^^^:%<. < m:^^& tti^ ^>r>: ^p^ 3 353^ ■^^^■su^^ J3x SI ~-;__^^^^?^^<< S^^ ?3 :^^sj9-^:j^m^ i Jt ^ N E A N Iirri.ISHED BY OUVBiL VBITin. EDTNBURSH ITALY AND THE ITALIAN ISLANDS. VOL. I. PETKR'b, AND CAsTLE AND BlUrGE OK S. ANGELO. OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH. ITALY ITALIAN ISLANDS, THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME. By WILLIAM SPALDING, Esq. Professor of Rhetoric in the University of Edinburgh. WITH ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD BY JACKSON, AND ILLUSTRATIVE MAPS AND PLANS ON STEEL. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. I. EDINBURGH OLIVER & BOYD, TVVEEDDALE COURT; AND SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, & CO., LONDON. ENTERED IN STATIONERS' HALL, Printed by Oliver & Boyd, Tweeddale Court, High Street, Edinburgh. PREFACE The plan of this work is founded upon that of its predecessors belonging to the same department of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library. The history of the re- volutions, political, social, and intellectual, through which the Italians have passed, in ancient as well as modern times, is combined with a description of the an- tiquities, the scenery, and the physical peculiarities of the interesting region which they inhabit. Although several particulars of this design have been admirably handled by others, yet, in our language at least, there does not exist any popular survey of Italy, embracing, like that which has here been attempted, all its most important relations. If the results of such a survey are clearly arranged, and set forth with suffi- cient fulness, they surely promise both to aid the re- searches conducted by the young student in his closet, and to facilitate the observations of those who become pilgrims to the distant south. It is for others, who may favour these volumes with an intelligent perusal, to pronounce a judgment as to the writer's qualifications for his task. He may venture to say, however, that it is one for which, upon undertak- ing it, he was not altogether unprepared. He had re- sided in Italy for a considerable time, in the years 1833 and 1834: ; and, not only during that visit, but before and after it, his attention had been earnestly directed to the literature and art of the nation, to its social economy and political vicissitudes. The composition of the work, — at once recalling speculations and images from many de- lightful hours of reading and of travel, and affording a motive for the systematic study of topics previously 6 PREFACE. mastered but in part, — has been throughout its whole progress a genuine labour of love. A specification of all the authorities that have been con- sulted would be cumbrous in the extreme. On the other hand, a book of this kind wants half its utility, if it does not guide the student to the principal works iu which he will find more elaborate narratives, proofs, and rea- sonings. These considerations have dictated a rule for the references contained in the notes. Even when origi- nal sources have been most industriously studied, the secondary authorities alone are indicated, if these appear to furnish the reader with adequate assistance. Literature, art, and topography — the themes most generally attractive — occupy more than one-third of the whole space. Nearly two-thirds are assigned to the history of the people, recounting their diversified poli- tical changes, and describing the aspects successively assumed by society and national character. In the discussion of all these topics, decided prominence is given to the practical and useful ; a rule suggested equally by the nature of the series with which the work is connect- ed, and by the deficiencies which are most perceptible in the popular books regarding Italy. As to literature, indeed, efforts in poetry and its kindred walks of thought are, with few exceptions, the only specimens on which it seemed expedient to be- stow a critical analysis ; but all departments of mental cultivation have been considered as entitled to some attention. The development of the fine arts is traced in historical order, with due regard to recent theories and disco- veries ; and the point chiefly kept in sight has been the illustration of the tastes from which those pursuits take their rise, as phenomena in the intellectual progress of the nation. Of the innumerable monuments, however, which fall within the sphere of such a review, — from the castles of the primitive barbarians, and the temples or idols of the Greeks and their Roman scholars, down to the pictures, the sculptures, the churches, and the PREFACE. 7 palaces of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, — very many are here pointed out, while not a few are minutely examined. In almost every instance where allusion is made to works of painting or statuary, their late or present place is specified. The classical topography derives variety and relief from its union with sketches of natural scenery ; and, although it is impossible to avoid numerous omissions, not only has the selection been carefully conducted, but the present appearance of the most celebrated spots is either slightly noticed or fully described. Repetition has been prevented by limiting the illustrations of mo- dern topography almost entirely to the cities. In the sections appropriated to national character and habits, inquiries are instituted into the statistical position of the people, both in the classical and in more recent times ; while fair scope is also sought to be afforded for those dramatic elements which impart life and energy to such a picture. In the historical chapters, traversing rapidly a field of vast extent, selection is an imperative duty, in the performance of which it is not difficult to find a rule of preference. Wars, and conquests, and all those other external causes which produce revolutions in states, must be related for the sake of the consequences to which they lead : some minuteness of biographical detail is necessary for awakening an interest in the fate of illus- trious personages. For one period of Italian history, and for one only, it has here been thought advisable to refuse to such themes the ample room which is usually allow- ed to them. In regard to the whole duration of the ancient Roman world, both republican and imperial, all facts of this class are detailed in popular books, and must be familiar, in a greater or less degree, to most readers. A general knowledge of such particulars is accordingly taken for granted ; and the outline of them is de- signed merely for correcting incidental faithlessness of the memory. In the narrative of the events which distinguish all other periods, both the external causes of 8 PREFACE. change, and the personal characters of the actors, are treated with as much minuteness as the limits and gen- eral purpose of the work permit. But Italy, which has twice become the teacher of wisdom to the nations, pre- sents, in her chronicles of tw^enty-four centuries, topics possessing infinitely greater importance, and illustrated at every step by materials which, in our own day, have received invaluable accessions. On quitting the times through which we accompany the bold theories of Nie- buhr and his disciples, we reach others for which a clue is furnished by the masterly generalizations of Savigny ; and to the tempestuous scenes which next rise upon our view, picturesque animation is imparted by the fervour of Sismondi, and consistent clearness by the sagacity and the philosophical eloquence of Hallam. To inquiries like theirs, — to the elucidation of political institutions in their growth, their maturity, and their de- cay, — the most prominent place has been allotted in all the chapters belonging to this class. Throughout those chapters, however, endeavours have been used to recon- cile that fulness of information which systematic students are entitled to expect, with other qualities wdiich may awaken sympathy for the incidents of the story. Thus much may suffice as to the principles which have governed the choice of topics, and the manner of dealing with them. It will be useful to add some expla- nations in regard to the arrangement. The work is divided into Three Parts, devoted respec- tively to the three great stages in the past fortunes of mankind, — the Classical Times, the Dark and Middle Ages, the recent centuries which are assigned to Modern History. In the beginning of the First Volume is placed an In- troductory Chapter, which briefly describes the circum- stances marking most distinctively the annals of the Italians, both in politics and in intellectual exertion, together with the principal features in the geography and landscapes of their country. The remauider of the volume belongs to the First Part of the work. It treats PREFACE. 9 successively the history of the Roman republic and em- pire, the literature, art, and topography of those times, and the character and habits of the heathen nation. The Second Volume opens with the concluding chap- ter of the First Part, which traces the Christian antiqui- ties of Italy till the fall of the Western Empire. The Second Part comprehends the thousand years which elapsed between the usurpation of Odoacer and the conso- lidation of modern polity at the close of the fifteenth century. A connected survey of all the most remark- able characteristics which developed themselves during the Dark Ages, introduces a more circumstantial repre- sentation of Italian vicissitudes daring the eventful times that followed. For each of the two eras into which it has been found convenient to divide the Middle Ages, the historical narrative is united with a sketch of the state of society and manners ; after which literature and art are treated separately. The volume then enters upon the Third Part. The first chapter of this divi- sion continues the history of political changes to the French Revolution of 1789 ; and the fate of literature and art during the same period is afterwards traced. Melancholy lessons abound in the public events of those three hundred years, during which the records of the nation that once ruled the world present but one un- varied tale of foreign and enfeebling servitude. The magnificence of speculative and imaginative achievement which immortalized the sixteenth century, contrasting so painfully with the wretchedness of active life in all its relations, calls for exact inspection and detail. The historical portions of the Third Volume are en- tirely confined to the events which have occurred since the French Revolution. The proportional magnitude of the space allotted to so short a period, seemed to be justified not only by the nearness of the facts to our own times, but by their permanent interest and import- ance. The three chapters thus appropriated embrace, in succession, the revolutionar}'- era till the fall of the French republic, the ten years of Napoleon's empire. 10 PREFACE. and the generation which has followed the reinstate- ment of the ancient dynasties. An analysis of modem topography holds the next place ; an outline of Italian literature and art in the nineteenth centur}'- occupies a short chapter ; and a very long one illustrates the charac- ter and habits of the modern nation. To this survey succeeds a sketch of the natural history and resources of Italy and its islands. In the treatment of this sub- ject, the writer entertains no aim more ambitious than that of presenting, in a familiar shape, selections from the materials already collected by men of science ; and the facts which their research has unfolded are con- sidered, at every step, with a view to their influence on national industry. The last chapter is exclusively sta- tistical. It contains numerical results under many heads, which, in preceding places, were considered historically ; and to these it adds other particulars which could not be previously introduced, on account of their nature or their want of connexion with public events. This chapter is calculated merely for reference ; but those who may think proper to use it in that way will find, it is hoped, no inconsiderable amount of practical information. To the Third Volume is subjoined a copious Index for the whole work. With the exception of the three vignette titles, the engravings are maps and plans, the subjects of which have been chosen, not for show, but on account of their real usefulness. Edinburgh, February 1841. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. The Italians — In Ancient Times — In the Middle Ages — In Modern Times — The Three Illustrious Periods of their History — The Four Second-ary Periods — Inquiry as to their Present Condition and National Character — Prejudices to be overcome — Italy — Political Geography — The Ancient Provinces — The Modern Sovereignties — Coincidences and Discrepancies of the Two Divisions — The Italian Islands — Scenery — Outlines and Vegetation — Buildings — Living Groups — Prominent Physical Features — The Alpine Chain — The Apennines — The Volcanic Mountains — The Rivers and Lakes of Upper Italy — The Rivers of Middle and Lower Italy — The Rivers in the Islands — Phy- sical Advantages and Deficiencies — The Fate of Italy,.... Page 17 PART I. ANCIENT ITALY. CHAPTEIl I. IHE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TILL A. U. 722, OR B. C. 32. First Age : The Primitive Italian Tribes — The Kings of Rome — The Greeks in Italy and Sicily. Second Age : Rome a Republic — Its External History — The Greek Colonies — The Constitutional History of Rome — The Early Constitution — Clas- sification of the Citizens — The Senate — The Two Conventions — Constitutional Pecuharities — Commencement of the Plebeian Struggle — Institution of the Tribunes — Rise of a Third Conven- tion — Prosecution of Struggle— The Twelve Tables — The Lici- nian Laws — The Publihan Laws — The Democracy perfected. Third Age : The Character of the Times — The New Aristo- cracy — The Populace — The External History — The Roman Dominions in Magna Graecia — In Sicily — Abroad — The Punic "Wars — The Constitutional History — Three Stages : — 1 . 12 cox TENTS. Changes on the Senate — On the Conventions— 2. The Gracchi — The ItaUan Allies— The Ballot— The Army and Marius— 3. — Sylla's Reign and Policy — The last Republican Times — Pom- peyjCeesar, Cicero, Cato — CsesarKing — His Assassination — Oc- tavius Emperor — The Repuhlican Administration and Finance — The Italian Provinces — The Municipalities — The State Ex. penditure — The Revenues, Page 41 CHAPTER II. THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. A.u. 722— A. u. 1229 ; or b. c. 32— a. d. 476. Fourth Age : Tlte Heathen Empire — List of Emperors — Their personal Characters— Tenure of the Empire — The Political Franchise lost — The jNIilitary Force — The Financial System — New Taxes and Burdens — j\Iode of Collection — The IVIunicipa- lities — Their Prosperity — The general Decay — The Last Age of Heathenism. Fifth Age : The Chnstian Empire — List of Emperors— Disastrous External History — The Fall of the Em- pire in Italy — State of Public Feeling — Constantine's Admini- strative System — The Land and Poll Taxes — Singular State of the Municipalities, 94 CHAPTER III. the literature of heathen ITALY. PERIOD ENDING A. U. 1059, OR A. D. 306. Grecian Literature in Magna Graecia and Sicily — Its Four Centuries — Its Decay after the Roman Conquest. Roman Literature : First Age : The Infancy of Literature — Its Subsequent Progress. Second Age : The Formed Literature of the RepuUic: The Sixth Century of the City— Plautus, Te- rence, and Cato — The Seventh Century — Lucretius — Catullus — Sallust — Cffisar — Cicero's Works and Influence. Third Age: Literature at the Court of Augustus: Poetry — Patronage — Foreign Taste — Toleration— Livy — Propertius and Tibullus — Ovid — Horace's Works — The Character of Virgil's Genius — The Georgics — The Politics of the iEneid — Its Antiquarianism, Topography, and Poetry. Y o\z-R.Tn Agy.: Literature from Au- gustus to the Times of the Antonines : The Character assumed by Literature — The Elder Pliny — Seneca— Lucan's Life and Poem — Statins- Persius, Juvenal, and Tacitus. Fifth Age : Literature from Commodus till the Accession of Constantine : No Native Literature — The Greeks, 116 CONTENTS. 