parties 
 who pay him the specified rents, he states it thus:— 
 
 “ Sicut ego percipere solebam,” viz.: 
 
 De Wnltero de Capella, 2 hd ., do Crullesland. 
 
 De Waltero de Wrstede, 1(M, de Grofteaghe. 
 
 De Goldingo, et Willelmo, et Hamoue, filiis Warini de Pyrifeld, 20(7, de 
 quadam terra quam tenent de me in Pyrifeld. 
 
 De Johanne, et Ricardo, filiis Thome de Pyrifeld, 3vrf., de terra quam 
 tenent de me in Pyrifeld. 
 
 “ aratura gabli sui, arabit tres acras, et seminabit de horreo suo et dabit Yiliani 
 “ suum heoriSpenig. Et duo et duo 3 pascant unum molossum, et omnis 0BDAEI 
 “ geburus det vi. panes porcario curia;, quando gregem suum minabit in 
 “ pastinagium. In ipsa terra vero htec consuetudo stat. Moris est ut ad 
 “ terram assidendam dentur ei ii. boves, et una vacca, et vr. oves, et yii. 
 
 “ acrm seminatm, in sua virgata terrte. Post ilium annum faciat omnes 
 “ rectitudines, qua; ad eum adtinent, et committantur ei tela ad opus suum, 
 
 “ et suppellex ad domum suam. Si mortem obeat, rehabeat dominus suus 
 “ omnia. Hmc consuetudo stat in quibusdam locis, et alicubi est, sicut 
 “ prediximus, gravior, et alicubi levior, quia omnium terrarum instituta 
 “ non sunt mqualia. In quibusdam locis gebur dabit hunigablum, 1 in qui- 
 “ busdam ealagablum. Videat qui scijram tenet, ut semper sciat, qua; sit 
 “ autiqua terrarum institutio vel populi consuetudo. 
 
 “ Bociiero, 2 id est apum custodi, pertinet si gavelheorde, id est gregem 
 “ ad censum teneat, ut inde reddat, sicut ibi moris erit. In quibusdam 
 “ locis est institutum, reddi vi. sestaria mollis ad censum. In quibusdam 
 “ locis plus gabli redditur: et aliquotiens etiam debet esse paratus ad 
 “ multas operationes voluntatis domini sui, et ad benyrSe, it 3 est araturam 
 “ precum, et benripe, id est preces metere et pratum falcare. Et si bonam 
 “ terram habet, equum habeat, quern ad summagium domini sui pnestare 
 “ possit, vel ipse minare, quocunque dicatur ei, et hujusmodi plurima 
 “ facienda sunt ei, qua; modo nequeunt enarrari. Gum finis eum deme- 
 “ diabit, 3 habeat dominus quod relinquet, nisi forte liberum aliquid in- 
 “ tersit. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 “ Gafot.swane, id est ad censum porcario, pertinet, ut suam occisionem 
 “ det, secundum quod in patria statutum est. In multis locis stat, ut det 
 
 YILLANI ET BORDARH. 
 
 “ singulis annis xv porcos ad occisionem, x veteres et v juvenes; ipse 
 “ autem habeat superaugmentum. In multis locis est servulis rectum 
 
 V illanx kt “ Summa divisio personarum h;cc est, quod omnes homines autLiberi sunt 
 
 Boudabii. « au t Servi, nee de ascriptitio habetur instantia, rum villenagium vel seroitm 
 “ ei qui liber est nihil aufert libertatis , nec liberum tenementum Villano 
 “ aliquid confert libertatis; quamvis de facto cum de jure non possit quan- 
 “ doque per exceptionem alicujus privilegii contra dominum suum peten- 
 “ tern ipsum in Nativum.” 
 
 (Pleta, lib. i. cap. 1.) 
 
 “ De Dignitate Hominum. 
 
 “ porcarij. Vidit etiam porcarius, ut post occisam ipsam, porcos occisos 
 “ bene corrediet et suspendat, et tunc habeatur dignus opera sua. Etiam 
 “ erit, sicut de custode apum diximus, multis operibus frequentatus. Et 
 “equum habeat in opus domini sui servus porcarius, et servus custos 
 “ apum. Post obitum suum siut unius legis digni. 
 
 “ jEtheswane, id est suo porcario, qui dominicum gregem curia; cus- 
 “ todit, pertinet habere stiferh, id est porcellum de sude et suum gewirce, 
 
 “ quando bacones suos bene corrediaverit, et amplius eas rectitudines, qua; 
 
 “ servo jure pertinent. 
 
 “ Ex eodice papyr. Lindenbrogiano tractatus imperfecti de Legibus Angliic, in 
 bibl. Civit. Hamburg, asservato.” 
 
 “ TJni a:sno, id est inopi, contingunt ad victum xn. pondia bourn annome, 
 
 “ et duo scffipe feras, id est ovium corpora, et una bona convictualis vacca. 
 
 “ Tatni lex est, ut sit dignus rectitudine testamenti sui, et ut ita 1 faciat 
 “ pro terra sua, scilicet expeditionem, burhbotam et brugbotatn. Et de 
 “ multis terns majus landi rectum exurgit ad bannutn regis, sicut est 
 “ deorbege, 2 ad mansionem regiam, et soeorpum in hosticum, et custodiam 
 “maris et capitis et pacis et elmesfeoh, id est pecuuia elemosynse, et 
 “ ciricsceatum et aliee res multimodm. 
 
 “ Villani rectum est varium et multiplex, secundum quod in terra sta- 
 “ tutum est. In quibusdam terris debet dare langablum 3 et garsswiu, id 
 “ est porcum herbagij, et equitare vel averiare, et summagium ducere, 
 
 “ operari, et dominum suum firmare, metere, et falcare, deorbege ctedere, 
 
 “ et stabilitatem observare, mdificare et circumsepire, novam faram addu- 
 “ cere, ciricsceatum dare et {elmesfeoh, id est pecuniam elecemosymo, 1 hea- 
 “ fodwardam custodire et horswardam, in nuntium ire, longe vel prope, 
 
 “ quocunque dicetur ei. 
 
 “ Cotsede rectum est juxta quod in terra constitutum est. Apud 
 “ quosdam debet omni die Luna; per anni spacium operari domino suo et 
 “tribus diebus unaquaque septimana in Augusto. Apud quosdam ope- 
 “ ratur per totum Augustum omni die, et unain acram avenm inetit pro 
 “ diurnale opere. Et habeat garbam suam, quam praapositus vel minister 
 “ domiui dabit ei. Non dabit landgablum. Debet habere quinque acras 
 “ ad perhabendum plus, si consuetudo, opus est operis illius, det super 
 “ heoriSpenig in secundo die Jovis, sicut omnis liber facere debet, et ad- 
 “ quietet 4 in land domini sui, si submonitio fiat de sewarde, id est de cus- 
 “ todia maris, vel de Regis deorhege, et ceteris rebus, quce sum mensurm 
 “sunt. Et det suum cyricsceatum in festo San[c]ti Martini. 
 
 “ Geburi consuetudines inveniuntur multimodm, et ubi sunt [onerosm, 
 
 “ et ubi sunt 5 ] leviores aut medim. In quibusdam terris operatur opus 
 “ septimana;, duos dies. Sic opus, sicut ei dicetur, per anni spacium omni 
 “ septimana, et in Augusto m. dies pro septimanali operatione, et a festo 
 “ caudelarum ad usque Pascha in. Si averiat, non cogitur operari, quam- 
 “ diu equus ejus foris moratur. Dare debet in festo San[c]ti Micliaelis, x. 
 
 “ d. de gablo; et Sancti Martini die, xxiii. et sestarium ordei, et ii. gal- 
 “ linas. Ad Pascba unam ovem juveuem vel ii. d. Et jacebit a festo 
 “ Sancti Martini usque ad Pascha ad faldam domini sui quotiens ei per- 
 “ tinebit. Et a termino quo primitus arabitur, usque ad festum San[c]ti 
 “ Martini arabit unaqueque 1 septimana unam acram; et ipse parabit semen 
 “ domini sui in horreo. Ad beec tres acras precum et duo de herbagio. 
 
 “ Si plus indigeat herbagio, arabit proinde, sicut ei permittatur. De 
 
 “ Esartieare juxta si turn terra. 
 
 “ Uni axcillaj viii pondia annonm ad victum, unam ovem vel ii d. ad 
 “ hyemalem 1 companagium, i sest” fabie, ad quadragesimalis convictum. 
 
 “ In mstate suum hweig, vel unum d. 
 
 “ Omnibus ehtemannis jure competit natalis firma, et pasclialis sul- 
 “ hascer, id est carruce acra et manipulus Augusti in augmentuin jure 
 “ debiti recti. 
 
 “ Folgario competit, ut in duodeeim mensibus ii acras habeat, unam 
 “ seminatam, aliam non : sed idem seminet earn et victum suum, et caleia- 
 “ menta debet habere, et chyrothecas. Si plus deservit, ipsi commodum 
 
 “ Sasdere, id est seminatori, pertinet ut habeat unoquoque sementis 
 “tempore i leap fulne, quando semen omne bene seminaverit in anni 
 “ spacio. 
 
 “ Buiiulco licet adherbare duos boves et alicubi plus, cum grege domini 
 “ in commuuibus pascuis, per testimonium tamen aldremanni sui. De- 
 “ serviat per id calceos et chyrothecas sibi; etejus metecu, id est victus 
 “ sui vaccam, licet ire cum bobus domini. 
 
 “ Vaccarij rectum est, ut habeat lac vacca; veteris vii noctibus, post- 
 “ quam enixa erit, et primitivarum histinguiurn xiiii noctibus, et eat ejus 
 “ vacca cum vaccis domini. 
 
 “ Pastoris ovium rectum est, ut habeat dingiam xii noctium in natali 
 “ d. et unum agnum de juventute hornotina, et unum belflis, id est timpani 
 “ vellus, et lac gregis sui vii noctibus ante {cquinoctium, et blede, id est, 
 
 “ cuppam plenam mesguij de siringia tota {estate. 
 
 “ Caprario convenit lac gregis sui post festum sancti Martini, et antea 
 “ pars sua mesguij, et capritum 3 anuiculum, si bene custodiat gregem suum. 
 
 “ Caseurn facienti reddere convenit centum caseos, et ut butyrum faciat ad 
 “ rnensam domini sui de siringie ; et habeat sibi totam siringiam praster 
 “ partem pastoris. 
 
 “ Berebreto, id est horreario, pertinet habere crodinum ad ostium 
 “ horrei in Augusto, si Aldremannus suus ei concedat, 4 et idem fideliter 
 “ deserviat. 
 
 “ Bedeli,o pertinet, ut pro servitio suo liberior sit ab operatione, quam 
 “ alij homines, quia smpius est impeditus. Etiam ei convenit, ut aliquam 
 “ terra; portiunculam habeat pro labore suo. 
 
 “ Wudeward, id est custodi nemoris vel forestario, jure conceditur 
 “ lignum omne vento dejectum, ei wardo pertinet sto 5 ut merces laboris 
 
 1 “Sio.” 2 “Leg .deorhege." 2 “Leg. landgablum." 
 
 4 “ Leg. adegmtet ?” 5 “ E codice Cotton.” 
 
 28* 
 
 1 “ Leg. hunig-gablum.” 2 “ Leg. Beo-ceorlo ?” 
 
 3 “Sic." 4 “ MS. condebat." 6 “Sic in MS. Legendum fortasse scilicet." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 “ ejus compensefcur in earn partem segetis, qua3 pascuis adjacefc. Quia seire 
 “ debet, si minus boc servabit, dampnum segetis imputabitur illi. Et si 
 “ aliqua terra portiuncula permittatur ei secundum jus publicum, debet 
 “ esse vicina compascuis, ut si per desidiam ejus seges infestabitur, a suo 
 “ primitus expectetur. 
 
 “ Leges et consuetudines terrarum sunt multiplices et varia, sicut prmli- 
 “ bavimus, nec sancitum super omnes dicimus generate. Notificamus tamen 
 “ quid in quibusdam locis sit observare; si melius innotescat, gaudenter 
 “ amplectimur, et custodiri volumus, juxta mores populi, cum quo tunc 
 “ habitabimus. Leges debet in populis libenter addiscere, qui non vult in 
 “ patria solus amittere. In quibusdam locis datur firma natalis Domini, 
 “ et firma Paschalis et firma precum ad congreganda segetes, et gutfirma 
 “ad arandum, et firma pratorum fcenaudorum, et hreaccroppum, id est 
 “ macoli summitas, et firma ad macbolum faciendum. In terra nemorosa 
 “ lignum plaustri, in terra uberi caput macholi. Et alia plurima fuerunt 
 “ a pluribus, quorum hoc viaticum sit, et quod supra diximus.” 
 
 To illustrate the difference between “Liberi Homines ” and “Villani ” 
 I submit the following from Pedes Einium for the county of Bucks:_ 
 
 “ Hec est finalis Concordia facta in curia domini Regis apud Gettenton, 
 “ die Jovis (’) proxima ante caput Jeiunii anno regni Regis Johannis sexto. 
 
 “ Coram Simone de Pateshull. . . . de Welles, Jacobo de Poterna, Jus- 
 “ tieiariis domini Regis, et aliis fidelibus domini Regis ibidem tunc pre- 
 “ sentibus. 
 
 “ Inter Willelmum de Brocton et Rohosiam uxorem suam, petentes per 
 “ ipsum Willelmum, positum loco ipsius Rohosie ad lucrandum vel per- 
 “ dendum, et Ricardum de Sifrewast tenentem. 
 
 “ De tercia parte toeius tenement! quod fuit Roberti de Sifrewast, quon- 
 "dam patris ipsius Rohosie, in Cestresham, quam tereiam partem ipsi 
 “ clamaverunt ut rationabilem partem que eandem Rohosiam eontingebat 
 “ de eodem tenemento. 
 
 “ Et unde reeogn[icio de morte antejcessoris summonita fuit inter eos 
 “ in prel'ata curia. 
 
 “ Scilicet quod predictus Willelmus et Rohosia recognoverunt tereiam 
 “ partem toeius tenementi in Cestresham, quam clamant ut rationabilem 
 “ partem ejusdem Rohosie, esse jus ipsius Ricardi. 
 
 “ Et pro hac recognicione et fine et concordia, predictus Ricardus dedit 
 “ et concessit eisdem Willelmo et Rohosie centum solidatas terre de eadem 
 “ terra in Cestresham, tarn in serviciis liberorum hominum quam in vile- 
 “ nagio. 
 
 “ In serviciis liberorum hominum. 
 
 “De Radulpho de Wuddon octo . . . . de quatuor viginti acris terre, et 
 “ vij acris in eadem villa. De Roberto filio Radulphi de Hertrigge xiiij 
 
 “ solidos et duos denarios de uno assarto de cc acris.De Radulpho de 
 
 “ Blakewell x solidos de.. xvj acris et j masagio et j acraprati in eadem villa. 
 “ De Rogero filio Ricardi, quinque solidos de uno assarto de xij acris in 
 “ eadem villa. De Albrea vidua Meden de uno masagio vj denarios, in 
 “ eadem villa. 
 
 “ In Yilenagio:—xxx acras terre in eadem villa quas Hamo de Leia te- 
 “ nuit [cum ipso Haimone]. Et xvij acras terre in eadem villa quas Ailmer 
 “ King tenuit, cum ipso Ailmero. Et duo masagia cum duobus croftis in 
 “ eadem villa, que Aillina filia Aldwini, et Agnes filia Godwini tenuerunt, 
 “ cum ipsis Aillina et Agnete. Et unum masagium, cum curtilagio, in 
 “ eadem villa quod Rohosia Grisel tenuit cum ipsa Rohosia. Et j acram 
 “ de assarto in eadem villa quam Edith que fuit uxor Ricardi tenuit, cum 
 “ ipsa Editha. Et unum assartum et unam virgatam terre, de cc acris 
 “ terre in eadem villa, quod assartum et quam virgatam terre Udardus 
 “ tenuit, cum ipso IJdardo. 
 
 “Ita quod predictus Willelmus et Rohosia et heredes ipsius Rohosie 
 “habeant et teneant predictas centum solidatas terre, sicut predistin- 
 “ guntur, de predicto Ricardo, et heredibus suis, in perpetuum, per ser- 
 “ vicium quarte partis feudi unius militis, pro omni servicio. 
 
 “ Et preterea idem Ricardus dedit eis viginti marcas argenti. 
 
 “Et hec concordia facta fuit presentibus prefatis Radulpho de Wuddon, 
 “ Roberto filio Radulphi de Blakewell, Rogero filio Ricardi, Albrea vidua 
 “ Meden, et concedentibus et cognoscentibus se tenere predieta tenements 
 
 “ per prenominata servicia. Et presentibus Hamone de Lea, Ailmaro. 
 
 “ Aillina et Agnete, Rohosia, et Editha, et IJdardo, cognoscentibus se 
 “ tenere predicta tenements in vilenagio, sicut predictum est.” 
 
 The following document is from Lord Falmouth's Deeds:— 
 
 “ Patent universis per presentes, quod ego Thomas de Pridyas Dominus 
 “ de Penstraden, constitui dilectum meum Johannem de Wythyel, Cleri- 
 “ cum, attornatum meum ad ponendum Odonem de Rupe, Dominum de 
 “Tregawec, in plenam seyssinam et possessionem totius redditus mei et 
 “ serviciorum Johannis filii Roberti Fabri, Randulfi de Eosnonnen, Johanne 
 “ filie et heredis Rogeri le Elamanc, Radulfi Darundell, Johannis filii et 
 
 1 I. e. February 18,1204-5. 
 
 “heredis Jocelini de Trelyuer et Willelmi le Lestrur, de omnibus terris Vii.t.ant f.i 
 “ quas de me tenuerunt in Skewis Parva, Rosnonnen, Crucmaion, Bosk- Bobda.hu. 
 
 “ nynis, Treliuer, et Bosknynis (sic), et tenementis una cum tribus acris 
 terre Cornubiensibus in Skewyswr, cum omnibus pertineneiis suis et pro- 
 “ venieutibus, prout carta inter me et predictum Odonem plenius et utilius 
 “ confecta testatur. 
 
 “In cuius rei testimonium presentibus litteris sigillum meum apposui. 
 
 “ Datum apud Tregawec, in vigilia exaltacionis sancte Crucis anno regni 
 “ regis Edwardi vicesimo nono.” 
 
 Bracton thus distinguishes the Liberi and Villani:— 
 
 “ In dominico regis plura sunt genera hominum: Sunt enim ibi servi, 
 
 “ sive nativi, ante conquestum, in conquestu, et post, et tenent Villenagia, 
 
 “ et per villana servitia et incerta, qui, usque in hodiernum diem villanas 
 “ faciunt consuetudines et incertas, et quicquid eis preceptum fuerit (dum 
 “ tamen licitum et honestum). 
 
 “Puerunt autem in conquestu liberi homines, qui libere tenuerunt 
 ‘ tenementa sua per libera servitia vel per liberas consuetudines, et, cum, 
 
 “per potentiores ejecti essent, postmodum reversi, receperunt eadem 
 “tenementa sua tenenda in villenagio, faciendo inde opera servilia, sed 
 “ certa et nominata, qui quidem dicuutur glebce ascriptitii, et nihilominus 
 “ liberi, quia, licet faciunt opera servilia, cum non faciunt ea rations per- 
 “ sonaram, sed rations tenementorum, et ideo assisam nova; dissesime non 
 “ habent, quia tenementum est villenagium, quamvis privilegiatum, sed 
 “ nec assisam mortis antecessoris, sed tantum parvum breve de recto, se- 
 “ cundum consuetudinem manerii, et idem dicuntur glebrn ascripticii, quia 
 “tali gaudent privilegio, quod a gleba amoveri non poterunt, quamdiu 
 “ solvere possunt debitas pensiones ad quoscunque pervenerit dominicum 
 “ domini Regis, nec compelli poterint ad tale tenementum tenendum nisi 
 “ voluerint. Et etiam aliud genus hominum in manerio domini Regis, et 
 “ tenent de dominico, et per easdem consuetudines et servitia villana, per 
 “ qua; supradicti, et non in villenagio, nec sunt servi, nec fuerunt in con- 
 “ questu, ut primi, sed per quandam conventionem quam cum dominis 
 “ fecerunt, et itaque quidam eorum cartas habent, et quidam non,” etc. etc. 
 
 (Bracton, lib. i. cap. 11, p. 7, ed. 1569.) 
 
 Generally speaking, we consider that those lands which are now rented 
 of the Lord of the Manor were those of the demesne, formerly worked by 
 Servi, and the plough-work of the Villani and Bordarii,—these preedial 
 services being converted into money-rents, which now represent all the 
 “servitia,” whether in the shape of plough-work, poultry, or eggs, which 
 these Villani used to render. 
 
 The freeholds, on which are charges for quit-rents, heriots, obits, etc., 
 payable to the Lord of the Manor, were, for the most part, the lands held 
 by the Villani, though in some instances they were alienated portions of the 
 demesne, not unfrequently converted, in the first instance, into submanors; 
 this manorial character having been gradually lost on conversion into 
 money-rents. 
 
 The same remarks will, with slight exceptions, apply to copyhold tenures. 
 
 The remarks of Archdeacon Hale, in identifying the different classes of 
 tenants, as they appear in records of the thirteenth century, with those of 
 the Domesday Survey, are so apposite to my theory that I will here append 
 them:— 
 
 “ The inference,” he says, “ to be drawn from this comparison of the 
 “ pnedial services, due in the thirteenth century from tenants of manors, 
 
 “ with the services recorded in the * Exchequer Domesday,’ is scarcely of 
 “ less extent than this j that the social condition of England, as respects 
 “ the relation between landlord and tenant, which we find exemplified in 
 “ the manorial history of the thirteenth century, is of Anglo-Saxon cha- 
 “ racter and origin; and that the Norman Conquest, in creating a number of 
 “ powerful barons, and depressing the Anglo-Saxon thanes, did not alter the 
 “ relation between the owner and the occupier of the soil, which had existed 
 “ for several centuries. Nor does this conclusion rest upon the Exchequer 
 “ Domesday alone. 
 
 “In the ‘Ancient Laws and Institutes of England,’ there is a remark- 
 “ able document, entitled, llectitudines Singularum Personarum, which 
 “ presents to us an enumeration of the several classes of persons employed 
 “ on a domain, of the services to be rendered by each, and of the reciprocal 
 “ duty of the lord to those engaged on his land. The place assigned to it 
 “ by the learned Editor is between the laws of Cnut and those of Edward 
 “ the Confessor. Many of the usages therein mentioned are not perfectly 
 “ understood; but the general character of the services described in the 
 “ llectitudines so closely corresponds with the services which the St. Paul’s 
 “ Domesday states to be due from different classes of the tenantry, as to 
 “ render it almost certain, that the llectitudines represent only an older 
 “ form of the same national institutions, the character of which, as after- 
 “ wards modified, is so plainly described in the records of the twelfth and 
 “ thirteenth centuries. The first part of this document relates to four 
 “ classes of persons, and treats of Thanes law, Geneates right, Cotsetlan 
 “right, and Gebubes right; the services of the three latter classes being 
 
 29* 
 
 naRHMMHHi 
 
 _J 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Villani et “ all priedial, and being distinguished from each other, either as occasional 
 Bordarii. » or ag being continued throughout the whole year, on one or more days 
 “ of the week. The Geneate, the Kotsetle, and the Gebur, appear to 
 "represent the Villani, Cotarii, and Bordarii of the Exchequer 
 “ Domesday, though placed in a different order of precedence. In the list 
 “ of services due from the Geneate or Villands, there are many which 
 “ are not found in the Records of the St. Paul’s manors to be due from 
 “ Liberi Homines, whom we considered to be identified with the Vil- 
 “lani of Domesday; and yet, when the Geneate is said to be bound 
 “ meriare, summagwm clucere. metere et falcare, stabilitatem observare, 
 “ edificare et circumsepire (carry, lead, load, reap and mow, hold sate, i. e. 
 “ help to make park-paling, build and enclose the burli), just as the 
 “ Hidarius of Horlock was bound, falcare unarn acram prati, metere in 
 “ autumno iij acras, etc., invenire in autumno iij carros, portare clausuram 
 “ de parco, et claudere vj perticatas circa curiam, facere bovariam ad suum 
 “ cibum propnum, de maireno domini, quod scindent et parabwnt et caridbunt, 
 “ innovare granarium (mow one acre of meadow, reap in autumn three acres, 
 “ etc., find in autumn three carts, carry the fencing of the park, and enclose 
 “ sue perches round the Court Lodge, make the Oxstall, finding board, and 
 “ that from the lord’s timber, they cut, and prepare, and carry to make the 
 “ new granary), —the resemblance is so striking as to leave little doubt of 
 “ the identity of the two classes from whom the same services were due. 
 “ The accuracy of the conclusion is still more apparent, when the services 
 “ of the Geneate, which were occasional, are contrasted with the daily 
 “ services throughout the year, described in the Lectitudines as due from 
 “ the two inferior classes—the Cotsetles and the Geburi. The Cotsetle 
 “ worked for his lord every Monday; in some places, his labour in the 
 “ month of August was limited to three days, but in others it extended to 
 “ the whole month, and it was his privilege to hold five acres of land, more 
 “ or less, according to the custom of the place. The Gebor’s service was 
 “ more extensive; he never worked less than two days in the week, and 
 “ that throughout the whole year, and in addition to this service, he had 
 “ payments to make of various kinds; these services being the counterpart 
 “ of those of the tenants of Ardley, who laboured every Monday (and who, 
 “ at Castle Combe, were termed Monday men); of the ‘ Operarii ’ at Sandon, 
 “ who held five acres, and of the other tenants upon all the manors of St. 
 “ Paul’s, who were bound to constant weekly service. 
 
 “ The Gebur and the Geneate existed as distinct orders, at so early a 
 “ period as the reign of Ina (Laws, 6, 19, 22); that the prsedial services, 
 “ described in the Lectitudines as due from them, were as of great antiquity 
 “ as the orders themselves, is probable from the repeated mention in the 
 “ Lectitudines of the great variety of the services, dependent upon local 
 “ custom, and which may be attributed to the progress of time modifying 
 “ the customs as well as to differences existing in a remote age.” (Intro¬ 
 duction to the Domesday of St. Paul’s, p. xxx.-xxxij.) 
 
 And now a few words as to the situs of the Yillans’ lands. From all 
 that we can gather on the subject, it seems that they were situated on the 
 outside of the demesne lands, and in “ Common Field” culture; that is, 
 not divided off from one another by fences, or “ sundered; but undivided, 
 as far as external marks are concernedand that a “ threefold course of 
 “ cultivation was adopted, similar to that in use upon the continent of 
 “ Europe; this consisted of a rotation of winter corn, summer corn, and 
 “ fallow. The village containing the homesteads of the markers probably 
 “ lay at a little distance from the fields.” (Kemble, vol. i. p. 114.) 
 
 Kemble, it is true, is describing the mark, at a period of some centuries 
 earlier than the time of the Survey; but there is good reason to think 
 that, even at that later date, the description will not be very inaccurate. 
 Of course, to this description must always be added the right of pasture 
 and commonage, which the tenants of the cultivated portions had in the 
 heath lands and uncultivated part of the mark. 
 
 In the ‘ Gentleman’s Magazine’ for May, 1865, is a most interesting 
 notice, by Mr. H. Longueville Jones, of a paper in the ‘ Revue des Deux 
 Mondes’ (15th January, 1864), entitled, L’JSconomie Lurale en Neer- 
 lande. It constitutes, as Mr. Jones remarks, “ an unexpected illustration 
 “ of the subject of the Mark so well handled by the late Mr. Kemble 
 and to this we may add, that, aided by the evidence of the earliest Mano¬ 
 rial Court Rolls and Court Books, we obtain from it a very graphic picture 
 of the Tenant Farms at the time of Domesday; and, be it remembered, 
 this picture is drawn from scenes in the Netherlands existing at the pre¬ 
 sent day. He cites M. de Laveleye’s words as follows:— 
 
 “ In the district of the Drenthe, another system of working the land is 
 “ found, and is in close resemblance to the oldest customs of Germany of 
 “ ancient times. This province, the Drenthe, is the least populous of any 
 “ in the Netherlands, for, in 1860, it held only 94,472 inhabitants upon a 
 " territory of 266,276 hectares, or, about 36 for every 100 hectares. At 
 “ the close of the last century, in 1796, there were only 39,672 inhabitants, 
 “ out of which number only 5,789 did not directly belong to the rural 
 “ classes. Surrounded on all sides by marshes and turbaries, the Drenthe 
 “ formed, as it were, an island of sand and heath, on which ancestral cus- 
 30* 
 
 “toms were still maintained intact: and, even at the present moment, Villani et 
 “ there is to be observed on it the ancient organization of the Saxon Bordarii. 
 
 “ march— Saxena rnarke. 
 
 (Note. —“ The marke was the whole territory belonging to the tribe, or to 
 “ a group of families in the tribe. It comprised wood, meadow, and field; 
 
 “ but the appellation of marke (march) was specially applied to the vast 
 “ open lands which surrounded the cultivated ones, and constituted a kind 
 “ of uninhabited margin, serving for a frontier. The origin of the marke is 
 “ lost in the obscurity of prehistoric times. During the middle ages, we 
 “ find it among the populations of Germanic or Scandinavian race, as an 
 “ association of free men concerting together for the common enjoyment of 
 “ a property in which each man had his share. When we are able to de- 
 “ tect it in the Saxon provinces of the Netherlands, individual property 
 “ has already encroached on property in common, and, from that time 
 “ forward, down to our own day, the system of its organization has scarcely 
 “ changed. A single portion of the marke was termed whare, and those 
 “ who possessed several icharen bore the title of erfgenemen, or ‘ heritors,’ 
 
 “ that is to say, sharers in the general heritage. The possessors of a single 
 “ whare, the gewaardcmarkegenoten, had the right of sending their flocks to 
 “ feed on the heath-land of the marke, and of cutting turfs on it, for litter- 
 “ ing their cattle, and warming their dwellings.] 
 
 “ When you go over the vast plains of the Drenthe or Over Yssel, you 
 “perceive, from time to time, rising up above the level of the heath, a 
 “ large rounded field, generally covered with a good crop of Rye. 1 This is 
 “ the portion of the marke which has been kept for cultivation, the essch, 
 
 “ a name coming apparently from the ancient root which gave esca to the 
 “ Latin, and essen to the Dutch languages, and which, in the present in- 
 “ stance, designates the land whence the population is to derive its food. 
 
 “ The essch was formerly the common property, upon which each owner of 
 “ the marke received his own portion to cultivate, so clearly indicated by 
 “ Tacitus and C<esar. During the middle ages these portions became, by 
 “ degrees, private property ; 2 but still this right of individual possession 
 “ was far from being freed from all the fetters of common occupation, and 
 “ the ancient usages of cultivation in common continued in force. The 
 “ essch is divided into a multitude of parcels or lots; only, as there is no 
 “ road traversing this vast cultivated field, these lots remain without issue 
 “ as long as the crop is standing; and nothing limits them except great 
 “ blocks of granite boulder, set up at the four corners of the land. It re- 
 “ suits from this arrangement, that they must be all covered with the same 
 “ seed, tilled, sown, and reaped at the same time; for, if an owner wanted 
 “ to lay down a cereal of the spring series, while his neighbours have 
 “ adopted one of the winter, it would be impossible to work the land and 
 “ carry manure, without causing notable damage, such as w r ould have to be 
 “ paid for, and would bring on him the enmity of all the rest. 
 
 “ A trieimial rotation is still generally adopted; the field is divided into 
 “ three parts,—the winteressch, in which the winter rye is sown, the somer- 
 “ essch, in which the summer rye, and the brachessch, which formerly used 
 “ to lie fallow, 3 but in which they now generally grow buckwheat. The 
 “ whole body of cultivators call themselves boehrs, that is, peasants.” 
 
 I have transcribed these observations of Mr. Laveleye at great length, 
 because I have a strong impression that they give an illustration of the 
 mode of allotment and cultivation of the “ Villans’ ” lands at the time of 
 the Survey, and even for a period long after these lands had become what 
 we now call freehold property. When many portions had accumulated iu 
 the hands of one richer individual than the rest, by gradual purchase, the 
 system of fencing off into farms, and building homesteads upon them, was 
 naturally adopted. 
 
 But let us investigate further the conjectures that have been advanced 
 by different writers. We shall find, I believe, as we proceed in our in¬ 
 quiries, an increasing amount of evidence that the “Bordarii” were, 
 strictly speaking, the Labourers on the Demesne Lands of the Manor, in 
 the service of the Lord, from whom, as we have already stated, they tenanted 
 their “ Bords,” i. e. their Cottages, with four or five acres attached, by 
 the rent of their labour services. In searching for their representatives 
 in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when Records begin to abound, 
 we have some little difficulty in their identification; but in Archdeacon 
 Hale’s charming Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, the ground 
 is much cleared for us. 
 
 “ The Records of St. Paul’s,” he says, “ throw no light upon the mean- 
 
 1 Have we not here the etymology of my own parish— Riesce in Domesday, now 
 Riarsh, but still called by my labouring population “ Rash,” or “ Resseh,” quasi Rye- 
 essche ? 
 
 As late as the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we have countless feoflments of small 
 portions of land, described as situated “ in campo de A. or B.," naming the Parish, at mete 
 el bunde dinidunt between the lands of other parties, North, East, West, or South, show¬ 
 ing that thero had been one large field belonging to the Manor, in which the portions of 
 the Tenants (now the Owners) were situated, distinguished from one another only by 
 bound-marks, and not parted off by hedges or fences.—L. B. L. 
 