13 CHAPTER IV. ART IN ITALr AND SICILY BEFORE THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. PERIOD ENDING A. U. 608 ; OR B. C. 146. The Connexion of Italian with Grecian Art — Art in the Greco- Italian Colonies. The Infancy of Art in Greece and the Colonies— The Temples — Existing Monuments of Architecture and Sculpture in Magna Graecia and Sicily — The Selinuntine Marbles — Grecian Art after its Complete Development — Painting and Architecture — Extant Decorative Paintings and Mosaics — The Greek Architectural Orders — Ruins in Magna Graecia and Sicily — ScnljJture in Two Eras : — I. The Era of Great Names— Its Two Ages— (1). The Age of Phidias, Poly- cletus, and Myron — Existing Copies or Imitations of their Works — The Amazons— The Jupiter-busts — The Pallas-statues — The Colossi of the Quirinal Mount — (2). The Age of Scopas, Praxi- teles, and Lysippus — The Niobe and her Children — The Fauns — The Cupids — The Venus-statues — The Figures of Hercules — II. The Era of Great Works — Existing Sculptures of this Time — The Venus and Apollo de' Medici — The Borghese Gladiator — The Farnese Hercules — The Germanicus and Cincinnatus. Art IN Etruria and Rome — Recent Elucidations of Etruscan Art — Its Character Grecian — Etruscan Fortresses — Temples Tombs — Painted Vases — Sculpture and Castings — The She-wolf — The Decline and Revival of Art in Rome, Page 148 CHAPTER V. art in italy from the conquest of greece till the accession of constantine, A. u. 608—1059 : or b. c. 146— a. d. 306. The Fate of Grecian Art under the Romans. Roman Archi- tecture — Gradual Innovations on the Greek Style — Eminent Architects — Illustrations from Existing Ruins in Rome — Tombs — Domestic Architecture— Its Rules Illustrated— A Heathen Dwelling-house and Christian Monastery. Ro:\ian Painting — Vases and Wall-paintings — Herculaneum and Pompeii— Fres- coes — INIosaics. Roman Sculpture — Its History till the Times of the Antonines — The Stages of its Progress — Illustra- tive Specimens — The Apollo Belvedere — The Laocoon — The 14 CONTENTS. Antinous-statues — The Torso Belvedere — The Pallas-statues — The Diana — The Siibjects of Sculpttire during the same Period — Selection of Classified Specimens — Roman and Greek Portraits — IVIythological Subjects — The Twelve Gods — Venus-statues — Apollo-groups — The Bacchic Legends — The Ariadne — The Dancing Faun — The Barberini Faun — The Fable of Eros — The Borghese Centaur — The Heroic Legends — The Meleager — The Farnese Bull — The Portland and Medicean Vases — The Iliac Table — Menelaus as Pasquin — Doubtful Subjects — The Paetus and Arria — The Papirius — The Dying Gladiator — The Imitativ^e Styles — The Archaic — The Egyptian — Sculpture after the An- tonines — Its Monuments — Chiefly Reliefs on Sarcophagi — Sym- bols — Love and Psyche — Ariadne — Endymion — The Genius of Mortality — Orientalism. The Topography of Ancient Art IN Italy and Sicily — Architecture — Painting and Sculp- ture, Page 179 CHAPTER VI. the ancient topography of ROME AND LATIUM. Ancient Rome : Position and Aspect — General View of the City — Monuments of the Kings — The Rampart — The Tunnel — The Dungeon — Monuments of the Republic — Tombs — The Circus— The Capitoline Rock — The Roman Forum and Sacred IVay — Ruins covering the Republican Forum — Its probable Position — The Palatine Mount — The Sacred Way — Monuments of the Empire — The Augustan Period — Ruins on the Palatine — On the Campus Martius — Tombs — The Pantheon — The Hill of Gardens — Nero — His Conflagra- tion and New City— Lafer Emperors— Ihe Baths of Titus — The Colosseum — Trajan's Forum — Hadrian's Bridge and Tomb — Monuments of the Decline — Population of Rome. — II. An- cient Latium : Aspect — Monuments near Rome — Aqueducts — Highways — IMonuments of the Kings — Latian Scenes of the j^neid—The Tiber Banks—Ostia— The Island— The Port- Ruins in the Forest — Laurentum — Lavinium — The Stream Numicus— Ardea — The Folscian Coas?— Antium— Astura — The Isle of Circe— Anxur — The Pontine Marshes— The Hills — The Ausonian District — The Csecuban Hills— Towns — The Folscian Frontier — Arpinum — TheHernician District — Cyclo- pean Ruins — The Alhan Mountains — Tusculum — The Mounts — The Lakes — The Prcenestine Mountains — Praeneste — Tibur, 219 CONTENTS. 15 CHAPTER Vir. THE ANCIENT TOPOGRAPHr OF ETRURIA, THE CENTRAL APENNINES, AND UPPER ITALT. Etruria : The Plain — Its ruined Cities and Tombs— Recent Excavations — The Inland Region — Veii — Soracte — The Thrasi- mene Lake — Cortona — The River-springs — Faesulse — The Val d' Arno — The Sabellian Apennines : Sabines — Reate — Primeval Ruins — Scenes near Rome — The Valley of the Anio — Marsians — The Lake Fucinus — Its Scenery and Tunnel — Pelignians — Sulmo — Vestinians — The Vale of the Aternus — Samnites — The Caudine Defile — Beneventum — Lake Amsanctus — Umbria and Picenum : Umhria — The Adriatic Coast — The Mountains — The Valley of the Clitumnus — Spoletium — Interamna and the Cataract — Ocriculum — Picenum — Ancona — Asculum— Passes and Summits of the Great Rock of Italy — Upper Italy — Liguria — Genua — Mount Vesulus — Segu- sium — Cisalpine Gaul — The River Po — The Alpine Lakes — Mantua — Verona — Battlefields — Insubrian Towns — Tovrns on the iEmilian Highway — The Disinterment of Velleia — Towns on the Eastern Coast — The Rubicon — Venetia — Patavium — The Baths— /sm'« — Aquileia — Pola, Page 271 CHAPTER VIII. THE ancient topography OF LOWER ITALY AND THE ITALIAN ISLANDS. Campania— Capua— The City and Bay of Naples — The Phle- graean Fields — Virgil's Tomb — Scenery of his Hades — The Phlegraean Isles — The disinterred Cities — Herculaneum — The excavated Parts of Pompeii — Tombs — The Forum — Temples — Theatres and Amphitheatre — Apulia, Lucania, and Brut- tium: Description — Apulia — Cannae — Mount Vultur — Brun- dusium — Rui7is in Magna Grcecia Proper — The Gulf of Taren- tum — The Scylletic Gulf— iJwms on the Western Coast— The Rock of Scylla — Charybdis — Elea — The Temples at Psestum — The Inland Region — Consentia — The Forest of Sila — Sicily — Aspect — Mountains — Interior — The Hill-fort of Enna — Eaat- ernCoast — JNIessana — Taorminium— Catana — Syracuse — South- em Coast — Troglodyte Town — Ruins of Agrigentum — Selinus — IVestern Coast — Mount Eryx — Northern Coast — ^geste — Panorraus — Corsica and Sardinia — Roman Colonies — Sar- dinian Round Towers — The Isle of Ilva — The Imperial Pro- vinces OF Italy — Augustus — Constantine — The Connexion between the Ancient Provinces and the Modern,.. 293 16 CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE CHARACTER, HABITS, COMMERCE, AND PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. FIRST PERIOD: Latino-Etruscan : Religion—Education— Agriculture — Mechanical Arts — Trade — INIagna Grsecia and the Islands — Illustrative Examples — Money-making — MoraUty — Miscellaneous Habits. SECOND PERIOD: Italo-Gre- ciAN : Religion — State of Belief — Superstitions — Ghosts — Witches — Morality — Mixed Character of the Republican States- men — Crimes of the Imperial Court — Meanness of the Imperial Senators — jMorality of the People — Ancient Brigands — Illustra- tions of Imperial Epicureanism and Reverses — Intellectual Cul- tivation — Course of Education — Endowed Schools — Libraries — Booksellers — Newspapers and their Contents — Classes of Society — ^Haughtinessof the Nobles — No Middle Class — INIai'kets for Slaves — Their Occupations and Treatment — Their Rebellions — Freedmen — Amusements — TheTheatre and Improvised Drama — The Circus — Gladiators— Wild Beasts — Marine Theatres — Fondness for Spectacles — Aristocratic Amusements — Readings — Iraprovvisatori — Court Pageants — Industry and Commerce — Rural Economy — The Roman Corn-laws — Vicissitudes of Agri- culture — Grazing — Tillage — Labourers and Leases — Crops — Gardens— Orchards — Mechanical Arts and Trade — Stages of Luxury— Native Manufactures — Obstacles to Commerce — Italian Exports — Imports from Europe — From Asia — From Africa. THIRD PERIOD : Greco-Oriental : Pagan Religion- Education — The College of Rome and its Statutes — Spectacles —Illustrations of Character — Foreign Trade — Guilds and Manu- factures — Agricultural Serfs — Misery and Depopulation of Italy — Universal Hopelessness, Page 323 ENGRAVINGS IN VOL. I. Map of a Part of the Carapagna of Rome,... To /ace the Vignette. Vignette — S. Peter's, and Castle and Bridge of S. Angelo. An Ancient Dwelling-house and JModern Convent, To face page 187 Plan of Ancient Rome, To face page 221 Plan of the Roman Forum and its Vicinity, To face page 231 ITALY AND THE ITALIAN ISLANDS, Introductory Chapter. The Italians — In Ancient Times — In the Middle Ages — In Modern Times — The Three Illustrious Periods of their History — The Four Secondary Periods — Inquiry as to their Present Condition and National Character — Prejudices to be overcome — Italy — Political Geography — The Ancient Provinces — The Modern Sovereignties — Coincidences and Discrepancies of the TvFo Divisions — The Italian Islands — Scenery — Outlines and Vegetation — Buildings — Living Gtom^s— Prominent Physical Features — The Alpine Chain — The Apennines — The Volcanic Mountains — The Rivers and Lakes of Upper Italy — The Rivers of Middle and Lower Italy — The Rivers in the Islands — Phy- sical Advantages and Deficiencies-^The Fate of Italy. It has been the destiny of the Italians, and of no other European people, to be illustrious in each of the tliree periods of human history. Ancient Italy, Italy in the Middle Ages, and the Italy of Modem Times, have suc- cessively, each in its own sphere, outshone the glory of all contemporary nations. Ancient Italy has bequeathed to us magnificent me- morials of literature and art. Its true fame, however, lies in the events of its political annals. Art, so far as it was in any sense national, was introduced by the Greeks, a race of settlers sprung from foreign blood, and unlike the older inhabitants both in maimers and intellect. In literature, and even in some departments of philosophy, VOL. I. A 18 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. the ancient Italians were more active ; but there also they were pupils of the Greeks ; and few, even of their best writers, did more than repeat eloquently the les- sons which they had learned. The political history presents a picture quite dissimilar. In its scenes, the most imposing which have ever been displayed, we see the nation obeymg its own impulses, and drawing from its own character and deeds both its rise and its decay. The Romans, at first the burghers of a single town, and afterwards no more than one brave tribe among others equally brave, gradually conquered all the petty states of the peninsula, and stamped on the whole country their strong character and their name. Their power then crossed the Alps and the sea ; and the whole known world was proud to serve Rome, and to be called Roman. But their republican period, extend- ing to nearly five centuries, witnessed the infancy, the bloom, and the decline, of their genuine political great- ness. For two centuries more, we linger over the history of Italy, to watch the farther development of literature and art, which grew under the empire like exotic plants beneath an artificial shelter. The ancient period of Ro- man greatness begins with the republic, and ends about the year of our Lord 180. The Dark and Middle Ages, which together make up the second great chronological stage in the history of mankind, embrace for Italy ten centuries, commencing in the year of grace 476, and ending about the year 1600. Their last five hundred years, from 1000 to 1500, may be described as the Middle Ages of Italy, a period of acti- vity and transition, very unlike the five dark centuries which had preceded. For the Italians, the Middle Ages were an era of such grandeur as even their ancient history had not paralleled. The vicissitudes of those wild times, and the events which have followed them, resemble one of those gigantic processes, by which nature, the instrument of the Maker, formed in the beginning vast tracts of land in the peninsula itself. Amidst earthquakes, darkness, and lurid bursts of fire. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 19 an island rises from the sea. The seasons decompose its cliffs ; the winds and the birds clothe its volcanic soil with vegetation ; and the mariner, whose father saw the rock emerging from the waters, wanders through its vine- yards, and over its grassy hills. From the cunvnlsions which followed the dark ages, modem Europe has derived the elements of political freedom, of literature, and of art ; and those convulsions had in Italy their earliest and most powerful focus. The passions of the people were then nearly as undisciplined, their vices were almost as revolting, as in the palmy days of heathen Rome ; but heroism and virtue were seen in frequent glimpses, and Christianity, ill understood and ill practised, sometimes lifted its voice like music through the storm. The main political event of the middle ages was the forma- tion of the Italian republics, which, successively flourish- ing and withering, transmitted the inheritance of liberty during more than four hundred years, and did not, till late in the fifteenth century, allow it to be entirely lost. Nominally indeed it survived yet longer. Those were the earliest free states of Christendom ; and they teach us inestunable truths by their defects and crimes, as well as by their glory. In literature and art, the Italians were infinitely stronger in that period than they had been in the classical times. They no longer copied foreign cultivation, or plundered its monuments. They were inventors ; and their inventions became the models of all Europe. Their literature, which at the end of the thirteenth century was only in its infancy, in the fourteenth stood forth more vigorous and original than in any age preceding or following. Their art struggled against obstructions for four hundred years ; but before the end of the fifteenth century, it had completely imfolded its principles, and nobly exemplified them. Modem Italy is a name which awakens regrets, but also inspires, in the mind of the nation, a well-founded pride. The period to which the term refers, commencing in the year 1500, has now endured nearly three cen- turies and a half, a period during which the country, 20 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. sunk in unredeemed political servitude, has been por- tioned out by foreign sovereigns like a slave plantation. But in the sixteenth century, the first of the modern cycle, Italy was intellectually groat. Her literature attained its highest point of cultivation, and produced its third series of splendid works. Her art stood higher still ; for in sculp- ture, in architecture, and yet more decidedly in painting, her names at that period were the most illustrious of Christian Europe. Even the seventeenth century was not altogether dark ; but its brightness was the reflected light of evening. Indeed, in the sixteenth century itself, no new path was opened ; for the spirit of its literature and art was directly prompted by that which had ruled in the later middle ages. In this want of essential origi- nality, and yet more strikingly in the harvest of fame which it gathered on the ruins of liberty and national character, it formed a close parallel to the Augustan age. The points of eminence, intellectual and political, which have been now marked out, constitute the true greatness of Italy ; and on them our attention must be steadily fixed. They are all contained in what we may call The Three Illustrious Periods of Italian history. These comprehend one section in each of the three great chronological divisions which are re- cognised in the history of the world. The Illustrious Period in Ancient Times (b. c. 510 — a. d. 180) em- braces seven centuries : that which extends over the Middle Ages (a. d. 1000— a. d. 1500) includes five centuries: and that of Modern Times (a. d. 1500 — A. D. 1600), endured for one century, and no more. If all records but those which belong to these three periods, and all other monuments, should cease to exist, Italy would still be reverenced as the birthplace of political wisdom, and the cradle of literature and art. But, like other countries, Italy has periods of history which must be carefully studied, although they reflect little honour either on her political character, on her morals, or on her intellect. The poet may content INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 21 himself with looking up at the star when it culminates ; but the astronomer must calculate its rising and setting. It is our duty, and the performance of the duty will bring its reward, to trace the greatness of the nation back to its sources, and to accompany it hastily through its phases of decay. These subordinate stages are included in Four Periods, which may be called The Secondary Periods of Italian history. The first two of the Secondary Periods belong to Ancient Italy. The First, the primeval age, precedes tlie Ancient Illustrious Period, and ends at the establish- ment of the Roman republic (b. c. 510). The Second (a. d. 180 — A. D. 476) succeeds the Ancient Illustrious Period, and ends, after an endurance of three centuries, with the fall of the Roman empire in the West, Avhich closes the history of the ancient world. The Third Secondary Period (a. d. 476 — a. d. 1000) belongs to the second great division of liistory. It comprehends the Dark Ages, which intervene between the close of the Ancient History and the Illustrious Period embracing the Middle Ages. The Fourth Secondary Period belongs to Modern Italy. It succeeds the Modern Illustrious Period, and extends from 1600 to the present day. The Fu'st Secondary Period is fruitful beyond mea- sure in matters of curious antiquarian speculation, but, being barren in facts and lessons, it may be passed over very rapidly. — In the Second Secondary Period the political annals embrace the decline and fall of the Western empire. During that time the Christian faith silently diffused itself, like a healing odour, through the pestilential atmosphere, and was at length established as the religion of the state. A history of early Christianity in Italy would be an undertaking quite foreign to the purpose of these pages ; but the subject might be fully illustrated, from the apostolic times down to the corrupt- ed age of the Lower Empire, by monuments and scenes which can be still identified. To these, and to the infant Christian literature of the country, our attention will be willingly accorded. — The Third Secondary Period, that 22 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. of the dark ages, was a time of almost unmixed misery and ignorance ; but it has left in Italy numerous records and monuments, which strikingly illustrate the religion, politics, and arts, of the ages which succeeded. It is especially memorable as having witnessed the foundation of the papal sovereignty, temporal and ecclesiastical. — The Fourth Secondary Period would extend, if historical events were to be its measure, from the year 1500 to the present time. "We have already, however, upon other grounds, excepted from it the sixteenth century ; and therefore it will include only the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with the portion which has already elapsed of the nineteenth. This period is not barren either in art or literature ; but it derives its chief im- portance from the facts in it which illustrate the pre- sent political state of the country, and the character of its society. Its latest public events, commencing with the French revolution in 1789, will claim minute attention.* * In the subjoined chronological table of the periods of Italian history, the divisions anticipate some points which will call for sub- sequent explanation ; but the table may not be without its use as an introductory clue. I. Fiii;t Secondary Period — Ancient— Ending in the year b. c. 510. II. First Illustrious Period — Ancient — From e. c. 510 to A, D. 180 — Seven centuries. Pohtical greatness — The Roman republic — b. c. 510 to B c. 32 — Five centuries. Greatness in art — b. o. 460 to a. d. 180 — Six centuries. Greatness in literature— b.c. 204 to a.d. 180 — Four centuries. III. Second Secondary Period — Ancient — From a. d. 180 to A. n. 476 — Three centuries. IV. Third Secondary Period — The Dark Ages — From a. d. 476 to A.n. 1000— F/i-e centuries. V. Second Illustrious Period — The Middle Ages— From A. d, 1000 to A.D. 1500— -F/re centuries. Political greatness — The republics — A. d. 1000 to a. d. 1500 — Five centuries. Greatness in literature — a.d. 1300 to a.d. 1400 — One century. Greatness in art— a. d. 1400 to a. d. IoOO — One century. VI. Third Illustrious Period — Modern — From a. v. 1500 to A.D. 1600 — One century. Greatness in literature and art— One century. VII. Fourth Secondary Period — Modern — From a. d. 1600— Two centuries and a half. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 23 We cannot but feel a lively sympathy in the fate of a nation which has done and suffered so much. We must therefore attempt to analyze, so far as our materials will allow us, the political institutions, the state of the church, and of education, religion, and morality, the prevailing habits and character, and every other element which may enable us to form an accurate no- tion of the present condition of the Italians, or to speculate on their future prospects. Many causes con- cur in obstructing the progress of such an inquiry ; but its interest rewards all exertions ; and even imperfect results will be excused, where complete knowledge is so difficult of acquisition. Nothing should be considered as unworthy of notice, which promises to throw even a transitory ray of light on the subject. The lowest of the people will be the class among Avhom our investiga- tion will be most successful ; and, from their deepest superstitions to their gayest diversions, — from the kindest effusions of their warm-heartedness to their crimes and the punishment of them, — from the legends and jests of their leisure to their labours in the cottage or the field, — every new feature of which we can catch a glimpse will aid in filling up the picture. Even dry statistical details will here possess importance ; and it will be desirable to trace as minutely as possible the results of productive industry, their effects on the condition of the various States mto which the peninsula is divided, and the commercial relations which connect the various sections of Italy with the transalpine nations. This last subject of inquiry is particularly interesting to us, from the close relations in trade which subsist between our own country and that which we are examining. It is the more necessary to attempt doing justice to the character of the modern Italians, because no people in Europe are so little understood among us. If we hear the subject mentioned, it is for the purpose of contrast- ing modem degeneracy with ancient greatness. There is truth even in our mistake. The melancholy song 24 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. which the shepherds chant m the plams of Rome, tells us that the Eternal City is not what she was.* It is no less true, that the national character is sadly changed, clianged as much by the long absence of freedom, as by the mis- government of despotic rulers. Even if it be decreed that Italy shall not again rise from the dust, the guilt of her degradation will not on that account lie the less heavy on the heads of those who have been the instruments of Heaven's displeasure. But in our floating notions of Italian character, we grievously exaggerate the extent of its deterioration. Our ignorance can alone account for the inaccuracy of our judgment, but several causes unite in creating the wrong impression. One of these is oui* Protestantism, and our consequent want of experience in the practical effects which are produced by the form of religion in Italy. Another cause is our dislike of absolutism in government, which tempts us to over- charge all its evils. We are still farther misled by our o^vn deeply marked character and customs, which spring partly from our political condition, partly from our climate, and partly from our Teutonic blood ; and which, unless strong correctives are administered, disqualify us for fully comprehending the temper and habits of a nation deprived of freedom, descended from a southern race, and inhabiting a Mediterranean country. According to the feeling which happens to rule at the moment, we charge the Italians in the mass, with superstition, igno- rance, indolence, voluptuousness, revengefulness, or dis- honesty ; or, if our knowledge be very small and our fancy very active, we combine all these features of different classes, times, and provinces, into one monstrous carica- ture. The special heads of our accusation, like the general charge, have a little truth amidst much error. This is not the place for details ; but it is impossible to refrain from protesting at the outset against all unjust pre- judices. The upper ranks of the community, the few who can be said to belong to the middle order, the work- * Roma ! Roina ! Roma ! Roma non e piu come era prima I INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 25 ing-people in the towns, and the inliabitants of the rural districts, form four distinct classes, each of which has its own characteristics. Even the first three classes, though very flir indeed from being stainless, are more like the same orders among ourselves than we are apt to believe ; and the peasantry, a very noble race, have been grossly slandered. The study of the country itself is not much less valu- able, and not at all less inviting, than that of its inha- bitants. It abounds with spots which are consecrated by historical recollections, with buildings which are the models of architecture, with collections of statues which are the masterpieces of ancient art, and with paintings which are the finest works of modern genius. Its land- scapes are at once lovely and peculiar ; its botany, its zoology, the phenomena of its climate, and its singular mineralogical structure, open a rich field for the specu- lations of the man of science ; and its natural productions possess both interest and importance for those who in- quire into the history of the nation. A short description of its political divisions, the aspect of its scenery, and its most prominent physical features, will be useful here as an introduction to the details of the following chapters. The names of the leading political divisions of Italy and its dependencies will furnish us with a vocabulary for describing the scenery and physical geography. The most common of the ancient systems of classification, and the divisions which at present prevail, will answer that purpose. The geography of the middle ages is both too complex and too fluctuating, to be of any use for such an end. After the Romans had completed the conquest of the peninsula, the northern frontier of Italy wound along the southern brow of the Alps ; and the differences be- tween that line and the one at present adopted, are not of such consequence as to call for notice. The ancient boundary was terminated on the east by the river Arsia, 26 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. near the modem Fiume ; and it thus included as Italian provinces Carnia and Istria. These now constitute part of the Austrian kingdom of Illyria ; and the present Italian border on the east just shuts out the town of Aquileia. At the western extremity, the maritime Alps at first terminated the Roman frontier of Italy ; but the country was afterwards considered as extending to the river Var, which now separates the Italian district of Nice from Provence. In all quarters except those which have been just named, Italy is surrounded by the sea, forming a long and irregular peninsula. The ancient geographical classification usually adopted, takes as its basis the territories of the primitive nations, and may be considered as dividing Italy into the fol- lowing thirteen provinces : — 1. Venetia (with Carnia and Istria) ; 2. Cisalpine Gaul ; 3. Liguria ; 4. Etruria ; 6. Umbria, with Picenum ; 6. The region of the central Apennines, including the lands of the Sabini, JEqui, Marsi, Peligni, Vestini, and Marrucini ; 7. The City of Rome ; 8. Latium ; 9. Campania ; 10. Samnium, and the territory of the Frentani ; 11. Apulia; 12. Luca- nia ; 18. The territory of the Bruttii. Italy is at present formed into eight sovereignties : — 1. The Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom, of which the Em- peror of Austria is kmg ; 2. The states of the King of Sardinia (except Savoy, which is not Italian) ; 3. The Duchy of Parma ; 4. The Duchy of Modena ; 5. The Duchy of Lucca (soon to be suppressed) ; 6. The Grand- duchy of Tuscany ; 7. The Papal States ; 8, The King- dom of the Two Sicilies, including the Neapolitan pro- vinces and Sicily. Two other petty states are nominally independent ; the Principality of Monaco, in the Sar- dinian county of Nice ; and the Republic of San Marino, in the eastern division of the Papal States. The first three of the ancient provinces include (with immaterial deviations) the Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom, the continental Italian possessions of the Sardinian mo- narchy, the duchies of Parma and Modena, and the north- eastern comer of the Papal States, ending at Rimini. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 27 This region lies wholly between the Alps and the northern side of the Apennines, excepting that part of the Sar- dinian territories composed of the county of Nice and duchy of Genoa, which form a long narrow strip between the southern side of the mountains and the sea. In the dark ages, a small portion of this district, extending from Rimini northward to beyond Ravenna, and westward to the ridge of the Apennines, received the name of Romagna, from its occupation by the exarchs of the titular Roman empu*e. The remainder of the great valley between the Alps and Apennines, derived from its con- querors in the sixth century the name of Lombardy ; and the term is generally used in this sense by writers on the history of the middle ages. But after the sovereignty of Piedmont had reached its utmost limit tovrards the east, and the Venetian provinces had been stopped in their growth westward, the intervening space, compos- ing the duchy of Milan and the marquisate of Mantua, fell first into the hands of the Spaniards, and afterwards into those of the Austrians ; and to this intermediate territory the name of Lombardy is now most usually con- fined. The Austrians, by their latest arrangements, ex- tend the designation to the eastward, so as to take in Bergamo and Brescia, which were formerly Venetian provinces. The whole region described in this paragraph may be considered as Northern or Upper Italy. A second historical region, called Middle Italy, may be regarded as stretching from the borders of Upper Italy to the southern slopes of the central Apennines. In this section, the greater part of the ancient Etruria is found under the name of the modern Tuscany ; but the an- cient province, as its frontier on the south-east and south was formed by the Tiber from its source, comprehends also the north-western portion of the Papal States. Umbria and Picenum, on the eastern side of the Apen- nines, are almost entirely in the Domains of the Church ; a small portion only lying within the Neapolitan frontier. The land of the Sabines, included in the sixth ancient province, lies in the Papal States ; and the other moun- 28 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. tain districts of the same province are in the Ahnizzo Ultra within the kingdom of Naples. The name of Latium, originally confined to the plain around Rome, shut in between the Tiber, the nearest mountains, and the sea, spread farther and farther south till it touched Campania at, and afterwards beyond, the mouth of the river Liris or Garigliano. In this region, according to the geography of the middle ages, the Etrurian portion of the Papal State was called the Patrimony of St Peter ; and the March of Ancona nearly corresponds to the ancient Picenum. Lower Italy, the third region, lies wholly in the king- dom of Naples, in which, however, two small territories belonging to the Papal See are isolated. None of its ancient districts comcides exactly with any of the mo- dern provinces ; but Campania may be considered to be substantially represented by the Terra di Lavoro ; Sam- nium and the lands of the Frentani by the Principato Ultra and the Abi-uzzo Citra ; Apulia by the Capitanata, the Terra di Bari, and the Terra di Otranto ; Lucaniaby the Principato Citra and the Basilicata ; and Bruttium by the Two Calabrias. Apulia, under its name of Puglia, is important in the history of the middle ages. Several islands are geographically connected with Italy. In the Adriatic are no large ones on the Italian shore. The only clusters are two ; the Tremiti isles, oflF the Neapolitan coast ; and the line of shoals at the head of the gulf, having the city of Venice for their centre, and belonging wholly to the Austrian province which bears the same name. The islands on the western side of the peninsula are the largest in the Mediterranean ; and all of them belong to Italy, politically as well as physically ; except Corsica, which has been subject to France for nearly a century ; and Malta, which in 1800 was trans- ferred from its famous order of knights to the British empire. Of the two main groups of these western Italian islands, the more northerly is composed of Corsica and Sardinia, with a few islets attached to the latter, and that cluster between Corsica and Tuscany, of INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 29 wliich Elba is the largest. The second group consists of Sicily, and the islands which surround it, the only con- sideralDle ones being the Lipari isles on the north, and on the south Pantellaria, with ]\Ialta and its dependent isle of Gozo. The whole of this group, except the two last mentioned, belongs to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, as do Ischia, Capri, and the other islets about the mouth of the Bay of Naples. When we first tread the soil of Italy, the loveliness of the landscape absorbs our whole attention. Associa- tion, indeed, does much to strengthen the spell which the scenery throws over us ; and the force of the attraction is greatly increased by the southern sky, with its balmy repose, its magical colouring, and its harmonious combi- nations of light and shadow. All the features of the picture, however, are in themselves both novel and beautiful. The climate and its productions do not, it is true, unfold their full luxuriance till we reach Sicily ; but to the native of northern Europe, the face of the country is new from the very foot of the Alps. Italy is divided by nature into two very dissimilar regions. The first is Lombardy, or Upper Italy, bound- ed, as w^e have seen, on the north by the Alps, and on the south by the Apennines. This tract commences, on the north and west, among Alpine heights and glens, whose aspect is that of Switzerland. The. mountains then subside into broad meadow-plains, watered by large rivers, and crossed m every field by rows of poplars sup- porting vines ; while the olive-groves on the lower emi- nences both of the Alpine and Apennine chains, and the scattered cypresses and pines, impart the first charac- teristic images of the Italian landscape. Southward of the ridge of the Apennines is the second region, the strictly peninsular portion of Italy. On crossing the mountains wdiich bound it on the north, we immediately lose the broad plains and full rivers of Lombai'dy. The Apennine accompanies us to the extremity of the peninsula, dividing it lengthwise, nar- 30 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. rowing its flats, and forming deep hollows by the pro- montories which it every where sends out. The moun- tains, though in many districts lofty, are rounded in shape ; and the undulating hills, which cluster about their sides, sink down into flat alluvial valleys, like the de- serted beds of lakes. Woods of olive-trees, not unlike in character to the birch, cover the rising grounds with their gray foliage. Towns and villages on the plains, or oftener perched like castles on the hills, peer out from amidst vineyards, or clumps of the dark flat-topped pine, and the tall pillar-like cypress ; and the most unculti- vated and lonely of the vales are clothed with a pic- turesque and almost tropical prodigality of vegetation, in the wild trees and shrubs, the broad leafy masses of the glossy ilex, the rich forms and colours of the arbutus, and the graceful outline of the fragrant myrtle. Tliis aspect of the landscape, which prevails in Middle Italy, suffers some changes as we advance farther south. The date-palm is now seen in sheltered nooks ; in some districts the orange and lemon groves give odour to the air ; and the aloe and cactus grow wild upon the rocks. These features are caught in glimpses, even on the northern side of the Apennines ; they are more and more frequent as we proceed towards Lower Italy, in which they are not indeed the prevailing features, but in several quarters assume prominence in the scene ; and in Sicily the picture unites oriental vegetation with that of the Italian valleys. The panorama of the low country, too, has every where a back ground in the moun- tains, among which, as we climb their sides, the wide woods of chestnut, intermingled with oak and beech, give way to the hardier species of the pine and other vigorous plants, and these to the green pastures which rise to the very summits of the Apennines. The landscapes of Italy are excelled by those of nor- thern Europe in several respects, and most of all in ex- tent and gi-andeur of forest scenery ; but every