 3 See an interesting account of these “ Trinity,” or “ Common” fields, till recently ex¬ 
 isting in England, in Mr. Morgan’s * England under the Normans,’ pp. 87, 8S. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Villani et “ in g ot ’ the titlc Dordarius ; but, since the use of the word had ceased at 
 Bordarii. “ the beginning of the thirteenth century, we may conclude that, if any par¬ 
 
 ticular duties, other than those performed by the ‘Operarii,’ had before 
 “ belonged to them, they had at that time ceased.” (P. xxiij.) 
 
 And this I believe to be the key to all our difficulties, and the explana¬ 
 tion why we fail to discover what we can recognise, through all its fea¬ 
 tures, as the true representative of the “ Bordarius” of Domesday in the 
 Records of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The precise status of 
 the Bordarius no longer existed; he was now paid for his labour in actual 
 money, not by remission of rent. 
 
 Again, the same learned author observes:— 
 
 “In the Exchequer Domesday, the tenants of the Manors of St. 
 “Paul’s are enumerated as belonging to four classes:— Villani, Bor- 
 “ dar i i, Cotarii, and Semi. In the Capitular Survey of these Manors, 
 “in 1222, we find no such distinct classification, nor is there any 
 “uniform system in the description of the Tenants or their tenancies. 
 “ The following list exhibits nearly all the varieties of description(1) 
 “ Libere tenentes; (2) Tenentes antiquum tenementum; (3) Tenentes de 
 “ purpresturis; (4) Tenentes sexacras; (5) Tenentes dimidias virgatas; 
 “ (6) Tenentes Lodland; (7) Tenentes de dominico; (8) Tenentes de 
 “ dominico ecclesiaa; (9) Tenentes per Vilenagium; (10) Tenentes terras 
 “operarias; (11) Tenentes de terra assisa; (12) Tenentes de essartis; 
 “ (13) Tenentes et ad censum et ad denarium; (14) Eeffati de pasturis; 
 “(15) Debentes Wardpeny; (16) Debentes landgablum; (17) Hidarii; 
 “ (18) Akermanni; (19) Cotarii. The ancient names, that of the * Cotarii’ 
 “excepted, had, as it appears, fallen into desuetude; the relations, how- 
 “ ever, in which the services and persons of the ‘ Libere Tenentes,’ the 
 “ ‘Tenentes terras operarias,’ and the ‘Nativi,’ stood, with respect to each 
 “ other, and to the Lord of the Manor, are so distinctly marked as to leave 
 “ but little doubt that, in these three classes, we have the representatives 
 “ of the Vini/ANi, Bobdabii, and Seevi of the earlier age, 1 under titles of 
 “ a higher order, and which less plainly indicated the servile character of 
 “ the services which were due; to be a Tenant of any class was, probably, 
 “ a designation more agreeable than that of a ‘ Villain;’ to hold land 1 ad 
 ‘ operationem,’ and by the tenancy of labour, and to be an * Operarius,’ 
 “ might be an appellation as superior to that of Bobdabius, as that of 
 “ ‘ Nativus’ manifestly is to that of ‘ Servus.’” .... 
 
 “ With respect to the tenants of the Manors who were inferior to the 
 “ ‘ Libere Tenentes,’ viz. the Operarii and Cotarii, the Inquisitions of St. 
 “ Paul’s supply the fullest proofs that the distinctive character of their 
 “ services consisted in the obligation to perform pncdial labour upon the 
 “ demesne lauds, not only at the Boon days, but during every week of the 
 “ year, the holiday weeks at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost excepted. 
 “ The name by which this class of tenants was, in some cases, distinguished 
 “ from the ‘ Libere Tenentes ’ was that of ‘ Custumarii.’ The customs of 
 “ the different Manors were not uniform as respects these tenants; but, 
 “ generally, their weekly labour varied according to the period of the year, 
 ‘ being the least from Michaelmas to Pentecost; after that, increasing from 
 “Pentecost to the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (Aug. 1), and being 
 “ greatest from that time till Michaelmas. At Sandon, during these pe- 
 “ riods, the ‘ Operarii ’ upon each half virgate supplied labour for two, four, 
 “and five days. At Kadendon, the ‘Cotarii’ laboured thrice a week, 
 “ from Michaelmas to August, and from that period every day but Satur- 
 “ day; but at Ardley their labour was limited to Monday, and to the ser- 
 “ vices of carrying and driving swine to London. 
 
 “ We observe, in conclusion, although we have failed either to discover 
 “ the exact difference between the ‘ Cotarii’ and other ‘ Operarii,’ or to ex- 
 “ plain the meaning of the title Bobdabius, it has yet been shown that the 
 “ 1 Operarii ’ and ‘ Cotarii ’ were subject to demands of labour, and other 
 “ payments, on the part of the Lord, far greater than those due from the 
 “ tenants of the higher classes; and, there being no evidence of their being 
 “ compelled to perform those services in person, or of their being forbidden 
 “ to live away from the Manor, it follows that they occupied the middle 
 “ rank between the ‘ Libere Tenentes,’ whose services were occasional, and 
 “ those of the Servi or Nativi, who could never leave the soil without the 
 “ licence of the Lord.” 
 
 (Introduction to ‘ Domesday of St. Paul’s,’ pp. xxiij, xxv, xxvi and xxvij.) 
 
 § 
 
 In the‘Pedes Einium’ (Arch. Cantiana, i. p. 244) will be found the fol¬ 
 lowing notice of the division of the Villani between two co-heiresses:— 
 
 “ Preterea isti homines remanent predicto Elye et Custascie, uxori 
 “ sue, et heredibus eorum; . . . . se Settlee, cum omni tenemento suo et 
 “servicio; Estrilda uxor Wilfi, cum omni tenemento suo et servicio; 
 
 1 An additional argumont this in support of the theory which I have suggested above, 
 viz. that the Villein of Glanville, Bracton, and Beta was not the Villanus of Domesday, 
 and that the term Nalivus, in the oharters cited by Madox and Baron Haseres, as being 
 the Villanus, was not so, but rather the Servus of Domesday. 
 
 “Lucas et Philippus filii Wilfi, cum omni tenemento suo et servicio; Villani et 
 1 Nicholas filius Wimundi, cum x acris tenementi sui, et cum .... ad x Bobdabii. 
 “acras pertinet; Jordanus de Elete, cum omni tenemento suo et servicio, 
 
 “ excepta medietate servicii quod debet de Averagio; Edricus le Sauner, 
 
 “ cum omni tenemento suo et servicio. Et medietas servicii .... Walteri 
 “ Hassard, scilicet, de orientali parte tenementi sui, et de servicio Alicie 
 “ Andegavensis, iij a et obolus; et dimidium servicii Rogeri Bulege, et de 
 “ redditu Librici f . . . . Ricardi, iiij d et obolus et quadrans.” 
 
 The following are all the instances of “ Bordarii,” unaccompanied by 
 “Villani,” to be found in the Doomsday of Kent. 
 
 Among the Prebends of St. Martin in Beusberg Hundred. 
 
 In Gocistone tenet Ulbio j jugum. Et ibi habet ij villanos et 
 j Bordarium cum j caruco. Ad lianc terram pertinent xxv acras 
 terras in Coeneli hundredo. Et ibi sunt v Bordarii cum dimidia 
 
 caruca.4 Z. 31 
 
 Among the Prebends of St. Maetin in St. Mabgabet’s. 
 
 Ibi habet Sieed j Solin. Et j carucam in dominio. Et vj Bob- 
 
 daeios.4 l. 34 
 
 Ibidem tenet Radulfus j Solin. Et habet j carucam in dominio. 
 
 Et vij Bobdabios .4 l. 37 
 
 Robeetus habet dimidium Solin in Cornilai Hundredo. Et ibi 
 dimidiam carucam in dominio. Et v Bobdabios ... 5 l. 2 
 
 In Inland St. Martini manent vij Bobdabii cum dimidia caruca. Reddunt 
 
 lx solidos ad calciamenta canonicorum.7 1 .19 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet quidam Erancigena terram ad j carucam. Et ibi 
 
 habet ij Bobdabios.12 l. 8 
 
 Tenet dimidium Solin. In dominio j caruca cum ij Bobdabiis . 16 l. 7 
 Parvum burgum nomine Seseltre, quod proprie pertinet coquina? archi- 
 episcopi. Quidam nomine Blize tenet de monachis. In dominio est 
 una caruca. Et xlviij Bobdabii cum j caruca . . . . IS l. 16 
 Pro dimidio Solin. Terra est j caruca;, et ibi est cum iiij Bordariis et 
 
 ij servis.22 l. 22 
 
 Terra est iij bourn. Ibi sunt ij boves, cum uno Bordario . . 23 l. 7 
 Pro uno Solin se defendit. Terra est iij caruearum, et ibi sunt iiij Bor¬ 
 darii .23 l. 50 
 
 Pro ij Solins se defendit. Terra est ij caruearum. In dominio est una. Et 
 
 ibi iiij Bordarii.28 l. 21 
 
 Pro dimidio Solin se defendit. Terra est j caruca;. In dominio sunt ij. (*) 
 
 Et vj Bordarii habent dimidiam carucam.31 1. 49 
 
 Pro ij Solins se defendit. Terra est ij caruearum. Et ibi sunt in dominio, 
 
 cum vij Bordariis.32 l. 20 
 
 De hoc manerio tenet Helto dimidium Solin. Et ibi habet j carucam cum 
 
 uno Bordario.33 l. 39 
 
 Pro dimidio Solin se defendit. Terra est dimidia; caruca;. Ibi est cum 
 
 uno Bordario.34 l. 44 
 
 Pro ij Solins se defendit. Terra est ij caruearum. In dominio est una, 
 
 et cum v Bordariis, et uno servo.35 l. 7 
 
 Pro uno Jugo se defendit. Terra j caruca; et dimidia;. In dominio nichil 
 
 est nisi j Bordarius.35 l. 27 
 
 Tenet j Solinuin, et xl acras terrm. Et ibi habet in dominio ij carucas, cum 
 
 vj Bordariis.36 l. 30 
 
 Tenet dimidium Solin et xl acras. Et ibi habet in dominio j carucam, cum 
 
 vij Bordariis.36 l. 32 
 
 Tenet j Solin et j Jugum, et vj acras terrm. Et ibi habet in dominio j 
 
 carucam, cum xi Bordariis.36 l. 36 
 
 Tenet dimidium Solin. Et ibi habet in dominio j carucam cum iiij Bor¬ 
 dariis .36 l. 38 
 
 Tenet lviij acras. Et ibi habet j carucam, cum v Bordariis . . 36 l. 47 
 Tenet j Jugum, et ibi habet dimidiam carucam in dominio, cum iiij Bor¬ 
 dariis reddentibus vj solidos.38 l. 6 
 
 Pro uno Jugo se defendebat. Ibi est unus Bordarius reddens v denarios 
 
 (paid rent as well as service).39 l. 18 
 
 Pro dimidio Solin se defendit. Terra est j carucie. Ibi iij Bordarii 
 
 89 l. 22 
 
 Pro iij b " 8 Jugis se defendit. Terra est j caruca;. In dominio est, cum 
 
 ij Bordariis, et ij servis.39 l. 33 
 
 Pro uno Solin se defendit. Terra est j caruca;. Ibi est in dominio. Et 
 
 unus Bordarius habet dimidiam carucam.40 l. 4 
 
 Pro uno Solin se defendit. Terra est ij caruearum. In dominio est una 
 
 caruca. Et iiij Bordarii, et ij servi.41 l. 1 
 
 Pro iij Jugis se defendit. Terra est ij caruearum. In dominio est una. 
 
 Et ix Bordarii habent dimidiam carucam.41 1. 27 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet quidam miles j Solin. Et ibi habet j carucam cum 
 
 iij Bordariis.42 Z. 57 
 
 Pro ij Solins se defendit. In dominio j caruca. Et ij Bordarii cum 
 dimidia caruca.43 Z. 5 
 
 1 These are not tenants of Folkstone; see if this do not account for so many of them 
 
 having only “Bordarii” and not “Villani.” 
 
 31* 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Villani et Tenet j Solin. Et habet ibi j carucam in doininio, et unum Bordaricm 43 Z. 9 
 Bobdaeii. p r o uno Solin se defendit. In dominio sunt ij carucas cum vj Bordariis 
 
 43 Z. 12 
 
 Pro uno Solin se defendit. In dominio sunt ij caruca: cum ij Bordariis 
 
 43 Z. 34 
 
 Tenet j Jugum et dimidium. Ibi habet vij Bordarios . . . . 43 Z. 51 
 
 Habet j Solin vacua; terra, et ibi habet j Bordarium.44 Z. 1 
 
 Pro uno Solin et dimidio se defendit. In dominio est j caruca, cum 
 
 iiij Bordariis.44 Z. 27 
 
 Tenet j Jugum, et ibi sunt ij Bordarii.44 l. 30 
 
 Tenet j Jugum, et ibi sunt iiij Bordarii.44 l. 32 
 
 Pro uno Jugo se defendit. Terra est ij carucarum. In dominio est una 
 
 cum iiij Bordariis.47 Z. 47 
 
 De terra Villanorum hujus Manerii tenet Oidelard j Solin, et ibi habet ij 
 
 carucas, cum xi Bordariis.48 Z.10 
 
 Odelinus tenet de eadem terra villanorum j Solin. Et ibi habet j carucam 
 
 cum iij Bordariis.48 Z.19 
 
 Tenet de hoc Manerio unum Solin, etibi habet ij carucas cum x Bordariis 
 
 4S Z. 25 
 
 Habent monachi in dominio iiij carucas et xx Bordarios cum una caruca 
 
 48 Z. 31 
 
 De hoc Manerio tenet j Solin et dimidium Jugum. • Et ibi habet in do¬ 
 minio ij carucas. Et xvij Bordarios cum dimidia caruca. 49 Z.1 
 Habet iij virgas terras. Et ibi est in dominio j caruca, cum v Bordariis 
 
 49 Z. 14 
 
 Pro j Solin se defendit. Terra est ij carucarum. Et ibi sunt cum viij 
 
 Bordariis.49 Z. 18 
 
 Tenet dimidium Jugum, quod tenuit unus sochmannus. Ibi ij Bordarii 
 
 sunt modo.50 l. 34 
 
 Defendit se pro uno Jugo. Et ibi habet j carucam in dominio, et v Bor¬ 
 darios cum j caruca.50 Z. 39 
 
 Pro j Jugo se defendit. Duo sochmanni tenuerunt. Terra est j caruca;. 
 
 Et ibi est cum iij Bordariis.51 Z. 10 
 
 Tenet j Jugum. Terra est ij carucarum. Ibi sunt xij sochmanni cum viij 
 
 Bordariis, habentes ij carucas.51 Z. 39 
 
 Tenet j Jugum, quod tenuit unus sochmannus. Ibi est una caruca cum 
 
 uno Bordario.52 Z. 44 
 
 Pro j Solin se defendit. Terra est j caruca!. Et ibi est in dominio. Et 
 
 xix Bordarii habent j carucam.53 Z. 3 
 
 Pro j Solin se defendit. Terra est ij carucarum. Et ibi sunt in dominio. 
 
 Et xxj Bordarii, et iij servi cum iij carucis.53 Z. 9 
 
 Unus sochmannus tenuit de rege E. Terra est j caruca;. In dominio est 
 
 dimidia caruca et vj Bordarii, et ij servi.53 Z. 46 
 
 Tenet dimidium Solin, unam virgam minus. Sex sochmanni tenuerunt de 
 rege E. Terra est v carucarum. In dominio sunt ij”. Et xxxj 
 Bordarii habent iij carucas. Ibi unus servus . . . . 54 Z. 9 
 Habet unam denam. Ibi sunt ij Bordarii reddentes xxx denarios 54 Z. 14 
 Tenet quidam homo de Hugone dimidium Solin, et habet ibi ij Bordarios 
 
 reddentes iiij solidos.54 Z. 17 
 
 Est una virga terra in Suestone, quam tenuit unus sochmannus de rege E. 
 
 Ibi modo est unus Bordarius xij denarios reddens . . .54 Z. 24 
 Habet lxiij acras terra. Ibi sunt xi Bordarii reddentes xij denarios 
 
 55 Z. 27 
 
 XXII. 
 
 CAEUCiE. 
 
 Be Officio Communis Senescalli. 
 
 (Fleta, lib. ii. cap. 72.) 
 
 Caruca;. “ Provideat tunc sibi dominus de Senescallo circumspecto et fideli viro 
 “ provido, discreto et gratioso, humili et pudico, et pacifico, et modesto, qui 
 “ in legibus, consuetudinibusque provincia;, et officio Senescalciie se co<*- 
 “ noscat, et jura domini sui in omnibus tueri affectet, quique sub-ballivos 
 “ domini in suis erroribus et ambiguis sciat instruere et docere, quique 
 “ egenis parcere, et nec prece vel pretio velit et tramite justitise deviare et 
 “ perverse judicare, cujus officium est curias tenere maneriorum,” etc. etc. 
 
 After a long list of duties, we have:— 
 
 “ 4. Item, certificetur in primo adventu res de custagiis carucarum in 
 “ quocumque manerio, qu<c sciri poterunt per hanc rationem, ut terra sint 
 “ tripartite, tunc nonies viginti acra faciunt carucatam,eo quod lxii hyeme, 
 “ lx in quadragesima, et lx in estate pro warecto debent exarari. 
 
 “ 5. De terris vero bipartitis debent ad carucam octies viginti acra com- 
 “ putari, ut medietas pro warecto habeatur et medietas alia in hyeme et 
 “ quadragesima seminetur, et perinde de numero carucarum de facili poterit 
 “ certiorari. 
 
 “ 6. Item, scire debeat de quot carucis adjutricibus et quoties debeat 
 32* 
 
 “ dominus in quolibet manerio subveniri, et de omnibus auxiliis et opera Caruca;. 
 “ tionibus quorumcunque veraciter scire debet.” 
 
 Examinacio Testiim. 
 
 The following examination of witnesses was made in return to a man¬ 
 date of Clement IV. in his third year (». e. 1268), by the Master of Strodes 
 commissioned to take the evidence. (See the paragraph immediately pre¬ 
 ceding the “ Examinatio Testium.”) 
 
 I suppose that no answer had till then been made to the Mandate of 
 Eostandus, issued in 1255. 
 
 Dominus Thomas df. Mepeham, Sacrista Eoffensis, juratus, et dili- 
 genter examinatus de valore mense episcopalis Eoffensis, dicit quod Epi- 
 soopus Eoffensis habet tantum sex maneria. Eequisitusque, dicit quod 
 Hallynge, quod est principale manerium mense episcopalis. Stone, 
 Bromleghe, Trottesclyue, Borstalle, et Frakeham. 
 
 Eequisitus quot Caruce terre sint in manerio de Hallynge, dicit quod 
 in manerio de Hallynge cum pertinenciis, scilicet, Holeberghe et 
 Cukelstane, sunt ex consuetudine quatuor Caruce, non tamen quatuor 
 Carucate terre. 
 
 Eequisitus quomodo scit, dicit quod quelibet Carucata terre, de consue¬ 
 tudine regionis, continet c iiij“ acras terre arabilis, quod non est in illo 
 manerio. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum valent predicte Caruce terre in manerio de Hal¬ 
 lynge per annum, dicit quod, cum tota pastura pertinente ad sustenta- 
 tionem animalium laborancium in Carucis, valent per annum xvij libras. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum habet ilium manerium in redditibus, dicit quod tarn 
 in pecunia numerata, quam in gallinis, ovis, vomeribus, et exemiis Eoffens. 
 habet in annuo redditu, cum Holeberghe et Cukelstan cxxviij 11 vj s iiij d 
 ob. q. 
 
 Item, Eequisitus quot molendina sunt in predicto manerio, dicit quod 
 tria. Eequisitus quid valent, dicit quod c solidos per annum. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum valet pratuni predict! manerii, dicit quod duas 
 marcas per annum. Summa lxi li xij a ob. q. 
 
 Item, Eequisitus quot Carucate terre sunt in manerio de Stone, dicit 
 quod due sunt ibi Caruce, non tamen due Carucate, propter racionein 
 superius assignatam. Eequisitus quantum valent, dicit quod cum marisco 
 et pastura valent annuatim lxvj s viij 11 . Eequisitus quautum est ibi in 
 annuo redditu, dicit quod tam in pecunia numerata, quam in gallinis, ovis, 
 vomeribus, bosco, et gurgite, xxvj 11 xiij s vij' 1 ob. 
 
 Eequisitus de molendino, dicit quod est ibi unum molendinum de quo 
 solvuntur xl s per annum. Summa xxxij u iij d ob. 
 
 Item, Interrogatus de manerio de Trottesclyue quantum habet in 
 annuo redditu, dicit quod tam in pecunia numerata, quam in gallinis, ovis, 
 vomeribus, habet quatuor libras vij d . 
 
 Item, quot Carucas habet dictum manerium, dicit quod duas, non tamen 
 sunt ibi due Carucate terre, per rationem superius denotatam. Eequisitus 
 quantum valent per annum, dicit quod cum pastura valent lxxvj s viij' 1 . 
 
 Eequisitus si sint molendina, dicit quod unum tantum est ibi molendinum, 
 de quo solvuntur x a per annum. Summa viij 1 ' vij 8 iij' 1 . 
 
 Item, Eequisitus quantum est in manerio de Bromleghe in annuo 
 redditu, dicit quod tam in pecunia numerata, quam in gallinis, ovis, vome¬ 
 ribus, suut xxiiij u xvj s ob. Eequisitus quot Carucas habet illud manerium, 
 dicit quod duas habet Carucas, non tamen duas terre arabilis Carucatas. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum valent annuatim, dicit quod lx 8 x d cum pastura tamen 
 propter terre sterilitatem que est ibi. 
 
 Eequisitus de molendinis. Dicit quod est ibi unum molendinum de quo 
 percipiuntur due marce per annum. Summa xxix 11 iij 3 vij d ob. 
 
 Item, Eequisitus quantum Frakeham habet in annuo redditu, dicit 
 quod habet xij 1 ' xviij 8 j ob. in pecunia numerata. 
 
 Eequisitus quot Caracas terre habet ibidem, dicit quod duas que valent 
 per annum vj 1 ' xij® iiij d . 
 
 Eequisitus de molendinis ejusdem manerii, dicit quod sunt ibi duo, que 
 valent per annum xl®. 
 
 Item, Eequisitus de mercato, quantum recipitur de eo per annum, dicit 
 quod xx®. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum valent prata ejusdem manerii per annum, dicit vj 
 libras. Summa xxviij 11 xj® v d ob. 
 
 Item, Eequisitus quantum habeat Borstalle in annuo redditu, dicit 
 quod in pecunia numerata, gallinis, ovis, et vomeribus, habet xliij®. 
 
 Eequisitus quot Carucatas terre, dicit quod non unam ad plenum. 
 
 Eequisitus quantum valet ilia, dicit quod cum pastura valet lxx® iiij d . 
 
 Item, Eequisitus si sit ibi molendinum, dicit quod ibi est unum de quo 
 recipiuntur xl® per annum. Summa vij 1 ' xiij® iiij d . 
 
 Item, Interrogatus si habeat aliquas prestaciones sive pensiones in ali- 
 quibus roonasteriis vel ecclesiis annuatim ; dicit quod sit. 
 
 Eequisitus quas habet et ubi, dicit quod de ecclesia de Laaihethe debet 
 recipere quinque marcas annuas nomine pensionis; et de Beremundeseye 
 iiij marcas; et de Leueseham iiij marcas; et de ecclesia parockiali de 
 Tunebregge iij marcas. Summa x libras. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Summa omnium summarum clxxvij 1 ' vj s vij d q. 
 
 Item, Requisitus quomodo scit quod tot maneria, et tantum in redditi- 
 bus, et tot Carucas terre, et tot molendina, et prata tanti valoris, sicuti 
 superiuB est expressum, et tot pensiones, sive annuas prestaciones in ecclesiis 
 supradietis; reapondit, quod fuit Senes call us Ricaedi Efiscofi Rof- 
 fensis, per duos annos, et amplius, et predictos redditus et obvenciones 
 recepit a Prepositis maneriorum, et eompotum de Garuds, et molendiuis 
 et aliis obvencionibus, audiebat, et de hiis omnibus predicto R. Efi- 
 soofo, respondebat. 
 
 Requisitus si alia bona habeat mensa Episcopalis Roffensis annua, dicit 
 quod non, exceptis tribus Ecclesiis, scilicet, Frendesbery, Derteford, 1 
 et Iselham, quas nuper L. Dei gracia presens Episcopus Roffensis, propter ' 
 tenuitatem reddituum et proventuum mense episcopalis Roffensis, sui Con- 
 ventus accedente consensu, episcopatus usibus imperpetuum deputavit. 
 
 Item, Dominus Adam de Essexia, supprior Roffensis, juratus, et dili- 
 genter requisitus de maneriis episcopatus Roffensis, et aliis proventibus, 
 dicit idem quod Sacrista, hoc adjecto, quod dicit quod minus esse in bonis 
 mense episcopalis, quo ad temporalia bona quam fuerunt in teraporibus 
 aliorum episcoporum, quia presens Dominus Laurencius Episcopus, pro 
 pace habenda cum Domino Arcbiepiscopo Cantuariensi, sibi donare aunua- 
 tim duodecim marcas de suis maneriis fuit compulsus. 
 
 Requisitus quomodo scit quod non habet plura maneria, vel pluses 
 obvenciones, seu Carucas, dicit quia fuit frequenter cum diversis Episcopis 
 Roffensibus in predictis maneriis, et vidit tantum tot Carucas, et audivit 
 eompotum de obvencionibus maneriorum. 
 
 Rogerus Harange, juratus, et diligenter examinatus, dicit idem quod 
 Sacrista. Requisitus quomodo scit, dicit quod fuit longo tempore Ballivus 
 apud Halltnge, et ibi respondebat cum aliis Ballivis et Prepositis mane¬ 
 riorum, de exitibus et Oarucis de H alli'ngb. 
 
 Thomas Harange, qui fuit Domini Ballivus de Frakeham, juratus, et 
 diligenter examinatus super valore reddituum et proventuum, dicit idem 
 quod Sacrista, et Rogerus Harange, frater ipsius, tam de carueatis terre 
 quam de redditibus, et aliis obvencionibus. 
 
 Requisitus quomodo scit, dicit quod domini fuit ballivus, et in domibus 
 diversorum episcoporum Roffensium nutritus in maneriis antedietis, et 
 vidit rotulos maneriorum, et legit eos, et eompotum reddidit coram sene- | 
 scallo episcopi, et audivit eompotum aliorum, et nunquam audivit de pluri- 
 bus maneriis mense episcopalis Roffensis, nec de pluribus carueatis terre, 
 nec de aliis obvencionibus. 
 
 Adam, Prepositus de Stone, juratus, et diligenter examinatus, dicit 
 idem quod Thomas Harange. 
 
 Requisitus quomodo scit, dicit quod fuit in servicio episcopi xij annis, 
 et amplius, et semper vidit quod de illorum maneriorum tantum redditibus 
 respondebatur coram episcopo, et suis senescallis. 
 
 Johannes Hostiarius, ballivus de Hallynge, qui fuit jam xv annis in 
 servicio episcopi, juratus, et diligenter examinatus, dicit idem quod Adam 
 Prepositus de Stone. Requisitus quomodo scit, respondit quia frequenter, 
 de mandato episcopi et senescalli, ivit ad omnia maneria supradicta pro 
 obvencionibus maneriorum, et tunc audivit et dedicet valorem eorum; et 
 quia fuit cum ballivis et prepositis coram senescallo in compoto audiendo 
 et reddendo, et nunquam audivit de aliis maneriis quam que superius 
 sunt expressa, nec de aliis obvencionibus mense episcopalis Roffensis. 
 
 (E Regist. Temp. Episc. Roffen.) 
 
 (Thorpe, p. 64.) 
 
 Customs of the Manor of Hedenham . 1 
 “Isti sunt juratores de Hedenbam et de Cudintune, de consuetudini- 
 “ bus recognoscendis. Matheus de Bailel miles, Tristrannus Osbertus de 
 “ Bailel, Walterus filius Randulfi, Robertus filius Ad®, Walt eras de Pole, 
 
 11 Johannes filius Baldewini, Williemus Fainel, Radulphus juvenis, Rogerus 
 “ filius Tring, Gilebertus filius Selewini, Willielmus filius Eadwiui, God- 
 «-winus de Porta, Alewi filius Botildm, Robertus de la Sole, Hemmingus 
 “ Galfridi filius molendinarius Euarardus Kipping, Simon filius Eadulfi. 
 
 “ Consuetudines de Hedenliam et de Cutindune. 
 
 “ Dominus potest ponere ad opera quemeunque voluerit de netis suis 
 “ in die Martini Sancti, et sciendum est quod neti idem sunt quod niatmen; 
 
 “ qui aliquantulum liberiores sunt quam cotinen, qui omnes habent virgatas 
 “ terre vel dimidias virgatas ad minus. In crastino, non ponet eos ad 
 “ opera sine consensu eorumdem. 
 
 “ Item faciet prepositus de illo qui tenet unam virgatam terre in pre- 
 “ dicto die scilicet in die Sancti Martini. Et idem prepositus tenebit 
 “ terram suam quietam ab omnibus et habebit victum suum in curia Domini. 
 
 “ Et quando vadit in servitium pro villa de Hedenbam extra quadraginta 
 « hidas habebit prebendam equo suo. Item habebit iiij" boves in pastura 
 “ Domini. Prepositus de Cudintune habebit unam virgatam terre et de- 
 “ fendet illam per prefecturam, et habebit iiij or boves in pastura Domini. 
 
 “ Et a festo Sancti Petri ad Vincula usque ad festu m Sancti Michae lis 
 
 1 From Vespasian A. xxii. fol. 79. 
 
 habebit viij to bussellos frumenti et viij t0 d. et prebendam equo suo ad pre- C 
 dictum terminum. Item quisquis operarum si Dominus voluerit debet 
 : herciare dimidiam acram tempore seminandi qualibet die in Septimana 
 preter diem sabbati. 
 
 “Item si Dominus velit habere sumagium ad Oxoniam vel ad Walinge- 
 : fordiam vel ad Wicumbam quelibet virgata debet cariare dimidium quar- 
 terium, et omnes cariatores habebunt in communi ad potandum j d., et in 
 crastino non debent operari. 
 
 “ Item quelibet virgata terre debet ducere aput Merelavam xj cim quar- 
 teria bladi de autiqua mesura ad tres anni terminos, et debent esse quieti 
 per sex ebdomadas de omnibus. 
 
 “ Item a festo Sancti Martini usque ad Vincula Sancti Petri de iiij or virgatis 
 ; terre debent venire duo homines ad opus Domini qualibet die, et debent 
 omnia opera facere praster fodere in curtillagio. 
 
 “ Item si debent falcare, precedens falcatoribus debet habere duas fessas 
 1 de herbagio ligatas in una corda. Et unus eorum debet aquam ferre. 
 
 “ Item si debent cariare fenum de grava ante festum Sancti Petri ad Vin- 
 ; cula, dimidia hida debet secundo die cariare iiij caretatas. In crastino 
 ■ dupliciter. 
 
 “Item si debent cariare bladum de sub ferdwice, dimidia hida iiij or 
 1 caretatas et alia dimidia hida debet tassare. Et de Dodecote vj caretatas, 
 
 ‘ et sic debent cariare de prope die tota si placet Domino. 
 
 “ Item si Dominus emit boscum quelibet virgata terre debet ducere duas 
 1 caretatas de bosco in curiam, et Dominus debet parare ut sit promptus 
 ‘ ad cariandum ante festum Sancti Michaelis. Et si non cariant ante 
 1 festum Sancti Michaelis debent cariare post unum hocsiam pro carreta. 
 
 ‘ Ita quod possint uno die ire et redire. Et tota septimana ilia quieti 
 ‘ remanebunt. 
 
 “ Item quelibet hida debet arare iij es acras et triturare semen ad illas 
 1 acras et ducere in campura ettradere seminatori qui illud debet seminare, 
 
 1 et illi debent herciare, et esse quieti de ilia septimana. 
 
 “ Item si Dominus velit domos edificare, debet emere materiem et parare, 
 
 ;l et homines debent adducere domum. Scilicet quelibet hida qualibet 
 “ die unam caretatam dum totum sit cariatuin. Ita ut possint ire et redire 
 “ uno die. 
 
 “Item si placet Domino mittere propter piscem, summonitor debet 
 “ summonere iiij or hidas, unde due hide ibunt propter piscem apud 
 “ Glovecestram et alie due hide ducent piscem apud Rovecestrain super 
 “ custum suum, et quieti remanebunt donee redeant. 
 
 “ Item debent pannagium ad festutn Sancti Michaelis, pro porco super 
 annato j d. Si sit infra annum ob. Si habet porcos separatos quatuor, 
 
 ‘ pro j d. Sus autem nichil. 
 
 “ Item si siut ad firmam quelibet virgata terre debet ad iij« terminos 
 “ anni vij sol. Scilicet ad Pascha floridum ij sol. et iiij d , ad Vincula Sancti 
 “ Petri ij sol. et iiij d , ad festum Sancti Michaelis ij sol. et iiij d . 
 
 “Item quelibet virgata debet falcare duos audeas per duos dies et qui- 
 “ libet falcator debet habere unum panem, et omnes habebunt iiij multones 
 “ in communi. Et pro prato de Dodecote falcando pro amore non pro 
 “ debito habebunt unum multonem et unum caseum de iiij' 1 , et unum 
 “ bacinum salis, et unum fessum straminis. Et isti homines et omnes ho- 
 “ mines qui faciunt consuetudines debent levare fenum illud cum servi- 
 “ entibus Domini. 
 