defect is redeemed by the lucid atmosphere, the characteristic luxuriance of the vegetation, the singular beauty of form INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 31 in hill and vale, and tlie brilliant pictures of rural and even woodland loveliness which we discover in so many spots. Italian scenery receives another charm from its build- ings, which in themselves are singularly pictui'esque and add much to the historical and poetical recollections they so often recall. Throughout the whole country are scattered the architectural monuments of the Romans, and in Lower Italy and Sicily many of the finest edi- fices of the Greeks ; most of them now huge piles of ruins, with shrubs and weeds mantling their walls and twining round their broken columns. The perfection of this species of landscape is to be found in the tract which, solitary though within the walls of a modern city, is covered by the ruins of Ancient Rome. The middle ages liave, in the rural districts, left scanty relics ; a few dark towers, a very few castles on the hills, and in Middle Italy some of those villages, whose spacious mansions, falling into decay, attest the former wealth and the present po- verty of the agricultural population. Over the whole peninsula, however, the churches, convents, and habita- tions which rise amidst the vmeyards or olive-grounds, are striking features in the scene. From the mean dwellings of the Lombard peasants, or the few comfort- able homesteads of the fanners, to the thickly crowded and neat houses of the Genoese and Tuscan valleys, and thence again to the ruinous and cheerlessbuildingsof the southern provinces, all is characteristic. The most curious fact is the almost total want of what we should call cottages. Scarcely any where do we discover habitations which might not be classed under one of two lieads : wretched huts, fortunately rare, built perhaps of reeds or logs ; and tall houses bearing a resemblance to those in our small country towns, not unfrequently ruinous, and always inhabited by a population which we should ex- pect to find in far humbler dwellings. These facts re- ceive their explanation from the history of the people. We meet, in most districts, with comparatively few villas of the opulent classes, those wliich we do find being commonly grouped together in particular spots. The 32 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. outline of their architecture, which we see successfully caught by many painters, is at once peculiar and beautiful. The long horizontal lines indicate the linger- ing influence of the ancient monuments ; the flattened roofs, scarcely visible, and in Southern Italy quite level, contrast strongly with the buildings on the other side of the Alps ; balconies and terraces open from the sides of the mansions ; and above the Avhole rise one or more of those rectangular towers, which, solid in their lowest division and ending at top in an open story, are covered with a low roof, supported by four square pillars, or by an arcade. The monasteries, which crown so strikingly the brow of many eminences, have the general outline of the villas, but with less ornament, and a more gloomy aspect, derived from their fortress-like compactness, and their great extent of dead wall, pierced by a few diminu- tive windows. The interior of these edifices, forming ranges which enclose courts or cloisters, at once reminds us of the ancient domestic dwellings, and gives us the prototype of the aristocratic residences in the Italian towns ; for no palazzo receives the name unless it has its inner court, entered by a gateway, and surrounded by the buildings which form the mansion. Architecture in the cities has all the features which distinguish it in the country ; and there are many towns which contain edifices of all ages, from the primeval fortifications of the Pelasgians to the villa of the nineteenth century. The groups which animate the landscapes of Italy are as picturesque in their aspect as they are inter- esting in a more philosophical light. Amidst many shades of difference, the people have in common the physiognomy and person of their ancestors and their southern climate ; and the dark fiery eye and marked features of the Neapolitan fisherman, or the deep rich complexion, the full tall figure, and the noble classical profile of the Roman female of the western suburbs, are only more distinctive instances of a physical character, which has equally fine examples elsewhere. The costumes of the peasantry complete the eff^ect which INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 33 their figures, faces, air, and gestures, produce on the minds of foreigners. It is ti-ue that all the rustic dresses are not graceful, and that some are decidedly ugly ; for no one can admire either the boots of the females in Eastern Lomhardy, or the felt- hats which disfigure the beautiful countenances of the Tuscan women. In many provinces, however, the attire of both sexes is remarkably pictur- esque ; and the figures of the ecclesiastics are to us even more striking than those of the country people. The habit of the secular clergy, though distinguishing, is not by any means remarkable ; but the monks and friars, with their shaven cro^^Tls and long cinctured robes, lead the fancy back to the most animating scenes of history and poetry. ]\Iodern Rome owes its peculiarity of aspect in no small degree to its multitude of monastic churchmen. When we turn to the details of tlie physical geography, the mountains first attract our notice. The crescent of the Alps embraces the northern bounds in a curve of perhaps five hundred miles ; and the deepest of the val- leys are from 5000 to 8000 feet above the level of the ocean. Of the stupendous peaks which tower between these picturesque passes, the greaternumber stand, accord- ing to political divisions, beyond the frontier of Italy ; the interest which belongs to them is not Italian ; and we but rarely catch a glimpse of some of the loftiest sum- mits closing in the head of the distant ravines. At the eastern end of the great chain, on the con- fines of Austrian Germany, two successive groups, the Julian or Carnic, and the Tyrolese Alps, rear their highest peaks far from the Itahan territories. But to the latter range may be assigned the mountains of the Valtelline (now within the Italian boundary), among the most elevated of which we have, on the line of division, the Oertler Spitz, and the Monte d' Oro. The same range sends down on the grand lake of Garda the Monte Baldo, which protects its Veronese or eastern bank ; and in the Bergamasc territory, the principal oflFshoots are the ]\Ionte Adamello on the edge of the Val VOL. I. B 3-4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. Camonica, and the Monte Presolana in the Val Seriana. The next great group, the Rhgetian Alps, which form nearly the whole of the frontier with Switzerland, have also huge promontories, whose peaks surround the Lakes of Como and Lugano, and the Lago Maggiore. Among these are Monte Legnone in the district of Como, and Monte Generoso, which stands between the Val di Maggia and the Lake of Lugano. Passing into Piedmont we find, just within the borders, the Monte Rosa, the second highest of the Alps, which may be regarded as asso- ciated in its structure with the Pennine Alp or Great St Bernard, with which the Swiss frontier ends. The Savoy- ard marches, after passing over the central summits of Mont Blanc, proceed along the Graian Alps, including the lofty Mont Iseran. The Cottian Alp commences with Mont Cenis, which completes the junction with Savoy ; and the rest of the range, between Italy and France, includes the Monte Viso. The Maritune Alps, sweeping round till they dip into the sea in the Gulf of Genoa, are comparatively low, rising nowhere much higher than their fine pass of the Col di Tenda. The Apennines, which are regarded as commencing about Savona, continue the chain of the Maritime Alps, and trend nearly west and east till they have almost cross- ed the peninsula, forming thus far the southern bank of the great valley of Upper Italy. Though more elevat- ed than the range from which they directly spring, they are every where far lower than the great Alpine chain. In the portion of them just described, the highest point is the Cimone di Fanano, which stands almost in- sulated in the Duchy of Modena ; and the Monte Radi- coso, the highest pass between Bologna and Florence, is less than 8000 feet above the sea. Before reaching the Adriatic, the Apennine bends round, and from that point forms a ridge running south-east, through the middle of the peninsula, to its extremity. Nor does it terminate there ; for a chain of mountains, which, according to the inferences of mineralogical science, forms a continuation of the range, rises in Sicily. Far north in Tuscany, a INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 35 branch is sent off towards the west, which, dipping into the sea, reappears successively in Elba, Corsica, and Sar- dinia. Several others project from both declivities of the central chain, the longest being one on the east side, which ends at the Cape of Leuca. The principal heights of the Apennmes, in most dis- tricts, stand between 8000 and 5000 feet above the sea ; a few mountains of the range have an elevation consider- ably exceeding 5000 feet ; but none of them reaches 10,000. Their highest cluster of peaks, save one, is in the island-chain which shoots off from Tuscany. Among these, Corsica has the Monte Rotondo, and the Monte d' Oro ; and Sardinia, whose hills generally rise from 1000 to 3000 feet, has two much more elevated, the Monte Genargentu, and the Monte Limbarra. The central range, too, begins to rise higher opposite those islands. It presents, among the mountains of U rhino, the Monte Catria, near Cagli, and in Umbria the picturesque Nor- cian group, where the peak of the Leonessa, so conspicu- ous from the plain of Rome, is overtopped by the lofty Mount of the Sibyl. The range thence shoots up into its greatest heights, in the hilly region of the Abruzzo Ul- tra. The highest of the Abruzzese mountains is the huge IMonte Como, called also the Gran Sasso or Great Rock of Italy, which spreads over a wide district of upland glens, and has its finest summits near the town of Aquila. The most remarkable, and probably the loftiest, of the other members of the same group, are the conical Monte Vellno,and the round shapeless mass of the Majella, crested with a knot of castle-like rocks. Both of these overhang the banks of the beautiful Fucine Lake, or Lake of Celano. The Apennines preserve an imposing height in the eastern quarter of the Neapolitan Ten-a di Lavoro, in which are the Monte Meta, and the Monte Miletto near Alife. The southern members of the chara are less lofty. Among the most elevated are, the Monte Sant' Angelo (the ancient IMount Garganus), an offset of the range, skirting the Gulf of Manfredonia ; and Monte Sirmo, in the Basi- licata. The medium height of the Calabrian branch 36 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. seems to be from 4000 to 5000 feet. From the Col di Tenda to the Capo dell' Armi, the total length of the Apennmes is reckoned at 640 geographical miles. The mountains of Sicily, if we except the volcanic Etna, are much lower than the peninsular Apennines, and nowhere rise to 4000 feet. The mountain of Dina- mare, above Messina, is one of the highest ; the Neptunian or Pelorian range, which runs southwest from Messina, reaches its greatest elevation in Monte Scuderi, northward from Taormina ; in the same chain, and in the centre o! the island, stands the rock of Castro Giovanni, which is the poetical Enna ; in the Madonia range is the Monte Cuccio, near Palermo ; and the loftiest summit of the island, except Etna, is a peak in the Calatabellotta range, near Castro Nuovo. From the banks of the river Ombrone in Tuscany to the south side of the Bay of Naples an interrupted chain of extinct volcanoes runs side by side with the Apen- nines. The first lofty eminence among these is the Monte Amiata, at Radicofani on the Tuscan frontier, which is followed by the Monte Soriano near Viterbo, the highest of the ancient Ciminian liills. The next is Somma, the old crater of Vesuvius, opposite to which is Ischia, crested by Mount Epopeus or San Nicola. The volcanic zone reappears in the Lipari isles, in which the loftiest are Stromboli and Felicudi. It next crowns SicUy with the renowned Mount Etna ; and we trace it once more in the islet of Pantellaria, half-way between Sicily and Africa.* The Po is the only Italian river which can be com- pared with those of transalpine Europe. It rises in the Monte Viso, flows through Piedmont and the Lombardo- Venetian territories, and discharges itself into the Adriatic • The following table, taken from the most approved authorities, gives the heights, calculated in English feet, to which the principal mountains of Italy rise from the sea. They are arranged in four groups, as they are described in the text: — 1. Those mountains among the Alps which, as being either in Italy or closely bordering on it, may all, without much impropriety, be called Italian ; 2. The Apeniiines, including their offshoots in Corsica and Sardinia; INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 37 by several mouths, after a slow course of nearly 300 geo- grapliical miles. In its whole progress through the Aus- trian territories, which extends to 136 of those miles, it is navigable for boats, excepting in unusually dry weather, when they are sometimes stopped at Cremona. The Po has for its basin the whole of the great valley between the Alps and Apennines. The tributary streams which descend to it from the latter are comparatively small : but the Trebbia, one of their number, has a classi- cal reputation on account of Hannibal and its monastery of Bobbio ; the Secchia is navigable for boats from Mo- dena downwards ; the Panaro presents the same conve- nience to the extent of thirty miles ; and the Reno feeds a canal which communicates between Bologna and the Po. From the Alps this river receives several large ac- cessions. In Piedmont its principal tributaries are, on the right, the Tanaro, on the left the Dora-Riparia, the 3. The prolongation of the Apennines in Sicily ; mountains in Italy and the islands. I. — The Italian Alps, | Monte Sirmo, Mont Blanc, . . 15,744 Monte Catria, 4. The volcanic Monte Rosa, . Mont Iseran, The Oertler Spitz, Monte Viso, Mont Cenis, Monte Adamello, Monte d Oro, Monte Legnone, Monte Presolana, Monte Baldo, Monte Generoso, Monte Velino^ Monte d' Oro (Corsica), La Majella, Monte della Sibilla, Monte JMeta, II Cimone di Fanano, . Monte Miletto, 5,992 6,582 5,276 4,720 3,686 2,895 1 5, 150 1 Genargentu ( Sardinia), 13,275 I Monte Sant' Angelo, . 12,852 I Linibarra (Sardinia), 12,600 j Monte Radicoso Pass, 11,460 1 , „ 1 980 ■ — Apennines 10545' LONGED IN SlCIL-V 8*594 '^^^ Calatabellotta Peak, 8 198 Monte Cuccio, 7 207 Monte Scuderi, 6^282 ^I^"te di Dinamare, Col di Tenda (Marit. Alps) 5',884 Castro Giovanni, 11- — The Apennines. ; IV.— The Volcanic Moun- The Gran Sasso d' Italia, 9,460 tains. Monte Rotondo (Corsica), 9,061 INIount Etna (Sicily), ^^ ' "' " 8,943 Monte Soriano, 8,697 La Sorama di Vesuvio, 7,998 Monte Amiata, 7,495 Felicudi (Isle), . 7,271 Monte San Nicoh (Ischia),2,605 6,971 Pantellaria (Isle), . 2,213 6,742 StromboU (Isle), . . 2,171 3,690 3,329 3,190 3,112 2,880 10,874 4,183 3,979 3,054 3,041 38 INTRODrCTORY CHAPTER. Dora-Baltea, and the Sesia. In Austrian Lombardy the largest rivers which disgorge themselves into it issue from the Lakes. The Lago Maggiore, forty-eight miles long, from four to seven miles broad, and generally more than twenty feet deep, receives the waters of the Ticino and twenty-six other streams, all of which, after passing through the lake, are discharged into the Po. The Lake of Como, thirty-seven miles in its greatest length, and varying in breadth from one mile to four, is traversed by the Adda, which thence flows across the plain to join the same river. The Oglio passes through the Lake of Iseo, and the classical Mincio issues from the fine Lake of Garda, thirty-seven miles long and from four to fourteen miles broad. The Adige, which ranks next to the Po, emerges from the Tyrolese defiles a little above Verona, and flows a very short way through the plain. The Bacchiglione, Brenta, and others of smaller dimensions, are geographically unimportant. The rivers of Middle and Lower Italy are more im- portant in history than in geography or commerce. They flow from no large lakes, for of these the only considerable one, the Lake of Celano, which is reckoned thirty -five miles in circuit, has no visible outlet. On the side of the Adriatic, the largest streams are the Metauro and the Tronto in the Papal States, and the Neapolitan Pescara, Ofanto, and Bradano. On the other side, the Magra and the Serchio, the Neapolitan Garigliano, Vol- tumo, and Sele, are all historical names ; but except the Arno and the Tiber none require to be more than mention- ed. These rise within ten miles of each other, in the moun- tainous district of Tuscany called the Casentino. The former, receiving several beautiful streams, and winding extensively in the upper part of its course, flows in all about 150 geographical miles. Its lower valley (Val d' Arno Inferiore) one of the most lovely scenes in Italy, has Florence near its head, and the river is passable for boats from that city to the Mediterranean, a dis- tance of nearly sixty miles. The course of the Tiber is about 190 geographical miles, and its direction is INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERi 39 southerly, till, after it has received several considerable streams, the Ncra bemg the latest and largest, the Apennines near Tivoli force it westward across the plain. A little before entering Rome it receives the Teverone, the ancient Anio ; and from the Roman wharfs downwards it is navigable for small coasting barks. Within the city, beside the Tomb of Augustus, its breadth is 197 English feet, its depth twenty-one, its medium surface twenty-one feet above the level of the sea, and the distance from its mouth fifteen geographical miles. In none of the Italian islands are the rivers geogra- phically important. In Sicily, the chief ones are the Giarretta and the Fiume Salso ; in Sardinia, the Tyrso and the Flumendosa. The mountains which have been enumerated yield few valuable minerals. The rivers are nearly useless for commercial navigation, owing to the want of tides in the seas into which they flow. Having hardly any deep in- dentations, the coast affords few facilities for the forma- tion of harbours ; and the position of the peninsula in the Mediterranean, which, as long as eastern commerce was conducted overland to the Levant, favoured its com- munication with the great mart of Asiatic merchandise, has had the very opposite effect since the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope. Italy is natur- ally an agricultural country, with a fertility of soil and mildness of climate which bestow a plentiful increase even on careless cultivation, and would perhaps, under better laws and better management, make it, as Sicily once was, the granary of Europe. The geographical situation of this fine peninsula, open so extensively to the sea, exposes it to attack on almost every point ; and its seeming ram- parts the Alps, which have never stopped the march of any brave invader, are now traversed by military roads in all directions. Its clmiate, except in a few spots, is healthy ; and, if we are told that it is a cause of degene- racy or effeminacy, we may answer that it is unchanged, 40 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. since the period when its air was breathed in Upper Italy by the Insubrian Gauls, in I\Iiddle Italy by the Romans, in Lower Italy by the fierce Bruttians, and in Sicily by the Syracusan Greeks who humbled Athens. In the last few sentences are stated some of the facts which have most strongly influenced the fate of Italy, and will continue to aid m determinmg her place among the nations. The details of her physical structure and aspect, as well as of her history, political, moral, and intellectual, will open themselves to us as we proceed ; while the adventures, the characters, and the monuments, which are to pass in review before us, will constantly suggest interestmg speculations. The thought which first arises in the mind, is that wliich will also the most frequently recur, in innumerable shapes and combinations. . Italy stands unexampled m Europe, — indeed unexampled upon earth. She alone of all the ancient nations, after slumbering through the darkness which for centuries covered the world, awoke stronger than before. The changes of character which distinguish the modern people from the ancient, as well as the numerous points of identity, present the most curious subjects of inquiry. A yet more momentous problem respects their final destiny. The Italians were fallen in the dark ages, and they rose again. They are fallen now : is there yet a second redemption for them I PART I. ANCIENT ITALY. CHAPTER I. The Political History of Italy till the Fall of the Roman Republic. FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TILL A. U, 722, OR B. C. 32. First Age (ending a. u. 244) : — The Primitive Italian Tribes — The Pelasgi — The Etruscans — The Latins — The Kings of Rome — The Greeks in Italy and Sicily. Second Age (a. u. 244 — A. u. 468) : — Rome a Repubhc — Its External History — Con- quests — The Greek Colonies — The Constitutional History of Rome — The Early Constitution — Classification of the Citizens — The Hereditary Nobility — Their Vassals — The Free Commoners — The Senate — The Two Conventions — Constitutional Peculi- arities — Commencement of the Plebeian Struggle — Institution of the Tribunes — Rise of a Third Convention — Prosecution of the Struggle— The Twelve Tables — The Licinian Laws — The Pub- lilian Laws — The Democracy perfected. Third Age ( a. u. 468 —A. u. 722) :— The Character of the Times— The New Aristo- cracy — The Populace — The External History — The Roman Dominions in Magna Graecia — In Sicily — Abroad — The Punic Wars — Tlie Constitutional History — Three Stages: — ]. (a. u. 468 — A. u. 620) — Changes on the Senate — On the Conventions —2. (a. u. 620— A. u. 671)— The Gracchi— The Italian Allies —The Ballot— The Army and Marius— 3. (a. u. 671- a. u. 722) — Sylla's Reign and Pohcy — The last Republican Times — Pom- pey, Caesar, Cicero, Cato — Caesar King — His Assassination — Octavius Emperor — The Republican Administration and Finance — The Italian Provinces — The Municipalities — The State Expenditure — The Revenues — Description of the Taxes — The Administration of the Revenues. The liistorical outline wliich is here presented will chiefly invite the reader's attention to two sections in 42 THE POLITICAL HISTOHr OF ITALY the annals of the Romans ; namely, the growth of their sovereignty over Italy, and the principles and progress of their political constitution. The chronicles of their wars abound beyond all similar records in vigorous characters and heroic adventures ; but the incidents are familiar to every one, and neither our purpose nor our limits allow us to dwell long on spectacles of bloodshed. The constitution of the republic deserves for many rea- sons to be more closely examined. It is the department in which the revolutions of that extraordinary people possess the highest value as lessons, and in w4iich also our popular works on their history offer least infonna- tion. This chapter and the next will delineate the skeleton of the political institutions in the commonwealth and the empire ; and subsequent portions of the volume will attempt to exhibit the most interesting of those other features which, when grouped together, complete in the imagination a picture of the ancient Roman world. The vicissitudes and remains of literature and the fine arts will successively come into view ; those scenes will be described Avhich have become places of pilgrimage for the classical student ; and our inquiry into the state of Heathen Italy will not close till we have surveyed the most characteristic details of private life and manners, with one or two branches of the national statistics. The times preceding the foundation of the empire class themselves chronologically in three divisions. The first is that legendary age which we have called the First Secondary Period. Of the other two, compre- hending together the five republican centuries of the Ancient Illustrious Period, the earlier ends with the complete development of the democracy, while the later embraces the decline and overthrow of freedom. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 43 FIRST AGE. ITALY TILL THE FORMATION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC : ENDING A. U. 244, OR B.C. 610.* The Primitive Inhabitants of Italy. \ — Amidst the tra- ditional obscurity which covers the remotest times of Italian history, the principal fact which may be re- garded as certain is this ; that, besides the race or races which originally occupied the peninsula, the greater por- tion of it was at one period, before the foundation of Rome, possessed by that smgular tribe which, commonly knoAvn by the name of Pelasgi, united with the Hellenes to form the ancient Greek nation. We discover the Pelasgi through the disguise of poetical fable, in the legends both of Grecian and Roman writers. We trace them again in those massive architectural remains which are still scattered over the country, from the northern ex- tremities of Tuscany to the southern slopes of the central Apennmes. Lastly, we recognise their influence and fix them down as having inhabited Latium, when we perceive the Hellenic element which is so copiously infused into the Latin language, and which, it is demon- strable, must have formed part of it in its earliest stages. The older Italian nations, on whom the Pelasgians in- truded, and by whom they appear to have been m turn subdued, could not be very briefly classified, nor even enumerated. It is enough to allude to the Ligurians, with those other northern tribes whom the Gauls soon invaded; and to those rude hordes of the south who were speedily hemmed in by the Greek colonies. The * By the common reckonintr (after Varro), which is here adopt- ed, the foundation of Rome is placed in the year before Christ 76S. t The most authoritative writers of the present age, on the early antiquities of Italy, are Niebuhr, in his History of Rome ; Miiller, in his work on the Etruscans ; and Micali, in his Italia avanti il Dominio de' Romani, 4 vols, 1810, or in his Antichi Popoli d'ltalia, 3 vols, 1832, which is an improved and enlarged edi- tion of the former. Among the older works, the most interesting is Lanzi's Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, 1789. The view in the text is in substance Niebuhr's. 44 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY inhabitants of the intermediate space require more minute notice. The Umbrians are said to have been the abori- gines of Italy, and to have once possessed a very wide territory. The Sabines, a mountain-tribe, were also believed to be extremely ancient, — perhaps Umbrians, — and were certainly the nucleus of several greater nations. Their settlements extended westward as far as Rome, and eastward over Picenum : to the south they seem to have sent out the Hernicians, Marsians, Pelignians, and other tribes of the central Apennines ; and still farther south was the powerful people of the Samnites, the greatest of their colonies. These southern swarms of the Sabines partially dispossessed the Opicians or Oscans, a race whose name disappeared early, but to whose blood belonged the Auruncians, and perhaps the -^quans and Volscians. The origin of these various races is a question to be solved on the narrowest grounds ; but certainly none of them were Pelasgians. These last, however, evidently intermixed with them at different points over nearly the whole peninsula, and were gradually lost in the union. These Italian tribes do not emerge from obscurity till they successively appear as contending with Rome, and defeated by her. In the period immediately preceding their fall, they were distinguished for little except that military courage and talent, of which all gave proofs so deadly. In the infancy of the great city, however, the Etruscans, a separate race, whose origin is still quite uncertain, were in a situation remarkably different. They were a powerful, though declining nation ; they were active by sea in commerce and in piracy ; they were wealthy, and had used their riches, and their in- tercourse with the Greek colonies and other foreign states, for the acquisition of a singular proficiency in archi- tecture, painting, and sculpture. At one time, their rule, and perhaps their population, extended from the Alps to Latium or Campania, and across the whole breadth of Italy ; but at the commencement of their struggle against Rome, their dominion was nearly restricted to Etruria TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 45 Proper. This province was not then united into one state ; hut its different cantons had formed themselves into a federal league, the cohesion of which had hecome very slight. Their confederation is said to have always con- sisted of twelve towns, with the district attached to each ; and their governments were oligarchical, with hut few- exceptions, such as Veil, and perhaps Clusium, which were ruled by kings. The mass of the people are stated to have been serfs in the hands of the nobilit}^ (the Lucu- mones) ; and if it be true that this race invaded the Pelasgians, and reduced them to bondage, the fact would account for the Greek character, which pervades much even of the earliest Etruscan works of art, and also for the Pelasgic style of their antique fortresses.'" The priesthood of Etniria composed no separate class, but its functions were, exclusively m the hands of the nobles, who enveloped their gloomy superstition in a thick veil of ritual observances, and skilfully used these rites and their pretences to the gift of divination, to form the groundwork of an immense power in the state. The Roman chiefs borrowed from the Etruscans both their religious ceremonies and their political application of them ; and the nation at large owed to this singular people the first steps of their civilisation. The Latins, and the Origin of Rome. — The Romans traced their immediate descent to the Latins, a powerful tribe, different from any of those now enumerated ; but their national pride and Greek learning have wrapt up the history of these ancestors in a cloud of fable. The most probable account of their origin sets out from the fact, that the Pelasgians at one time occupied the plains of Latium, either as first settlers, or by subduing earlier inhabitants. They were attacked by a race whom the Sabines had dislodged from the mountains, and whom, on a comparison of the non-Grecian part of the Latin language with extant inscriptions, we are warranted in pronouncing to have been Oscans. The Pelasgians and * See a paper on Etruscan Antiquities, by Mr Millingen : Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. ii. 1834. 46 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY that people coalesced, and formed the Latin league and the older Latin tongue. Virgil's fable, and some historical facts, indicate that they were at one time divided into two confederations, the southern having its seat at Ardea, the northern at Lavinium or Laurentum. The former dis- appeared early, probably on being conquered by the Volscians. The latter continued to exist ; but Alba be- came its principal town, and attained a power which is attested by its public works, if it be true (and it is more than probable) that the extraordinary tunnel of the Alban Lake, the merit of which is claimed by the Ro- mans, was really executed before they conquered Alba. The Latin league is said to have always consisted of thirty towns, each of which had a senate, and an elective chief magistrate, called a dictator. From the conflicting accounts of the foundation of Rome by Romulus we may collect at least a plausible theory of its origin. The first and most important body of its inhabitants, who, it is agreed, had their seat on the Palatine Hill, consisted of Latins belonging to the mixed race of Oscans and Pelasgians. The spot on which they fixed themselves had clearly been occupied before the events with which tradition associates the name of the founder. If the poetical fables have any historical basis, the older town or \Tllage of the Palatine must have been built by the Pelasgians before they merged in the Latin race. At the formation of the town of Romulus, the Sabines, as it is with much probability conjectured, had a settlement covering the Capitoline and Quiriual Hills ; and the Roman legend intimates that this town and that on the Palatine were formed into one, and their citizens into one community, in which the Latin language and influence continued to rule. The original constitution of the dimmutive state thus composed, is represented to have been an elective and limited mo- narchy,* which was forcibly abolished on the misconduct * Livii Histor. lib. i. cap. 49. Dionys. Halicarn. Antiquit Roman, lib. ii. cap. 14 ; lib. iv. cap. 80. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 47 of its seventh king.* The history of these chiefs, and even the names and existence of some of them, are matter of great doubt, wliile the period assigned to tlieir dynasty is manifestly erroneous. There are strong indications also, that before the expulsion of the kings the dominion of Rome extended much farther than the received ac- count, reaching northward into Etruria and southward as far as Terracina. The new republic lost for a time the greater part of this territory, and therefore the historians concealed the fact that it had ever been acquued. Before the revolution the militaiy spirit of the Romans was formed and the outline of their political constitution developed. The Greek Colonies in Italy and Sicily. — While Rome was gradually becoming the head of a powerful state in Central Italy, the southern coasts received a succession of foreign settlers, possessing an amount of wealth, of commercial activity, of skill in the arts, and of literary and philosophical cultivation, which even the Etrus- cans had never approached, and to which all the other Italians were still total strangers. These colonists were the foi^nders of the Greek republican cities, lining the portion of the mainland which was called from them Magna Grsecia, and occupying many points on the coasts of SicUy. Almost all of these were established before the Roman revolution, but no considerable intercourse subsisted between them and Rome tUl they submitted to her armies late in the fifth century of the city. It is neces- sary, however, to remark the existence of these polished communities of foreigners at a time when the natives were so utterly uncultivated. Tradition carried back the origin of Cumse, a colony of Ionic Greeks, to the year b. c. 1030 ; and this town, besides giving birth to Neapolis, founded Zancle, afterwards called Messana, the earliest Grecian settlement in Sicily. The aristocratic govern- • A. u. L Romulus. a. u. 137. Tarquinius Priscus. 37. Numa Pompilius. 176. Servius Tullius. 80. T'illus Hostilius. 220. Tarquinius Superbus 114. Ancus Martius. expelled in 244. 