 “ Item si Dominus debet habere duas precarias in Augusto, erunt ad 
 “ prandium suum et habebit duo fercula carnis et potagium et caseum. Et 
 “ omnes operarii debent venire cum tota familia sua prseter uxorem suam 
 “et pastorem. Et si hospes habeat duos homines, non debet laborare. 
 
 “ Si non habeat duos, laborabit. Et si aliquis eorum habeat undersetlam, 
 
 “ ad primarn bedripam veniet. 
 
 “ Item Dominus habebit duas precarias carrucarum per annum, scilicet 
 “ unam in bieme, et aliam in quadragesimali tempore ad prandium suum, 
 
 “ et venient ad horam ratiouabilem et redibunt. 
 
 “ Item si fortuitu arsura evenerit de ecclesia Rovecestrie, aut murina in 
 “villa evenerit, aut tailagium Domini regis emerserit: omnes adjuvabunt 
 “ cum mensura et non.aliter. 
 
 “Item si habeat filiam aut sororem, dabit illam pari suo sine emptione, 
 “ S ed illud debet monstrare Domino aut senescallo suo. 
 
 “Item si velit dare filiam aut sororem extra villain non potest sine 
 “ licencia Domini. 
 
 “Item si aliquis velit ducere uxorem, ducet utcumque voluerit per 
 “ visum senescalli. 
 
 “Item potest vendere equum suum et bovem suum et mel etfraxinum 
 “ suam dum sit ad firmam. 
 
 “Item si eveniat quod messarius Domini aliquem equum aut animal 
 « i m parcat de blado Domini a festo Sancti Martini usque ad festum Sancti 
 “ Johannis, debet habere unum panem de domo illius cujus equus vel animal 
 
 6 “ Deinde a festo Sancti Johannis usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis detur 
 “ cornbote de omnibus dampnis, sicut jurare voluerit, secundum consue- 
 «tudinem. Et si forte animal veniat ad transitum Domini in campo, per 
 “ visum emendetur. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Cauuca:. “ Item, si aliquis moriatur, Dominus habebit melius catallum quod habuifc. 
 
 “ Et si nou babeafc nisi unum equum, equus debet vendi et Domiuus debet 
 “ habere xxx ta denarios pro heriath et yidua alios denarios. Et vidua ilia 
 “ debet tenere terram in qua est residens, dum poterit illam defendere et 
 “ dum pura vidua remanebit. 
 
 “ Item, si aliquis fuerit ad sacramentum Dominus ponet illi certum diem, 
 “ad quern possit legem facere sine dilatione. Et si non possit faeere 
 “ legem emendabit penes Dominum. 
 
 “Item homines de Cudintune debent paseere pratum Domini cum 
 “ animalibus suis a festo Sancte Marie in Marcio, usque ad Inventionein 
 “ Saucte Crucis in Maio; pro hoc autem herbagio quelibet carruca ejus- 
 “ dem ville debet waretare unam acram, et aliam acram arare ad seminan- 
 “ dum, et debent herciare eandein acram. 
 
 “Item Dominus non debet aliquem operarium injuste et sine judicio a 
 “ terra sua ejicere. 
 
 “ Item medsep debent dari ad festum Sancti Michaelis, scilicet pro fal- 
 “ cando. 
 
 “ Item de unoquoque masagio, vel homine qui tenet in capite de tene- 
 “ mento monachorum duo altitia et duos panes et potium cervisie, qui ad 
 “ minus continebit ij Galones ad Natale Domini. 
 
 “ Et notandum quod monachi habent in dominico vij carrucas et rustici 
 “ quadragiuta et octo. 
 
 “Terra de Dominico potest coli cum viij 10 carrucis et de stauramento 
 “ potest sustinere 1 vaccas et ccc porcos super annatos et quinquaginta 
 “ oves apud G-ravam et cc et dimidium apud Dodecote et cc et dimidium 
 “ apud Hedenham. 
 
 “ Terra de Dominico in Cudintune potest coli cum iij b * carrucis, et de 
 “ stauramento potest sustinere cl oves et xx li iiij or porcos super annatos et 
 “ v vaccas et unum taurura. 
 
 “ Ad istos iij 03 terminos debent homines de Hedenham redditum suum, 
 
 “ scilicet. In Barais Palmarum. Ad Yincula Sancti Petri. Ad festum 
 “ Sancti Michaelis. 
 
 “ Hec est summa redditus, xxx ta iij lib. et xj sol. et j d. 
 
 “ In hoc hundredo Winepola pro iiij hidis so defendit t. r. E. et modo. 
 
 “ Et de his iiij hidis tenet consul Alanus ij hidas et dimidiam et dimidium 
 “ uirgain. Tribus c’ est ibi terra, j carr’ et ii bide in dominio, et dimid. c’ 
 
 “ potest fieri, una c’ et dimid. villanis, ij villani, unus bord. de xv acris, 
 
 “ vj cotarii. Pratum dimid. car’, ij ser. c. o. Inter totum valet vij lib. et 
 “ qn recep. vj lib. t. r. E. viij lib. 
 
 “ Hanc terram tenuit Ediua pulcra. Et de his iiij hidis tenet Hunfridus 
 “ Dansteuilla de Eudone dapifero unam hidam et j™ 1 u. et dim. ij carrucis 
 “ ibi est t. Ambe c’ in dominio, unus uillanus, j ser. Pratum j carr’. Silua 
 “ ad se refici.c. o. vj por. ij runcini.iiij asini. Inter totum val. c sol. et qn 
 “ rece. c sol. t. r. E. et x sol. Hanc terram tenuit comes Gurd.” 
 
 (MS. Cotton. Tiberius A. vi. f. 109J.) 
 
 “ Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Anglorum Domiuus Ilibernise et Dux Aqui- 
 “ taniio Thesaurario et Camerariis suis salutem. Quia quibusdam certis 
 “ de causis certiorari volumus utrum Manerium de Alwarthorpe in Com. 
 
 “ Ebor. sit de antiquo dominico coronse Anglia) necne, vobis mandamus quod ' 
 “ scrutato libro nostro, qui vocatur Domesday, de eo quod inde inveneritis j 
 “ nos in cancellaria nostra sub sigillo scaccarii nostri- distincte et aperte 
 “ sine dilatione reddatis certiores, remittentes nobis hoc breve. T. me- j 
 “ ipso apud Odyhara xxiiij die Septembr. anno reg. nostri septimo. 
 
 “ Baumbeige.” 
 
 Indorsed. —“ Id quod iuvenimus in libro de Domesday tangens Manerium I 
 “ de Alwarthorpe infra scrip turn vobis mittimus in cedula huie brevi con- I 
 “ suta.” 
 
 In Libro de Domesday in Com. JEbor. inter terras Itegis. 
 
 “ In Poclinton cum iij berew. Hatton, Mileton, Beleby, sunt ad geld. 
 
 “ xxv carucate, et possunt esse xv caruce. Hoe teuuit Morcar pro j 
 “ Manerio. Nunc habet Bex ibi xiij villanos et v bord. habentes v car. et 
 “ iiij censores, qui reddunt xxx solidos. Ibi est ecelesia et presbyter et ij 
 “ molend. v solidos reddentes. Totum Manerium iiij leu. lg. et iij lat. T. B. E. 
 
 “ valuit lvj lib. modo viij lib. Ad hoc Manerium pertinet soca harum ter- 
 j. o. (') viij. c. iiij. c. xiij. c. (=)j.c.t.di. vj. c. 
 
 “ rarum, Brunham, Metelby, Gruntorpe, Mileton, Bruneby, Aluuarestorp, 
 ij. e. viij. o. vj. bo.( 3 ) viij. e. iij. e. 
 
 “ Waplinton, Pfrangefos, Berneby, Ghivedale, Torp. Inter omnes sunt ad 
 “geld, lv carucate terre et dimid. et possunt esse xxx caruce. Nunc in 
 “ manu Begis sunt ibi xv burgenses habentes vij car. et molend. ij solid. 
 
 “ reddens. Prseterea in Chilleuuine sunt ad geld, xvj carucate terre ubi 
 “ possunt esse viij caruce. De hiis carucatis sunt vj ad aulam et x sunt in 
 “ Soca de Poclinton. Silva pascua iiij quarent. long, et tant. d. lat. Tot. 
 
 “ Chilleuuine j leuc. long, et dimid. leuc. lat.” 
 
 [County Placita, York, No. 81.] 
 
 1 Metelbi, D. 3 Brunebi, D. 3 Bemebi, D. 
 
 34* 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 DE SEBVITHTE. 
 
 “Diet! sunt Servi, a servanda, non a serviendo. Solent enim principes Seevi. 
 “ hujusmodi captivos venders, et non occidere, et ideo servare; dici etiam 
 “ possunt mancipia, eo quod ab liostibus suis manucapiuntur. 
 
 “ 2. Servi, autem, aut nascuntur, aut fiunt. Nascuntur quidam ex Nativo 
 “ et Nativa, solutis vel copulatis, et ejus est Servus in cujus potestate nasci 
 “ contigerit, dum tarnen de soluta Nativa domini loci, quia sequitur con- 
 “ ditionem matris, a quoeunque fuerit genitus, libero vel Nativo. Si 
 “autem copulati fuerint, et genitus fuerit partus a libero, licet a Nativa, 
 
 “ partus erit liber; et si de Servo et libera in matrimonio servus erit. 
 
 “3. Fiunt autem homines Servi, de jure gentium, captivitate ; bella enim 
 “ orta sunt, et captivitates secutfe. 
 
 “ Fiunt etiam de jure civili, per confessionem in curia fisei factam, vel, 
 
 “ cum quis Servus, Clericus, vel Monachus effieitur, et sic in statu libero ; 
 
 “ si ad sfficularem vitam redierit, restituendus est domino ut servus suus, 
 
 “quia omnium servorum una est conditio substantialis. Quicunque 
 “ enim Servus erit, ita est Servus, sicut alius, nec plus nec minus. 
 
 “4. In Servorum enim conditione, nulla differentia est. In Liberis, 
 
 “autem, mult® sunt differentia), quia quidam sunt ingenui, et quidam 
 “ libertini.” 
 
 (Fleta, ed. Selden. lib. i. cap. 3.) 
 
 SEBVITIA. 
 
 Even after actual services had been commuted into money payments, 
 we find the term “ servitium ” still retained in old Charters, Covenants, 
 etc., though confined only to rent paid in money. 
 
 The expression generally runs “per liberum servitium,” of so much 
 money, “ pro omni servitio.” 
 
 For the rights of the Servi the reader is referred to the Bectitudines 
 Singularum Personarum, in Thorpe’s ‘ Ancient Law,’ etc. i. 437. In the 
 Laws of "William the Conqueror the following enactment refers to the 
 manumission of the Servi: — 
 
 “Prohibemus ut nullus vendat hominem extra patriam. Si qui vero 
 “ velit Servum suum liberum facere, tradat eum Vicecomiti per manum 
 “ dextram in pleno comitatu, quietum ilium clamare debet a jugo servitutis 
 “ sum per manumissionem, et ostendat ei liberas vias, et portas, et tradat 
 “illi libera arma, scilicet lauceam et gladium; deinde liber homo effieitur.” 
 
 Ib. p. 493. 
 
 For other ordinances referring to the same class, see the Laws of 
 Henry I. ib. p. 570, 5S9. 
 
 In Saxon times the different forms of servitude were expressed by Geneate 
 Theow; in Domesday by Villanus, Bordarius, Servus. Then came Liber 
 Tenens, Operarius, Nations, —the last gradually disappearing, and leaving 
 Liberi Tenentes, Custum Tenentes, converted into our English Freeholders, 
 Occupiers, Labourers. Consider the changes of the last fifty years, and 
 why should we stagger at change between any of the above periods? 
 
 (See Kemble, i. p. 193.) 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 CANTEBBUBY. 
 
 In the reign of Edward I., the Abbot and Convent of St. Augustine, Canter- 
 Canterbury, granted the Aldermanry of Westgate, in Canterbury, to bury. 
 Nicholas Doge, under the yearly rent of £10 sterling. 
 
 The Crown was anciently seised of the city of Canterbury in demesne; 
 and probably this aldermanry was severed from the rest of the city, by 
 virtue of some ancient grant made by the Crown to the Abbey of St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 “ Anno Domini MCCLKXVIII. Nicholaus, Abbas, cum consensu sui 
 “conventus, concessit et dimisit cuidam magistro Nicholao Doge alder- 
 “ manniam de Westgate, qua) tunc ad istud monasterium pertinebat, tenen- 
 “ dam et habendam eandem, cum omnibus appendiciis, tarn in eivitate Cant. 
 
 “ quant extra in suburbio ejusdem, vel alibi, de prafato Abbate et Conventu 
 “in perpetuum; reddendo inde annuatim in thesauraria nostra x li. 
 
 “ sterlingorum, pro omnibus serviciis, salva secta Bourmoti Cant, quam ob 
 “eandem causam facere tenetur. Quomodo autem a possessioue hujus 
 “ ecelesia! devenit non memini me respexisse.”—Thome, apud X. Script, p 
 192G. 
 
 §• 
 
 Chaetulaey of St. Augustine’s. 
 
 (Exchequer Miscell. Books, f. 21.) 
 
 “De eivitate Canterburia Rex Edwardus in dominio li. burgens. qui 
 “ reddebant iij lib. et xvij solid, et v d. de gablo. Et in eadein eivitate 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 “ fuerunt cc et xij homines, de quibus Rex lmbebat saeam et socam et tria 
 “molendina, que reddebant Regi xlij s. de gablo, et viij agri prati, unde 
 “pascebantur equi Regis, euntes et redeuntes, et mille agri minute silve, 
 “unde homines patrie et burgenses civitatis reddebant preposito Regis xx 
 “ solid -> et teloneus panis reddebat xx solid. Et si extrauei mercatores 
 “ veniebant m civitatem et aeeipiebant hospicium iu terra Sc’e Trinitatis 
 “ vel Sc,i Augustini, tunc habebant sui prepositi.i Sed fuit quidam prepositus 
 “ nom ' ne Brimanuus, qui per totam terram civitatis accepit omnes consue- 
 “tudines et teloneum injuste, de quo fecerunt monachi clamorem Regi 
 “AVillielmo, qui precepit ut iude fuisset ante Episcopum Baiocensem, et 
 “ an te Hugonem de Mundfort, et Comitem Ow, et Rieardum filium Gisle- 
 “berti, qui eum jurare fecerunt ut de hac re verum diceret, quibus post 
 “jusjurandum dixit quod verum toloneum habebat acceptum per totam 
 “ civitatem, sed injuste de terra Sc’e Trinitatis vel Sc’i Augustini. Do 
 “molendiuis vero que sunt infra muros civitatis, si ex utrisque partibus 
 “aque ambe ripe sunt unius senioris, tunc exclusam et molendinum potest 
 “ mutare quo voluerit, ita tamen ut alterius molendino non noceat • et de 
 “ rota moleudini in spatio ij perticarum potest deliberare vi animantes vel 
 “retro, propter emendationem molendini, et ut dictum est alterius senioris 
 “ molendino non noceat. Et si ex una parte aque est ripa unius senioris, 
 “et alterius ex altera, tunc non potest ulla edificacio vel mutacio excluse 
 “ sine licencia illius cujus est altera pars ripe, et ex spacio duarum partieu- 
 “ larum, nisi antea est aqua in dominio Regis. Et si panis aut servicia 
 “ esset iauta alio modo quam constitutum est in antiquo tempore, volebant 
 “inde moi- h’re forisfacturam. Sed Brimannus supradictus prepositus 
 “ accepit lianc forisfacturam sicut ptholoneum. Et omnes vie civitatis que 
 “ habent duas portas, hoc est introitum et exitum, ille sunt de consuetudine 
 “Regis. Et si aliquis facit forisfacturam aliquam unam leucam, et in 
 “ spatio trium perticarum et trium pedum, illam habebunt prepositi Regis 
 
 1 buos prepositos ? 2 Sic. “ Solebant inde in communi habere forisfact.”? 
 
 de civitato. Et si aliquis in hoc supradicto spacio fossam fecerit vel sudem 
 “ miserit vel callem Regis cinxncerit, 8 sine licencia prepositi Regis, quo- 
 “ cumque ierit, ille qui hoc fecerit secuturus erit donee Rex habeat inde 
 “forisfacturam suarn. Regina E. et Alnoth aid. et Osbern Bigga et Sir’d 
 de Chileham, isti habuerunt in civitate consuetudines suns de suis 
 “hominibus. Tholoneus panis reddebat lx s.; et quando Hamo recepit 
 ministerium hujus civitatis erant omnes consuetudines Regis sicut prius, 
 ‘sed modo sunt xxxij burgenses minus, propter escambium castelli, qui 
 u reddebant Regi xl s. et ij d. Ex hiis habet modo Archiepiscopus vij, et 
 ^ Abbas Sc i August, xiiij, et xj sunt perditi infra fossatum castelli. Et 
 “ adhuc sunt cc et xij liberi homines, de quibus habet Rex sacam et socam. 
 “Sutores et draparii reddunt xxx s., et porcarii v s. Molendinum lxv s. 
 “ Tholoneus panis reddit viij sol. plus solito. Et de minutis debitis x s. 
 in tempore Regis Edwardi est appreciatum ministerium lj li. Et quando 
 ‘Harao recepit, similiter; sed t’n qui nunc tenet reddit xxxli. turn in cen- 
 “ slone et pensa. Extra portam civitatis in calde Regis erant due domus, 
 una foris et alia intus, de quibus monachi Sc’e Trinitatis unam destruxe- 
 “ runt, et aliam prohibuerunt ne fuisset facta, que reddebant Regi xvj d. de 
 “gablo. Et in alio loco tantum terre que reddebat iij d. Item deraon- 
 strant burgenses civitatis xlv mansiones terre, unde habebant liij s. de 
 gablo tempore Regis Edwardi, et ipse Rex habebat in sacam et socam. 
 “ Sed omnia nunc tenet Ranulfus de Columbeles et Vitalis de Canterbire 
 “de feuodo Episcopi Baiocensis; sed illi non cognoscunt nisi de xxvj. 
 “ Adhuc tenet idem Rauulfus v agros terre cum una ecclesia, que pertinent 
 “ ad monasterium Sc'i Augustini. Item dicunt burgenses quod idem 
 “ Ranulfus teuet quatuor viginti agros de allodiis eorum, et ipse dicit se eos 
 “ tenere de Episcopo Baiocensi. Adhuc idem Ranulfus tenet xxxiij agros 
 “ terre, quos burgenses semper habuerunt in gilda eorum de donis omnium 
 “regum.” 
 
 3 Sic. 
 
 35* 
 
TABULAE VIEW OF MANORS, ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 
 Modern Name of 
 Place. 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Extens 
 
 on and Translation. 
 
 
 
 doncies mentioned. 
 
 Extension; 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 Acres . . • 
 
 Acrise . . . 
 
 Nunnib erg . . 
 
 Fee of Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Two Brothers . . . 
 
 
 p. 45,11. 24-28. 
 
 p. 136, 11. 10-14. 
 
 Addelam 
 
 Deal .... 
 
 (Jornelai. . . 
 
 Bishop oi Baieux, appa- 
 
 Archbishop Stigand 
 
 Anschitil the Archdeacon, 1 suling in, 
 
 p. 5,11.11-16. 
 
 p. 95, 11. 16-20. 
 
 
 
 
 rently, or else merely 
 
 
 and 50 acres at Deal, and 50 acres 
 
 
 Addelam . • 
 
 Deal .... 
 
 Cornelai. . . 
 
 Gustos 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa- 
 
 Adelold, 3 virges in, as 
 
 in St. Margaret’s, as a prebend 
 Adelold, 3 virges in, as a prebend 
 
 p. 5,11. 21-29. 
 
 p. 95,11. 25-34. 
 
 
 
 
 rently, or else merely 
 
 a prebend 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine, 1 suling in, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Custos 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustin, 
 
 as a prebend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 one suling in, as a pre- 
 
 William, son of Tedald, half a suling 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lantport . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 bend 
 
 Derinc, son of Sired, ap¬ 
 parently as a prebend 
 
 and half a yoke in, apparently as a 
 prebend 
 
 
 
 Al'ETTUNE . . 
 
 
 
 
 p. 131, 11. 4-7. 
 
 Aiglessa . . 
 
 Eccles . . . 
 
 Laurockesiel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Cilt .... 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turold. 
 
 p. 27,11. 6-13. 
 
 p. 116,11. 5-12. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 The King, as of the new gift of the 
 Bishop 
 
 3 houses in Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aldelose . . 
 
 Aldglose, in 
 
 Bilissold. . . 
 
 Godoric, in chief . . 
 
 Osbert holds of William Fitz-Taum . 
 
 p. 41,11. 21-25. 
 
 p. 131,11.24-27. 
 
 
 HastingLeigh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aldintone . . 
 
 Aldington . . 
 
 Belicolt . . . 
 
 Archbp. ol Canterbury, 
 
 
 
 
 p. 102, 1. 46. 
 
 
 
 
 in demesne 
 
 
 25 Burgesses in Romney 
 
 p. 14,1.19. 
 
 p. 103,1. 13. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 Presbyters in Limne 
 
 p.14,1. 21. 
 
 p. 103,1. 16. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Earl of Ow, Stowting 
 
 p. 14,1. 26. 
 
 p. 103, 1. 19. 
 
 Alham . . . 
 
 Elham . . . 
 
 Homnberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, in de- 
 
 Edric, in chief . . . 
 
 In Demesne. 
 
 p. 37,11. 2-7. 
 
 p. 126,11.27-31. 
 
 
 
 
 mesne 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alnoitone . . 
 
 Elnotmington, 
 
 Aihorde 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 
 p. 118,1. 45, to 
 
 
 in Hoiling- 
 
 
 
 3 mansions of land in Rochester “ ad- 
 
 p. 30, 1. 4. 
 
 p. 119,1. 6. 
 
 
 bourne 
 
 
 
 
 join" this manor 
 
 
 
 
 Eltham . . . 
 
 Grenviz . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluuold, in chief . . 
 
 Haimo. 
 
 p. 25, 11. 29-33. 
 
 p. 114,11.26-30. 
 
 Apeldres . . 
 
 Appledobe . . 
 
 BLachebome 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 19,1. 33. 
 
 p. 108,1. 30. 
 
 Apletone . . 
 
 Apdlton, in 
 
 Bewsberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ascored, in chief . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 43,11. 11-14. 
 
 p. 133,11. 33-35. 
 
 
 W aidenshaw. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Arclei . . . 
 
 Hartley . . 
 
 Essamle . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bari Harold, and Hunef 
 held of him 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 p. 34, 11. 25-29. 
 
 p. 123,11.33-36. 
 
 Asmeslant . . 
 
 
 In Maresco do 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 19,11. 43-46. 
 
 p. 108,1.41. 
 
 
 
 Komenel 
 
 
 William Folet 
 
 
 
 
 Aldington . . 
 
 Aiborde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Goduuin and Aluuin, in 
 
 Ansgot of Rochester. 
 
 p. 29, 11. 39-43. 
 
 p. 118,11.36-4.0. 
 
 
 
 
 chief as 2 manors 
 
 
 
 
 Bacheham . . 
 
 Beckenham . . 
 
 Brunlei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Anschil, in chief . . 
 
 Ansgot of Rochester. 
 
 p. 26, 11. 22-26. 
 
 p. 115,11.21-25. 
 
 Badelesmere . 
 
 Badlesmere 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine 
 
 p. 39, 11. 11-17. 
 
 p. 129,11.6-12. 
 
 Bedenesmere . 
 
 
 Maress de Ro- 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 
 No name . 
 
 
 p. 140,11.35-36. 
 
 
 
 menel 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bedesham . . 
 
 
 liistrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godesa, in chief . . 
 
 Osbert Fitz-Letard. 
 
 X Thanes 
 
 p. 43,11. 36-42. 
 
 p. 134,11.11-17. 
 
 Belice . . . 
 
 1 denn in 
 
 Rovinden . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 Hugo de Montfort 
 
 p. 37, H. 8-10. 
 
 p. 51, 11. 26-29. 
 
 p. 126,11.33-35. 
 
 p. 142,11.26-29. 
 
 Beeice . . . 
 
 Bircholt (Has- 
 
 Hen .... 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Turgis, in chief . . . 
 
 
 ted) but ?Bilcli- 
 erst, in Hawk- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Cilt, and Godric 
 
 Adelold held it of the Bishop . . 
 
 p. 33, 11. 26-29. 
 
 p. 122,11.27-30. 
 
 
 
 
 held of him 
 
 Robert holds it at farm 
 
 
 
 
 Benenden . . 
 
 Rovindene . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Osier, in chief . . . 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel. 
 
 p. 42,11. 6-9. 
 
 p. 131,11.19-22. 
 
 
 
 Werelin, in chief . . 
 
 Wadard. 
 
 p. 40, 11. 35-39. 
 
 p. 130,11. 31-34. 
 
 Berewic . . 
 
 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 William de Eddesham (one of the 
 
 p. 16,1. 25. 
 
 p. 105,1.20. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Archbishop’s Knights) 
 
 
 p. 127,11.2-5. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 One poor Woman 
 
 Rannulf de Coliunbels, but charged 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 to scot in Harden 
 
 
 
 Berham . . . 
 
 Barham . . 
 
 Bcrliam . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Stigand, in chief . . 
 
 Fulbert.. • • 
 
 Herbei’t Fitz-Ivo, and Berewich, 
 called Huham or Hucham 
 
 Osbern Paisforeve 
 
 Rannulf, a Knight 
 
 p 37,11. 35-50. 
 
 p. 127,11.22-36. 
 
 p. 117,11.30-35. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sbern Biga, in chief 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 28,11. 33-39. 
 
 Bermelie . . 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Cilt, and Godric 
 
 Adelold. 
 
 
 
 
 West Banning 
 
 Medestan . . 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige . 
 
 held it of him 
 
 Alret, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 p. 55,11. 10-14. 
 
 p. 146,11.15-19. 
 
 Betmontestun . 
 
 Beamonston, or 
 Beamston-in- 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ailric, in chief . . • 
 
 
 
 Bevesfel . . 
 
 W estwell 
 Bewsfleld, alias 
 
 Comelest . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 
 Oidelard. 
 
 
 p. 139,11.22-23. 
 
 
 Whitfield, beld 
 ofNorthborae 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 37* 
 
TABLE OF MANORS. 
 
 Ancient. Name of 
 
 Modem Name of 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 
 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen¬ 
 dencies mentioned. 
 
 Reference to Extension and Translation. 
 
 
 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Biohelei . . 
 
 Bekele, alias 
 Beccles - in - 
 Chalk 
 
 Medestan, but ? 
 rather not 
 named 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Leuuin, and Vluuin 
 held of him 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 34, U. 21-24. 
 
 p. 123,11.28-31. 
 
 Bilsvitone . . 
 
 Bilsington . . 
 
 Nevcerce 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, in de¬ 
 mesne 
 
 Alnod Cilt .... 
 
 In Demesne. 
 
 Count of Ow 
 
 p. 41,11. 37-44. 
 
 p. 131, 1. 41, to 
 p. 132, 1. 2. 
 
 Bix .... 
 
 Bexley . . . 
 
 Helmestrei . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 
 
 
 p. 10, 1. 40. 
 
 p. 99, 1. 47. 
 
 Blachemene- 
 
 STONE 
 
 Blackmanstone 
 
 Werde . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Blacheman. 
 
 Hervey. 
 
 p. 51, 1. 4. 
 
 p. 142,11. 3-6. 
 
 Blehem . . . 
 
 Bleane . . . 
 
 W itestaple . . 
 
 Haimo the Sheriff . . 
 
 .Norman, in chief . . 
 
 
 p. 55,11. 37-41. 
 
 p. 146,11.41-44. 
 
 Bocheland . . 
 
 1 Yoke in Buck- 
 
 Favreshant. . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Leuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Osbern . 
 
 p. 39,11. 29 31. 
 
 p. 129,11. 23-25. 
 
 Bocheland . . 
 
 Buckland . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Seuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Osbem. 
 
 
 p. 129,11.19-22. 
 
 Bocheland . . 
 
 Bbckland, near 
 Dover 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bp. ofBaieux apparently, 
 or else merely Custos 
 
 
 Godric, one suling in, apparently as 
 a prebend 
 
 p. 5, 11. 41-43. 
 
 p. 96, 1. 1-2. 
 
 
 Buckland . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Turgot, in chief . . . 
 
 Turstin de Girunde. 
 
 p. 40, 11. 1-3. 
 
 p. 129,11.40-42. 
 
 Bochelande 
 
 Bochelande 
 
 Buckland, near 
 Dover 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa¬ 
 rently, or else merely 
 Custos 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Aluin, one suling in, as 
 a prebend 
 
 Aluin, one suling in, as a prebend 
 
 p. 4, 11. 26-28. 
 
 p. 94,11. 32-34. 
 
 Bochelande 
 
 Buckland, near 
 
 Stotinges . . 
 
 
 
 p. 37,1. 11. 
 
 p. 126,11. 37-39. 
 
 Bocoland . . 
 
 Buckland . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 Osbern Fitz-Letard (one of the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights) 
 
 p. 16,1. 10. 
 
 p. 105,1. 4. 
 
 Bodesham . . 
 
 Bottsham, in 
 Elmsted 
 
 Stotinges 
 
 Abbey ot St. Augustine 
 
 A Yillaner. 
 
 Gaufrid. 
 
 
 p. 140,11.18-20. 
 
 Bogelei . . . 
 
 Bewley, in 
 Bougkton 
 Malherb 
 
 Aihorde . 
 
 Bishop of Baienx . . 
 
 Turgis, in chief . . . 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert, a Tenant {homo) 
 Adam has a suling called Mevlea 
 
 p. 30,11. 20-26. 
 
 p. 119,11. 21-23. 
 
 Boltone . . . 
 
 Boughton Mal¬ 
 herbe 
 
 Hai borne . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald, one of the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights 
 
 p. 15,1. 37. 
 
 p. 104, 1. 25. 
 
 Boltone . . . 
 
 Boughton Mon- 
 chensei 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux 
 
 Earl Godwin,and Aluuin 
 held of him 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 p. 31,1. 1-5. 
 
 p. 120,11. l^t. 
 
 Boltdne . . . 
 
 Boughton un¬ 
 der the Blean 
 
 Boltun . . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 
 
 p. 102,1. 10. 
 
 Boltdne . . . 
 
 Boughton 
 
 Aluph 
 
 Wi .... 
 
 Earl Eustace .... 
 
 Earl G-odwin, in chief . 
 
 
 
 p. 146,11. 2-6. 
 
 Bonintone . . 
 
 Bonnington. . 
 
 Estraites . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Norman, in chief . . 
 
 William Fitz-Grosse. 
 
 p. 53,11. 50-54. 
 
 
 Boechetelle . 
 
 Borstall . . 
 
 Rovecestre . . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 80 messuages in Rochester belong to 
 Borchetelle and Fraudesberie 
 
 p. 21,1. 25. 
 
 p. 110,1. 22. 
 p. 110,1. 26. 
 
 Borham . . . 
 
 Burham . . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Leuuin .... 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 p. 28,11. 40-46. 
 
 p. 117,11.36-40. 
 
 Borne . . . 
 
 Patrixborne 
 
 Brige. . . . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 
 Richard Fitz-William. 
 
 p. 35, 1. 16. 
 
 p. 124,11. 32-37. 
 
 Borne . . . 
 
 (?) Patrixborne 
 or Littleborne 
 
 Brige.... 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 Demesne. 
 
 p. 46,11. 16-21. 
 
 p. 137, 11. 6-9. 
 
 Boseleu . . . 
 
 Boxley . . . 
 
 Medestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Cilt. 
 
 Rotbert Latin, at farm. 
 
 Helto 
 
 One Frenchman 
 
 p. 33,11. 34-40. 
 
 p. 122,11.36-43. 
 
 Bradeburne 
 
 Braborne . . 
 
 Bilissold. . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 
 
 
 Beebdene . . 
 
 Braboene . . 
 
 Berisovt. . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort part. 
 Bishop of Baieux part 
 
 Godric de Burnes, in 
 chief 
 
 
 p. 53,11. 23-29. 
 
 p. 144,11. 27-32. 
 
 Briestede . . 
 
 Brasted . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff, one of the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights 
 
 Abbot Alnod formerly held it of the 
 Archbishop 
 
 p. 15,11. 23-30. 
 
 p. 104,11.13-18. 
 
 Brochestele . 
 
 Temple or Bos¬ 
 well Banks in 
 Ewell (j Hasted) 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Fee of Bishop of Baieux, 
 now Hugh 
 
 V Inod, in chief . . . 
 
 Herfrid. 
 
 p. 43,11. 15-18. 
 
 p. 133,11.36-39. 
 
 Brochestele . 
 
 Temple, or Bos¬ 
 well Banks in 
 Ewell 
 
 Estrei, but 
 surely Bevs- 
 berge 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Molleue, in chief. . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 
 p. 136,11. 1-2. 
 
 Bronlei . . . 
 
 Bromley. . . 
 
 Bronlei . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rrotettam . . 
 
 Wrotham . . 
 
 Broteham . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 William Despencer (Dispensator) 
 Goisfrid 
 
 Farman 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 p.100,11. 24-39. 
 
 Brunfelle . . 
 
 Broomfield . . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Godwin, and Aluuin 
 held of him 
 
 Rotbert Latin, at farm. 
 
 Adelold held it of the Bishop 
 
 A piece of free land belongs to this 
 Manor 
 
 p. 31,11. 31-38. 
 
 p. 120,11.27-32. 
 
 Burgum de Ro- 
 
 MENEL 
 
 Burgh of Rom¬ 
 ney 
 
 Lantport . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 (?) Rotbert de Romenel 
 
 Earl Godwin, and Alsi 
 held of him 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel, who has 1 bur¬ 
 gesses in Romney, the king having 
 all their service 
 
 p. 41,11. 51-53. 
 
 p. 131,11.10-13. 
 
 Bhenes . . . 
 
 Bishofsbourne . 
 
 Berham . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 
 
 p. 182, 1. 4. 
 
 Boenes . . . 
 
 Bekesborne . . 
 
 Brige.... 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, in 
 demesne 
 
 Leuinc, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh de Monfort once held it. . . 
 Rannulf, at farm 
 
 p. 35, 11. 30-37. 
 
 p. 125,11. 4-10. 
 
 Burwar Maresc 
 
 Burmarsh . . 
 
 Maress de Ro- 
 menel 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 p. 140,11.32-34. 
 
 Canthaeia . . 
 
 38* 
 
 Certain Bur¬ 
 gesses and 
 Mansures,and 
 a mill in Can¬ 
 terbury 
 
 Oivitas Can- 
 tuaria 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 12 Burgesses 
 
 The Clergy of the Town for their 
 Guild 
 
 p. 10,11. 2-4. 
 
 p. 99, 11.14-15. 
 
TABLE OF MANORS. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 Place. 
 
 Modern Name of 
 Place. 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 
 The hundred 
 
 Hundret et Ci- 
 
 D0MUS 
 
 and City ot 
 Canterbury 
 
 vitas Cantuarite 
 
 Celca • • • 
 
 Chalk . . 
 
 Medestan, but 
 (?) rather “not 
 named ” 
 
 
 (?) Eastchurch 
 
 Mildetone . . 
 
 Cerletone . . 
 
 Charlton . . 
 
 Grenviz . . 
 
 Cerlentone . 
 
 Charlton, near 
 Dover 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Certeham . . 
 
 Chartham . . 
 
 Feleberg . . 
 
 
 Great Chart . 
 
 Cert .... 
 
 
 Chart Sutton . 
 
 Aihorde . . 
 
 Ceteham . . 
 
 Chatham . . 
 
 Ceteham. . . 
 
 Chenetone, et 
 
 Kennington (?) 
 
 Langebrige 
 
 jacuit in Bor- 
 chemeres 
 
 ( L.B.L .) 
 
 Chenoxtone 
 
 Knowlton . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Cherinche- 
 
 ? (perhaps 
 
 h'erleberg . . 
 
 IIEXXE 
 
 Charing Hill) 
 
 Cheringes 
 
 Charing . . 
 
 Gale Helle . . 
 
 Chestan . . 
 
 Keston . . . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Cildresham . . 
 
 Luddenham (?) 
 (Hasted) 
 
 Eavresliant . 
 
 Cileham . . 
 
 Chilham . . 
 
 Feleberge . . 
 
 Cixxedene . . 
 
 Chillenden . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 ClRESPEX . . 
 
 Chelsfield . . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Cistelet . . 
 
 Chislet . . . 
 
 Uistelet . . . 
 
 Civttas Cantu- 
 
 City op Canter- 
 
 City of Canter- 
 
 
 bury 
 
 bury 
 
 Ciyitas Rove- 
 
 City op Roches- 
 
 City of Roches- 
 
 cestre 
 
 ter 
 
 ter 
 
 Clive . . . 
 
 Cliffe . . . 
 
 Essamels . . 
 
 Clive . . . 
 
 Cliff . . . 
 
 Essamle . . 
 
 COOLESTANE 
 
 Cuxton . . . 
 
 Essamele . 
 
 CoDEHAM 
 
 Cudham . . 
 
 Helmestrei. . 
 
 COLINGE . . 
 
 Cowling . . 
 
 Medestan, but 
 (?) rather not 
 named 
 
 Colleges . . 
 
 COWLTNG . . 
 
 Essamle . . 
 
 COLRET . . 
 
 COLDRED . . 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Crai .... 
 
 Boot’s Cray 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Craie . . . 
 
 Paul’s Cray . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Craie . . . 
 
 North Cray . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Croctune . . 
 
 Crawton, alias 
 Crofton - in - 
 Orpington 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 CcMBE . . . 
 
 Combe-in-Bra- 
 
 
 Danetone . . 
 
 Denton . . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Danitone . 
 
 Denton . . . 
 
 Essamele . . 
 
 Darenden . . 
 
 Derrington-in- 
 
 W i (surely 
 
 Delce . . . 
 
 Barham (L.B.L.) 
 
 Bridge) 
 
 Great Delce, 
 with Lower 
 Delce 
 
 Rovecestre . . 
 
 ie of Tenant in Chiof. 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa¬ 
 rently, or else merely 
 Gustos 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 in demesne 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 King William . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Extens 
 
 on and Translation. 
 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 p. 36,11. 3-5. 
 
 p. 127,11.27-28. 
 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 33,1. 49, to 
 
 p. 123,11. 7-14. 
 
 
 The King to value of 7 shillings of 
 
 p. 34,1. 7. 
 
 
 
 the new gift of the bishop 
 
 
 
 
 8 Haughs in Rochester 
 
 In Exesse a hide belonging to this 
 
 
 
 
 Manor, held by Goduin, son of Dude- 
 man, and now Rannulf Peurel holds 
 
 
 
 Osuuard . . . 
 
 it (? in Essex) 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 p. 35,11. 6-8. 
 
 p. 124,11.18-20. 
 
 Goduin and Alard, 2 
 
 William Fitz-Oger. 
 
 p. 25,11.43-47. 
 
 p. 114,11.40-43. 
 
 brothers, in chief, as 
 
 2 manors 
 
 
 
 
 Leuuin, as a prebend . 
 
 Ralph de St. Sanson, as a prebend . 
 
 p. 4,11.17-25. 
 
 p. 94,11. 25-31. 
 
 Sired, one suling in 
 
 William, Son of Oger, one suling, etc. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18,1. 26. 
 
 p. 107,1.21. 
 
 Alnod Cilt .... 
 
 The Arch bishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18,1. 37. * 
 
 p. 107,1. 32. 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 p. 30,11. 10-14. 
 
 p. 119,11.12-15. 
 
 Earl Godwin . . . 
 
 Rotbert Latin, at farm of the 
 
 p. 32,11. 2-8. 
 
 p. 121,11. 2-6. 
 
 
 Bishop 
 
 
 p. 140,11.25-30. 
 
 Eduuard, in chief . 
 
 Turstin. 
 
 p. 43,11. 33-35. 
 
 p. 134,11. 8-10. 
 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 p. 48,11.1-3. 
 
 p. 138,1. 43, to 
 
 
 
 p. 139,1.2. 
 
 
 
 
 p. 102,1.17. 
 
 Sbeme Biga, in chief . 
 
 Gislebert Maminot. 
 
 p. 26,11.13-16. 
 
 p. 115,11.11-14. 
 
 
 A Knight 
 
 
 p. 128,11. 37-41. 
 
 Sired, in chief.... 
 
 Fulbert. 
 
 13 messuages in Canterbury 
 
 p. 38,11.25-33. 
 
 p. 128,11.19-25. 
 
 Godwin, in chief, and 5 
 
 Usbern Eitz-Letard. 
 
 p. 44,11.12-16. 
 
 p. 134,11.39-42. 
 
 other Thanes . . . 
 
 
 Tochi, in chief . . . 
 
 Krnulph de Hesding. 
 
 p. 24,11. 39-44. 
 
 p. 113,11. 32-36. 
 
 
 4 French Knights . 
 
 p. 47,11. 6-12. 
 
 p. 137,1. 42, to 
 
 
 
 
 p. 138,1.1. 
 
 King Edward . . 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff. 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury 
 
 p. 6,11.1-47. 
 
 p. 96,11. 6-40. 
 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine 
 
 Rannulph de Columbels 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine,4 messuages for¬ 
 merly held by Harold’s Concubine 
 
 
 
 
 Churches of St. Trinity, St. Augustine, 
 
 
 
 
 and the land of Queen Eddeva, and 
 Alnod Cilt and Esber Biga and 
 Siret de Cilleham 
 
 
 
 
 A Reeve called Brumen, in King 
 
 
 
 
 Edward’s time, cited as having been 
 out of King Edward’s Soc. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux. 
 
 p. 6,11.48-49. 
 
 p. 96,11.41-42. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 17,11.41-45. 
 
 p. 106,11.36-40. 
 
 Aluric and Ordric, two 
 
 Ernulf de Hesding. 
 
 p. 34,11.34-37. 
 
 p. 123,11.41-44. 
 
 brothers, in chief 
 
 
 p. 110,1.1. 
 
 
 
 Gislebert Maminot. 
 
 p. 26,1. 8. 
 
 p. 115,1. 7. 
 
 Earl Leuuin, and Yluuin 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 34,11.15-20. 
 
 p. 123,11.22-29. 
 
 held of him 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 
 
 Odo. 
 
 p. 34,11.44-46. 
 
 p. 124,11. 7-9. 
 
 Molleue, in chief . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 42,11.49-53. 
 
 p. 133,11.15-18. 
 
 
 William Fitz-Oger. 
 
 
 p. 114,11. 44, to 
 
 
 26,1. 2. 
 
 p. 115,1. 2. 
 
 
 Anschitil de Ros. 
 
 p. 25,11.12-15. 
 
 p. 114,11. 8-11. 
 
 Alnod Cilt, and Aluuin 
 
 Anschitil de Ros. 
 
 p. 25, li. 16-30. 
 
 p. 114,11.12-17. 
 
 held of him 
 
 Aluuin, in chief, as 2 
 
 Anschitil. 
 
 p. 26,11. 3-7. 
 
 p. 115,11. 3-6. 
 
 Manors 
 
 
 
 
 Leuret de Rochinge, in 
 
 Wadard. 
 
 p. 40,11. 40-44. 
 
 p. 130,11.35-29 
 
 chief 
 
 Molleue, in chief . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 45,11.10-14. 
 
 p.21,1. 6. 
 
 p. 135,11.40-44 
 
 p. 110,1.6. 
 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p 47,11. 37, 38. 
 
 p. 138,11.26,27 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 The Son of William Tahum . . . 
 
 p. 32,11.10-14. 
 
 p. 121,11; 7-10. 
 
 
 
 
 39* 
 
 
TABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 
 Modem Name of 
 
 In wliat Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, 
 
 T. B. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Beference to Extension and Translation. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Place. 
 
 denoies mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Deloe . . . 
 
 Little Delce, 
 alias Upper 
 Deice 
 
 Rovecestre . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, ir 
 
 chief . . 
 
 Ansgot of Rochester. 
 
 p. 32,11.15-18. 
 
 p. 121,1L11-14. 
 
 Dene . . . 
 
 Dean Court, in 
 Westwell 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vlnod, ' 
 Waua, 
 Aluuard, 
 Vlueron, 
 
 in chief. 
 
 Adelold. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine 
 
 Now in the King’s hands 
 
 p. 41,11.1-8. 
 
 p. 130,1.45, to 
 p. 131,1.8. 
 
 Dictune . . 
 
 Ditton . . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sbern, in c 
 
 lief . . . 
 
 Haiino, the Sheriff. 
 
 p. 26,11. 42-47. 
 
 p. 115,11.39-43. 
 
 Dodeham . . 
 
 Doddington 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sired, in chief . . . 
 
 Fulbert. 
 
 5 Haughs in Canterbury 
 
 p. 40,11.15-20. 
 
 p. 130,11.12-17. 
 
 Douere . . . 
 
 Dover . . . 
 
 V ilia do Douere 
 
 King William (appa¬ 
 rently) 
 
 King Edward (appa¬ 
 rently) 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, Gustos .... 
 
 Robert de Romenel. 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine 
 
 William, son of Tedald 
 
 William, son of Oger 
 
 William, son of Tedold 
 
 Robert Niger 
 
 William, son of Goisfrid 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 Durand 
 
 Rannulph de Columbels 
 
 W adard 
 
 The son of Modbert 
 
 Humphry Loripes 
 
 Roger de Ostrehan 
 
 Herbert, son of Ivo 
 
 p.2,11.22,35,45. 
 p. 2,11. 26-45. 
 
 p.93,11.13,20,29. 
 p. 93, 11. 22-30. 
 
 Dovere . . . 
 
 Laid into the 
 guild of Dover 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 
 Wibert. 
 
 Osbert Fitz-Letard 
 
 p. 44,11. 5-7. 
 
 p. 134,11.33-34. 
 
 Dovere . . . 
 
 A mill in Dover 
 
 Devs berg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 
 Hugh. 
 
 p. 42,11.43, 44. 
 
 p. 133, 11. 9, 10. 
 
 Ece .... 
 
 1 yoke in Ash, 
 next WlNGHAM 
 
 Summerclene (?) 
 surely Estrei 
 
 
 
 
 Turstin. 
 
 p. 44,11. 32, 33. 
 
 p. 135,11.14-16. 
 
 Ece .... 
 
 Ash, near Sand¬ 
 wich 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bemolt, in 
 
 chief . . 
 
 Osbert Fitz-Letard. 
 
 p. 44, 11. 45-47. 
 
 p. 135,11.27-29. 
 
 Edesham . . 
 
 Ad is ham . . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 2 of the Archbishop’s Knights 
 
 p 19,11.18-27. 
 
 p. 108,11.16-23. 
 
 Eddintone . . 
 
 Addington . . 
 
 Achestan (?) . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Lestan, in 
 Alnod Gilt 
 Agelred, in 
 
 chief . . 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 p. 22,11. 21-25. 
 
 p. 111,11.19-22. 
 
 Eddintone . . 
 
 Addington . . 
 
 Laurochesfel 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 chief . . 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 p. 27, 11.45-50. 
 
 p. 116,11.39-43. 
 
 Eisse .... 
 
 Ash .... 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 (ioclric, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh de Port.[slaves 
 
 A Knight, having 8 male and female 
 2 Tenants of lands called Didele and 
 Soninges, who, T. R. E., could go 
 where they chose 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p. 22,11. 36-44. 
 
 p. Ill, 11. 31-39. 
 
 Elentun . . . 
 
 Allington . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Gilt 
 held of hi 
 
 and Vluric 
 n 
 
 Anschitil. 
 
 p. 26,11. 36-41. 
 
 p. 115,11.34-38. 
 
 Elesford . . 
 
 Aylesford . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 King William. . . . 
 
 King Edward.... 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff’. 
 
 Ansgotus 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 p. 8, 11. 32-41. 
 
 p. 98, 11. 25-33. 
 
 Elesford . . 
 
 Eynsford . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Unspac, one of the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p. 15,11. 9-16. 
 
 p. 104, H. 1-7. 
 
 Erclei . . . 
 
 Hartley . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 A certain Woman, 
 but (?) in chief 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 p. 22,11. 17-20. 
 
 p. 111,11.15-18. 
 
 Erhede . . . 
 
 Crayford . . 
 
 Litelai 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 j messuage in Canterbury 
 
 Rannulf 
 
 p. 10,1. 46. 
 
 p. 100,1. 6. 
 
 Ernoltun . . 
 
 Elwerton, in 
 Stone, next 
 Faversham 
 
 Favreshant . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Burnod, in 
 
 chief. . . 
 
 p. 39,11. 1-7. 
 
 p.128,11.42-129, 
 
 1. 2. 
 
 Esledes . . . 
 
 Leeds . . . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Leuuin .... 
 
 Adelold. 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine, half a solin 
 in, in exchange for the park of the 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Earl of Ow, 4 denns 
 
 p. 29, 11. 30-38. 
 
 p. 118,11.29-35. 
 
 Eslinges . . . 
 
 Easling . . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ynlot, in chief . . . 
 
 Roger Fitz-Anschitil. 
 
 p. 40,11. 4-8. 
 
 p. 130, 11. 1-5. 
 
 Eslinges. . . 
 
 Easling . . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Sired, in chief. . . . 
 
 Fulbert. 
 
 Hugh Fitz-Fulbert 
 
 p. 40,11. 9-14. 
 
 p. 130,11. 6-11. 
 
 Esmerefel . . 
 
 Eshmerfleld 
 alias Ashen- 
 fiel, in Wal¬ 
 tham (Hasted) 
 
 Wi . . . . 
 (surely Bridge) 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 
 
 
 p. 47,11. 34-36. 
 
 p. 138,11. 23-25. 
 
 Esmetone . . 
 
 Elmington, in 
 Eythorne 
 ( Hasted) 
 
 Summerdene (?) 
 surely Estrei 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sired, in chief . . . 
 
 Osbert. 
 
 One Presbyter 
 
 
 p. 135,11.19-21. 
 
 Esnoiland . . 
 
 Snodland . . 
 
 Wot named, for 
 it cannot be 
 Bronte 
 
 Bishop ot Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 109,1. 40. 
 
 Essamelesford. 
 
 Shalmsford, in 
 Chartham 
 
 Ferliberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alrec, in chief . . . 
 
 Herfrid. 
 
 p. 41,11.17 20. 
 
 p. 131,11.19-22. 
 
 Essedene . . 
 
 Nashenden . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ear l Leuuin .... 
 
 Rannulf de Columbels. 
 
 p. 27, 11. 31-35. 
 
 p. 116,11.27-30. 
 
 Essella . . . 
 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 3 men who could go with 
 their lords whither they 
 chose, in chief 
 
 
 p. 50, 11. 20 23. 
 
 p. 141,11.19-22. 
 
 Essetesford 
 
 (alia) 
 
 Another Ash¬ 
 ford 
 
 Langebrige. . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Wirelm, in 
 
 chief. . . 
 
 Maigno. 
 
 p. 50, 11. 24-28. 
 
 p. 141,11. 23-27. 
 
 40 * 
 
TABLE OF MANORS. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 Place. 
 
 Modem Name of 
 Place. 
 
 In what. Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Extension and Translation. 
 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 
 dencies mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 aElvetone . . 
 
 Elmstone . . 
 
 Prestetum . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 Godessa, alodiary . . 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 p. 49,11. 5-12. 
 
 p. 140,11. 8-13. 
 
 Essewelle . . 
 
 Eastwell (Has¬ 
 ted); (?) Wells 
 
 Estrei (but if 
 Eastwell, not 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Molleue, in chief. . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 44,11. 48-51. 
 
 p. 135,11.30-32. 
 
 
 in Eastry 
 
 so) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Estanbs . . . 
 
 Stone . . . 
 
 Not named . . 
 
 Bishop of .Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 p. 109,1. 8. 
 
 
 
 Werde . . . 
 
 
 
 
 p. 20,1. 15. 
 
 p. 109, 1. 14. 
 
 Estbrige . . 
 
 Eastbridgk . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, in 
 
 Earl Groduuin, and Alsi 
 
 
 
 p. 141,11.41—45. 
 
 
 
 
 demesne 
 
 held of him 
 
 
 
 Estefort . . 
 
 Ashford . . . 
 
 Langebrige. . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Earl Goduin, and Turgis 
 
 Maigno. 
 
 p. 50,11. 16-19. 
 
 p. 141,11.15-18. 
 
 
 
 
 
 held of him 
 
 
 
 Estenberge . . 
 
 Statenborodgh 
 
 Hstrei 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 William Folet (one of the Archbishop’s 
 
 p. 16,1. 14. 
 
 p. 105,1. 8. 
 
 
 
 How .... 
 
 bury 
 
 
 Knights) 
 
 
 Estoches . . 
 
 Stoke . . . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 Earl Goduin, by fraud . 
 
 2 Men, tenants of the Bishop, T. R. E. 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 p. 21,11. 29-38. 
 
 p. 110,11.31-39. 
 
 
 Estochinge- 
 
 Stokenbdry, in 
 
 Litefelle . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turold. 
 
 p. 29,1. 7. 
 
 p. 118,11. 6,7. 
 
 
 East Peckham 
 
 
 
 
 Estotinghes . 
 
 Stowting . . 
 
 Belicolt . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 Earl of Ow. 
 
 p. 14,1.26. 
 
 p. 103,1. 19. 
 
 
 Street, in Limne 
 
 Estraites 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Vlnod, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh de Manneuile. 
 
 p. 52,11. 34-38. 
 
 p. 143,11. 36-39. 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Eastry . . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 19,1. 8. 
 
 p. 108,1. 8. 
 
 Estselve . . 
 
 East Shelve, al. 
 Shelve Cobham, 
 in Lenliam 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop ol Baieux . . 
 
 Vluiet, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugo, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 p. 31,11.17-20. 
 
 p. 120,11.14-17. 
 
 
 
 Est Selve . . 
 
 Old Shelve, in 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 p. 30,11. 39-42. 
 
 p. 119,11. 38-41. 
 
 Lenliam (?) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Estdrei . . 
 
 Sturrey . . . 
 
 Esturai . . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 
 p. 46,11.41-47. 
 
 p. 137,11.28-32. 
 
 
 
 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 
 
 Estdrsete . . 
 
 Westgate . 
 
 Estursete 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 
 
 
 
 p.101,1. 39, to 
 
 
 
 
 in demesne 
 
 
 25 Messuages in Canterbury (for¬ 
 merly 52) 
 
 Five of the Archbishop’s Men 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff 
 
 p. 13,1. 8. 
 
 p. 102,1.2. 
 
 Estwellf. . . 
 
 Eastwell . . 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Part of the Fee of the 
 
 Frederic, in chief . . 
 
 
 p 50,11. 1-7. 
 
 p. 141,11.1-6. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 
 
 
 
 Eswalt . . . 
 
 St. Alban’s, in 
 Nonington 
 
 Estre . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Cilt, in chief . . 
 
 
 
 p. 127, 11. 6-9. 
 
 
 Newcerce . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, but 
 
 Vluuile W ilde, in chief, 
 
 
 
 p. 141,11. 35-39. 
 
 
 
 
 claimed by Canons 
 of St. Martin, Dover 
 
 in alodio 
 
 
 
 p. 144,11. 7-11. 
 
 
 Ewell . . . 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Molleue. 
 
 
 p. 53,11.1-6. 
 
 Etwelle, xiiij 
 
 Ewell ( Hasted ) 
 
 Langebrige 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 
 Herbert Fitz-Ivo held “Etwelle,” 
 
 p. 52, 11. 49, 50. 
 
 p. 144,11. 3, 4. 
 
 acrte de 
 
 but?in Hering- 
 hill, see f Has- 
 
 (? Beusberge) 
 
 • ‘ Infra divisionem suam” 
 
 
 extra divisionem Hugonis 
 
 
 p. 132,11.40-46. 
 
 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Edric de Aiham, in chief 
 
 Hugh. 
 
 p. 42,11. 26-32. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Molleue, in chief . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 
 p. 133,11.19-25. 
 
 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort now 
 
 
 A Knight 
 
 p. 43,1. 4. 
 
 p. 109,1.15. 
 
 
 
 JSot named . . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 Pane, una 
 
 A denne inVAN- 
 
 Blacheburne, 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, in 
 
 
 
 p. 145,11. 24,25. 
 
 
 
 
 Adam’s Manor 
 
 
 Adam. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 p. 40,11. 30-34. 
 
 
 Fanne . . . 
 
 Yanne, or 
 Vannes, in 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 p. 130,11. 2 7-30. 
 
 
 Crundal 
 
 
 
 King Edward . . . 
 
 Tenants of 3 Haughs in Canterbury 
 
 p. 9,1.19-26. 
 
 p. 99,11. 5-10. 
 
 
 
 Aihorde . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Goduuin, and 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 
 
 
 part of Har- 
 
 
 Aluuin held ot him 
 
 
 
 
 Ferebdrne . . 
 
 rietsham 
 
 West Farborn, 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sbern Biga, in chief . 
 
 Ralph Curbespine. 
 
 p. 31,11. 44-47. 
 
 p. 120,11.38-41. 
 
 Ferlaga . . 
 
 in Harrietsham 
 East Farleigh . 
 
 Medestan . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 Godefry, in fee 
 
 Abel 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p. 17,11. 31-41. 
 
 p. 106,11. 26-35. 
 
 Ferlaga . . 
 
 West Farleigh 
 
 Tviferde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluod, in chief . . • 
 
 Rannulf de Columbels, 3 yokes of it . 
 Rayner, 1 yoke of it in Pimpe Manor 
 
 p. 32, 1. 46, to 
 p. 33,1. 2. 
 
 p. 121, 1.41, to 
 
 p. 122,1. 6. 
 
 Ferlingeham . 
 
 Farningham 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Brunesune, and could 
 change, with his land, 
 
 Malgerius. 
 
 The King holds to the value of 8s. 
 
 p. 23, 11. 6-10. 
 
 p. 112, 11. 5-8. 
 
 Ferlingelai 
 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa- 
 
 Sired, one suling in, as 
 
 William, son of Geoffrey, one suling 
 in, as a prebend 
 
 p. 5,11. 33-38. 
 
 p. 95, 11. 42-44. 
 
 
 V enson Dane, in 
 
 
 rently, or else merely 
 
 a prebend 
 
 
 
 Ferningeham . 
 
 Hougham 
 
 Farningham 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Custos 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Estan, and could change 
 at his pleasure 
 
 Dering, and could 
 
 Wadard. 
 
 p. 23,11. 22-28. 
 
 p. 112,11.18-23. 
 
 Ferningeham . 
 
 Farningham 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ernulph de Hesding . 
 
 The King has wood to the value of 8s. 
 
 p. 23,11. 33-38. 
 
 p. 112,11.28-33. 
 
 Flengdessa . . 
 
 Finglesham 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 William Folet (one of the Arch- 
 
 p. 16,1. 12. 
 
 p. 105,1. 6. 
 
 Fletes . . . 
 
 Fleet . . . 
 
 Wingeham . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 William de Arcis .. 
 
 p. 13,1. 41. 
 
 p. 102,11.34-36. 
 
 Forewfc . . 
 
 Fordwich . . 
 
 Forewic . . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 . 
 
 Earl Goduin. 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 King Edward 
 
 p. 47,11.13-28. 
 
 p. 138,11. 3-16. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King William 
 
 Archbishop Lanfranc has 7 messuages 
 
 
 41* 
 
TABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 
 
 In wlmt Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 
 
 Place. 
 
 Place. 
 
 dencics mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Forningeham . 
 
 Farningham 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 Ansgotus, one of the Archbishop's 
 
 p. 15,11. 2-8. 
 
 p. 103,11.42^.6. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Knights 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 The Monks of Canterbury 
 
 
 
 
 Frandesberie . 
 
 Frindsbdry 
 
 Bssamele . . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 p.110,11.15-19. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p.21,1. 19. 
 
 p. 110,1. 20. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 80 messuages in Rochester belong to 
 
 p.21,1. 25. 
 
 p. 110,1. 26. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Frandesberie and Borchetelle 
 
 
 
 Fredenestede . 
 
 Frinstead . . 
 
 Aihorde 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Leuuin, in chief 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert, and Ade- 
 
 p. 29,11. 26-29. 
 
 p. 118,11.25-28. 
 
 
 
 
 
 lold, the Chamberlain 
 
 
 
 Fulchestan 
 
 Folkestone 
 
 Fulchestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Uoduin . . . . 
 
 William de Arcis. 
 
 
 p. 125,1. 39, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 The Archbp. has 55s. from 5 Churches 
 Hugh Fitz-William 
 
 
 p. 126,1. 25. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Walter de Appeuile 
 
 Alured 
 
 Walter Fitz-Engelbert 
 
 Wesman 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alured Dapifer 
 
 Eudo 
 
 Bernard de St. Audoen 
 
 Baldric 
 
 Richard 
 
 
 
 Gecham . . . 
 
 IcKHAM . . . 
 
 ilunehaml'ort . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18,11. 3-8. 
 
 p. 106, 1. 49, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 William, the Archbishop’s Man 
 
 p. 107, 1. 3. 
 
 Gelingeham 
 
 Gillingham . . 
 
 Ceteham. . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 bury 
 
 
 A Certain Frenchman (Francigena) 
 
 
 
 Gelingeham 
 
 Gillingham . . 
 
 Aihorde, but(?) 
 
 Ceteham (for 
 “ Ceteham ” is 
 at end of it as 
 much as at be- 
 ginningofnext) 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 
 Odo. 
 
 
 p. 120, 1. 42. 
 
 
 Getinge . . . 
 
 Geddinges . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 19,1. 13. 
 
 p. 108, 1. 12. 
 
 Gocistone . . 
 
 Guston . . . 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa- 
 
 Elric, one yoke in, as a 
 
 Ulric, one yoke in, as a prebend, with 
 25 acres in Cornilai hundred 
 
 p. 4, 11. 29-32. 
 
 p. 94, 11. 35-37. 
 
 
 
 
 rently, or else merely 
 Gustos 
 
 prebend 
 
 
 
 
 Godeselle . . 
 
 Goldwell in 
 
 Aihorde (?) . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Eduuin, in chief, and 
 
 Hugo, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 p. 31, 11. 6 10. 
 
 p. 120, 11. 5-8. 
 
 
 Great Chart, 
 but (?) {Wasted) 
 
 could go with his land 
 where he chose 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gollesberge . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop oi Baieux . . 
 
 . . . Thanes, in chief 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 p. 43, 11. 23-32. 
 
 p. 133, 1. 44, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 xxxij messuages in Sandwich 
 Adeluuold 
 
 
 p. 134,1. 7. 
 
 Gomersham . . 
 
 Godmersham . 
 
 Feleberg . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18,1. 32. 
 
 p. 107, 1. 26. 
 
 Gravenel . . 
 
 Graveney . . 
 
 Boltone . . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 Richard, the Archbishop’s man 
 
 p. 15, 11. 46-50. 
 
 p. 104,11.34-37. 
 
 
 
 
 bury 
 
 
 (Knight) 
 
 The Monks of Canterbury 
 
 
 
 Gravesham . . 
 
 Gravesend . . 
 
 Tollentrev . . 
 
 Bishop ol Baieux . . 
 
 Leuric, ~| 
 
 Vluuin, >in 3 manors 
 
 Herbert Fitz-Ivo. 
 
 
 p. 117,11.14-18. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Goduin, J 
 
 
 
 
 Grenviz . . . 
 
 Greenwich . . 
 
 Grenviz . . « 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Harold, (then in 
 Brixi, J 2 manors 
 
 Bishop of Lisieux. 
 
 p. 25, 11. 21 28. 
 
 p. 114,11.19-25. 
 
 Hadone . . . 
 
 Haydon, alias 
 
 Essamle . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Emulf de Hesding. 
 
 p. 34, 11. 37-43. 
 
 p. 124, 11. 1-6. 
 
 
 The Mount, in 
 Cobham 
 
 
 
 Odo 
 
 
 
 
 Hagei.ei . . . 
 
 Hawley, in Set- 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Hugh de Fort . . . 
 
 King Edward.... 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 
 p. 98, 11.17-24. 
 
 
 ton-at-Hone 
 
 
 Osuuard the Sheriff 
 
 The Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hagelei . . . 
 
 Hawley . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Hugh de Forth. 
 
 Uluret 
 
 p. 22, 11. 3-8. 
 
 p. Ill, 11. 3-8. 
 
 Haintone . . 
 
 Heyton, in 
 Stanford (L. 
 B. L.) 
 
 Yalding . . . 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Vlsi, presbytei’, in chief 
 
 
 p. 50,11. 8-10. 
 
 p. 141,11. 7-9. 
 
 Hallinges . . 
 
 Tviferde. . . 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige . 
 
 Aldret, in chief . . . 
 
 
 
 
 Hallinges . . 
 
 Halling . 
 
 Fssamele 
 
 Bishop ot Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ham .... 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Three Thanes, in chief 
 
 Osbern Pitz-Letard .... 
 
 
 
 Hamestede . . 
 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 2 Free Men, in Boche- 
 land 
 
 Rannulf de Valbadon. . . . 
 
 
 p. 136,11. 6-8. 
 
 Hamolde alias 
 
 Hamwolde, in 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Fee of Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Riculf, tenant of Adam, and Herbert, 
 
 p. 42,11. 23-25. 
 
 p. 132,11. 37-38. 
 
 Aimolde 
 
 WoODNES- 
 
 
 now, Adam and Hugh 
 
 
 tenant of Hugh, nephew of Herbert 
 
 
 BOROUGH 
 
 
 nephew of Herbert 
 
 
 
 
 Hanehest . . 
 
 Henhurst . . 
 
 Essamle . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Goduin, and Goduin 
 
 Ansgot of Rochester .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 held of him 
 
 
 
 
 ITardes . . . 
 
 Upper Hardres 
 
 Brige.... 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, in de- 
 
 Eduin, in chief . . . 
 
 Rannulf, at farm .... 
 
 p. 35, 11. 22-25, 
 
 p. 124,11.38-41. 
 
 
 
 
 mesne 
 
 Azor, in chief . . . 
 
 
 
 Hardes . . . 
 
 Nether, alias 
 
 Brige.... 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Ranulf de Columbels. 
 
 
 p. 125,11.11-14. 
 
 
 LowerHardres 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ITariardesham . 
 
 Harrietsham . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert . . . 
 
 
 
 Haslow . . . 
 
 Hadlow . . . 
 
 Litefelle . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Eddeua, in chief . . . 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige .... 
 
 p. 29, 11. 2 7. 
 
 
 Hastingelai 
 
 HASTINGLEIGn . 
 
 Briceode . . 
 
 Fee of Bishop ot Baieux 
 
 Vlnod, in chief . . . 
 
 Roger, son of Anschitil . . 
 
 p. 45, 11. 29-35. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, a part 
 
 
 Hastingelie, 
 
 4 Snling in 
 
 Beriscolt . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 Vlnod, in chief . . . 
 
 A certain Man . . . 
 
 
 p. 145,11. 27-29. 
 
 Dimidium So- 
 
 HASTINGLEIGn 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 42 * 
 
TABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 Place. 
 
 Modern Name of 
 Place. 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persona or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Exten 
 
 ion and Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 Hecham . . . 
 
 Higham ,. . . 
 
 Medestan, but 
 ? rather not 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Goduin, son of 1 as 2 
 Carte, and Toli J manors 
 
 Adam . 
 
 In Exesse, pasture for 200 sheep 
 
 p. 34,11. 8 14. 
 
 p. 123,11.15-21. 
 
 Herbretitov . 
 
 Herste . . . 
 
 Harbilton in 
 Harrietsham 
 ?HERS' rHALL,an 
 outlying piece 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Godwin, and Aluric 
 held of him 
 
 Osuuard, in chief . . 
 
 (? for Essex) 
 
 Robert Latin, at farm. 
 
 Adelold held it of the Bishop 
 
 Hugh de Portli . 
 
 p. 31, 11. 26-30. 
 
 p. 39, 11. 32-35. 
 
 p. 120,11. 23-26. 
 
 p. 129,11.26-28. 
 
 
 of Murston, 
 surrounded by 
 Loddenham 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hertange . . 
 
 Hartanger, in 
 Baeprestone 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Eddid, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Robert ...... 
 
 p. 43,11.47 50. 
 
 p. 134,11.21-24. 
 
 Hicham . . . 
 
 Hougham . . 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bp. of Baieuxapparently, 
 
 Eduin, one siding in, ap¬ 
 parently, as a prebend 
 
 Baldwin, one suling in, apparently as 
 
 p. 5, 11. 39-40. 
 
 p. 95, 11. 45-47. 
 
 Hoilingebordk . 
 
 Hollingboorne 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 or else merely Gustos 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 a prebend 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 17, 11.19 24. 
 
 p. 106,11.11-16. 
 
 Hortone . . . 
 
 Horton, in 
 Chartham 
 
 Ferleberge . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 The Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Ansfrid . 
 
 p. 40, 11. 25 29. 
 
 p. 130,11.22-25. 
 
 Horton e . . . 
 
 Monks Horton 
 
 Stotinges . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Leuuin, in chief . . 
 
 
 
 
 Horton . . . 
 
 Monks Horton 
 
 Stotinges . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 2 Sochmen, in chief 
 
 
 
 
 Hortune. . . 
 
 Horton . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godel held it of Brixi, 
 
 Anschitil de Ros . 
 
 
 p. 112, 1. 43, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 and could go, with his 
 
 The King has wood to the value of 5 
 
 p. 24, 1. 5. 
 
 p. 113,1. 2. 
 
 
 Horton, £ a So- 
 
 
 
 land, where he chose 
 
 
 
 
 Hortcne . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Ording, in chief . . . 
 
 Anschitil de Ros . 
 
 p. 24,11. 6-9. 
 
 p. 113,11. 3-6. 
 
 Hortcne . . 
 
 Horton, 1 Solin 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Harold,and Aluuardheld 
 
 Anschitil de Ros . 
 
 p. 24,11. 10-15. 
 
 p. 113,11. 7-10. 
 
 
 in 
 
 
 
 of him 
 
 
 
 
 Hov .... 
 
 Howbery . . 
 
 Litelai 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Anscliil, in chief . . . 
 
 Ansgotus . 
 
 p. 24,11. 23-26. 
 
 p. 113,11.18-21. 
 
 Hov .... 
 
 Hoo, St. War- 
 
 Hov .... 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, in 
 
 Earl Goduin .... 
 
 9 houses in Rochester pertain to it . 
 
 p. 32,11. 23—40. 
 
 p. 121,11.19-35. 
 
 
 burgh 
 
 
 demesne 
 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert 
 
 Anschitil de Ros 
 
 
 
 Huham alias 
 
 A Berewick in 
 
 JBerham . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Hubertin Fitz-ivo. 
 
 p. 37,1. 42. 
 
 p. 127,11.27-28. 
 
 Hu chain 
 
 Barham (.? 
 Hougham) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Hulviz, lxiij 
 
 63 acres in Wool- 
 
 Grenviz . . . 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff . . 
 
 William the Hawker, 
 
 
 p. 55,11. 25 27. 
 
 p. 146,11. 30-32. 
 
 acrffi in 
 
 wich 
 
 
 
 in chief 
 
 
 
 Lamport . . 
 
 Langport . . 
 
 Lamport . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 
 Robert de Romenel (one of the Arch- 
 bishop’s Knights) 
 
 21 Burgesses in Romney 
 
 p. 16,11. 30-38. 
 
 p. 105, 11.25-31. 
 
 
 
 Langafel . . 
 
 Longfield . . 
 
 JSIot, named . . 
 
 Bishop ot Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 p. 109,1.19. 
 
 Langvelei . . 
 
 Langley . . 
 
 Aihorde 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Turgis, in chief . . . 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert . 
 
 p. 30,11. 28 31. 
 
 p. 119,11. 28-32. 
 
 Lanport . . . 
 
 Longport, Bo- 
 
 Brige . . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 p.46,11. 22 29. 
 
 p. 137,11.10-15. 
 
 
 rough and Ma¬ 
 nor in Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 Longport, in 
 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lanport . . . 
 
 Stotinges (?) . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 
 p. 140,11.21-23. 
 
 
 Canterbury 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lasela . . . 
 
 Langley, in 
 
 Helmestrei . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Brixi Cilt, in chief . . 
 
 Goisfrid de Ros. 
 
 p. 25,11.5-11. 
 
 p. 114,11. 1-7. 
 
 
 Beckenham, 
 
 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 
 
 according to 
 Hasted; but (?) 
 Seale, though 
 
 
 
 
 The King 
 
 
 
 
 it is another 
 Hundred 
 
 
 
 
 Haimo, the Sheriff. 
 
 
 
 Latintone . . 
 
 Hackington, 
 al. St. Stephen’s 
 Lgddesdowne . 
 
 Cantuariensis . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Burgesses of Canter bury 
 
 p. 36,11. 6-14. 
 
 p. 125,11.30-37. 
 
 Ledesdone . . 
 
 Tollentrev . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Leuuin .... 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turold . 
 
 4 houses in Rochester 
 
 p. 28,11. 7-14. 
 
 p. 117,11. 7-18. 
 
 Lee .... 
 
 Lee .... 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluuin, in chief . . . 
 
 Walter de Douuai . 
 
 p. 25,11. 39-42. 
 
 p. 114,11.36-39. 
 
 IjELEBURNE . . 
 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Turgis, of Earl Goduin . 
 
 Adam . 
 
 p. 26, 11. 27-35. 
 
 p. 115,11.27-33. 
 
 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 The King, as of the new gift of the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop, to value of 24s. 4rt. 
 
 
 
 Leminges . . 
 
 Lyminge . . 
 
 Moniberge . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 in demesne 
 
 
 6 Burgesses in Hythe 
 
 3 of the Archbishop’s Men 
 
 
 p. 103,11.25-34. 
 
 Lerham . . . 
 
 Lenham . . . 
 
 Calehelle . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 
 Godfrey Dapifer (one ot the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights) 
 
 p. 16, 1 . 2. 
 
 p. 104,1. 38. 
 
 Lertham . . 
 
 Lenham . . . 
 
 Haihorne 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 Robert Latin. 
 
 p. 46,11.10-15. 
 
 p. 136, 1. 45, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 42,11. 45-48. 
 
 
 Leueberge . . 
 
 
 
 Fee of Bishop of Baieux, 
 
 Leuuin, in chief . . . 
 
 Altet . 
 
 p. 133,11. 11-14. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 43,11. 19-21. 
 
 p. 133,11.40-42. 
 
 Leoeberge . . 
 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, now 
 
 Boche, in chief . . • 
 
 Turstm Tinel, at farm of the King . 
 
 Levelant . . 
 
 Leveland . . 
 
 
 in the King's hands 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 Abbey of St. Peter’s, 
 
 Richard, the Archbp.’sMan (Knight) 
 
 p. 15,1.43. 
 
 p. 104,11.30-33. 
 
 Levesham . . 
 
 Lewisham . 
 
 
 Abbey of St. Peter’s, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gaud 
 
 
 
 p. 103,1.15. 
 
 Limes, land in, 
 
 Limne . . . 
 
 Belicolt . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 
 
 belonging to 
 Aldington 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Manor 
 
 Liteburne . . 
 
 Littleboorne . 
 
 Dunamesfort . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 p. 46,11. 30-35. 
 
 p. 137,11.17-21. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 43* 
 
FABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 
 Modem Name of 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burg'll, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 Name of Tenants in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, X. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other P 
 
 ersoiis or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Extol 
 
 sion and Translation. 
 
 
 
 dcncies mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 | Translation. 
 
 Litelcert . 
 
 Little Chart . 
 
 Calelielle 
 
 Arcbbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks . . . . 
 William, tenant of the Archbishop 
 
 p. 18,11. 42-50. 
 
 p. 107,11. 38-45. 
 
 Litelbroteham . 
 
 Little W rot- 
 ham 
 
 Medestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Goduin and Lduin, as 
 2 manors 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 The King to the value of 16<2. 
 
 p. 33,11. 41^18. 
 
 p. 122,1.44, to 
 p. 123,1. 6. 
 
 TjOISNES . . . 
 
 LESNES,ftZ.Eritli 
 
 Litelai . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Azor. 
 
 
 
 
 p. 113,11.12-17. 
 
 Lolingestone . 
 
 Lullingstone . 
 
 Acliestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Brixe Cilt, in chief .. . 
 
 Goisfrid de Ros. 
 
 The King has in his own hands land 
 worth 10s. 
 
 p. 22,11. 46-50. 
 
 p. 111,11.40-44. 
 
 LOLINGSTONE 
 
 Lullingstone . 
 
 Acbestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Bruning, in chief 
 
 Malgerius. 
 
 The King has to the value of 10s. 
 
 p. 23,11.1-5. 
 
 p. 112,11.1-4. 
 
 Lolingston . . 
 
 Lullingstone . 
 
 Acliestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Seuuart Sot, and could 
 change with his land 
 at pleasure 
 
 Osbern Pastforeire 
 
 The King has wood as 
 the Bishop 
 
 a new gift of 
 
 p. 23,11.15-21. 
 
 p. 112,11.12-17. 
 
 Machehevet . 
 
 Make made, in 
 Preston, next 
 Faversham 
 
 Favreshant . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Seuuold. 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 
 p. 39,11. 8-10. 
 
 p. 129,11. 3-5. 
 
 Mapledescam . 
 
 Maplescombe . 
 
 Acliestan 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 hlustan, in chief . . . 
 
 
 
 p. 22, 11. 26-30. 
 
 p. 111,11.23-26. 
 
 Maplescamp 
 
 Maplescombe . 
 
 Acliestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 
 Wadard. 
 
 Vltan held it under Harold 
 
 p. 23, 11. 29-32. 
 
 p. 112,11. 24-27. 
 
 Maresous de 
 Romenel 
 
 Romney Marsh, 
 \ a snling in. 
 
 Lantport . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel . 
 
 
 p. 41, 11.49, 50. 
 
 p. 131,11. 8, 9. 
 
 Marescus de 
 Romenel 
 
 Romney Marsh, 
 i a suling in, 
 
 Lantport . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Six Sockmen .... 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel . 
 
 
 p. 42, 11. 2-5. 
 
 p. 131,11.14-17. 
 
 Marourdk . . 
 
 Mereworth 
 
 Litefel . . 
 
 Haimo the Sheriff . . 
 
 .Norman, in chief . . 
 
 
 
 p. 55, 11. 30-35. 
 
 p. 146,11. 34—39. 
 
 Massebekgf, . . 
 
 Marshborough, 
 in Woodnes- 
 borough, 1 yoke 
 and 10 acres in, 
 
 Bummerdene '( 
 surely Bstrei 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Goduin, in chief . . . 
 
 Osbert. 
 
 
 p. 44, 11. 34, 35. 
 
 p. 135,11.17,18. 
 
 Meddestane 
 
 Maidstone . . 
 
 Meddestan . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 Three Knights 
 
 The Monies of Canterbury 
 
 p. 11, 11. 36-19. 
 
 p. 100, 1. 40, to 
 p. 101,1. 4. 
 
 Meleston . . 
 
 Milton, next 
 Gravesend, 
 
 ? for Parrock 
 
 Lssamle . . . 
 
 Bishop ol Baieux . . 
 
 V luuard, in chief 
 
 Helto. 
 
 
 p. 34, 11.47-50. 
 
 p. 124,11.10-12. 
 
 Meletune . 
 
 Milton, next 
 Gravesend 
 
 Tollentreu . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Lari Leuuin .... 
 
 Ralph Litz-Turoid 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 p. 28,11. 1-6. 
 
 p. 117, 11. 2-6. 
 
 Mellingetks . 
 
 West Malling . 
 
 Lot named, for 
 it cannot be 
 Bromlei 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 p. 109, 1. 32. 
 
 Mepeham . . 
 
 Meopham . . 
 
 Tolientrev . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p. 17, 11. 25-30. 
 
 p. 106,11.18-24. 
 
 Merlea . . . 
 
 MARLEY,UlHAR- 
 RIETSHAM, but 
 
 held of Bewley 
 Manor, in 
 Haugliton 
 Malherb 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Turgis, in chief . . . 
 
 A Tenant (homo) Adam 
 
 
 p. 30, 1. 24. 
 
 p. 119,11.24-27. 
 
 Merseham . . 
 
 Mersham . . 
 
 Lingebrige . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 102,1. 40. 
 
 Metlinges . . 
 
 Last Malling . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter¬ 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 
 
 p. 11,1. 6. 
 
 p. 100,1. 12. 
 
 Middei.tqne 
 
 Milton . . . 
 
 Middeltun . . 
 
 King William. . . . 
 
 King Ldward.... 
 
 The Men of the Weald 
 Haimo the Sheriff 
 Hugh de Port 
 
 Wadard 
 
 Alnold Cild 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine 
 
 
 p. 8, 1. 43, to 
 p. 9,1. 17. 
 
 p. 98, 1. 34, to 
 p. 99,1. 4. 
 
 Midelea . . . 
 
 Midley? {Has- 
 ted) 
 
 Lstrei ? 
 
 Bishop ol Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 Alured. 
 
 
 p. 44, 11.17 21. 
 
 p. 134, 1. 43, to 
 p. 135,1. 3. 
 
 Monocstunb 
 
 Monkton . . 
 
 Tanet . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 17,1. 47. 
 
 p. 106,11.42—46. 
 
 Mdndingeham . 
 
 Little Monge- 
 ham 
 
 Cornelest . . 
 
 Abbey ot St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 Wadard, part . . . 
 
 
 p. 48, 11. 27 34. 
 
 p. 139,11.24-32. 
 
 Nedestede . . 
 
 Nettlestead . 
 
 Tviferde. . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Norman, in chief . . 
 
 Haimo. 
 
 2 Haughs 
 
 
 p. 33,11. 3-8. 
 
 p. 122,11. 7-11. 
 
 Neventone . . 
 
 Newington, 1 
 suling laid into 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Bishop ol Baieux 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 
 p. 44, 11. 2-4. 
 
 p. 134,11.29-31. 
 
 Neventone . . 
 
 Newington, 
 near Hythe 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Ederic, in chief . . . 
 
 
 
 p. 53, 11. 7-12. 
 
 p. 144,11.12-16. 
 
 Newedene . . 
 
 Newenden . . 
 
 Selebrist . . 
 
 Arch bp. of Canterbury 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 103, 1. 36. 
 
 Nkwetone . . 
 
 Newington, 
 near Sitting- 
 borne 
 
 Mildetone . . 
 
 Albert the Chaplain. . 
 
 Sidgar hold ol Queen 
 Eddid (alias Editha, 
 wife of the Confessor) 
 
 4 Haughs in Canterbury .... 
 
 2 Haughs in Rochester 
 
 Mildetone Manor 
 
 Archbishop of Canterbury 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Goisfrid de Ros 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert 
 
 p. 56, 11. 1 24. 
 
 p. 147, 11.1-23. 
 
 Norborne . . 
 
 44* 
 
 Northborne 
 
 Cornelest . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 Oidelard. 
 
 Eislebert 
 
 Wadard 
 
 Odelin 
 
 Marcherius 
 
 Osbert Fitz-Letard 
 Ranulph de Columbers 
 Ranulph de Yalbadou 
 
 The Villan’s 
 lands 
 
 
 p. 139, 1. 4-21. 
 
TABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 Ancient Name of 
 Place. 
 
 Modern Name of 
 Place. 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Extcns 
 
 on and Translation. 
 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 
 deneies mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 Nordeslinge . 
 
 Easling . . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Turgod. 
 
 
 
 p. 129,11. 36-39. 
 
 Nordeodb . . 
 
 Little .Barton . 
 
 Cantuana 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18, 11. 9-14. 
 
 p. 107,11. 5-9. 
 
 Norflvet . . 
 
 Northfleet 
 
 Tollentreuv. . 
 
 bury 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 97 Burgesses in Canterbury 
 
 
 p. 106,11.17-23. 
 
 
 
 Roculf . . . 
 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 
 Nortone . . . 
 
 Norton . . . 
 
 Arclibisbop of Canter- 
 
 
 
 
 p. 101,11.21-30. 
 
 
 
 
 bury, in demesne 
 
 
 The Archdeacon of Canterbury 
 
 
 
 Norton® . . . 
 
 Norton, near 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Hugh de Porth. 
 
 p. 38, 11. 19-24. 
 
 p. 128,11. 14-18. 
 
 
 Faversham 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Notestede . . 
 
 Norsted, alias 
 
 Toilentrev . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Ylstan, in chief . . . 
 
 Wadard. 
 
 p. 28, 11. 21-24. 
 
 p. 117,11.19-22. 
 
 
 Ndtsted 
 
 
 
 
 
 Obtrepole . . 
 
 Otterpoole . . 
 
 Estraites . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Alrebot, in chief . . 
 
 
 p. 54,11. 3-7. 
 
 p. 145,11.15-18. 
 
 Ofeham . . . 
 
 Offham . . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 Bishop ot Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 
 p. 27, 11. 26-30. 
 
 p. 116,11.23-26. 
 
 Ofeham . . . 
 
 Offham . . . 
 
 Laurochestel 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Alnod Gilt, and Vluric 
 
 Anschitil. 
 
 p. 28, 11. 25-32. 
 
 p. 117,11. 24-29. 
 
 
 Westerham . . 
 
 Oistreham . . 
 
 
 held of him 
 
 A house in Rochester 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 
 OlSTREHAM . . 
 
 Earl Eustace .... 
 
 Earl Goduin, in chief . 
 
 p. 54, 11. 28-33. 
 
 p. 145,11. 39—13. 
 
 
 WOULD HAM . . 
 
 Not named . . 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 
 p. 109,1. 28. 
 
 Olecu.mbe . . 
 
 Ulcomb . •. 
 
 Achestan, or (?) 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 Earl of Ow, one of the Archbishop’s 
 
 p. 15, 11. 30-35. 
 
 p. 104,11.19-23. 
 
 
 
 Haiborne . . 
 
 
 
 Knights 
 
 Alfer formerly held it of the Arch- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 bishop 
 
 
 
 Ore .... 
 
 Ore .... 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Turgis, in chief . . . 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 38,11.10-14. 
 
 p. 128,11. 5-9. 
 
 Ore (i jugum in) 
 
 Ore, 1 yoke in 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Leuuold, in chief . . 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 39, 11. 36-39. 
 
 p. 129,11.29-31. 
 
 Orlavestone, iij 
 
 Orlestone, 3 
 
 Hame . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 11 Sochmen .... 
 
 William. 
 
 p. 52,11. 19-23. 
 
 p. 143,11. 22-25. 
 
 juga et dixnidia 
 
 yokes and ^ a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 virga in 
 
 virge in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Orpinton . . 
 
 Orpington . . 
 
 Achestan 
 
 Arch bp. ot Canterbury. 
 
 
 Malgerius, one of the Archbishop’s 
 
 p. 15,1.17. 
 
 p. 104,1. 8. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 knights 
 
 
 
 Oupintun . . 
 
 Orpington . . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks . . . 
 
 p. 17,1.1. 
 
 p. 105,1. 35. 
 
 OsPRINGES . . 
 
 Ospringe . . 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert .... 
 Herbert 
 
 Richard de Maris 
 
 Turstin 
 
 1 Messuage in Canterbury 
 
 p. 38,11. 34-45. 
 
 p. 10,11.23-32. 
 
 p. 128,11.27-36. 
 
 p. 99,11. 30-39. 
 
 Otefort . . 
 
 Otford . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Archbp. ot Canterbury, 
 
 
 
 
 
 in demesne 
 
 
 Three Thanes 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 
 
 Otham . . . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluuin, in chief . . . 
 
 Goisfrid de Ros. 
 
 p. 31,11.21-25. 
 
 p. 120.11.18-22. 
 
 Otringeberge . 
 
 Wateringbury . 
 
 Tviferde. . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Leueua, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Turald. 
 
 4 Haughs in the City (Rochester) 
 
 p. 33,11. 9-14. 
 
 p. 33,11.15-19. 
 
 p. 122,11.12-16. 
 
 p. 122,11.17-20. 
 
 
 Wateringbury . 
 
 Tviferde. . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Godil, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh de Braiboue. 
 
 Otringedene . 
 
 Otterden . . 
 
 Aihorde . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluuard, in chief 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 2 Messuages of Land in Canterbury 
 
 p. 30,11. 33-38. 
 
 p. 119,11.33-37. 
 
 p. 131,11.29-32. 
 
 Palestrei . . 
 
 PALSTERjin Wit- 
 
 Oxenai . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Eduin Fresbyter, in 
 
 Osbem Paisforer. 
 
 p. 41,11. 27-30. 
 
 
 tersham 
 
 
 chief 
 
 
 p. 17,11.9-18. 
 
 p. 105,1.42, to 
 
 Pecheham . . 
 
 Fast Peckham . 
 
 Litefelle . . . 
 
 Arch bp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 An Archbishop’s Man 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 
 p. 106,1. 9. 
 
 
 
 West Peckham 
 
 Litefelle . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Leuuin .... 
 
 Corbin. 
 
 
 p. 117,11.42^6. 
 
 
 
 
 
 The King has 3 denns 
 
 p. 29,1.1. 
 
 
 
 Paddlesworth . 
 
 Laurochesfel 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 p. 27,11.14-19. 
 
 p. 116,11.13-17. 
 
 Perie . . . 
 
 Perry OouRT,in 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Wlui. 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 
 p. 129,11.13-15. 
 
 
 Preston, next 
 
 
 
 
 p. 39,11. 21-24. 
 
 p. 129,11.16-18. 
 
 
 Perie . . . 
 
 It is impossible 
 to say which of 
 the two is Perry 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vlueua, in chief . . . 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 Court, perhaps 
 both, now in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pesinges and 
 
 one (Seep. 3) 
 Pising, in East 
 
 Beusberge . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Lefstan, -)1n chief, and 
 
 Hugh de Porth. 
 
 
 p. 131,11. 35-39. 
 
 Piham 
 
 Langdon 
 
 
 Leuuin, could go, 
 Eluret, /with their 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sired, and lands, where 
 
 
 
 
 Pesinges 
 
 PlNNEDENE . . 
 
 Pinden . . . 
 
 Achestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 2 others J they chose 
 Aluret, and could 
 change at his pleasure 
 Godric, in chief . . . 
 
 Malgerius. 
 
 p 23,11.11-14. 
 
 p. 112,11. 9-11. 
 
 p. 121,11.37-40. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Adam. 
 
 p. 41,11. 14-16. 
 p 12,11.32-42. 
 
 PlSTINGES . . 
 
 PlTEHAM . . 
 
 ? in Pluckley . 
 Petham . . . 
 
 Caleheve . . 
 Piteham . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 Godfrey and Nigell 
 
 The Monks 
 
 p. 131,11.15-17. 
 p. 101,11.31-38. 
 
 
 PlVENTONE . . 
 
 Peyington . . 
 
 Caleheve . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sbern Biga, in chief . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 41,11. 9-13. 
 
 p. 131,11.10-14. 
 
 Platenovt . . 
 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine, a part . . . 
 
 p. 48,11.43-48. 
 
 p. 139,11.38—42. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 p. 102,1. 23. 
 
 Plughelei . . 
 
 Pluckley . . 
 
 Cale Helle . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 
 
 
 Plumestede 
 Plumstede . . 
 
 Plumstead . . 
 Plumstead . . 
 
 Litelai . . . 
 Litelai . . . 
 
 in demesne 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Brixi Cilt, in chief . • 
 
 Abbot of St. Augustine. 
 
 p. 24,11. 27-33. 
 
 p. 113,11.22-26. 
 p. 136,11. 39—43. 
 
 POLTONE . . 
 
 POLTON . . . 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Vluuin, in chief . . • 
 
 Herfrid. 
 
 p. 53,11.19-21. 
 
 p. 144,11.23-25. 
 45* 
 
TABLE OF MANORS. 
 
 Ancient. Name of 
 
 Modern Name of 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 City, or Burgh, 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons or Depen- 
 
 Reference to Ex ten 
 
 ion and Translation. 
 
 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 
 POPESELL . . 
 
 POPESHALL, in 
 
 Estre .... 
 
 Bisbop of Baieux . . 
 
 Two Freemen, in chief . 
 
 Osbem Fitz-Letard. 
 
 p. 37,11. 27-31. 
 
 p. 127,11. 13-17. 
 
 
 Coldred 
 
 
 
 A Knight of his 
 
 POPESSALE . . 
 
 Popes gall, in 
 
 Beusberge . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vluric, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 37,11. 32-34. 
 
 p. 127,11.19-20. 
 
 POSTINGES . . 
 
 PoSTLING . . 
 
 Hen ... . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Sbern Biga .... 
 
 Rogerius . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine 
 
 p. 51,11.14-21. 
 
 p. 142,11.16-22. 
 
 Prestetone . . 
 
 Preston . . 
 
 Favreskant . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury . 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 18,1.21. 
 
 p. 107,1. 15. 
 
 Prestetune 
 
 Preston . . 
 
 Prestetun . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 Vitalis. 
 
 
 p. 140, 11.1-7. 
 
 
 
 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 p. 49,1. 4. 
 
 
 Rapentone . 
 
 Repton in Ash- 
 
 Cert .... 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 
 Ansered . 
 
 p. 47, 11. 46-50. 
 
 p. 138,11. 37-41. 
 
 Redlege . . . 
 
 Ridley . . . 
 
 Ackestan . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Siuuard, in chief . . 
 
 Adam Fitz-Hubert. 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige 
 
 p. 22, 11. 31-35. 
 
 p. 111,11.27-30. 
 
 Riesce . . . 
 
 Ryarsh . . . 
 
 Eaurockesfel 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluric, in chief . . 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 p. 27,11. 20-25. 
 
 p. 116,11.18-22. 
 
 Ringetone . . 
 
 Ringletone in 
 
 Estrei . . 
 
 Fee of Bishop of Baieux, 
 
 Eduuard, in chief . . 
 
 Herbert, at farm of the King . . . 
 
 p. 42, 11.17-22. 
 
 p. 131,11. 32-36. 
 
 
 W OODNES- 
 
 
 now the King 
 
 
 
 BOROUGH 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rochelei . . 
 
 Rcxley . . . 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Aluuard, in chief . . 
 
 Malgerius. 
 
 
 p. 113,11.28-31. 
 
 Rockinges, di- 
 
 Rucking, i a 
 
 Hamo . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Leuret, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph Fitz-Rickard. 
 
 p. 52, 11. 24-28. 
 
 p. 143,11.26-29. 
 
 midium solin in, 
 
 suling in. 
 
 
 
 
 Roculf . . . 
 
 Reculver . . 
 
 Roculf . . . 
 
 Arch bp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 
 
 p. 101, 1. 14. 
 
 Romenel unum 
 
 1 yoke in Rom- 
 
 Newcerce . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 2 Socmen and 2 V illans 
 
 
 p. 50, 11. 30-34. 
 
 p. 141,11. 29-31. 
 
 jugum in Ma- 
 
 NEY MARSH 
 
 
 
 
 
 RESCO DE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Romenel unnm 
 
 Une suling, less 
 
 W erde . . . 
 
 Hugo de Montfort . . 
 
 
 14 Socmen. 
 
 p. 51,11. 5-7. 
 
 p. 142,11. 7-9. 
 
 solin, dimidia 
 
 one virge, in 
 
 
 
 
 
 virga minus, 
 in Maresco 
 
 DE 
 
 Romney Marsh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Romenel j ju- 
 
 One yoke in 
 
 Werde . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 2 Socmen. 
 
 Rogerius. 
 
 p. 51,11. 8-10. 
 
 p. 142,11.10-12. 
 
 gum in Ma- 
 
 Romney Marsh 
 
 
 
 
 RESCO DE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Romenel sexta 
 
 Tlie 6tli part of 
 
 Werde . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 1 Socman. 
 
 Rotbert. 
 
 
 p. 142,11.13-14. 
 
 parsunius jug'i 
 
 1 yoke, in Rom- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in Maresco de 
 
 ney Marsh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Romenel dimi- 
 
 £ suling, in Rom- 
 
 Newcerce . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 12 Socmen .... 
 
 12 Socmen. 
 
 p. 51, 11. 34—36. 
 
 p. 142,11.34,35. 
 
 dium solin, in 
 Maresch de 
 
 ney Marsh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Romenel 1 
 
 1 yoke, in Rom- 
 
 Adelovesbrige . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 
 12 Socmen. 
 
 p. 51, 11. 37-40. 
 
 p. 142,11.37-40. 
 
 jugum in Ma- 
 
 ney Marsh 
 
 
 
 resch de 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rongostone . . 
 
 Ringelstone in 
 ? Hollingbourn 
 
 Favreshant . . 
 
 Bisbop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vluiet, in chief . 
 
 Richard. 
 
 
 p. 130,11.18-20. 
 
 
 (Hasted) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rotinge . . . 
 
 Rotinq in 
 
 Ualekeve . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 
 
 In Demesne. 
 
 p. 47, 11.43-45. 
 
 p. 138,11.34-35. 
 
 
 Pluckley 
 
 
 Themselves 
 
 
 
 
 Salteode . . 
 
 Saltwood . . 
 
 Hen .... 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 Hugh de Montfort (one of the Arch- 
 
 p. 16,11.17-24. 
 
 p. 105,11.12-18. 
 
 
 
 
 bury 
 
 
 bishop’s Knights) 
 
 225 Burgesses in Hytlie 
 
 
 
 Sancta Marga- 
 
 St. Margaret’s 
 
 Beusberg 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, appa- 
 
 Sired, the father, one 
 
 Sired, son of Sired, one suling in, as 
 
 p. 4, 11. 33-48, 
 
 p. 94,11. 38-47, 
 
 RITA 
 
 
 
 rently, or else merely 
 
 suling in, as a prebend 
 
 a prebend. 
 
 and p. 5, 11. 
 
 and p. 95, 11. 1 
 
 
 
 
 Custos 
 
 Alric, one suling in, as 
 
 Ralph, one suling in, as a prebend 
 
 1-10. 
 
 to 14. 
 
 
 
 
 
 a prebend 
 
 Aired, one suling in, as a prebend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The father ol Aired, one 
 
 Robert Niger, one suling in, as a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 suling in, as a prebend 
 
 prebend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Esmellt, Chaplain of 
 
 Walter, one suling in, as a prebend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King Edward, one su- 
 
 Turbatus, half a suling in, as a pre- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ling m 
 
 bend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sigar, one suling in, as 
 
 Eduuin, halt a suling and 25 acres. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a prebend 
 
 and 85 acres in Cornilo hundred, as 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Golstan, half a suling 
 
 a prebend 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in, as a prebend 
 
 Alan, Clerk of the Bishop of Baieux, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Eduuin, hall a suling, 
 
 8 acres 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 etc., as a prebend 
 
 V luric de Oxenford, 8 acres 
 
 
 
 Sancta Marga- 
 
 St. Margaret’s 
 
 Beusberg . . 
 
 Bp. of Baieux, apparent- 
 
 Spirites, one yoke and 
 
 Nigell, the physician, one yoke and a 
 
 p. 5, 11. 33-36. 
 
 p. 95, 11. 39-41. 
 
 RITA 
 
 
 
 ly, or else merely Custos 
 
 a half in, as a prebend 
 
 half in, as a prebend 
 
 Sancti Martini 
 
 Yille op St. 
 
 Estursete . . 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 p. 103,11. 6-8. 
 
 VILLA . . . 
 
 Martin 
 
 
 bury 
 
 
 7 Burgesses in Canterbury 
 
 Ralph 
 
 
 
 Sandwice . . 
 
 Sandwich . . 
 
 Hundredum de 
 
 Archbishop ol Canter- 
 
 King Edward.... 
 
 The Monks of the Holy Trinity . . 
 
 p. 10,11. 5-14, 
 
 p. 99, 11. 16-22, 
 
 
 
 Sandwice 
 
 bury 
 
 
 and p. 19,1.47. 
 
 and p.108,1.43. 
 
 Scape . . . 
 
 ? Sheppey . . 
 
 Therham ? for 
 
 Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 
 Godfrey Dapifer (one of the Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Knights) 
 
 p. 16,1. 7. 
 
 p. 104,1. 44. 
 
 
 
 Tenham 
 
 bury 
 
 
 
 Sedlinges . . 
 
 Sellindge . . 
 
 Estraites . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Usuuard, in chief 
 
 Heruey. 
 
 p. 52,11. 1-7. 
 
 p. 143,11. 7-11. 
 
 Seivetone . . 
 
 Sevington (L. 
 
 Langebrige 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Bresibait, in chief . 
 
 Maigno. 
 
 p. 50,11.11-15. 
 
 p. 141,11.11-14. 
 
 Selesbdrne . . 
 
 partof Harriet- 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Earl Goduin, and Aluuin 
 
 Hugh, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 p. 29, U. 23-25. 
 
 p. 118,11.22-24. 
 
 
 sham ? 
 
 
 
 held of him 
 
 
 
 Selinge . . . 
 
 W OODNES- 
 
 Estre.... 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Aluuin. 
 
 Osbem Fitz-Letard. 
 
 p. 37, 11. 24-26. 
 
 p. 127,11.10-12. 
 
 
 BOROUGH alias 
 Shelving 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Selinges . . 
 
 V Shelving alias 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 V luuic, in chief . . . 
 
 Ralph de Columbers. 
 
 p. 45,11. 5-9. 
 
 p. 135,11. 36-39. 
 
 
 Woodnesbo- 
 rough ? Shelv¬ 
 ing in Barham 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 46 * 
 
TABLE 01' MANORS. 
 
 
 
 In what Hundred, 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenant, T. R. E. 
 
 
 Reference to Extension and Translation. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Pluce. 
 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 deneics mentioned. 
 
 Extension. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Tewa . . . 
 
 
 Newcerce . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Azor Rot, in chief . 
 
 
 p. 51,11. 30-33. 
 
 p. 142,11.31-33. 
 
 Ticheteste . . 
 
 Tickenhurst, 
 in Northborne 
 
 Summerdene ? 
 butsurelyEstrei 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Edric de Alham, in chief 
 
 
 
 p. 135,11. 8-11. 
 
 Tilsmanestone . 
 
 Txlmanstone . 
 
 Lamport 
 
 Arclibp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 William Folet (one of the Archbp.’s 
 
 p. 16,1.3y. 
 
 p. 105,1. 32. 
 
 Tintentone . . 
 
 Tinton, in Ware- 
 
 Blacheburne . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Ylnod, in chief . . . 
 
 
 p. 51,11. 42-48. 
 
 p. 142,1.42, to 
 p. 143,1.3. 
 
 Titf.ntone . . 
 
 \ a denne of 
 Tinton, in 
 
 Adilovtesbrige 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort, Lord of Titentone 
 
 p. 42,11. 13—10. 
 
 p. 131,11.27-30. 
 
 Titentone, dimi- 
 1 diumjugumixi 
 raaresco, ap- 
 preciatum in 
 
 | a yoke in the 
 Marsh, tilled 
 with the de¬ 
 mesne ploughs 
 of Tinton-in- 
 Warehorne, 
 and therefore 
 appraised in 
 Tinton 
 
 Newcerce . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 1 Socman .... 
 
 
 p. 50, 11. 34—35. 
 
 p. 141,11.32-34. 
 
 Tivedele . . 
 
 Tudeley . . 
 
 W achelestan . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Eddeua, in chief . . 
 
 Richard de Tonebrige. 
 
 
 p. 118,11. 9-11. 
 
 Totesolive . . 
 
 Trottisclifke . 
 
 Not named, for 
 it cannot be 
 
 Bishop of Rochester 
 
 
 
 p. 109,1. 36. 
 
 Totintone . . 
 
 Tottington . . 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 The King, as of new 
 gift of Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Vlnod, in chief . . . 
 
 Rotbert Latin, at farm of the King . 
 
 p. 27,11. 36-41. 
 
 p. 116,11. 31-35. 
 
 Totintune . . 
 
 Tottington, 1 
 yoke in 
 
 Laurochesfel . 
 
 The King, as of new gift 
 of the Bishop 
 
 Goduin, in chief . . . 
 
 Rotbert Latin, at farm of the King . 
 
 p. 27, 11.42—44. 
 
 p. 116,11.36-38. 
 
 Trevelai . . 
 
 Throwley . . 
 
 Eavreshant . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vlnod, in chief . . . 
 
 Herfrid. 
 
 iij Haughs in Canterbury 
 
 Herbert Fitz-Ivo (?) 
 
 p. 39,11. 40-45. 
 p. 39, 1. 50. 
 
 p. 129,11. 32-35. 
 
 
 Tunstall . . 
 
 Mildetone . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Osuuard, in chief 
 
 Hugh de Port. 
 
 p. 35,11.1-5. 
 
 p. 124,11.14-17. 
 
 Turneham . . 
 
 Thhrnham . . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Sbern Biga. in chief . . 
 
 Ralph Curbespine . 
 
 p. 31,11. 38-43. 
 
 p. 120,11. 33-37. 
 
 Walwalesere . 
 
 Waldershare . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Wluuard, in chief . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 Robert 
 
 p. 44,11.40-44. 
 
 
 Wanesberge . 
 
 W00DNESB0- 
 
 rough, 1 yoke in 
 
 Summerdene (?) 
 but surely 
 Estrei 
 
 Bishop of Baieux 
 
 Tochi, in chief . . . 
 
 Turstin. 
 
 p. 44,1. 30, 31. 
 
 p. 135,11.12-13. 
 
 Warwintone . 
 
 Garwinton, in 
 Littlebourne 
 
 JJunamesforb . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine 
 
 Sbern Biga, and Edric 
 held of him 
 
 Bishop of Baieux gave it him in ex¬ 
 change for his park 
 
 Ralph 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 46,11. 36-40. 
 
 p. 137,11. 22-26. 
 
 Welle . . . 
 
 Westwell . . 
 
 Calehelle . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 p. 19,1. 1. 
 
 p. 108,1.1. 
 
 Werahorne 
 
 Warehorne 
 
 Hame . . . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury. 
 
 
 p. 19, 1. 28. 
 
 p. 108,1. 25. 
 
 Wesclivb . . 
 
 Westcliffe. . 
 
 Bevsberg . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Edric, in chief . . . 
 
 Hugh. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 p. 42,11. 33-37. 
 
 p. 133,11.1-4. 
 
 West Selve 
 
 West Shelve, 
 in Lenham 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Eddid, in chief . . . 
 
 William Fitz-Robert. 
 
 A certain Frenchman (Francigena) 
 
 A house in Canterbury 
 
 p. 30,11. 43-50. 
 
 p. 119,11.42-47. 
 
 Wi . . . . 
 
 Wye . . 
 
 Not named . . 
 
 Battle Abbey . . . 
 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 Socmen 
 
 Adelulf 
 
 Hugh de Montfort 
 
 p. 45, 11. 37-45. 
 
 p. 136,11.22-36. 
 
 WlCHEHAM . . 
 
 West Wickham 
 
 Helmestrei . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Godric Eitz-Carle, in 
 chief 
 
 Adam Eitz-Hubert. 
 
 p. 24,1. 50, to 
 p. 25,1. 4. 
 
 p. 113,11.41-45. 
 
 WlCHEHAM . . 
 
 WICKHAMBREAUX 
 
 Uonamesford . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux in 
 demesne 
 
 Alured Biga, in chief . 
 Sired held 4 a suling of 
 him 
 
 A Presbyter who gives 40s. per ann. 
 3 Messuages in Canterbury 
 
 Goisfrid, son of Mala Terra 
 
 p. 35,1. 43, to 
 p. 36,1. 2. 
 
 p. 125,11.16-26. 
 
 WlNCHELESMERF 
 
 WlCHLING . . 
 
 Aihorde . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Vluiet, in chief, and 
 could go where he 
 chose 
 
 Hugo, nephew of Herbert .... 
 
 p. 31,11.11-16. 
 
 p. 120,11. 9-13. 
 
 WlNGEHAM . . 
 
 WlNGHAM . . 
 
 Wingeham . 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 in demesne 
 
 
 William de Acris. In Fletes. 
 
 5 of the Archbishop’s men 
 
 p. 13,11. 35-44. 
 
 p. 102,11.29-38. 
 
 WlRENTONE . . 
 
 Wilrinton, at. 
 Wilderton-in- 
 Throwley 
 {L.B.L.) 
 
 Eavreshant . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 p. 47,11. 30-33. 
 
 p. 138,11.18-21. 
 
 WlTENEMERS 
 
 Wricklesmarsh, 
 in Charlton 
 
 Grenviz . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Anschil, in chief. . . 
 
 Eitz-Turald de Rouecestre .... 
 
 p. 25, 11. 34-38. 
 
 p. 114,11.31-35. 
 
 “ A Manor’' 
 
 Brooke (?) . . 
 
 Wi. 
 
 Archbp. of Canterbury 
 
 
 The Archbishop’s Monks .... 
 
 p. 19, 1. 38. 
 
 p. 108,1. 36. 
 
 i jugum in eodem 
 hundredo 
 
 i yoke in Whit- 
 stable hundred 
 
 Witenestaple . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . 
 
 Vlsi, in chief . . . . 
 
 Vitalis. 
 
 p. 38,11. 6-8. 
 
 p. 127, 1. 42, to 
 p. 128,1. 3. 
 
 
 
 
 Bishop of Baieux ■ 
 
 
 Osbern Paisforer, 12 acres .... 
 
 p.41,1. 32. 
 
 p. 131,1. 34. 
 
 
 
 Adilovtesbrige 
 
 Bishop of Baieux • 
 
 Two Sockmen . . . 
 
 Rotbert de Romenel, £ a yoke . . 
 A Widow 
 
 p. 42,11.10-12. 
 
 p. 131,11.24-26. 
 
 
 
 i yoke and a half 
 in Estrei 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . 
 
 Ernold, in chief . 
 
 Osbern . 
 
 p. 43,11. 51-54. 
 
 p. 134,11.25-27. 
 
 
 6 acres, etc. in ? 
 
 Summerdene ? 
 
 Bishop of Baieux, ? now 
 Richard Fitz-Gislebert, 
 in King’s hands 
 
 
 Rotbert Latin. 
 
 Richard, son of Earl Gislebert 
 
 
 p. 135,11. 5-7. 
 
 Unum Mane- 
 
 A Manor . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 3 Freemen, in chief 
 
 Osbern . 
 
 p. 45,11.1-4. 
 
 p. 135,11.33-35. 
 
 UUUl 
 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Bishop of Baieux . . 
 
 Molleue, in chief. . . 
 
 Ralph de Curbespine. 
 
 p. 45,11.17-19. 
 
 p. 136,11. 4-5. 
 
 iij virgas . . 
 
 48* 
 
 3 virgates . . 
 
 Estrei . . . 
 
 Abbey of St. Augustine, 
 Themselves 
 
 
 p. 49,11.13 15. 
 
 p. 140,11.14-16. 
 
TABLE OE MANORS. 
 
 
 Wnm „ „f 
 
 In wliat Hundred, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Place. 
 
 Place. 
 
 City, or Burgh, 
 (Ancient Name). 
 
 Name of Tenant in Chief. 
 
 Tenants, T. E. E. 
 
 Under Tenants and other Persons and Dcpen- 
 
 Ileterenco to Extension and Translation. 
 
 
 
 
 
 r i 
 
 1 T 
 
 
 
 Dimidium ju- 
 gumet diraidia 
 
 i a yoke and J 
 a verge (in 
 
 Werde . . 
 
 --- 
 
 
 
 
 | 11.0. ala u. 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Adelelm, in chief 
 
 Bertrann. 
 
 p. 50, 11. 47, 48 
 
 p. 142,11. 1, 2. 
 
 virga (in Est- 
 brige ?) 
 
 Eastbrige ?) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dimidium solin 
 (?in Post- 
 
 £ a suling (?in 
 Postlino) 
 
 Hen . . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 Aldred Bot, in chief . 
 
 
 
 
 linge) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dimidium ju- 
 gum (? in Tin- 
 
 £ a yoke (Fin 
 Tinton, inVARE- 
 
 Blaclieburne . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 5 Socmen . 
 
 5 Socmen .... 
 
 
 p. 143,11. 4, 5. 
 
 tentone) 
 
 HORNE) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tres virgas et 
 dimidia in Li- 
 
 
 Stotinges . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 3 Socmen, in chief . 
 
 
 
 p. 143,11.18,19. 
 
 howart Lath 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j jig 11111 (? m 
 Estraites) 
 
 1 yoke (in 
 Street ?) 
 
 Estraites . . 
 
 Hugh do Montfort . 
 
 j Socman, in chief . . 
 
 Ansfrid. 
 
 
 p. 143,11.40-43. 
 
 j jugom ( ? m 
 
 Estraites) 
 
 1 yoke (in 
 Street ?) 
 
 Estraites . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . 
 
 1 Socman . . . 
 
 Robert Cook. 
 
 p. 52, 11. 43-45. 
 
 p. 143,11.44-46. 
 
 ljugnm? . . 
 xvj aerie (in 
 Neventone ?) 
 
 1 yoke ? where 
 16 acres (in 
 Newington ?) 
 
 Lange brige 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 1 Socman, in chief . 
 
 1 Socman, in chief . . 
 
 Gislebert. 
 
 1 Socman .... 
 
 p. 52, 11. 46-48. 
 
 p. 144,11. 1,2. 
 p. 144,11.17,18. 
 
 Una parsJAONEi 
 nec ad ullum 
 manerium j acuit 
 
 ApieceofBitooM- 
 land belonging 
 to no manor 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 The King’s demesne . 
 Aluuinus presbyter held 
 
 
 
 p. 144,11.19-21. 
 
 Unum molinum 
 
 1 virga . . . 
 Unum jugum, 
 et in Aia vij 
 
 A mill . . . 
 
 1 virgate . . 
 
 1 yoke, and in 
 Aia 7 acres 
 
 Bevsberge . . 
 Certh.... 
 Estraites, but ? 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 i Socman. 
 
 1 Socman. 
 
 Fulbert. 
 
 A certain Woman. 
 
 Sligell. 
 
 p. 53,1. 18. 
 p. 53,11. 30, 31. 
 p. 53,11.44-47. 
 
 p. 144,1. 22. 
 p. 144,11.33,34. 
 
 1.145, 11. 7-10. | 
 
 Dimidium solin 
 j virga minus 
 
 A suling less 
 
 1 virge 
 
 Blacbeburae et 
 Nevcerce ? 
 
 Hugh de Montfort . . 
 
 6 Socmen, in chief . . 
 
 Jerald ?. 
 
 c. 54,11. 9-12. 
 
 p. 145,11.20-23. 
 
 UnumManerium 
 
 Wit ... . 
 
 Haimo the Sheriff . . 
 
 
 p. 55,11.17-24. 
 
 p. 146,11.22-28. J 
 
 49 * 
 
NAMES OF PLACES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Aerise—Acres. 
 
 Addington—Eddintune. 
 
 Aldglose, in Hastingleigh—Aldelose. 
 Aldington, next Thurnliam —Audinton. 
 Allington—Elentun. 
 
 Aloesbridge Hundred—Adilovtesbrige. 
 Apulton, in YVnldenshaw—Apletone. 
 Ash, near Sandwich—Ece. 
 
 Ashford—Estefort. 
 
 Another Ashford—alia Essetesford. 
 Badlesmere—Badlesmere. 
 
 Barfrestone—Berfrestone. 
 
 Barham—Berliain. 
 
 Barming, East—Bermelinge. 
 
 Banning, West, alias Barnjet—Ber- 
 melie. 
 
 Barnjet, alias West Banning—Ber- 
 melie. 
 
 Beaiuonston, or Beamston-in-West- 
 well—Betmontestun. 
 
 Beecles in Bekele, alias Chalk—Bi- 
 chelei. 
 
 Beckenham—Bacheham. 
 
 ?—Bedesham. 
 
 Bekele, alias Beccles, in Chalk—Bi- 
 chelei. 
 
 Bekesborue—Burnes. 
 
 Benenden—Benindene. 
 
 Benstede, in Hnnton—Benedestede. 
 Bewley, in Boughton Malherb—Bo- 
 
 Betvsfield, alias Whitfield—Bevesfd. 
 Bilclierst, in Hawking (A. B. L .)—Be- 
 lice. 
 
 Bilsington—Bilsvitone. 
 
 Bircholt—Belice. 
 
 Bireholt (Hasted) —Belice. 
 
 Billing—Berlinge. 
 
 Blackmanstone—Blachemenestone. 
 Bleane—Blehem. 
 
 Bonnington—Bonintone. 
 
 Bottshara, in Elmsted—Bodesham. 
 Boughton Aluph—Boltune. 
 
 Boughton Monchensei—Boltone. 
 Boxley—Boseleu. 
 
 B raborne—Bradeburne. 
 
 Braborne—Breburne. 
 
 Brandred, in Aerise—Brand. 
 
 Brooke—?“A manor in the hundred 
 of Wi.” 
 
 Broomfield—Brunfelle. 
 
 Broomground—Jaoneum. 
 
 Buckland—Bocheland. 
 
 Buckland, near Dover—Bocheland. 
 Burham—Borliam. 
 
 Burmarsh—Burvvar Maresc. 
 
 Chalk—Celca. 
 
 Charlton, near Dover—Carlentone. 
 Chart Sutton—Certh. 
 
 Chatham—Ceteham. 
 
 Chilham—Cilehain. 
 
 Chillenden—Cilledeu. 
 
 Chislet— Cistelet. 
 
 Cliff—Olive. 
 
 Coldred—Colret. 
 
 Combe-in-Brabourne—Cumbe. 
 Cowling—Colinge. 
 
 Cowling—Colinges. 
 
 Cravvtou, alias Crofton, in Orpington— 
 Croctuue. 
 
 Cudham—Codeham. 
 
 Deal—Addelan. 
 
 Dean Court, in Westwell—Dene. 
 Deice, Little, alias Upper Deice—Deice. 
 Deice, Great, with Lower Deice—Deice. 
 Denton—Danetone. 
 
 Derrington, in Barham (L. B. L), but 
 this is in Bridge hundred, not Wye— 
 Darenden. 
 
 Ditton—Dictune. 
 
 Doddington—Dodeham. 
 
 Dover—Douere. 
 
 Easling—Nordeslinge, also Eslinges. 
 
 Eastbridge—Estbrige. 
 
 Eastchurch ?—Cerce. 
 
 East Sutton—Sudtone. 
 
 Eastvvell, but ? Wells, in Eastry— 
 Essewelle. 
 
 Eccles, in Aylesford—Aiglessa. 
 
 Elham—Alhara. 
 
 Elmington, in Eythorne—Esmetone. 
 
 Elmstone—ASlvetone. 
 
 Elnothington, in Holliugbourne—Al- 
 noitone. 
 
 Elwerton, in Stone, next Eaversham— 
 Ernoltun. 
 
 Eshmerfield, alias Ashenfield, in Wal¬ 
 tham (Hasted), but that is in Bridge 
 hundred, not Wye (L. B. L.) —Es- 
 merefel. 
 
 Evegate, or Thevegate, in Smeetli—• 
 Tevegate. 
 
 Ewell (Hasted) —Etwelle. 
 
 Ewell—Ewelle. 
 
 Panues, or Yannes, in Crundal— 
 Pane. 
 
 Parborn, East, part of Harrietsham— 
 Fereburne. 
 
 Parborn, West, in Harrietsham—Fere¬ 
 burne. 
 
 Parleigh, West—Ferlaga. 
 
 Parthingloe, alias Yenson Dane, in 
 Hougham—Ferlingelai. 
 
 Folkestone—Pulchestau. 
 
 Pordwicli—Forewic. 
 
 Prinstead—Predenestede. 
 
 Garwinton, in Littlebourne—Warwin- 
 ton. 
 
 G illi ngham— Gelingeham. 
 
 Goldwell, in Great Chart, but?— 
 Godeselle, but? 
 
 Gravesend— Gravesham. 
 
 Greenwich—Greenviz. 
 
 Guston—Goristone. 
 
 Hackiugton, alias St. Stephens—La- 
 tintoue. 
 
 Hadlow—Ilaslow. 
 
 Ham—Hama. 
 
 Hamwolde, in Woodnesborough—Hai- 
 molde, alias Aimolde. 
 
 Harbilton, in Harrietsham—Herbre- 
 titov. 
 
 Hardres, Upper—Hardes. 
 
 Hardies, Lower and Nether—Hardes. 
 
 Harrietsham—Hariardesham, Fere¬ 
 burne, and Selesburne. 
 
 Hartanger, in Barfrestone—Hertange. 
 
 Hartley—Arclei. 
 
 Hastingleigh—Hastingelai. 
 
 Hastingligh—Hastingelie. 
 
 llaydon, alias The Mount, in Cobham 
 —Hadone. 
 
 Henhurst in Cobham—Handiest. 
 
 ? Herste Hall in Herst, in Murston 
 Parish, but outlying and surrounded 
 by Luddenham—Herste. 
 
 Ileyton in Stamford (L. B. L .)— 
 Haintone (L. B. L.) 
 
 Higham—Hecham. 
 
 Hoo, St. Warburgh—Hov. 
 
 Horton, in Chartham—Hortone. 
 
 Hougham — Huham, alias Hucliam 
 Berewicka, in Berham. 
 
 Hougham—Hicham. 
 
 Kennington—Chenetone. 
 
 Keston—Chestan. 
 
 Knowlton—Chenoltone. 
 
 Langley—Langvelei. 
 
 Leeds—Esledes. 
 
 Lenham—Lertham. 
 
 P—Leueberge. 
 
 Levbourne—Leleburne. 
 
 Longport, Borough and Manor in Can¬ 
 terbury—Lanport. 
 
 Luddenham ?—Cildresham. 
 Luddcsdownc—Ledesduue. 
 
 Makenade, in Prestou, next Paver- 
 sham—Macliekevet. 
 
 Malmaynes, in Stoke—Stoches. 
 
 Marley, in Harrietsham—Merlea. 
 Marsbborough?, in Woodnesborough— 
 Masseberge. 
 
 Mereworth—Marourde. 
 
 Midley ?—Midelea. 
 
 Milton, next Gravesend—Melestun. 
 Milton, next Gravesend—Meletune. 
 Minster, in Thanet—Tanet. 
 
 M ongeham, Little—Mundingeham. 
 
 The Mount, alias Haydon, in Cobham 
 —Hadone. 
 
 Nashenden, in St. Margarets, Roches¬ 
 ter—Essedene. 
 
 Nettlested—Nedestede. 
 
 Newington, near Hythe—Neventone. 
 Newington, near Sittingbourne—Newe- 
 tone. 
 
 N ewington—Neventone. 
 
 N orthborue—N orborne. 
 
 Norton, near Faversliam—Nortone. 
 Nursted, alius Nutsted—Notestede. 
 Ofeliam—Offham. 
 
 Ore—Ore. 
 
 Orlanstone—Orlavestone. 
 
 Ospringe—Ospringes. 
 
 Oth am—Oteham. 
 
 Otterden—Otringedene. 
 
 Otterpoole, in Limne—Obtrepole. 
 Paddlesworth, next Snodlaud — Pelle- 
 sorde. 
 
 Palster, in Witteusliam—Palestrei. 
 Parrock, in Milton, next Gravesend (?) 
 Melestun. 
 
 Patrixbourne—Borne. 
 
 Patrixbourne ? Littlebourne—Borne. 
 Peckham, West—Pecheham. 
 
 Perry Court, in Preston, next Paver- 
 sham—Perie. 
 
 Another Perry—Perie. 
 
 Pevington—Piventone. 
 
 Pimpe-in-Nettlested, and part in West 
 Farleigh—Pinpa. 
 
 Pinham, in East Langdon—Piham. 
 Pising, in East Langdon—Pesinges. 
 
 ?—Pistinges. 
 
 PI umst ed—Plum stede. 
 
 Polton—Poltone. 
 
 Popesliall, in Coldred—Popesell and 
 Popesall. 
 
 Postling—Postinges. 
 
 Preston—Prestetune. 
 Repton-in-Ashford—Rapentone. 
 Ringlestone, in Holliugbourne—Ron- 
 gostone. 
 
 Ringletone, in Woodnesborough — 
 ffingetone. 
 
 Romney—llomenel. 
 
 Roting-in-Pluckley—Rotinge. 
 
 Rucking —Roehinges. 
 
 Ryarsh—Riesce. 
 
 St. Albans, in Nonington.—Eswalt. 
 St. Margarets—Saucta Margarita. 
 
 St. Stepheus, alias Hackingtou—Latin- 
 tonc. 
 
 St. Warburgh, Hoo—Hov. 
 
 Sellindge—Sedlinges. 
 
 Selling—Setlinges. 
 
 Seviugton (L. B. L.) —Seivetone. 
 
 Skalmsford, St., in Chartham—Es- 
 samelesford. 
 
 Shebbertswell—Sibertesuualt. 
 
 Shelve, West, in Lenham—West Selve. 
 Shelve, Old, in Lenhain—Est Selve. 
 Shelve, East, alias Shelve Cobham, in 
 Lenham—Estselve. 
 
 Shelving, alias Woodnesborough, ? Shel¬ 
 ving in Barham—Seliuges. 
 Sibertswould, or Shebbertswell—Si- 
 berteswalt. 
 
 Sifletone, in Ditton and Aylesford— 
 Sifletone. 
 
 Soles, in Nonington—Soles. 
 
 Solton, in Westcliffe—Soltone. 
 Stalisfield—Slanefelle. 
 
 Stelling—Stellinges. 
 
 Stockbury—Stoekingebcrge. 
 
 Stoke, Malmaynes in—Stoches. 
 Stokenbury, in East Peckham—Esto- 
 chingeberge. 
 
 Street, in Limne—Estraites. 
 Stuppington, in Norton—Stepedone. 
 Sturrey—Esturai. 
 
 Swalecliffe—Soaneclive. 
 
 Swanton, in Lidden (Hasted) —Svane- 
 tone. 
 
 Temple, or Boswell Banks, in Ewell— 
 Broches tele. 
 
 Teston—Testan. 
 
 Tkrowley—Trevelai. 
 
 Thurnham—Turneliam. 
 
 Tickenhurst, in Northborne—Tich- 
 teste. 
 
 Tiffenden, in Halden—Tepindene. 
 Tinton, in Warehorne — Titentone 
 and Tintentone. 
 
 Tonge—Tangas. 
 
 Tottington, in Aylesford—Totintune. 
 Town Sutton, alias Sutton Valence— 
 Sudtone. 
 
 Tudeley—Tivedele. 
 
 TunstaU—Tunestelle. 
 
 Vanne, or Vannes, in Crundal— 
 
 Yenson Dane, alias Parthingloe, in 
 Hougham—Ferlingelai. 
 
 Waldershare—Walwalesere. 
 Wateringbury — Otringebergc and 
 Otringberge. 
 
 Westcliffe—Wesdive. 
 
 Westerham—Oistreham. 
 
 Whitstable—Witenestaple. 
 
 Wichling—Winchelesmere. 
 Wickhambreaux—Wicheliam. 
 Wilrinton, alias Wilderton, in Throw- 
 ley? (L.B.L.) —Wirentone. 
 Woodnesborough, alias Shelving—Se- 
 linge. 
 
 Woodnesborough—Wanesberge. 
 Woolwich—Iiulviz. 
 
 Wrotham, Little—Litelbroteham. 
 Wye—Wi. 
 
 Yalding—Hallinges. 
 
 ?—Cherinchelle. 
 
 ?—Bedenesmere. 
 
 ?—Etrelone. 
 
 ?—Aia. 
 
 ?—Svestone. 
 
 ?—Borchemerea. 
 
 ?—Siborne, possibly Siberstone, in 
 Haigham (L. B. L) 
 
 ?—Essella. 
 
 ? in Buckland, or Buckland in Wood¬ 
 nesborough—Hamestede. 
 
 ?—Platenont. 
 
 ?—Gollesberge. 
 
 ?—Berchvelle. 
 
 50 * 
 
NAMES OF PLACES. 
 
 Aeon, Hospital of St. Thomas of, ii. 
 215. 
 
 jEisce, i. e. Ash, q. v. 
 
 Alkerdin, alias Combe, Manor in 
 Swanscomb, ii. 414. 
 
 Alteham, i. e. Eltham, i. 459. 
 Anderida, i. 65. 
 
 Andredcaster, Anderida. 
 
 Andredsweald Forest, i. 63. 
 Apulderfield, Manor in Cowdham, 
 ii. 68. 
 
 Ash Parish, near Wrotham, ii. 463. 
 Ash, South, Manor in Ash, ii. 467. 
 Axstane, Hundred of, ii. 343. 
 Aynsford, i. e. Eynsford, q. v. 
 Bacheham, i. e. Beckenham, i. 527. 
 Baford Castle, i. 87. 
 
 Baldwin’s Manor, in Hartford, ii. 314. 
 Bankers in Lee, i. 473. 
 
 Bankers, Little, in Lee, ii. 563. 
 Bankwell, in Lee, i. 493. 
 
 Barkfield, in Southfleet, ii. 423. 
 Barkhart, a seat in Orpington, ii. 101. 
 Barn End, a hamlet in Wilmington, ii. 
 330, 331. 
 
 Baston, Manor and Court in Hayes, 
 i. 22, 23, 568. 
 
 Bayliam Abbey, ii. 75. 
 
 Bean, Hamlet of, in Stone, ii. 384. 
 Beceeham, i.e. Beckenham, i. 527. 
 Beckenham, i. 527; Appendix, ii. 
 565, 566. 
 
 Bedemvell Hamlet, in Erith, ii. 246. 
 Bedeshain, i. e. Betsham, q. v. 
 
 Begham Abbey, ii. 75. 
 
 Bekesley, i. e. Bexley, q. v. 
 
 Belvidere House, in Erith, ii. 248. 
 Bertrey, Manor of, in Cowdham, ii. 72. 
 Betsham, alias Bedesham, Manor in 
 Southfleet, ii. 164, 422. 
 
 Bexley, Parish, ii. 162. 
 
 Bickley, in Bromley, i. 551. 
 
 Bignors Manor, alias Portbridge, in 
 Dartford, ii. 308, 309. 
 
 Billingham Manor, in Lewisham, i. 
 
 515; ii. 564. 
 
 Bix, i. e. Bexley, q. v. 
 
 Bixle, i. e. Bexley, q. v. 
 
 Blackfen Manor, in Bexley, ii. 163. 
 Blackball, in Erith, ii. 247. 
 
 Blackheath, i. 374. 
 
 Blackheatli, Chapel on, ii. 565. 
 Bladindon Court, i. e. Blendon, q. v. 
 Blendon Hall, in Bexley, ii. 170. 
 Borstable Manor, ii. 413. 
 
 Borstall, Manor and Hamlet in Plum- 
 sted, ii. 214. 
 
 Bostoll, i. e. Borstall, q. v. 
 
 Bourne Place, in Bexley, ii. 176. 
 Bowton’s Docks, in Woolwich, ii. 560. 
 Bramblebury, in Plumsted, ii. 216. 
 Brampton Manor, in Nockholt, ii. 79. 
 Brampton Hall, in Bexley, ii. 173. 
 
 Bl asted Green, in Farnborough, ii. 46. 
 Bridgen Place, in Bexley, ii. 172. 
 Brockhall, in Horton, ii. 508. 
 Brockley, in Deptford, i. 356. 
 Brockley, alias Forest Place, in Lewis¬ 
 ham, i. 514. 
 
 Brockley, Upper, in Deptford, ii. 554. 
 Bromleng—Bromleah and Bromlega, 
 i. e. Bromley, i. 550. 
 
 Bromley, l. 550. 
 
 Bromley Parish, Appendix ii. 566. 
 Brook, alias Sutton Place, q. v. 
 Bucklers, in Orpington, ii. 107. 
 Bulbeck Street, in Crayford, ii. 279. 
 Burrish Court, i.e. Burwash Court, 
 q.v. 
 
 Bunvash Court, in Plumsted, ii. 212. 
 Camden Place, in Chesilhurst, ii. 13. 
 Castle Ruff, near Milton, i. 87. 
 
 Catford Manor, in Lewisham, i. 513. 
 Ceorletone, i. e. Charlton, i. 420. 
 Chalkside, in Erith, ii. 228. 
 
 Charles Manor, in Hartford, ii. 309. 
 Charlton, i. 420. 
 
 Charlton Parish, Appendix ii. 558. 
 
 Chartons Manor, in Farnino-hara ii 
 518, 520, 525. 
 
 Chellesfeld, i. e. Chelsfield, q. v. 
 
 Chelsfield Parish, ii. 83, and Appen¬ 
 dix 569. 
 
 Chepsted Manor, in Kingsdown, ii 
 482. 
 
 Cherrygarden Farm, at Charlton, ii 
 401. 
 
 Chesilhurst Parish, ii. 2; and Appen¬ 
 dix, 568. 
 
 Chestan, i. e. Keston, q. v. 
 
 Chimbhams, in Farningham, ii. 521. 
 
 Chislelmrst, v. Chesilhurst, q. v. 
 
 Cilesfeld, i. e. Chelsfield, q. v. 
 
 Cillesfelle, i. e. Chelsfield, q. v. 
 
 Ciresfel, i. e. Chelsfield, q. v. 
 
 Ciselhvrst, i. e. Chesilhurst, q. v. 
 
 Cleyndon Manor, in Darent, ii. 375. 
 
 Clockhouse, in Darent, ii. 368. 
 
 Cockleshell Bank, in Stone, ii. 385. 
 
 Codeham, i. e. Cowdham, q. v. 
 
 Cokerhurst, in Shoreham, ii. 542. 
 
 Coldham, i. e. Cowdham, q. v. 
 
 Combe, East, in Greenwich, Appen¬ 
 dix ii. 557. 
 
 Combe Manor, in Greenwich, i. 383, 
 386. 
 
 Combes, alias Alchardin, Manor, in 
 Swanscombe, ii. 414. 
 
 Corbye, alias Corbyn Hall, in Eltham. 
 i. 476. 
 
 Cotton Manor, in Stone, ii. 392, 576. 
 
 Courthawe, alias Crockerhill, in Eyns- 
 ford, ii. 533. 
 
 Cowdham Parish, ii. 60. 
 
 Crai Sud, i. e. St. Mary Cray, q. v. 
 
 Crauford, Stream of, ii'. 287. 
 
 Crawton, alias Crofton, in Orpington, 
 q. v. 
 
 Cray Foots, v. Foot’s Cray, ii. 135. 
 
 Cray, North, v. North Cray, ii. 141. 
 
 Cray, Paul’s, v. Paul’s Cray, ii. 125: 
 130. 
 
 Cray, St. Mary, v. St. Mary Cray. 
 
 Cray, South, i. e. St. Mary Cray, q. v. 
 
 Crayford Parish, ii. 263; and Appen¬ 
 dix, 573. 
 
 Crecanford, i. 59. 
 
 Crecanford, i. e. Crayford, q. v. 
 
 Creccanford, i. e. Crayford, q. v. 
 
 Crofton Manor, in Orpington, ii. 101, 
 and 569. 
 
 CrokenhiU Manor, and Hamlet in 
 Eynsford, ii. 532. 
 
 Cudham, v. Cowdham. 
 
 Cypenliam, now Sydenham, in Lewis¬ 
 ham, i. 504. 
 
 Danson Hill, in Bexley, ii. 172. 
 
 Darent Parish, ii. 367; and Appen¬ 
 dix, 575. 
 
 Darent, South, Hamlet in Horton, ii. 
 373, 375, 494. 
 
 Darenti Vadum, i. e. Dartford, q. v. 
 
 Darn, i. e. Darent, q. v. 
 
 Hartford Parish, ii. 286 ; and Appen¬ 
 dix, 574. 
 
 Dartford, in Wilmington Hundred, ii. 
 286. 
 
 Dartford Manor, ii. 3; 345. 
 
 Dartford Place, ii. 307. 
 
 Dartford Priory, ii. 303, 308, 316, 
 336, 358, 415, 532. 
 
 Daunsingtou, i. e. Danson, q. v. 
 
 Deadman’s Dock, in Deptford, ii. 554. 
 
 Deanbottom Hamlet, in Horton, ii. 
 494. 
 
 Delight, House of, in Greenwich Park, 
 i. 399. 
 
 Denton Parish, mentioned, ii. 438. 
 
 Deorwent, i. e. Darent, q. v. 
 
 Deptford, i. 340. 
 
 Deptford Parish, Appendix ii. 553. 
 
 Dorpentune, i. e. Orpington, q. v. 
 
 Downe Parish, ii. 54. 
 
 Downe Court, Manor of, ii. 55. 
 
 Downe Hall, ii. 56. 
 
 Draper’s Place, in Erith, ii. 247. 
 
 Eard, mu Jo Crayford, q. v. 
 
 East Combe, in Greenwich, i. 386; 
 Appendix, ii. 557. 
 
 Easthall Manor, in Orpington, ii. 105. 
 Easthorne Manor, in Eltham, i. 470. 
 East Wickham Parish, v. sub Wick¬ 
 ham. 
 
 Ebbafleet, in Thanet, i. 53, 58, 63. 
 Eglantine Farm, in Farningham ii 
 ^ 519, 520. 
 
 Eisse, i. e. Ash, q. v. 
 
 Ellam, in Crayford, ii. 279. 
 
 Elmsted Wood, in Bromley, i. 557. 
 Eltham, i. 455. 
 
 Eltham Parish, Appeudix, ii. 561. 
 Eltham Palace, Appendix, ii. 562. 
 Ensford, i. e. Eynsford, q. v. 
 
 Erclci, i. e. Hartley, q. v. 
 
 Erhede, modo Crayford, q. v. 
 
 Erith Parish, alias Leslies, ii. 227 ; 
 
 and Appendix, 572. 
 
 Estanes, i. e. Stone, q. v. 
 
 Euere, i. e. Hever, q. v. 
 
 Eynsford Parish, ii. 527, and Appen¬ 
 dix, 578. 
 
 Fachesham, i. e. Fawkhnm, q.v. 
 
 Fairy hill, in Mottingham, i. 480. 
 Fakeham, i. e. Fawkhnm, q. v. 
 Falkham, i. e. Fawkham, q. v. 
 
 Pants Manor, in Erith, ii. 253. 
 Farnborough Parish, ii. 46. 
 Farnborough, Duchy Court of, ii. 
 
 31.413. 
 
 Farningham Parish, ii. 510, and Ap¬ 
 pendix, 578. 
 
 Fawkham Parish, ii. 444. 
 
 Fearnberga, i. e. Farnborough, q. v. 
 Ferlingeham, i. e. Farningham, q. r. 
 Ferningeham, i.e. Farningham, q.v. 
 Flamsteed House, in Greenwich Park 
 
 i. 401. 
 
 Fleotis, i. e. Southfleet, q. v. 
 
 Fletis, i. e. Southfleet, q. v. 
 
 Foots Cray Parish, ii. 135, and Ap¬ 
 pendix, 570. 
 
 Foots Cray Place, ii. 138. 
 
 Forest Place, alias Brockley, in Lewis¬ 
 ham, i. 514. 
 
 Foxgrove Manor, in Beckenham, i. 536. 
 Franks, in Horton, ii. 500. 
 
 Freelands, in Bromley, ii. 567. 
 Fremingham, i.e. Farningham, q.v. 
 Frendsbury, i. e. Frindsbury, q. v. 
 Freningham, i.e. Farningham, q.v. 
 Frindsbury (Frendsbury), cited ii. 427, 
 438. 
 
 Froguall, in Chiselhurst. ii. 10. 
 Fulham’s Place, in Plumsted, ii. 
 15, 217. 
 
 Gilden Hill, i. e. Gilton Hill, q. v. 
 
 Gills, Hamlet in Darent, ii. 373, 375, 
 381, and 576. 
 
 Gilton Hill, in Sutton, ii. 358. 
 Goddingtou Manor, in Chelsfield, ii. 
 
 89.413. 
 
 Gore, a seat in Darent, ii. 369. 
 Grandisons, alias 'Wilmington Manor, 
 in Wilmington, ii. 332. 
 
 Greenstreet Green, Hamlet in Chels¬ 
 field, ii. 84, 569. 
 
 Greenstreet Green, Hamlet in Darent, 
 
 ii. 368, 373, 375, 381. 
 
 Greenstreet Hundred, ii. 485. 
 Grecnhithe Hamlet, in Swanscomb, ii. 
 
 400. 
 
 Greenwich, i. 372. 
 
 Greenwich, East, i.e. Greenwich, i. 
 372. 
 
 Greenwich, West, Manor, alias Sayes 
 Court, q. v. 
 
 Greenwich Parish, Appendix, 555. 
 Grenawic, i.e. Greenwich, i. 372. 
 Grenovicum, i.e. Greenwich, i. 372. 
 Gretenersce, i. e. Greenhithe, q. v. 
 Hackstaple, in Sutton, ii. 359. 
 llagelei, i. e. Hawley, q. v. 
 
 Halgel, i. e. Hawley, q. v. 
 
 Hall Place, in Bexley, ii. 173. 
 
 Halywell, alias Hodsoll, Manor, in 
 Ash, ii. 467. 
 
 Halywell Nunnery, in Shoreditch, 
 cited, ii. 467. 
 
 Hartley Parish, ii. 452, and Appendix, 
 577. 
 
 Hatchfield, Great, in Lewisham, i. 515. 
 
 Hatchfield, Great, in Lee, ii. 563. 
 
 Haultham, i.e. Eltham, i. 4S5. 
 
 Hawley Hamlet and Manor, in Sutton, 
 ii. 345, 353. 
 
 Haw Sawters, alias Sapters, a Manor 
 subordinate to Hawley, in Sutioii, 
 ii. 353. 
 
 Hayes Parish, ii. 22, and Appendix, 
 568. 
 
 Helles St. Margaret, alias St. Mar¬ 
 garet Hills, Chapel of, in Darent., 
 ii. 371, 3S0. 
 
 Helles St. Margaret, alias St. Mar¬ 
 garet Hills, Hamlet, in Daren!, ii. 
 373. 
 
 Helmestrei Hundred, modo Ruxley, 
 ii. 1. 
 
 Heuleys, in Eltham, i. 470. 
 
 Herdei, i. e. Hartley, q. v. 
 
 Hering H01, in Erith, ii. 247. 
 
 Hermitage, in Deptford, i. 358. 
 
 Hermitage, in Plumsted, ii. 217. 
 
 llese, i. q. Hayes, q. v. 
 
 Hever Manor,' in Kingsdown, ii. 4S0, 
 490. 
 
 1-Iewit’s Farm, in Chelsfield, ii. 91. 
 
 Hewit’s Manor, in Chelsfield, ii. 90. 
 
 Higham Parish, Dairy Farm in cited 
 ii. 413. 
 
 High Elms Farm, in Downe, ii. 54. 
 
 Highlands Manor, in Sutton, ii. 357. 
 
 Highstreet House, in Bexley, ii. 167. 
 
 Ililtesbury Manor, in Evnesford, ii. 
 533. 
 
 Illiesnes, i. q. Lesnes, modo Erith, q. v. 
 
 Hockenden Manor, i. e. St. Mary Cray 
 ii. 119. 
 
 Hodsoll Street, Hamlet in Ash, ii. 
 463, 577. 
 
 Ilollwood House, in Keston, ii.43, 569. 
 
 Ilolwood House, v. Hollwood. 
 
 Holly Hill, a seat in Erith, ii. 228. 
 
 Hoo, Little, alias Hoobery, in Cray¬ 
 ford, ii. 277. 
 
 Hoobery, alias Little IIoo, in Crayford, 
 ii. 277. 
 
 Hook Green, Hamlet in Wilmington, 
 ii. 331. 
 
 Hook Place, in Southfleet, ii. 435. 
 
 Horuscross Hamlet, in Stone, ii. 384. 
 
 llorsman’s Place, in Dartford, ii. 311. 
 
 Hortou Kirby, Parish, ii. 494. 
 
 Howberry Manor, in Crayford, ii. 277, 
 and 573. 
 
 Hulviz, i.e. Woolwich, i. 441. 
 
 Idley Farm, in Ash, ii. 463. 
 
 Ingress, in Swanscombe, ii. 415, 576. 
 
 Ippedsfleet, v. Ebbesfleet. 
 
 Jacket’s Court, in North Cray, ii. 154. 
 
 Jeffrey's Manor, in Woolwich, i. 449. 
 
 Joyden’s Wood, in North Cray, ii. 157. 
 
 Joyden’s Wood, in Wilmington, ii. 331. 
 
 Kecbyngrove, in Paul’s Cray, ii. 130. 
 
 Kelseys, in Beckenham, i. 538. 
 
 Kent House, in Beckenham, i. 545, ii. 
 565. 
 
 Keston Parish, ii. 37, 569. 
 
 Kevington, in St. Mary Cray, ii. 117. 
 
 Kidbrooke, in Charlton, i. 436. 
 
 Kilburne Priory, cited, ii. 75. 
 
 Kiugesdune, i. e. Kingsdown, q. v. 
 
 Kingledune, i e. Kingsdown, q. v. 
 
 Kingsdown Parish, ii. 475, and Ap¬ 
 pendix, 577. 
 
 Kirby Court, v. Kirkby Court. 
 
 Kirkby Court, in Horton, ii. 499. 
 
 Knockholt, in Swanscombe, ii. 401. 
 
 Laga, i. e. Lee, i. 492. 
 
 Lambard’s Hospital, in Greenwich ii 
 558. 
 
 Lambeth, Manor of, cited, ii. 371, 378. 
 
NAMES OE PLACES. 
 
 Lameby, v. Lmnienby. 
 
 Lamienby, in Bexley, ii. 168. 
 
 Langnfel, i. e. Longfield, q. v. 
 Langefeld, i. e. Longfield, q. v. 
 
 Langley Park, in Beckenham, i. 541. 
 Langley, House of Briars at, ii. 306. 
 Leason Heath, in Erith, ii. 228. 
 
 Leaves Green, in Cudham, ii. 60. 
 Leaves Green, in Keston, ii. 37. 
 
 Lee, i. 492. 
 
 Lee, Parish of, Appendix, 562, 563. 
 Legheart, i. e. Lee, i. 492. 
 
 Leslies, morlo Erith, q. v. 
 
 Lesnes Abbey, in Erith, ii. 249, 592. 
 Lesnes Manor, alias Erith, ii. 231. 
 Lcvesham, i.e. Lewisham, i. 503. 
 Lewisham, i. 503. 
 
 Lewisham Manor, cited, ii. 358. 
 Lewisham Parish, Appendix, ii. 563. 
 Linckhill, Borough of, cited, ii. 2. 
 Lisna, i. q. Lesnes, modo Erith, q. v. 
 Litelai Hundred, modo Little and 
 Lesnes, ii. 184. 
 
 Little and Leslies Hundred, ii. 184. 
 Littlcbrook Manor, in Stone, ii. 386, 
 388. 
 
 Little Hoo, v. Hoo. 
 
 Littlemote Manor, in Eynsford, ii. 533. 
 Loisnes, i. e. Lesnes, modo Erith, q. v. 
 Lolingestone, i. e. Lullingstoue, q. v. 
 Longfield Parish, ii. 440, and Ap¬ 
 pendix, 577. 
 
 Lullingstone Parish, ii. 539-540. 
 Mapledescam, i.e. Maplescombe, q.v. 
 Mapeldreskampe, i. e. Maplescombe, 
 q.v. 
 
 Maplescap, i. e. Maplescombe, q. v. 
 Maplescombe, near Kingsdown, ii. 483. 
 Mares Place, in Cowdham, ii. 74. 
 Marshall’s Court, in Crayford, ii. 275, 
 573. 
 
 Mayfield Place, Manor, in Orpington, 
 ii. 103. 
 
 May Street, in Crayford, ii. 279. 
 Mayvil, alias Mayfield Place. 
 
 Milton Street, Hamlet in Swanscombe, 
 ii. 401. 
 
 Moated Place, in Deptford, i. 357. 
 Morden College, in Charlton, i. 429. 
 Mote, Little, Manor, in Eynsford, ii. 
 533. 
 
 Moltingham Hamlet, in Chesilhurst, 
 ii. 19. 
 
 Mottingham Hamlet, in Eltham, i. 478. 
 Mount Mascall, North Cray, ii. 154, 
 and 571. 
 
 Mount Pleasant, in Bexlev, ii. 176, 
 572. 
 
 Mount Pleasant, in Wilmington, ii. 330. 
 Nethercombe, in Greenwich, i. 3S6. 
 Newbery, in Crayford, ii. 574. 
 
 Newell, in Orpington, ii. 97. 
 Nightingale Hall, on Shooter’s Hill, i. 
 457. 
 
 Nockholt Parish, ii. 78. 
 
 Norsted Manor, in Chelsfield, i. 91. 
 North Court, in Kingsdown, ii. 476. 
 North Cray Parish, ii. 141, 571. 
 Northend, Hamlet, in Crayford, ii. 264. 
 Northlleet, lloman station near, cited, 
 ii. 423. 
 
 Northumberland Heath, in Crayford, 
 ii. 264. 
 
 Noviomagus, ii. 39, 267. 
 
 Ockholt, alias Schott’s Manor, modo 
 Shelleys, in Nockholt, ii. 80. 
 
 Ockmere, St. Mary Lyng, Ockmere 
 Manor, olim 2 manors, viz. Ackmere 
 and Sentling, in St. Mary Cray, ii. 
 114. 
 
 Old Court, in Greenwich, i. 385, 387. 
 
 Oldcourt House, in Cowdham, ii. 60. 
 
 Orkesden Manor, in Eynsford, ii. 531. 
 
 Orpington Parish, ii. 97, and Appen¬ 
 dix, 569. 
 
 Orpintun, i. e. Orpington, q. v. 
 
 Ospringe Manor, cited, ii. 115. 
 
 Park Place, in Eltham, i. 477. 
 
 Patten Grove, in Orpington, ii. 570. 
 
 Paul’s Cray Parish, ii. 125. 
 
 Paul’s Cray Hill Seat, ii. 126, 130. 
 
 Penge Green, in Beckenham, i. 528. 
 
 Perry Street Hamlet, in Crayford, ii. 
 264. 
 
 Perry Street, in Lewisham, i. 504. 
 
 Perry Street Hamlet, in Orpington, ii. 
 570. 
 
 Petham Place, in Earninghara, ii. 521. 
 
 Petham Court, in Eynsford, ii. 521, 
 533. 
 
 Petley’s Place, in Downe, ii. 54. 
 
 Pickerdav, in Erith, ii. 228. 
 
 Pickhurst Manor, in Hayes, ii. 22, 
 568. 
 
 Place Green, in Chesilhurst, ii. 2. 
 
 Place House, in Lewisham, i. 504; 
 ii. 564. 
 
 Placentia Manor, in Greenwich, i. 394. 
 
 Plaistow Hamlet, in Bromley, i. 551. 
 
 Pleazance Manor, in Greenwich, i. 394. 
 
 Plumsted Parish, ii. 203. 
 
 Pole Manor, in Southfleet, ii. 432. 
 
 Portbridge, alias Bignors, q. v. 
 
 Porteslade Church, i. 142. 
 
 Pratt’s Bottom, a e.Spratt’s Bottom, q. v. 
 
 Ravensbourne River, ii. 39. 
 
 Red House, in Deptford, i. 342. 
 
 Redlege, i. e. Ridley, q. v. 
 
 Redlegh, i. e. Ridley, q. v. 
 
 Reynolds’ Place, in Horton, ii. 502. 
 
 Reynold Smiths, Hamlet of, in St. 
 Mary Cray, ii. 570. 
 
 Ridley Parish, ii. 458, 577. 
 
 Rochester, Priory of, ii. IS, 76, 323, 
 336, 339, 362, 369, 378, 386,425, 
 434, 437, 441, 491, 565. 
 
 Rochester Castle, cited, ii. 412,413. 
 
 ltokesley, alias Ruxley Hundred, ii. 1. 
 
 Roman Camp at Keston, ii. 38. 
 
 Roman Road, ii. 267, 292, 384, 402, 
 422. 
 
 Rowehill Manor,in Wilmington, ii. 335. 
 
 Rufferth Chantry, in Orpington, ii. 103. 
 
 Ruxley Parish, ii. 141. 
 
 Ruxley Manor, ii. 142. 
 
 Rye House, in Otford, ii. 70. 
 
 St. John’s Manor, in Sutton, ii. 347, 
 365. 
 
 St. Margaret Hills, alias Helles St. 
 Margaret, Hamlet and Chapel, in 
 Darent, q.v., ii. 373-381. 
 
 St. Mary Cray Parish, ii. 112, 570. 
 
 St. Mary Lyng, Ockmere Manor, olim 
 2 manors, viz. Ackmere and Sent¬ 
 ling, in St. Mary Cray, ii. 114. 
 
 St. Thomas’s Hospital, in London, 
 cited, ii. 103. 
 
 Savoy Hospital, in Loudon, ii. 103. 
 
 Saye’s Court, alias West Greenwich 
 Manor, in Deptford, i. 350, 351, 
 353. 
 
 Scadbury Manor, in Chesilhurst, ii. 7. 
 Schottis, Manor of, alias Ockholt, q. v. 
 Scotgrove Manor, in Ash, ii. 469. 
 Sedcop, i. e. Sidcup, q. v. 
 
 Sentling Manor, St. Mary Lyng, Ock¬ 
 mere, ii. 114. 
 
 Shawfield House, in Bromley, i. 551. 
 Shelleys, Manor of, olim Ockholt, alias 
 Schottis, in Nockholt, ii. 80. 
 
 Shere Hall, in Wilmington, ii. 330. 
 Shooter’s Hill, i. 456. 
 
 Shorue Parish, cited, ii. 428. 
 
 Shottis Manor, alias Ockholt, modo 
 Shelleys, in Nockholt, ii. 80. 
 Shrawfield, in Lee, i. 494. 
 
 Sidcup, Hamlet, in Foots Cray, ii. 139. 
 Simpsons, in Bromley, i. 560, ii. 567. 
 Sipeham, now Sydenham, in Lewisham, 
 
 i. 504. 
 
 Skinner’s Place, in Deptford, i. 358. 
 Southall, alias Woolwich Manor, i. 
 446; ii. 561. 
 
 South Ash Manor, in Ash, ii. 467. 
 Soutliborough Hamlet, in Bromley, ii. 
 567. 
 
 South Court Manor,in Eynsford, ii. 5 30. 
 South Darent Hamlet, in Horton, ii. 
 373, 375, 494. 
 
 Southend Hamlet, in Eltham, i. 477. 
 Southend Hamlet, in Lewisham, i. 504. 
 Southend, Lewisham, Mustard Mill at, 
 
 ii. 564. 
 
 Southfleet Parish, ii. 421, 576. 
 Southwark, St. Mary Overy’s Priory 
 in, cited, ii. 217, 420. 
 
 Spratt’s Bottom, Hamlet in Chelsfield, 
 ii. 84. 
 
 Stampit Chantry, in Dartford, ii. 326, 
 376. 
 
 Stanes, i. e. Stone, q. v. 
 
 Stanham Hamlet, in Dartford, ii. 316, 
 574. 
 
 Stanhill Hamlet, in Wilmington, ii. 
 
 331, 336, 339, 441. 
 
 Stantunc, i. e. Stone, q. v. 
 
 Stockbery Manor, cited ii. 277, 413. 
 Stoke Manor, cited, ii. 427. 
 
 Stone Parish, ii. 384, 576. - 
 Stone Castle, ii. 390. 
 
 Stone House, alias Moated Place, in 
 Deptford, i. 357. 
 
 Stone Place, ii. 394. 
 
 Stonewood Hamlet, in Stone, ii. 384. 
 Stratford Abbey, in Essex, cited in 
 Erith, ii. 253. 
 
 Strode, Hospital of, cited, ii. 341. 
 
 Sud Crai, i. e. St. Mary Cray, q. v. 
 SuffolkPlace Farm,in Plumsted,ii. 216. 
 Suinescamp, i. e. Swanscombe, q. v. 
 Sundridge Manor, in Bromley, i. 559. 
 Suthfleta, i. e. Southfleet, q. v. 
 Suthtuna, i. e. Sutton at Hone. 
 
 Sutton at Hone Lath, ii. 1. 
 
 Sutton at Hone Parish, ii. 343. 
 
 Sutton at Hone Manor, ii. 348. 
 
 Sutton at Hone Place, ii. 352. 
 Swaneslcampe, i. e. Swanscombe, q. v. 
 Swanley Hamlet, in Sutton, ii. 359. 
 Swanscombe Parish, ii. 399,576. 
 Swegenscomp, i. e. Swanscombe, q. v. 
 Sydenham Hamlet, in Lewisham, i. 504. 
 
 Sydenham Manor, in Lewisham, ii. 
 564. 
 
 Tang Court, alias Tong Court, modo 
 Town Court Farm, in Chesilhurst, 
 ii. 15, 217, 568. 
 
 Tarent, i. e. Darent, q. v. 
 
 Tarentefort, i. e. Dartford, q. v. 
 
 Temple Manor, in Dartford, ii. 301. 
 
 Temple, Seat in Lewisham, i. 528. 
 
 Tong Court, alias Tang Court, modo 
 Town Court Farm, in Chesilhurst, 
 ii. 15, 217, 56S. 
 
 Tower Hill, Abbot and Convent of, 
 cited, ii. 460, 461. 
 
 Town Court Farm, olim Tang Court, 
 alias Tong Court, in Chesilhurst, ii. 
 15, 217, 56S. 
 
 Trinity House, in Deptford, i. 358. 
 
 Trinity Priory, in London, cited, ii. 
 181, 260. ^ 
 
 Trowmers, a Seat in Downe, ii. 54. 
 
 Trundle Down, in Darent, ii. 369. 
 
 Tubbendens, a Seat in Farnborougli, 
 ii. 50. 
 
 Yagniacaj, cited, ii. 423. 
 
 Vale Mascall, in North Cray, ii. 156. 
 
 Votes Cray, i. e. Foots Cray, q. v. 
 
 Waklins, alias Walkins, in Paul’s 
 Cray, ii. 131. 
 
 Waldens Manor, in St. Mary Cray, ii. 
 
 121 . 
 
 Walkins, alias Waklins, in Paul’s Cray, 
 ii. 131. 
 
 Wantsum Farm, in Bexley, ii. 164, 
 572. 
 
 Washers, in the Woods, alias Sun¬ 
 dridge, in Bromley, i. 560. 
 
 Watlande, i. e. Woodland, in Kings¬ 
 down, ii. 488. 
 
 Well Hall, in Eltham, i. 470. 
 
 Welling Hamlet, in East Wickham, ii. 
 163, 185. 
 
 Westcombe, in Greenwich, i. 386, 
 387. 
 
 Wested Farm, in Eynsford, ii. 527. 
 
 Westminster Abbey, cited, ii. 214, 249. 
 
 Weston Cross Hamlet, in Swans¬ 
 combe, ii. 401. 
 
 Westwood, in Erith, ii. 250. 
 
 Westwood Abbey, i. q. Leslies Abbey, 
 q. v., ii. 249. 
 
 West Wickham Parish, ii. 29, 569. 
 
 West Yoke Hamlet, in Ash, ii. 463. 
 
 Wicheham, i. e. West Wickham, q. v. 
 
 Wick, alias Woodlands Manor, in 
 Kingsdown, ii. 488. 
 
 Wickham East Parish, ii. 184. 
 
 Wickham West Parish, ii. 29, 569. 
 
 Wilmentuna, i. e. Wilmington, q. v. 
 
 Wilmington Parish, ii. 328, 574, 575. 
 
 Wilmintune, i. e. Wilmington, q. v. 
 
 Wingfield Bank, in Southfleet, ii. 422. 
 
 Wippedsfleet, v. Ebbsfleet. 
 
 Wlewic, i. e. Woolwich, i. 441. 
 
 Woldham Parish, cited, ii. 427. 
 
 Woodlands, Seat in Greenwich, ii. 558. 
 
 Woodlands, alias Wick Manor, in 
 Kingsdown, ii. 488. 
 
 Woollet Hall, in North Cray, ii. 142. 
 
 Woolwich, i. 441. 
 
 Woolwich Parish, Appendix, ii. 560. 
 
 Wrieklesmarsh, in Charlton, i. 426. 
 
 Wrotham, cited, ii. 489. 
 
 Yoke, West, Hamlet in Ash, ii. 463. 
 
 52 ' 
 
INDEX TO HUNDREDS, MANORS, Etc., WITH REFERENCES TO HASTED. 
 
 Acliestau Hundred—Axstane, ii. 343. 
 Acres—Acrise, viii. 112. 
 
 Addelan—Deal, x. 2, 4. 
 
 Adilovtesbrige Hundred—Aloesbridge, 
 viii. 375. 
 
 .Mvetone—Elmstone, ix. 132. 
 yEslingham — Triads bury (? is it in 
 Domesday), iii. 525, 531. 
 
 Agene—Old Romney, viii. 441. 
 Aiglessa—Eccles, iv. 433. 
 
 Aihorde Hundred—Eyhorne, v. 323. 
 Aimolde — Haimvold, in Woodnes- 
 borough, x. 133. 
 
 Aldelose—Aldylose, in Hastingligh, 
 viii. 30. 
 
 Aldintone—Aldington, viii. 317. 
 Alhnm—Eleham, viii. 97. 
 
 Alkliain—Alkebam, not in Domesday 
 (in Barony of Folkestone), viii. 
 134. 
 
 Alnoitone—Elnothington, in Holling- 
 borne, v. 405. 
 
 Alteham —Eltham, i. 459-460. 
 Apeldres—Apeldore, vii. 255. 
 Apletone — Apulton, in Waldenliam, 
 x. 57. 
 
 Asliurst, not in Domesday, v. 276. 
 Audintone—Aldington, in Tlnmham, 
 v. 525. 
 
 Bachebam—Beckenham, i. 529. 
 Badelesmere, vi. 470. 
 
 Bapehild, not in Domesday (Milton, 
 paramount Manor), vi. 125. 
 Barfrestone—Barfreston, x. 72. 
 Basmere, see Badelesmere. 
 
 Belice, i.e. Bircholt, viii. 11. 
 Benedestede—Benstede, in Hunton, v. 
 149. 
 
 Benindene—Benenden, vii. 175. 
 Berham—Barham, ix. 351. 
 
 Berisolt Hundred—Bircholt. viii. 1. 
 Berisout Hundred—Bircholt, viii. 1. 
 Berlinge—Birling, iv. 475. 
 
 Bennelie—West Banning, or Bamjet, 
 iv. 393. 
 
 Bermelinge—East Banning, iv. SS6. 
 Bersted, not in Domesday (in other 
 Manors, v. 506), v. 505. 
 
 Bethersden, not in Domesday (in 
 several Boroughs, etc.), vii. 485. 
 Betmontestun—Beamonston, or Beam- 
 ston, in Westwell, vii. 417. 
 Betshanger.not in Domesday (in North- 
 borne Manor), x. 44. 
 
 Bevesfel—Bewsfield, ix. 394. 
 
 Bieknor, not in Domesday, v. 565. 
 Bidborough, not in Domesday, v. 272. 
 Biddenden, not in Domesday (chiefly 
 dens and other parishes), vii. 130.' 
 Bilissold Hundred—Bircholt, viii. 1. 
 Bilsvitune—Bilsington, viii. 346. 
 Birchington, not in Domesday (in 
 Monckton paramount), x. 297. 
 
 Bix—Bexley, ii. 165. 
 
 Blacheinenestone—Blackmanstone,viii. 
 273. 
 
 Blehem—Bleane, viii. 525. 
 
 Bobbing, not in Domesday (Milton 
 paramount Manor), vi. 194. 
 
 Bocheland — Buckland, next Faver- 
 sham, vi. 397, bis. 
 
 Bochelande—Buckland, near Dover, 
 ix. 464, and 466, bis. 
 
 Bocolmul — Buckland, in Woodues- 
 borough, x. 130. 
 
 Bodesham — Bottsham, in Elmsted, 
 viii. 40. 
 
 Bogelei—Bewley, in Boughton Mal- 
 herb, v. 411. 
 
 Boltone Hundred, i. e. Boughton, 
 vii. 1. 
 
 Boltone—Boughton Malherb, v. 399. 
 Boltone — Boughton Moncheusie, v. 
 338. 
 
 Boltune—Boughton Aluph, vii. 386. 
 Boltune—Boughton under Blean, vii. 
 
 5. 
 
 Bonintone—Bonnington, viii. 332. 
 Borden, not in Domesday (Milton pa¬ 
 ramount Manor), vi. 69. 
 
 Boreham—Burham, iv. 410. 
 
 Borne—Pntrixboume, ix. 278. 
 Borownot and Estrei Lnths, St. Augus¬ 
 tine’s, viii. 498. 
 
 Boseleu—Boxley, iv. 331. 
 
 Breburne—Braborne, viii. 16. 
 
 Bredgar, not in Domesday (Milton 
 paramount Manor), vi. 99. 
 Bredhurst, not in Domesday (in Hol- 
 lingbourne Manor), v. 585. 
 Brenchly, not in Domesday, v. 280. 
 Brenset, not in Domesday (part of 
 Newington), viii. 389. 
 
 Bridge, not in Domesday (large part 
 Patrixbourne paramount), ix. 287. 
 Briestede, i.e. Brasted, iii. 147. 
 Briseode Hundred—Bircholt, viii. 1. 
 Brochestele — Temple, or Boswell 
 Banks, in Ewell, ix. 434, bis. 
 Bronlei—Bromley, i. 555. 
 
 Brooke, in Wi, q. v. vii. 381. 
 Brookland (not in Domesday), in 
 several Manors, viii. 382. 
 
 Broteham Hundred, i. e. Wrotham, 
 v. 1. 
 
 Broteham, i.e. Wrotham, iii. 10. 
 Brunfelle—Bromfield, v. 503. 
 
 Burnes—Bekesborne, ix. 268. 
 
 Burnes—Bishopsborne, ix. 330. 
 Burwarmaresc—Burmarsh, viii. 259. 
 Camesing, in Testa de Nevill, i.e. Kem- 
 sing, not in Domesday, iii. 32. 
 Canterbury, xi. 4. 
 
 Capel, not in Domesday, v. 193. 
 
 Capell le Ferae, not in Domesday (be¬ 
 longing to Alkham), viii. 142. 
 
 Celca, i.e. Chalk, iii. 457, 458. 
 Cerlentone—Charlton, near Dover, ix. 
 471. 
 
 Cerletoue—Charlton, i. 422. 
 
 Cert, see Litelcert, vii. 456. 
 
 Certeham, i.e. Chartham, vii. 302. 
 Certh—Chart Sutton, v. 354. 
 
 Certh—Great Chart, vii. 499. 
 
 Ceteham—Chatham, iv. 204. 
 
 Challock, not in Domesday (Godmer- 
 sliam and Wye paramount), vii. 
 322. 
 
 Chart, see Litelcert, vii. 456. 
 Chenoltone—Knolton, x. 88. 
 Cheringes—Charing, vii. 433. 
 
 Cheriton, not in Domesday (Barony of 
 Folkestone), viii. 190. 
 
 Chesilhurst — (Ciselhyrst), not in 
 Domesday, ii. 3. 
 
 Chestau—Keston, ii. 41. 
 
 Chevening, not in Domesday, iii. 105. 
 Chidingstone, in Textus Cidingstane, 
 not in Domesday, iii. 210. 
 Cildresham, i.e. Luddenham, vi. 387. 
 Cilledene—Chillenden, x. 95. 
 
 Cilleham—Chillmm, vii. 269. 
 
 Ciraieinga, in Textus, i. e. Kemsing, 
 not in Domesday, iii. 32. 
 
 Ciresfel—Chelsfield, ii. 84. 
 
 Ciselhyrst—Chesilhurst, ii. 3. 
 
 Cistelet—Chistlet, ix. 102. 
 
 Clive, i.e. Cliff, iii. 503, 508. 
 
 Cobham, not in Domesday (but Hen- 
 hurst in Cobham and Hadone), iii. 
 404. 
 
 Coclestane, i.e. Cookstone, iii. 391. 
 Codeham—Cowdham, ii. 61. 
 
 Colinge, i.e. Cowling, iii. 517. 
 
 Colret—Coldred, Lx. 387. 
 
 Cowden (Cudena, in Textus), not in 
 Domesday, iii. 203. 
 
 Crai—Foots Cray, ii. 135. 
 
 Craie—Paul’s Cray, ii. 126. 
 
 Cranbrook, not m Domesday, pro¬ 
 bably in the paramount of Seven 
 Hundreds, vii. 90, and vii. 89. 
 
 “ Cray, another”—North Cray, ii. 142. 
 Crecean Ford, i.e. Crayford, in Domes¬ 
 day Erhede, ii. 263. 
 
 Croctune—Crawton or Crofton, in Or- 
 pingto.n, ii. 101. 
 
 Crundal, i. e. Dromwod or Tremworth, 
 vii. 368. 
 
 Cumbe—Combe, in Braborne, viii. 21. 
 
 Cypenham—Sydenham, i. 504. 
 Danitone. i.e. Denton, near Gravesend, 
 iii. 473. 
 
 Danitone—Denton, near Barham, ix. 
 359. 
 
 De La Sele; see Seale. 
 
 Davington, not in Domesday, vi. 
 372. 
 
 Deice, Great and Little, it. 168, 
 171. 
 
 Delge, i. e. Deice, Great and Little, iv. 
 168, 171. 
 
 Dene—Dean Court, in Westwell, vii. 
 420. 
 
 Deptford, not in Domesday, i. 340. 
 Detling, not in Domesday. 
 
 Dictune—Ditton, iv. 456. 
 
 Dimchurch, not in Domesday (in East- 
 bridge), viii. 264. 
 
 Dodeham—Doddington, vi. 308. 
 Downe (Dune), not in Domesday, in 
 Manor of Great Orpington, iii. 54. 
 Dromwod; see Crundal, vii. 368. 
 Dunehafort Hundred—Downhamford, 
 ix. 142. 
 
 Dunkirk Ville, not in Domesday (the 
 King’s Forest of Blean), ix. 2. 
 Ealdinges—Yalding, v. 158. 
 
 Eurd; see Erhede. 
 
 Ebeney, not in Domesday (Aldington 
 paramount), viii. 494. 
 
 Ece—Ash, near Wingham, ix. 191. 
 Eddintune—Addington, iv. 544 bis. 
 Edenbridge (Eatonbridge, Eddelnes- 
 brege, Edilnebrigg, Pons Edeleni), 
 Manor of Westerham is paramount 
 over it, not in Domesday, iii. 179, 
 181. 
 
 Edesham—Adisham, ix. 182. 
 
 Egerton, not in Domesday (Charing 
 paramount), vii. 449. 
 
 Eisse—Ash, next Wrotham, ii. 464. 
 Elentun—Allington, iv. 449. 
 
 Elesford—Aylesford, iv. 423. 
 
 Elmsted, not in Domesday, viii. 35. 
 Ensford—Evnsford, ii. 528. 
 
 Erclei—Hartley, ii. 452 bis. 
 
 Erhede or Eard—Crayford, ii. 268. 
 Eritli, formerly called Leslies, ii. 227. 
 Ernolton, i. e. Elwerton, in Stone, near 
 Faversham, vi. 395. 
 
 Esledes—Leeds, v. 479. 
 
 Eslinges—Easling, vi. 423, ter. 
 Esmerefel—Ashenlield, in Waltham, 
 ix. 324. 
 
 Esmetone—Elmington, in Eythorne, 
 
 Esnoilaud—Snodlaud, iv. 466. 
 Essamele Hundred, i.e. Sliainel, iii. 
 375. 
 
 Essamelesford—Shalmsford Street, in 
 Charlton, vii. 308. 
 
 Essedene—Nashenden, iv. 167. 
 
 Essela—Ashford, vii. 527. 
 
 Essetisford—Ashford, vii. 527. 
 Essewelle—Eastwell, vii. 401. 
 
 Estanes—Stone, ii. 387. 
 
 Estbridge—Eastbridge, viii. 276. 
 Estefort—Ashford, vii. 527. 
 
 Estoches—Stoke, iv. 35, 39. 
 Estochingebenre — Stockingbury, in 
 Peckham, v. 102. 
 
 Estotinges—Stowting, viii. 47. 
 
 Estraites Hundred—Street, viii. 281. 
 Estraites—Street Manor, in Limtie, 
 viii. 294. 
 
 Estrei—Eastrv, x. 103. 
 
 Estrei and Borownot Laths, St. Au¬ 
 gustine’s, viii. 498. 
 
 Est Selvc (Selve)—Shelve, in Lenham, 
 v. 431 ter. 
 
 Esturai—Sturrey, ix. 77. 
 
 Estursete, viii. 318. 
 
 Estursete Hundred—Westgate Hun¬ 
 dred, ix. 1. 
 
 Estursete—Westgate, Canterbury, ix. 
 29, xii. 140. 
 
 Estwelle—Eastwell, vii. 401. 
 
 Eswalt—St. Alban’s, in Nonington, ix. 
 254. 
 
 Etwelle—Hinxhill, vii. 560. 
 
 Etwelle—Ewell, ix. 430. 
 
 Ewelie—Ewell, ix. 429, 430, bis. 
 Eythorne, not in Domesday (? in 
 Adisham), x. 62. 
 
 Fnchesham—Fawkham, ii. 445. 
 Fairfield, not in Domesday, viii. 379. 
 Panne—Vanne, or Vannes, in Crundal, 
 vii. 374, bis. 
 
 Famborough — (Feainberga), not in 
 Domesday, ii. 46. 
 
 Favreshant—Faversham, vi. 324. 
 Fearnberga—Farnborough, ii. 16. 
 Felberge Hundred, i. e. Felborough, 
 vii. 263. 
 
 Fereburue—West Farborn, in Harriet- 
 sham, v. 453. 
 
 Ferlaga— East Farleigh, iv. 373. 
 Kerlagu—West Farleigh, v. 138. 
 Ferleberge, Hundred, i.e. Felborough, 
 vii. 263. 
 
 Ferlingelai—Farthinghoe, or Venson 
 Dane, in Hougliam, ix. 45S. 
 Ferningehain—Faruinghmn, four Ma- 
 ^ nors, ii. 512. 
 
 Flengeressa—Finglesham, in North- 
 borne, ix. 595. 
 
 Fletes, i.e. Fleet, in Ash, ix. 209. 
 Forewic—Fordwich, ix. 56. 
 Frandesberie, i.e. Frindsbury, iii. 529, 
 bis. 
 
 Fredenestede—Frinsted, v. 554. 
 Fritlienden, not in Domesday ( ? hun¬ 
 dreds paramount). vii. 113. 
 
 Fulchestan—Polkstone, viii. 154. 
 Gecham—Ickham, ix. 168. 
 
 Gelingeham—Gillingham, iv. 229, and 
 233. 
 
 Gelingehain (East Court Manor in)— 
 Gillingham, iv. 233. 
 
 Getinge—Geddings, in Wotton, ix. 
 369. 
 
 Goc.stone—Gaston, near Dover ix 
 406. 
 
 Godeselle—Godwell, in Great Chart 
 vii. 503. 
 
 Gomevslmin—Godmersham, vii. 321. 
 Goodnestone, near v\ ingham, not in 
 Domesday (Wingham 0 paramount), 
 ix. 241. 
 
 Goodnestone, next Faversham, not in 
 Domesday, vi. 549. 
 
 Goudhunt, iiot in Domesday, but full 
 of dens, etc., belonuing' to otner 
 Manors and Hundreds, vii. 38. 
 Graiue, not in Domesday, Grean, 
 Grven, and Gren, in old ‘MSS., iv. 
 250. 
 
 Graveney (Gravenal in Domesday), 
 Gravenea, Gravenel, etc. vii. 2s.' 
 Gravesham, i.e. Gravesend, iii. 326. 
 Grenvig Hundred, Blackheath Hun¬ 
 dred, ii. 339. 
 
 Grenviz—Greenwich, i. 392. 
 Hackington, alias St. Stephen's; see 
 Latiutone. 
 
 Hadone, i. e. Haydon, in Cobham, iii. 
 427. 
 
 Hagelei, i. e. Hawley, ii. 294. 
 
 Hagene—Old Romney, viii. 441. 
 
 Haglei, i. e. llawlev, in Sutton, ii. 353, 
 354. 
 
 Haihorne Hundred, v. 323. 
 
 Halden, High, in Seven Hundreds juris¬ 
 diction, vii. 220. 
 
 Hallinges, i.e. Hailing, iii. 378. 
 
 HaLted, not in Domesday, iii. 13. 
 Halslow, not in Domesday (Milton 
 paramount Manor), vi. 36. 
 
 Hama—Ham. x. 38. 
 
 Hamolde — Haimvold, in Woodnes- 
 borough, x. 133. 
 
 Hanehest, j. e. Henhurst, in Cobham, 
 iii. 425. 
 
 Harbledowne, not in Domesdav (Ma¬ 
 nor of Westgate Hundred’ para¬ 
 mount), ix. 8. 
 
 Ilardes—Upper Hardres, ix. 304. 
 Hardres—Lower Hardres, ix. 300. 
 llariardeshain—liarrietsham, v. 446. 
 
 •5B* 
 
INDEX TO HUNDBEDS, MANOBS, Etc., WITH BEEEBENOES TO HASTED. 
 
 Hnrtlip, not in Domesday (Milton the 
 paramount Manor), vi. 23. 
 
 Haslow—Hadlow, v. 17S. 
 
 Hastingelai—Hastingligh, viii. 28. , 
 llathewolden, i.e. High Halden, q. v. 
 Hawkhurst, not in Domesday (its prin¬ 
 cipal Manors probably appendages 
 to Wye), Vii. 143. 
 
 Hawking, not in Domesday (Barony 
 of Folkestone), viii. 148. 
 
 Hayes (Hese), not in Doinesdav, ii. 
 
 22 . 
 
 Ilechani, i. e. Higham, iii. 484. 
 Hedcorne, not in Domesday, v. 324. 
 Hede—Hythe, viii. 232. 
 llelmestrei Hundred, i. e. Ruxley Hun¬ 
 dred, ii. 2. 
 
 Hengestefell—Hinxhill, vii. 560. 
 Herbretiton—Harbilton, in Harriet- 
 sham, v. 454. 
 
 Herne, not in Domesday (Reculver 
 paramount), ix. 86. 
 
 Hernehill, not in Domesday (The Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Manor of Bougliton Hun¬ 
 dred paramount), vii. 19. 
 
 Hertange—Hartanger, in Barfrestone, 
 x. 74. 
 
 Hese—Hayes, ii. 22. 
 llever (Heure, Evere), not in Domes- 
 dav, iii. 190. 
 
 Hicham—Hougham, ix. 458. 
 
 High Halden; see Halden. • 
 Hinxhill; see Hengestefelle, vii. 558. 
 Hoilitigeborde—Hollingbornc, v. 463. 
 Hoo—Allhallows, not in Domesday 
 (“Deremannes circe de Hou,” in 
 Textus), iv. 20. 
 
 Hoo St. Mary's, not in Domesday 
 (“Ordraor circe de Hou,” in Textus), 
 iv. 20. 
 
 Hope, All Saints’, not in Domesday 
 (Romney jurisdiction), viii. 415. 
 Horsmonden, not in Domesday, v. 311. 
 Hortone—Horton Kirby, ii. 495. 
 Hortoue, i. e. Horton l’arva, in Cbart- 
 
 Hortone—Monks’ Horton, viii. 53. 
 
 I lortun—Monks’ Horton, viii. 54. 
 llothe, not in Domesday (a borough of 
 
 Reculver). ix. 96. 
 
 Hothefield, not in Domesday (included 
 probably in Chilham Manor), vii. 
 516. 
 
 Hou, i.e. Hoo St. Warburgb, iv. 3. 
 Hou, i. e. Howberv, in Crayford, ii. 
 277. 
 
 Hacking, not in Domesday (in Hol- 
 lingborne Manor, iv. 570), v. 569. 
 Hulviz—Woolwich, i. 447. 
 
 II unton, not in Domesday (see Bcne- 
 destede), v. 146. 
 
 Hurst, not in Domesday (in Alding¬ 
 ton probably), viii. 327. 
 
 Hythe, West; see West Hythe, viii.254. 
 lfield (Iuelda, in Textus, Yelesfelde), 
 not in Domesday, iii. 347. 
 
 Ightham, not in Domesday, v. 33. 
 Iveclmrch, not in Domesday (New 
 Romney, and paramount), viii. 400. 
 Iwade, or Warde, not in Domesday 
 (Milton paramount Manor), vi. 203. 
 Kemsing, not in Domesday; see Game- 
 sing and Cimicinga. 
 
 Kenardington, not in Domesday (in 
 jurisdiction of Blackborne Hun¬ 
 dred, Ilam Hundred, and Romney 
 Marsh, and Apledore Manor), vii. 
 244. 
 
 Kennington, not in Domesday, vii. 
 545. 
 
 Kingsdown, next Sittingbourne, not in 
 Domesday, vi. 112. 
 
 Kingsdown, next Wrotham, not in 
 Domesday, but Maplescombe, q. v. 
 is, ii. 475, 4S3. 
 
 Kingsnoth, not in Domesday (Wye 
 Manor paramount), vii. 5S3. 
 Kingston, not in Domesday (in Barony 
 of Chilham), ix. 341. 
 
 Lamberhurst, not in Domesday, v. 294. 
 Lamport—Old Langport in Lid, viii. 
 425, 447. 
 
 Langafel—Longfield, ii. 441. 
 
 Langdon, East, not in Domesday (but 
 some of its manors are, viz. Pising 
 and Piuham), ix. 552. 
 
 54 * 
 
 Langdon, West, not in Domesday 
 (Barony of Folkestone), ix. 401. 
 
 Langebrige Hundred, 1 Yoke in Hinx- 
 liill, vii. 560. 
 
 Langport—Longport, a Borough in 
 eastern suburbs of Canterbury, xii. 
 228, 229. 
 
 Languelei—Langley, v. 347. 
 
 Lasela—Langley, in Beckenham (as 
 conjectured by Hasted; but surely 
 it is Seal), i. 541. 
 
 Latintone—Hnckington, alias St. Ste¬ 
 phen’s, ix. 44. 
 
 Ledesdune, i.e. Luddesdown, iii. 368. 
 
 Lee, i. 493. 
 
 Leigh, see Lyghe. 
 
 Leleburne—Ley borne, iv. 497. 
 
 Lelevant—Leveland, vi. 462. 
 
 Leminges—Liminge, viii.83. 
 
 Lenham—Lenham, v. 428. 
 
 Lerham—Lenham, v. 415. 
 
 Lerthum, v. 415, 420. 
 
 Lesnes—Erith, ii. 230. 
 
 Levesham—Lewisham, i. 507. 
 
 Lid, not in Domesday (limb of Barony, 
 Aldington named, 424), viii. 421. 
 
 Liddon, not in Domesday (in Barony 
 of Folkestone), viii. 127. 
 
 Limes, see Wellope, viii. 297, 298. 
 
 Limne, not in Domesday (Aldington 
 paramount), viii. 288. 
 
 Limowart and Linuuart, i.e. Lath of 
 Shipway, vii. 262. 
 
 Linsted, not in Domesday, vi. 296. 
 
 Linton, not in Domesday, iv. 367. 
 
 Liteburne—Littlebourne, ix. 149. 
 
 Litelai Hundred, “ Little and Lesnes,” 
 
 ii. 184. 
 
 Litel Wroteham, i. e. Little Wrotham, 
 v. 13. 
 
 Litlefelle Hundred, i. e. Littlefield. 
 
 Lolingestone — Lullingston, three 
 manors, ii. 540. 
 
 Lore, not in Domesday, probably in¬ 
 cluded in East Farleigh, iv. 362. 
 
 Lyghe (Leaga, in Textus, La Lye), not 
 in Domesday, iii. 258. 
 
 Machehevet, i. a. Makenade, in Preston, 
 next Faversham, vi. 538. 
 
 Mapledescatu—Maplescomb, in Kings- 
 dowu, ii. 4S4. 
 
 Marden, not in Domesday, but an ap¬ 
 pendage to the King’s Manor of 
 Milton, vii. 53. 
 
 Marley, appended to Bogelei or Bew- 
 ley, in Marrietshain, v. 455. 
 
 Maroimle—Mereworth, v. 72. 
 
 Meddestan—Maidstone, iv. 285. 
 
 Melestun—Milton, next Gravesend, 
 
 iii. 337. 
 
 Meletune, Milton, next Gravesend, iii. 
 337. 
 
 Mellingetes, West Mailing, iv. 523. 
 
 Mepeham—Meopham, iii. 359. 
 
 Mersehan—Mersham, vii. 595. 
 
 Mcrston (in Textus, Merestun), not 
 in Domesday, iii. 477. 
 
 Metlinges—East Mailing, iv. 510. 
 
 Middeltune — Milton, next Sitting- 
 bourne, vi. 171. 
 
 Midelea—Midley, viii. 410. 
 
 Milsted, not in Domesday (Milton 
 paramount Manor), vi. 107- 
 
 Milton, next Canterbury (included in 
 Estnrsete, or Wcstgate), ix. 29. 
 
 Molash, not in Domesday (Chilham 
 honour paramount), vii. 292. 
 
 Monocstune—Monkton, in Thanet, x. 
 255. 
 
 Mundingeham — Great and Little 
 Mongcham, ix. 573, 580. 
 
 Murston, ? in Domesday, vi. 143. 
 
 Nackington, not iu Domesday, ix. 
 291. 
 
 Nedestede, i.e. Nettlestcd, v. 120. 
 
 Neucerce Hundred—Newchurch, viii. 
 337. 
 
 Neuentone—Newington, next Folk- 
 stone, viii. 200. 
 
 Neventoue—Newington, next Folk- 
 stone, viii. 199. 
 
 Nevvecerce—Newchurch, viii. 339, bis. 
 
 Newedene—Newendon, vii. 166. 
 
 Newetone—Newington, next Sitting- 
 bourne, vi. 47. 
 
 Newnhain, not in Domesday, vi. 413. 
 
 Nockholt, in Great Orpington Manor, 
 not in Domesday, ii. 78. 
 
 Nonington, not in Domesday (Wing- 
 ham paramount), ix. 251. 
 
 Norborne — Northbourue, near Deal, 
 
 Nordende—Little Barton, in Canter¬ 
 bury, xi. 163. 
 
 Nordeslinges—Easling, vi. 423. 
 
 Norfluet, i. e. Northlleet, iii. 302. 
 
 Nortone—Norton, vi. 402. 
 
 Notestede—Nutsted, iii. 352. 
 
 Obtrepole—Otterpoole, iu Limne, viii. 
 290. 
 
 Ofeham—Offham, iv. 536, 537. 
 
 Oistreham, i.e. Westerham, iii. 162. 
 
 Oldehaan—Wouldham, iv. 401. 
 
 Olecumbe—Ulcomb, v. 388. 
 
 Ore, vi. 382. 
 
 Orgarswike, not in Domesday, viii. 270. 
 
 Orlavestone—Orlastone, viii. 361. 
 
 Orpington—Little Orpington, alias 
 Mayfield, ii. 103, 104. 
 
 Orpintun—Orpington, ii. 99. 
 
 Ospringes—Ospringe, vi. 504. 
 
 Ostrehara Huudrecl, i.e. Westerham, 
 iii. 158. 
 
 Oteford—Otford, iii. 22. 
 
 Oteham—Otham, v. 514. 
 
 Olringeberge, i. e.Watringbury, v. 108, 
 109. 
 
 Otringedene—Otterden, v. 534. 
 
 Oxenai—Oxney, viii. 479. 
 
 Qxney, near St. Margaret-at-Cliffe, not 
 in Domesday (Barony of Folkestone), 
 ix. 409. 
 
 Padlesworth, not in Domesday (per¬ 
 haps included in Lyminge or New¬ 
 ington), viii. 119. ' 
 
 Palestrei—Palster, in Wittersham, viii. 
 488. 
 
 Pambury,.not in Domesday, v. 260. 
 
 Pecheham—East Peckham, v. 93. 
 
 Pecheham—West Peckham, v. 57. 
 
 Pellesorde—Paddlesworth, iv.' 471. 
 
 Penshurst, not in Domesday (Pennes- 
 herst, in Textus), iii. 227. 
 
 Perie—Perry Court, in Preston, next 
 Faversham, vi. 540. 
 
 Pesinges—Pising, in East Langdon, ix. 
 552. 
 
 Piham—Pinhnm, in East Langdon, ix. 
 552. 
 
 Pirnpa (in Nettlested ?), v. 120, 121. 
 
 Pimpe (in West Farleigh), v. 139. 
 
 Pinnedene—Pinden, in Horton Kirby, 
 ii. 504. 
 
 Piteham—Petham, ix. 311. 
 
 Piventone—Pevington, in Pluckley, 
 vii. 473. 
 
 Pluchelei—Pluckley, vii. 464. 
 
 Plumstede—Plumsted, ii. 205. 
 
 Poltone—Polton, ix. 445. 
 
 Popeselle—Popeshall, in Coldred, ix. 
 389. 
 
 Postlinges—Postling, viii. 212. 
 
 Presteutune, i.e. Presteton, q. v. 
 
 Prestetone, i.e. Preston, next Faver¬ 
 sham, vi. 533. 
 
 Prestetune—Preston, next Wingliam, 
 ix. 136. 
 
 Rainham, not in Domesday (Milton 
 the paramount Manor), vi. 4. 
 
 Rapentone—Great and Little ltepton, 
 in Ashford, vii. 531. 
 
 Redleye—Ridley, ii. 459. 
 
 Ricsce—Ryarsh, iv. 489. 
 
 Ringetone—Ringletone, iu Woodnes- 
 borough, x. 156. 
 
 Ringwold, not in Domesday (part of 
 Barony of Chilham), x. 30. 
 
 Ripa, and ad Ripam, River, ix. 437. 
 
 Ripple, not in Domesday (St. Augus¬ 
 tine’s land), ix. 565. 
 
 Rochinges—'Rucking, viii. 354. 
 
 Roctdf—Reculver, ix. 116. 
 
 Rodmersham, not in Domesday (Mil- 
 ton paramount Manor), vi. 117. 
 
 Rolveuden, not in Domesday (in juris¬ 
 diction of Seveu Hundreds), vii. 1S2. 
 
 Romenel—New Romney, viii. 447 
 bis, 448 bis. 
 
 Romney Road, not in Domesday, viii. 
 439. 
 
 Rongostone—Ringlestone, in Holling- 
 borne, vi. 5.6S. 
 
 Rovecestre—Rochester, iv. 165. 
 
 St. Dunstan’s, next Canterbury, not in 
 Domesday (in Westgate Manor), 
 ix. 34. 
 
 Si. John’s, Margate, not in Domesday 
 (? in Dover), x. 312. 
 
 St. Lawrence, Thanet, not in Domes¬ 
 day (Minster paramount), x. 380. 
 
 St. Margaret-at-Clifle, ix. 414. 
 
 St. Marie’s Church, not in Domesday 
 (Romney jurisdiction), viii. 406. 
 
 St. Martin’s Ville, in Aldington, viii. 
 317. 
 
 St. Mildred’s, Minster, Thanet, x. 272. 
 
 St. Nicholas, Thanet, not in Domes- 
 day. 
 
 St. Peterls, Thanet, not in Domesday 
 (? in Dover), x. 355. 
 
 St. Stephen’s, alias Hackington (see 
 Latintone). 
 
 Salteode—Saltwood, viii. 221. 
 
 Sandhurst, not in Domesday (Alding¬ 
 ton Manor and Acrise Manor claim 
 
 Sanduuic—Sandwich, x. 155. 
 
 Saudwice—Sandwich, x. 155. 
 
 Schorham, not in Domesday, but in 
 Textus—Shoreham, iii. 2. 
 
 Seale (La Sele and De La Sele), not 
 in Domesday according to Hasted, 
 iii. 51. 
 
 Sedlinges—Sellindge, viii. 305. 
 
 Sele, La; see Seale. 
 
 Selinge—Shelving, alias Woodncs- 
 
 Sellinges—Selling, vii. 41. 
 
 Selve, v. 431, ter. 
 
 Sentlinge and Sudcrai, 2 Manors (now 
 1 Manor, viz. St. Mary Lyng, Oek- 
 mere), St. Mary Cray, ii. 114. 
 
 Seouenacca, i.e. Sevenoke, q. v. 
 
 Sesaltre—Scasaltcr, viii. 500. 
 
 Seven Hundreds, always in Crown (viz. 
 hundreds of Cranbrook, Barkley, 
 Blackborne, Tenterden, Rolveuden, 
 Selbrithede, Bromfield), vii. 89. 
 
 Sevenoke, not in Domesday (Seoue¬ 
 nacca, in Textus), iii. 60. 
 
 Sevington, not in Domesday (Conings- 
 brook Manor paramount), vii. 577. 
 
 Shadoxhunt (Seven Hundreds para- 
 
 _ mount), vii. 238. 
 
 Sheldwick, not in Domesday, vi. 481. 
 
 Shepey Isle, none of its parishes in 
 Domesday, vi. 206-285. 
 
 Shipborne (Scriburna, in Textus), not 
 in Domesday, v. 45. 
 
 Sholdon, not in Domesday (North- 
 borne paramount), ix. 605. 
 
 Shoreham, not in Domesday; see Schor¬ 
 ham. 
 
 Shorne (Scorene—Somes), not in 
 Domesday, iii. 443. 
 
 Siberteswalt—Shebbertswell, ix. 376. 
 
 Sibertsuualt, Westcourt Manor, in 
 Shebbertswell, ix. 379, 380. 
 
 Sifletone, in Ditton, iv. 456. 
 
 Sipehara—Sydenham, i. 504. 
 
 Sittingborne, ? in Domesday (Milton 
 paramount Manor), vi. 155. 
 
 Smarden, not iu Domesday (Shurland, 
 Otterden, Throwley claim over it), 
 vii. 478. 
 
 Snargate, not in Domesday (in para¬ 
 mount Aldington?), viii. 376. 
 
 Snave, not iu Domesday (in several 
 hundreds), viii. 394. 
 
 Soaneclive—Swaycliffe, viii. 521. 
 
 Soles, in Nonington, ix. 256. 
 
 Soltonc, Solton in West Cliife, ix. 423. 
 
 Soinerden Hundred, none of the 
 parishes in it, or wholly in the Weald 
 —named in Domesday, iii. 189. 
 
 Sondresse, i.e. Sandridge, iii. 128. 
 
 Speldhurst (Spelehurst — in Textus, 
 Speldhurst), not in Domesdav, iii. 
 275. 
 
 Stanefclle—Stalisfield, vi. 438. 
 
 Stanford, not iu Domesday, viii. 63. 
 
 Stansted, not in Domesday, v. 1. 
 
 Staple, not in Domesday (Adisham 
 paramount), ix. 185. 
 
 Staplehurst, not in Domesday (pro¬ 
 bably Seven Hundreds paramount), 
 vii. il9. 
 
 Stellinges—-Stelliug, viii. 92. 
 
INDEX TO HUNDREDS, MANORS, Etc., WITH REFERENCES TO HASTED. 
 
 Stepeiulone—Stuppington, in Norton, 
 vi. 40S. 
 
 Stoches—Stoke, iv. 39. 
 
 Stochingeberge—Stockbury, v. 574. 
 
 Stodmarsh, not in Domesday (within 
 Wickham), ix. 142. 
 
 Stonar, not in Domesday (Minster pa¬ 
 ramount), x. 414. 
 
 Stone, in Oxney, not in Domesday 
 (Aldington paramount), viii. 481. 
 
 Stourmouth, not in Domesday, ix. 120. 
 
 Strodes, i. e. Stroud, not in Domes¬ 
 day, iii. 546. 
 
 Stroud, not in Domesday, iii. 546. 
 
 Stursete—Westgate, Canterbury, xii. 
 140. 
 
 Suanetoue—Swanton, in Liddon, viii. 
 129, bis. 
 
 Sudcrai and Sending, two manors 
 (now St. Mary Lyng, Ockmere, one 
 manor)—St. Mary Cray, ii. 114. 
 
 Sudlleta—Southfleet, ii. 420. 
 
 Sudtone—Town Sutton or Sutton Va¬ 
 lence, v. 364, 366. 
 
 Sudtone—East Sutton, v. 376. 
 
 Suestone, in Hinxhill, vii. 560. 
 
 Suineseamp—Swanscombe, ii. 404. 
 
 SuttonatHone, notinDomesday,ii.343. 
 
 Sutton, near Walmer, not in Domes¬ 
 day, ix. 558. 
 
 Svanetone—Swanton, in Liddon, viii. 
 129, bis. 
 
 Swingfield, not in Domesday (in Ba¬ 
 rony of Folkestone), viii. 122. 
 
 Tangas—Tong, vi. 136. 
 
 Tarent—Darent and St. Margaret 
 Hills, ii. 370, 373, bis. 
 
 Tarenteford—Hartford, ii. 294. 
 
 Tenham, not in Domesday, Arch¬ 
 bishop’s Land, vi. 285. 
 
 Tenterden, not in Domesday (in Seven 
 Hundreds), vii. 200. 
 
 Tepindene, i.e. Tiffendeu, in High 
 Malden, vii. 222. 
 
 Testan—Teston, v. 129. 
 
 Teuegate—Evegate or Thevegate, in 
 Smeeth, viii. 3. 
 
 Thanington, not in Domesday (part of 
 Westgate Hundred Manor), ix. 22. 
 
 Ticheteste — Tickenhurst, in North- 
 bourne, ix. 593. 
 
 Tilemanestoue—Tilmanstone, x. 79. 
 
 Tintenlone—Tinton, in Warehorne, 
 viii. 368, 369. 
 
 Titentone—Tinton, in Warehorne, viii. 
 339. 
 
 Tivcdele—Tudeley, v. 257. 
 
 Tollentru Hundred, i. e. Toltingtrow, 
 iii. 301. 
 
 Tonebriga, not in Domesday—Tun¬ 
 bridge, v. 19G. 
 
 Tout intune—Tottington, iv. 431. 
 
 Trernworth; see Crundal, vii. 368. 
 
 Trevelai—Throwley, vi. 449. 
 
 Trotesclive—Trottesclive, iv. 550. 
 
 Tuiferde Hundred, i. e. Twyford, v. 91. 
 
 Tunbridge, not in Domesday, v. 196. 
 
 Tunestelle—Tunstall, vi. 82. 
 
 Turneham—Thunham, v. 521. 
 
 Upchurch, not in Domesday (Milton 
 the paramount manor), vi. 27. 
 
 Walmer, not in Domesday (? part of 
 Folkestone Manor), x. 25. 
 
 Waltham, not in Domesday (in differ¬ 
 ent hundreds), ix. 319. 
 
 Walwaresere—Waldershare, x. 51. 
 
 Wauesberge — Woodnesborough, x. 
 125. 
 
 Warchelestan Hundred — Wachling- 
 stone, v. 255. 
 
 Warde; see Iwade. 
 
 Warwintone, i.e. Upper Garwmton, in 
 Littleboume, ix. 153. 
 
 Welle—Westwell, vii. 413. 
 
 Wellop, belonging to Aldington, in 
 Limne (“ Limes,” in Domesday), 
 viii. 298.- 
 
 Werde Hundred—Worth, viii. 253. 
 
 Werehome—Warehone, viii. 367. 
 
 Westbere, not in Domesday (Westgate 
 and Chislet paramount), ix. 69. 
 
 Westclive—West Cliffe, ix. 419. 
 
 Westgate Hundred Ville, alias Dun¬ 
 kirk Ville, q. v., ix. 2. 
 
 West Hythe, not in Domesday, viii. 
 254. 
 
 Whitfield, alias Bewsfield; see under 
 Bevesfel. 
 
 Whitstaple, not in Domesday (Barony 
 of Chilham?), viii. 509. 
 
 Wi (Brooke), vii. 382. 
 
 Wi—Wye, vii. 345. 
 
 TAYLOR AND CO., PRINTERS, 
 
 LITTLE QUEEN STREET, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS. 
 
 Wicheham—West Wickham, ii. 31. 
 
 Wicheham—Wickham Breaux, ix. 159. 
 
 Wickham, East, not in Domesday. 
 
 Willesborough (Wye paramount), not 
 in Domesday, vii. 566. 
 
 Wilmington, not in Domesday, but 
 included in Dartford, ii. 332. 
 
 Wimlingswold, not in Domesday 
 (Wingham paramount), ix. 262. 
 
 Winchelesmere—Wielding, v. 550. 
 
 Wingeham—Wingham, ix. 226. 
 
 Witenemers—Wricklesmarsh, in Charl¬ 
 ton, i. 426. 
 
 Witherskam, not in Domesday (Al¬ 
 dington paramount), viii. 486. 
 
 Wiwarlet—Lath of Scray, vi. 1. 
 
 Wood, not in Domesday (part of Bir- 
 chington), x. 310. 
 
 Woodchurch, not in Domesday (Seven 
 Hundreds, Apledore, and Wye, all 
 have jurisdiction), vii. 226. 
 
 Woodland (united to Kingsdown), not 
 in Domesday, iii. 145. 
 
 Word, not in Domesday (? in Eastry), 
 x. 145. 
 
 Wormsall, not in Domesday (appended 
 to Boughton Malherb, v. 562), v. 
 561. 
 
 Wotton, not in Domesday (? in Bo¬ 
 roughs of Shelving and Gedding), ix. 
 364. 
 
 Wulwiche (in Domesday, Ilulviz)— 
 Woolwich, i. 447.