48 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY ment of Cumse was temporarily subverted by Aristode- mus, who appears in the liistory of the new Roman repub- lic. Rhegium was another Ionic commonwealth. The Doric Tarentum, planted about the year b. c. 707, became at length the wealthiest of the seaports belongmg to the Italiot Greeks. Croton, and the powerful and luxurious colony of Sybaris, were Achaean. Locri, for which Zaleucus legislated about 660 b. c, was another eminent commu- nity ; and settlers from these to\ATis were spread over the whole southern coast of Ital}^ The territory of the cities in no instance extended far into the interior of the country ; and their ruin was prepared by the frequent attacks of the natives, and by the disunion of the several republics among themselves. Down to the time of the Roman revolution, the Greek colonies in Sicily were rapidly increasing in strength and numbers. The Doric Syracuse, the most poweiful of them, planted by Corinthians in the year b. c. 757, was still republican. Gela, also Doric, and dating from b. c. 7lo, had sent out emigrants to Agrigentum ; and, besides several smaller cities of the same race, there already ex- isted Naxos, Catana, Taurominium, and other flourishing Ionic settlements. The Carthaginians, whose capital lay within a day's sail of Sicily, had already made establish- ments on its nearest shores, and were about to enter on that attempt to subjugate the whole island which at last em- broiled them with the Romans. The native inhabitants, who evidently belonged to some one or more of the tribes composing the oldest Italian population, appear for a time in the history of the country as useful auxiliaries to their Greek, Punic, or Roman masters, but were finally lost among the foreign settlers. Sardinia, in which the Greeks at an early epoch had planted two colonies, Caralis and Oibia, was now entirely subject to Carthage ; and tills state had also made itself master of one or two havens in Corsica, founded b}" the Etruscans. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 49 SECOND AGE. THE ROMAN REPUBLIC TILL THE COMPLETE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE democracy: A. u. 244-^68, or s. c. 510—286. The External Histoiv/ of Borne. — During this age the foreign relations of the new republican state underwent some remarkable vicissitudes, the earlier details of which have not reached us without much obscurity and evident distortion. Besides acquiring, before the revolution, the absolute dominion of a considerable territory, the Romans had contrived not only to obtain a place in the federative league of the Latin towns, but to arrogate the presidency of the confederation. On this prerogative they speedily grounded extravagant claims of superiority. Their en- croachments, and the intrigues of their banished princes, immediately mvolved the republic in wars both with the Latins and with several other neighbouring nations. The earliest of the great military names of the time was that of Quinctius Cincirmatus, who was succeeded in his cele- brity by Marcus Furius Camillas. In the Etruscan war, headed by Porsena, prince of Clusium, to which belong the stories of Codes and Mucins Scsevola, with so many others of the heroic Roman legends, it is quite clear that the city was actually taken, and the commonwealth com- pelled to surrender a large portion of her territory. Her next war with the same tribes, in wliich Camillus was the hero and Veii the principal enemy, was more successful. It ended by bringing back the ceded districts with large additions, while it nearly annihilated the Etruscan league. A few years later Rome was on the brink of ruin. Colonies of Gauls had previously crossed the Alps and established themselves in the north of Italy ; and now either these settlers alone, or more probably a new horde aided by them, invaded Etruria and Latium, and (a. u. 365, B. c. 389) took and burned Rome. The Romans purchased, by a heavy ransom, the departure of those barbarians, who probably retired upon Cisalpine Gaul. 50 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY Rome, with that elastic strength which so finely distin- guishes her republican history, quickly recovered from the shock, and pursued vigorously her plan, already matured, for the entire subjugation of Italy. Before tlie end of her fourth century, in spite of internal dis- cord and foreign enemies, she had again reduced the greater part of Latium to a precarious subjection, and had engaged in wars with more distant tribes, including the Volscians, ^Equans, and Auruncans. The first half of her fifth century was chiefly occupied by the heroic Samnite war, carried on resolutely, and with complete success, against the bravest of her Italian rivals. She was soon able to strengthen her dominion over almost all the provinces from Samnium to the frontier of Cisalpine Gaul, and only waited for a pretence to attack the Greek colonies and Carthage. The half century just named abounds more than any other period of the repubKcan history in deeds of military prowess, and there are no Roman heroes whose characters we can admire so unliesitatingly as those who figure in this series of wars. If we examine deeply into the con- duct of the most prominent persons who flourished in the preceding age, we shall detect in them bad citizens and bad men, oppressors of the people, and unscru- pulous avengers of attacks on their own privileged order. This, which was the character of Cincinnatus, was also, with the addition of avarice and dishonesty, that of the vaunted Camillus. But in the Samnite period, as we shall see, the two orders of the state had been just amalgamated into one : — the fierce quarrels between the noble and the commoner were transmuted into a generous emulation, and the patriotic enthusiasm burnt for a time with a flame so warm and radiant as had never yet shone on Rome, and never afterwards visit- ed her. The devotion to country indeed was in such excess, that self-love and the domestic affections were equally weak against its pressure. The patrician Manlius, a descendant of the unfortunate Marcus, first became ce- lebrated for his filial piety, and then for his single combat TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 51 with the Ganl on the Salarian Bridge over the Aiiio, where he gained the chain which gave him his name of Torquatus. A few years later, a similar conflict Avith another Gaul in the Pontine Flats, earned the surname of Corvus for the excellent Marcus Valerius. In the same generation, during a war against the Latins, Torqua- tus, then consul, performed near Capua that teiTible act of rigour which is so famous, by executing his own valiant son for a breach of discipline ; and a few days afterwards his plebeian colleague Decius Mus, who had on a pre- vious occasion chivalrously saved a consular army in Campania, crowTied a worthy life by devoting himself to death for the state in conformity with a national super- stition. The self-sacrifice of Decius, inspiring courage and revenge in his soldiers, procured the victory for Rome ; and on another such emergency, in a battle with the Gauls and Samnites in Etruria, his son pur- chased a second victory at a similar price. The Greek Colonies. — The Greek cities in Italy and Sicily, like the mother-country, point to this period as the zenith of their glory and the commencement of their decay. In Greece this era embraces the most splendid portion of the republican historj^ extending from the Per- sian war to Philip of Macedon ; and it closes with the for- mation and partition (a. u. 430) of Alexander's empire. To this age belong, in art, Phidias and his successors, and in philosophy, literature, and oratory, that illustrious an-ay of names which begins with Herodotus and ends vi-ith Aristotle. The progi'ess of the Greco-Italians kept pace with that of then- parent-land, with which they were in constant communication. About the time of the Roman revolution Sybaris was destroyed, and, a few years after the death of Virginia, Thiu'ii was found- ed on its mins. Tarentum, the most flourishing city of Magna Graecia, was at the summit of its prosperity from the expulsion of Tarquin till the sack of Rome by the Gauls, and Arch}'tas was latterly the president of its republic. Cumse was subdued by the native Campa- nians, and remained under their dominion; and the 52 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY Syracusans, repeatedly attacking Magna Graecia, took Croton more than once, and destroyed Rhegium, which, however, was rebnilt. Sicily underwent various vicissitudes. The Cartha- ginians were actively striving to convert their few colo- nies on the western coast into a sovereignty over the whole island ; and they came into direct communication with Rome by commercial treaties, the first of which, if genuine, is dated a.u. 246. The history of the smaller Greek to%^Tis in that island is dependent on the annals of Agrigentum and Sp'acuse.* The first of these was for some time subject to princes, among whom was Theron, at whose court Pindar appeared, and it then obtained a democratical constitution, which subsisted little more than half a centuiy. During this short period the splen- dour of the city, and its trade with Africa and Gaul, were at their height. It was subdued by Syracuse, and being afterwards (a. u. 840) destroyed by the Carthagi- nians, never recovered its former greatness. Syracuse, in like manner, presents in this age its liighest glory and its decline. Its history contains fii*st, from a. u. 270 to 287, the reigns of the good Gelo, of Hiero, Pindar's patron, and of Tlirasybulus. The expulsion of the last of these rulers was followed by a democracy of sixty-one years, raising the state to the greatest power it ever at- tained. During this free period it subdued Agrigentum, and repulsed the famous Athenian invasion under jN'icias and Alcibiades. The -wars witli Carthage followed, and, aided by the dangerous increase of the popular ascend- ency, enabled the elder Dionysius to possess himself first of the army and then of the throne, which he held thirty- eight years, when liis life was brought to a close by poison. In his constant wars against the Carthaginians his success varied, but, at the time of his death, that people possessed by treaty the whole Avestern half of the island from the river Halycus. This struggle prevented him from fully * For the political institutions of these two cities, see Miiller's Dorians, book iii. chap. 9 (English Translation, 2 vols, 1830). TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 53 executing his favourite project, — the conquest of Southern Italy. His weak son, the younger Dionysius, was first dispossessed by the noble Dion, Plato's friend, and, after the murder of that patriot, was ejected a second time by the Corinthians under the stern Timoleon. A short period of republicanism ensued all over Sicily, ending when the sovereignty of Syracuse was usurped by Aga- thocles, who, for twenty-eight years, prosecuted unsuc- cessfully the old designs of expelling the African invaders and reducing Magna Graecia. The Constitutional History of Rome. — This age is the most important of any in the history of the political con- stitution of the Roman commonwealth. Its commence- ment exliibits an hereditary nobility, possessing the executive powers of the government to the entire exclu- sion of the commons, and practically exercising an undue influence over the legislature, the functions of which were by the theory of the constitution vested in the nation at large. At the end of this period the distinc- tions between the two orders are completely destroyed, the legislative power of the people is quite uncontrolled, and their influence on the executive begins to be excessive and consequently dangerous. The framework of the Roman constitution was con- structed before the establishment of the republic. It recognised two classes of citizens, — the Plebeians or com- monalty, and tlie Patricians, an hereditary nobility, whose privileges belonged to none but persons of pure patri- cian blood. j\Iany of the first class, however, formed in truth a third order, that of the Clients, or hereditaiy vassals of the patricians ; a body of men who, while their political rights were not aff'ected by their vassalship, were individually protected by their respective patrons even against the laws of the state, while, in return, they were legally and hereditarily bound to yield service to their pro- tectors. The notion that every plebeian was indi\4dually attached as a client to some patrician is quite en-oneous, and originates in a misapprehension of the historian Dio- nysius, caused by the altered position of tilings in the last 54 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY days of the republic, when a voluntary and personal clientship, quite different from the hereditary relation of the older vassals, had become very general. In the early ages of the commonwealth, a large proportion of the ple- beians were not clients ; and it is this free body of commoners that we find asserting the claims of their order against the nobility, while the clients invariably supported the prerogatives of their lords. Under the kings the Senate was formed, and consisted of three hundred patricians, vacancies in the number being filled up by the prince. The IS'ational Assemblies of the people, embracing eveiy individual possessing the political franchise, whether patrician, free plebeian, or client, w^ere of two kinds. The older foim, the intro- duction of which is ascribed to Romulus, was the con- vention called the Comitia Curiata. The whole body of the citizens was divided into thirty curia; every citizen possessed one vote in his o^^^l curia, and eveiy curia pos- sessed one vote in the convention. The second form was that said to have been established by King Servius Tullius, called the Comitia Centuriata, which, even before the origin of the republic, had nearly superseded the other. For the purposes of this new assembly the citizens were divided into centuries or hundreds, in which each person possessed one vote, while each century had a vote in the general meeting. But the centuries were so arranged as to throw the power of the assembly altogether into the hands of the richer men. The w^hole body of the citizens was arranged in six Classes. The first of these was composed of such persons as possessed the largest amount of taxable property ; the qualification dimin- ished in each succeeding class ; and the sixth, which, perhaps, was not strictly tei-med a class, consisted of those who were not rated in the rolls as possessing any taxable property at all, and neither paid taxes on that ground nor rendered military service in the legions. The whole number of centuries may be stated at about 193. The sixth class, probably a very- numerous one, contained only one century, and consequently had only one vote ; TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. DO while the first class, which cannot originally have con- tained many individuals, was divided into at least ninety- eight centuries, — eighty being rated for military service in the infantry, and eighteen, composing the equestrian order or knights (among whom the patricians were pro- bably included), for service in the cavalry. Besides this, the votes of the first class were always taken first. If its centuries were unanimous, the question before the convention was of course already decided : if their votes did not form a majority, the second class was applied to, and the voting scarcely ever went much lower. The amount of taxation and of military service levied on each of the first five classes was proportional to its valua- tion in the roll, with this exception, that military servic? was not exacted from the clients.* * The account here given is substantially that which is com- monly received. But an entirely new theory of the original consti- tution of Rome has been propounded by a great historian of the present age. Every student of ancient history is Niebuhr's debtor, and is bound thankfully and admiringly to acknowledge the obligation, however difficult it may be to acquiesce in his leading hypothesis. Niebuhr's interesting theory is briefly the following : — The ori- ginal population of Rome consisted exclusively of patricians and their clients ; but the populus, or body of citizens possessing the political franchise, comprehended only the patricians. The patri- cians exercised the franchise in the convention of the curice. Gradually, however, there arose a third class,— the plebeians, — who, though not clients, did not possess the political franchise. This new body may have been composed of various sorts of men ; — of clients emancipated by the extinction of the families of their patrons ; of the children of marriages between patricians and non- patricians ; of the inhabitants of conquered towns ; and of indivi- duals immigrating. The constitution of Servius Tulllus communi- cated the franchise to the plebeians and the clients, allowing them, along wath the patricians, to exercise it in the convention of the centuries — The chief points in which this theory touches the constitutional vicissitudes of the repiiblic will be noticed as they occur. For a minute exposition of Niebuhr's system see his His- tory of Rome, vol. i. pp. 301-331, 398-424 (Hare and Thirlwall's Translation, edition 1831), vol. ii. p. 129-164 (Translation, edit. 1832), and both volumes passim. Part of it is illustrated ably in Maldon's uncompleted History of Rome in the Library of Useful Knowledge. Arnold's learned History of Rome (vol. i. To the taking of Rome by the Gauls, 1838), adopts the outline of the theory. In the following sketch much use has also been made of the 56 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY In passing to the political changes of the republic, cer- tain particulars may be noted, in which the Roman con- stitution was opposed to modern opinions, and which are therefore liable to be misunderstood. 1. Their system of government, like every other in the ancient world, wanted altogether the modem prin- ciple of a representation of the people. Every individual possessing the civic franchise, was held entitled to exer- cise it personally by his vote in all proceedings of the national conventions. 2. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions, were not separated with sufficient nicety, and this defect produced much of the internal discord tliat prevailed. The legislative power, theoreti- cally vested in the people, the sovereign of the common- wealth, was long practically intruded on by the senate ; the executive was loosely shared between the latter body and the officers of state ; and the judicial power was long in still greater confusion, at least in criminal matters. The military character of the republic produced a similar anomaly in the union of civil and military authority in the person of the consul, and afterwards of some of the lower political functionaries. S. The initiative or right of proposing measures was jealously confined. There were frequtnt contests between the senate and the national as- semblies on this head ; but it was an admitted i-ule tliat, in all legislative meetings of the conventions, the initiative " Early Roman History" of Waclismuth, an opponent of Niebuhr (Aeltere Geschichte des Romischen Staates, Halle, 1819), and of the excellent treatise " On the Roman National Assemblies" by Schulze, a convert to Niebuhr's doctrine (Von den Volksver- saramlun 66 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY to meet and pass resolutions, analogous to our British privilege of petitioning parliament ;* but the measure indicates to us, and ought to have given warning to the patricians, that the plebeians now looked far beyond the redress of personal wrongs. Indeed these two laws of Volero placed the commons in a most advantageous posi- tion. The peculiar form in which their meetings were held was authoritatively recognised as legal, and they en- joyed a free election of their bench of presidents. It is possible that from this time the patricians, with the view of weakening the strength of their adversaries, may have allowed their clients to attend in the electoral meetings of the tribes, though they did not as yet acknow- ledge the legality of their deliberative proceedings. But they were soon compelled to recognise these also. In the year of the city 298, the tribune Icilius carried in the tribes a resolution for assigning the ground of the Aventine Hill to the poor plebeians. This vote was laid before the senate, who refused to entertain it even as a petition, maintaining that the second law of Volero, though it allowed the commons to deliberate on questions of public policy, did not compel the higher council to take any notice of their resolutions. After a bitter struggle, the senators consented to take the vote into consideration, and allowed the tribunes to speak in their house in support of it. Both concessions were held to be precedents. The next material step was produced by a motion v.'hich had already been introduced by the tribune Terentillus Arsa, for the appointment of a commission to draw up a set of rules for determining the powers of the consuls. Violent disputes ensued, and the pro- posal was altered into that of a general revision of the whole law, both public and private. For this purpose, the Ten Commissioners forming the First Decemvirate, were selected (a. u. 302) exclusively from the patrician order : and as they had not completed the task within * Niebuhr, voL ii. p. 217- Wachsmuth, p, 331-342. Dionys. flalic. lib. ix. cap. 43. TILL THE FALL OP THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 67 their year, a new Commission was elected, half patrician half plebeian. The fruit of the decemvirates was the fa- mous Code of the Twelve Tables, of whose contents, so far as they related to the public law, we know almost nothing. It is even a disputed point whether any of their constitutional enactments survived the forcible dissolution of the second decemvirate. The whole history of these commissions, indeed, is extremely perplexing : but by an anomaly to which there are several parallels in ancient times, they received, besides full power to legislate, an appointment as sole magistrates of the republic. The second body of commissioners, headed by Appius Clau- dius, forcibly retained office after then- year had expked : the citizen-soldiers took their favourite revenge, by first refusing to enlist, and then allowing themselves to be beaten : the murder of Siccius Dentatus, their leader, was followed by the tragical story of Virginia : the ple- beians for the second time left the city ; and the consular government was restored. The patrician Valerius, surnamed Poplicola, one of the consuls for the next year (a. u. 805), besides formally re- cognising the old right of appeal to the people against cri- minal sentences pronounced by the officers of state, carried likewise in a meeting of the centuries a measure as to the proceedings of the tribes, extending the effect of the law of 283 and the precedent of 298. This new statute declared resolutions of the plebeians in the tribes to be of equal force with those of the whole community in the centu- ries ; that is, it declared that the Convention of the Tribes was a branch of the legislature, and that its resolutions acquired the force of law on being approved by the senate.* The patricians reluctantly agreed to this new act ; and the convention of the tribes, besides the distinct recognition of its constitutional status, now possessed, through its presidents, the tribunes, the important pri- vilege of the initiative. * Ut, quod tributim plebs jussisset, populum teneret. Livii His- toriar. lib. iii. cap. 55. There is much reason to believe, that till 416 this law was frequently evaded. DO THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY The plebeians, as a body, had now hardly any farther political right to demand ; but personally they continued excluded from all the functions of the executive, because the patricians still alleged that tbey lay under a religious disqualification for these offices, from their not possessing the Sacerdotal character, which was essential to the dis- charge of certain duties incumbent on the principal mem- bers of the government. The commons were already re- solved to extort from the nobles the privilege of being eligible to office ; but it cost them a struggle of nearly ninety years. The tribunes began the attack (a. u. 308), by a motion in the senate, for a law to have one of the Consuls elected from each order ; and by another, which they had better have let alone, for giving full legal effect to marriages between patricians and plebeians. The aris- tocracy dreaded the proposal as to the consulship, and a compromise was effected. The office, meantime, was su- perseded by an annual board called Consular Military Tribunes, eligible from either order, and possessing the usual powers of the consuls, but not their rank or per- sonal privileges. The concession seems to have been understood on both sides as only temporary : and it is likely that the senate retained the power of determining annually, whether the magistrates for the ensuing year should be consuls or consular tribunes ; while the lists show, that till the abolition of the consular tribunate, this form of administration was only chosen on occasions of popular excitement, and that during forty years after its institution the commons were only once able to procure a place in the board for one of their o^vn order. The influence of the nobility on the elections was strength- ened by a novel expedient, apparently adopted in the hope of neutralizing the plebeian efforts ; namely, the appointment of patrician Censors, two officers elected by the centuries for a fixed period, to superintend the national revenues and works, to assess the public burdens, and to prepare the rolls both for the payment of taxes and for admission into the senate and centuries. It is sus- pected, on plausible grounds, that the judicial powers of TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 69 the consuls were also for a time transferred to the censors.* From this point we trace no efficient attempt of the commons to gain the magistracies, till 378, when the tri- bune Licinius Stolo introduced his three celebrated mea- sures, wliich he was not able to carry till 387. By his first law the Consulate was permanently re-established as the highest office of the state ; both orders of citizens were declared eligible ; and, with a very necessary pre- caution, it was provided, that one of the Consuls must always be a Plebeian. The nobles were only able to get the judicial functions of these magistrates finally separated from the office, and committed to the praetors, who at first were patricians.t The other two statutes of Licinius related to the Bank- ruptcy Law and the Public Domain. During the period which has been last considered, the grievances of the poorer plebeians, in regard to both of these matters, were repeatedly brought forward, and excited several danger- ous commotions. In the course of the fourth century of Rome, at least two eminent citizens expiated with their lives the crime of defending the poor against oppression. Spurius Mselius, a powerful commoner, was the first victim ; and the second was the patrician Marcus ]\Ian- lius, who, after having saved the Capitol from the Gauls, was judicially murdered, on a pretence of his aiming at the sovereignty, but truly for having protested for years against the insolvency laws and their abuse. The his- torians of the republic, and especially Li vy, the strenuous partisan of the aristocracy, would have us to believe, that both suffered deservedly ; and their fame has been overshadowed by that of their celebrated destroyers. For the dictator, by whose command Spurius was slain, was the venerable Cincinnatus ; and Manlius was killed, under a decree of the senate, " ne respublica," by the consular tribunes for the year, at the head of whom • Niebuhr, vol. ii. : On the Censorship and Consular Tribunes, t Livii Histor. lib. vi. cap. 35-42; lib. vii. cap. I. 70 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY was Camillus. We cannot now determine the motives either of Spurius or Manlius ; but nothing can be more certain than that the acts for which they died were patriotic and just. Licinius was more fortunate. For the first of the two evils Avhich he endeavoured to remove, it was indeed dif- ficult to find a remedy ; since a mere prospective altera- tion of the insolvency law would not have satisfied the wishes of the complainers, while a statute to extinguish all existing debts would have involved an injustice pal- pable even to the Romans, in spite of their characteristic hatred of usury. His temporary law, by which all interest already paid to creditors was imputed towards extinc- tion of the principal, on condition that the balance should be paid up by equal instalments in three years, probably answered its immediate purpose. It however left the sore to fester in the heart of the state, notwithstanding the successive statutes to regulate the currency ; and the distress of the lower classes generated a reckless spirit which powerfully contributed to the deterioration of the national character. The Licinian law as to the Public Domain, was one of those which from their subject were called Agrarian, a term which has sometimes been misunderstood.* None of the measures brought forward at Rome under this name contemplated any interference with private pro- perty, or its restriction to any fixed amount. They referred solely to the Public Domain, and to no portions even of that except such as were occupied by indivi- duals on sufferance, in the manner which has been already explained. As new districts were successively * See Heyne, Leges Agrariae pestiferae et execrabiles (Opus- eiila Academica, torn. iv. p. 350-373), a discourse written in 1793 against the agrarian propositions brought forward in the French republic. The track of inquiry which Heyne indicated was pro- secuted by Heeren in 1794, in his Geschichte der Revolution der Gracchen (Kleine Historische Schriften, vol. i. 1803). The difficulties which still encumbered the subject have been cleared up by Niebuhr, in his Sections (vol. ii.) on the Public Lands, the Early Assignments, and the Law of Spurius. TILL THE FALL OF TUE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 71 conquered, and the possession of them by the patricians and their vassal tenantry grow inveterate, the abuse be- came more glaring, and, at the same time, more difficult of redress. The law of Licinius, aided by the accom- panying reforms, appears for some time to have greatly ameliorated the condition of the poor. It had reference both to the public lands which might thereafter be acquired by the state, and to those which it had already conquered. In regard to all these, it enacted, tliat no Ro- man should be allowed to possess on the title of sufferance more than 500 jugera, or about 280 English acres ; that on those tracts which were reserved as common pastures, no one should graze more than a fixed number of cattle ; that, both for the arable ground and the pasturages, the customary tithes and other dues should be strictly levied ; and that the revenue thus arising t-o the exchequer should be publicly farmed out. Of the territory which the state had already acquired, every citizen who occupied any portion of it by sufferance, was allowed to retain 500 jugera, but all he possessed beyond that extent was to be taken from him ; and the land so seized was divided among the poorer class, in allotments of seven jugera, or about four acres, to each." We know that the ple- beians, or some of them, thenceforth contrived to obtain large portions of the domain, on the same footing on which such estates were formerly monopolized by the patricians : for Licinius himself was in a few years con- victed of violating his own law, by possessing more than the prescribed amount. From the mstitution of the tribunate to the time of this inconsistent reformer, we can trace no constitutional change unfavourable to the commons, except the dismem- berment of the consular functions, and certain alterations on the college of the plebeian tribunes. This board, the original number of which is uncertain, was, probably about the year 297, increased to ten members. At • Niebuhr, vol. iii. (untranslated), Romische Geschichte ; Dritter Theil ; Berlin. 1832; p. 13-23. 72 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY first a majority decided on all steps to be taken, and neither the minority nor single members could act in contravention of the resolutions so fixed. There was, however, introduced, between the years 839 and 860,'^ a dangerous rule, which subsisted till the dissolution of the republic ; namely, that any one tribune might, by his veto, stop the proceedings of the magistrates, the senate, or national conventions, and even of his own colleagues. But the hereditary aristocracy was already disarmed by the enactment of the Licinian laws : and the subsequent changes of the constitution proceeded with rapidity. In 401, the commoners established their eligibility to the omnipotent office of Dictator. In 40C, they gained ad- mission to the Censorship, and, ten years afterwards, the exclusive right to one of the two places at that board. In 420 the Prsetorship followed ; and as the Quaestor- ship had been already gained, they were now eligible to all places of civil trust a-nd honour. In 416, the plebeian dictator Publilius Philo, whose office enabled him to overcome the resistance of the patricians, carried in the centuries, and forced the senate to confimi, two remarkable laws. The First of these either simply renewed the Valerian law of 805, constituting the Convention of the Tribes a legislative body, or, at most, it fortified the principle of that measure by some new arrangement. But the Second Publilian law amounted to a radical change in the constitution. It annihilated at a blow the whole control which the senate had held over the Legislative functions of the Convention of the Centu- ries, leaving to it nothing but its veto on the electoral votes of that assembly. Instead of preparing the legisla- tive resolutions, and at pleasure allowing or forbidding them to be proposed to the people, the senate was by the new statute compelled, whenever such a resolution waa regularly laid before it, to pronounce, as matter of course, an edict permitting it to be moved in the convention ; and instead of the old rule, which gave the senate a second * Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 435. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 7^ veto on all such measures after the centuries had ap- proved of them, it was enacted that the legislative acts of the convention should have tlie force of law without being- sent back at all to the upper house.* The first fruit of this perilous innovation was a good measure, the Ptetelian law of 420, which abolished im- prisonment and bondage for debt.t In 454, the amalgamation of the two orders was com- pleted by the removal of the religious disqualifications of the plebeians, who were now admitted into the two great Collegesof the Priesthood, thatof the Pontiffs, the supreme ecclesiastical council, and that of the Augurs, in whose hands lay the auspices. These boards were at this stage equally divided between the two classes of citizens, but their members were self-elected. [j] The plebeians, of course, entered the priestly colleges m profound ignorance of the mysteries of the craft ; but they seem to have been apt pupils in political slight-of-hand, for, in the same ge- neration, the commoner Titus Coruncanius was the great- est authority in the laws ecclesiastical as well as civil. § An attempt of a tribune in the same year was soon after (though the precise date is unknown) confirmed by the law of Miienius, which extended to Elections in the Centuries the provision of the second Publilian law as to the legislative functions of that body.]] Over it the senate had now no control. The Publilian and Msenian laws furnished the tribunes with a hint which was speedily taken ; and indeed, for * Liv, lib. viii. cap. 12. Compare Niebuhr on the Publilian Laws (vol. iii. p. 167-173), and Schulze, p. 95, with Wachs- muth, p. 441. t Eo anno plebi Romana; velut aliud initium libertatis factum est, quod necti desierunt. Livii Histor. lib. viii. cap. 28. Ij: Dionys. Halic. lib. ii. cap. 73. Cicero Ad Familiares, lib. iii. ep. 10. The Pontifex Maximus, however, was always nominated by the people. By the Domitian Law of 650, the people received, but were not able permanently to retain, the right of nominating to all the priestly offices. Cic. De Lege Agraria, orat. ii. cap. 7. Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii. cap. 12. Suetonius in Nerone, cap. 2. 5 Niebuhr, vol. iii. p. 409-413 : On the Ogulnian Law. ', Ciceronis Brutus, cap. 14. 74 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY the preservation of consistency and order, it was abso- lutely necessary that, if these laws were to subsist, their principle should be extended to the Convention of the Tribes. Accordingly, in 468, the Hortensian Law com- pleted irretrievably the defeat of the patricians. The senate had never possessed the initiative in the proceed- ings of the Conventions of the Tribes ; but it exercised the veto. The Hortensian law abolished this negative, not, perhaps, on all resolutions of the tribes, but certainly on all questions except those of administration.* From this point of the history, the Convention of the Tribes must be considered as in every view a national coun- cil, embracing all orders of the state. It continues to be styled an assembly of the plebeians, and its resolutions acts of that body (plebiscita) ; but the plebs, or commonalty, which in the subsequent times of the republic the tribes represented, was not the old plebs : it was, in fact, com- posed simply of the poorer classes, many of whom might be, — and some, as we know, were, — men of pure patrician extraction ; and the new aristocracy, who kept at a distance from their meetings, and affected to despise them, Avere themselves, with very few exceptions, genuine plebeians. * Plinii Histor. Natur. lib. xvi. cap. 10. Auli GelliiNoct. Attic. lib. sv. cap. 27. Livii, epit. lib. xi. Valer. Maxim, lib. vi. cap. i. sect. 9. The terms of the three successive laws as to the Conven- tion of the Tribes (the Valerian, Publilian, and Hortensian), have reached us imperfectly : and we are left to interpret their real mean- ing and extent by the practice which followed. Niebuhr's theory of them, which depends on his great hypothesis, is the following : — The Valerian law enacted, that resolutions of the tribes should be law, on receiving the approval of the curicB. The Publilian law set aside the approval of the curiae, and substituted that of the senate, to be given either beforehand by their sending down a resolution, or after a vote of the tribes, by their adoption of it. The Horten- sian law declared the resolutions of the tribes to be eflFectual, without their either originating in the senate, or being subsequently approved by it : — '* A dangerous absoluteness, against which good sense struggled very long :" Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 365 — " In the latter centuries of the republic, enactments touching the constitu- tion were entirely independent of the senate : on the other hand, no decree of the plebeians affecting the administration could be promulgated without a previous ordinance of the senate." Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 221. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 75 THIRD AGE. THE ROMAN REl'UBLIC FROM ITS COMPLETE DEVELOPMENT TILL ITS FALL : A. u. 468—722, OR b. c. 286—32. The Character of the Times. — Although this is not the place which has been allotted for our systematic inquiry into the state of society and manners in Ancient Italy, the most prominent moral and statistical features of the period now to be considered must not, even at this stage, be passed over in silence. The military success of Rome, in which it is so diffi- cult not to rejoice, was based partly on her political in- stitutions, partly on the personal character and rural education of her burgher-soldiery. Trade was as yet con- fined to the vassals and to strangers ; literary cultivation belonged only to a few, and to these in no high degree ; and till the conquest of Southern Italy was accomplished, simplicity, or rather rudeness, marked the life and man- ners of the whole community. Greece and her colonies communicated to the higher classes of the Romans their literature, their philosophical scepticism, their love of the arts, and their luxury. Riches flowed in toiTents into the pubUc treasury. Individuals, too, became wealthy, some indeed enormously so, by commerce and money- lending, by easy grants of the national lands, b}^ pro- fitable leases of the revenues, and by monopolizing and abusing those numerous and lucrative offices required both at home and abroad, for the administration of a powerful republic. These private treasures lay in the liands of comparatively few, but patricians and ple- beians soon shared in them alike ; and in no long time, as the old patrician families died out, the wealth and power of the republic belonged almost exclusively to the plebeians, and chiefly to the equestrian order or knights ; a subdivision of that class whose status in the latter times of the commonwealth, though perhaps not entirely in the earlier, depended on a property qualification, 76 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY and who now contrived to engross trade and the farming of the revenue. The aristocracy of hirth speedily became insigniiicant : a new plebeian aristocracy arose, founding its nobility on the possession of public offices and seats in the senate, either by the individual or by his ancestors. These new senatorial, consular, and equestrian families, soon taught the poorer classes, that lands, money, and of- fice, can make men quite as tyrannical as old pedigrees can. At the fall of liberty, there existed only fifty houses of patrician blood, and not only do these furnish few of the characters who were great in the later history of the republic, but the few illustrious names of that order belong almost exclusively to families which had been obscure in the earlier times. We lose sight of the patrician families of the Manlii,the Claudii,the Fabii,and the Furii. The patrician race of the ^milii, long unkno\^^l to fame, gives us at length Paulus jEmilius, the conqueror of Macedon, and his son the younger Scipio ; and the Cor- nelian house, the most distinguished of the newer patri- cian families, gave birth in succession to the elder Scipio and to the dictator Sylla. But in the century imme- diately preceding the emph-e, the great men who could boast of old nobility became fewer and fcAver. The Julian house itself, the patrician nursery of the Csesars, was propped by the plebeian Aurelii, to whom belonged the mother of Julius Caesar, and by the plebeian Octavii, one of whom was the father of Augustus, the first emperor. Pompey also belonged to a plebeian race, no member of which was consul till 612 ; the Pisos were descended from the Calpurnii, the Metelli from the Csecilii, Brutus and Cassius from the Junii and Cassii ; all of these being plebeian families.* Some of the greatest Roman states- men, and almost all the eminent men of letters, were not only of the same order, but foreigners, being natives of the other Italian districts. Among the foreign states- men, it is enough to name Cato, Marius, and Cicero. * Augustinus de Familiis RomaBorum, and Fulvius Ursinus de Familiis Romanis Nobilioribus : (both treatises in Graevii Thesaur. Antiquitat. Roman, torn, vii.) TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 7/ The moral chtaracter of the lower classes degenerated as mpidly as that of the upper ranks, while their penury and indolence exposed them to temptations not felt hy the richer citizens. Early in the seventh century of Rome, the mass of the commonalty in the city were sunk into extreme poverty and vice ; evils which spread during the next hundred years like a pestilence. The whole agricultural population of Italy suffered very severely ; and the starvmg labourers, flocking to the capital, coalesced with its degraded populace. For half a century before the fall of the republic, an immense proportion of the people consisted of paupers, receiving the bounty of the state, and of hirelings who subsisted by selling their votes and their blood to the highest bidder. The E.iternal History of Rome. — The history of the Italiot and Sicilian Greeks now merges in that of Rome. Magna Graecia was harassed by the Syracusans, and by the native tribes, who, first led against it by the elder Dionysius, did not forget the lesson. These barbarians reduced several districts of the coast, destroying Psestum, Thurii, IMetapontum, and other towns. Some of the Greeks mcautiously entreated the aid of the Romans ; and tills caused the war with Pyrrhus the Epirote, who had in like mamier been invited by the Sicilians. In A. u. 481 the Romans took Tarentum, and made Magna Graecia one of their provinces. The neighbourhood of the Carthaginians in Sicily produced, in the year 490, the First Punic War, which lasted twenty-three years ; and its scene was chiefly in that island, on the coasts of which the Romans trained their new navy. By the final treaty the Africans evacuated all their Sicilian possessions, and paid the costs of the war. The second Hiero had by this time become sovereign of Syracuse, and his submission to Rome secured for his country, during his life, a peace wliich was truly little different from bondage. The contest with Carthage was followed by a compara- tively pacific interval of nearly twenty-four years, during 78 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY which the Romans forcibly seized Corsica and Sardinia, entered into friendly communication with Greece on subduing the Illyrian pirates, and extended their Italian garrisons to the north of the Po. In 536, Hannibal's celebrated passage over the Alps transferred to the very heart of his enemy's territories the seat of the Second Punic War, which raged for seven- teen years, in Italy, in Spain, in Africa, and in Sicily. This war was a game in which the world was the stake ; and nobly did the gamesters play it. There cannot be a more glorious proof of the political and moral strength of Rome during this period, than the unconquerable courage with which her citizens bore up against the most fear- ful calamities. Their defeats on the Ticinus and Trebia, were followed by that of the Thrasymene Lake and the fatal field of Cannte. Nearly all Italy revolted ; and the Romans stood enclosed like hunted beasts of prey. But the bark of their destiny was steered by two strong spirits, the angel of freedom and the demon of ambition ; and it rode proudly through the stomi. The instrument of their deliverance was Scipio Africanus the elder ; and Rome and Scipio found in Hannibal a worthy foe. By the defeat near Zama in Africa Carthage was ruined. She surrendered her fleet, that is, her commerce and her warlike strength. Italy, from Rhegium to the Alps, trembled and submitted ; and Sicily, already conquered by Marcellus, who took Syracuse in 541, was made formally a Roman province. Rome, without a year's delay, commenced that system of interposition in foreign affairs, that mock protection of liberty against tyranny, and of small states against great ones, which gave her a pretence for invasions, and enabled her, before the loss of her o\vn freedom, to form her mighty empire, embracing the fairest portion of Europe, some parts of Asia, and the neai'est coast of Africa. Greece was first attacked, and, by a humiliating dissimu- lation of its conquerors, was proclaimed a free state. Syria was next subdued, Macedonia reduced, and declared a re- public, and Carthage destroyed (a. u. 608), after that TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 79 desperate struggle of three years, which was called the Third Punic War, and which gave the surname of Africa- nus to Cicero's favourite hero, the younger Scipio. In the same year Corinth was taken, and both Greece and Macedonia were declared provinces of Rome. A large part of Spain was reduced ; conquests in Asia Minor were begun about the same time ; and, after the Social War (ending a. u. 665), successfully prosecuted by the Italians in order to extort the franchise, the Roman dominions abroad were extended by Marius, Sylla, and the soldiers of the last days of liberty. The Constitutional History of Rome. — The people were now, in fact, as in theor}^, the sovereigns of the state ; and in their conventions, the meanest citizen acted, and felt that he acted, as a legislator, a judge, and a prince. This erroneous notion as to the nature of the political franchise, while it was the root from which grew up the haughty patriotism of Rome, was also the cause of its speedy de- cline. The personal exercise of the legislative power became more dangerous with every accession to the num- ber of citizens, and with every step which individuals made towards the acquisition of extraordinary wealth. Be- tween the years 594 and 639, we have eight statements of the number of citizens entered on the censor's roUs. The smallest return is 313,823, and the largest 894,336. In A. u. 725, Augustus took a census, and the three au- thorities which give us the returns (Eusebius, Suidas, and the iMonumentum Ancyranum), concur, with minor differences, in stating the numbers at more than four milhons.*-" The political rights vested by law in this immense multitude were in practice exercised for the whole mass, by the few thousands that tumultuously filled the place of meeting in the city. The unavoidable ruin of the republic was precipitated by keeping up the Tribunitial College, which the reforms in the constitution had rendered worse than useless ; a board possessing, in the veto of its members, a power * Beaufort ; Republique Romaine, livre iv. chap. 4. 80 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY which ought to be lodged in the higher, not the lower, orders of the state, and which, fortified by the in- violability of the tribunes, was greatly extended by then- additional prerogative of presidency in the convo- cation of the tribes. The people, no doubt, required authorized protectors ; but the form of the protection which the tribunate afforded them was altogether defec- tive : it was too weak in good and too strong in evil ; and it tended not immaterially to generate that ruinous spirit of antipathy which soon prevailed between the upper ranks and the great mass of the population. During the two hundred and fifty years which pre- ceded the fall of the republic, we may mark distinctly three Constitutional Stages. The first, occupying a century and a half, was, upon the whole, one of order. The second, of fifty-one years, commencing with the Gracchi, and closing with the usurpation of Sylla, was a time of internal struggles, and ended in the temporary destruction of liberty. In the third era, which also lasted fifty-one years, the constitution was dormant or extinct, and oligarchical rule alternated with civil war. 1 . In the first of these periods two important changes took place. The earlier of the two completely destroyed the here- ditary constitution of the senate. The officers of state were originally entitled to a place in that body during their period of office ; and they soon acquired a right, after the expiration of their functions, to claim from the censors enrolment as senators for life. At length, but probably not till after the time of the Gracchi, those officers, whose numbers were now larger, retained their seats without any formal enrolment. Military service in situations of responsibility also gave a claim to admis- sion on the roll ; and the censors filled up the remain- ing vacancies nearly at discretion, giving effect, however, to a property qualification. A few regulations of this celebrated council may be specified before we trace it to its fall. The senate could be summoned only by the highest magistrate in town, TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 81 or by the tribunes. Its regular meetings took place three times a-month ; but it could convene daily, and always sat within consecrated walls. The functionary who had called the meeting (excepting perhaps the tri- bunes), presided in it, called up the speakers, and collected the votes in a fixed order. A certain part of the senators, those probably, in later times, who had not borne office, possessed votes without the right of addressing the assem- bly. The vote was taken by dividing the house. There was a fixed quorum, perhaps 100 members ; and if the number w^as not present, any member could have the house counted out.* The second alteration was one which has been gene- rally overlooked, but which clearly took place, and goes far to account for the fact that we read of no collisions between the convention of the centuries and that of the tribes, though in the age of the republic now under review the two were really quite co-ordinate. The former retained only some exclusive privileges, the chief of which was the right of electing all officers of state, except the tribunes and other plebeian functionaries. The important change now to be described annihilated or materially impaired the monopoly of influence wliich the richer citizens had possessed in that convention. The division into Classes was retained, but the number of Centuries, assigned by Servius to each Class, was altered. Each of the highest five classes, excepting the first, now received an equal number of centuries ; pro- bably seventy, as we learn that the number bore relation to that of the tribes. This change did not take place till after the year of the city .512, when the number of the tribes had been raised to thirty-five, and there is reason to believe that it was introduced in a. u. 673. The gross majority of votes seems henceforth to have been possessed by the first, second, and third classes together ; and as we do not hear of any rise in the qualification, a large num- • Beaufort, Republique Romaine, livre ii. chap. 1. Middleton on the Roman Senate, part ii. VOL. I. R 82 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY ber of the citizens must, long before the change, have been admissible into these, through the inilux of wealth into the state, and the depreciation of the cun-ency.* 2. The first events of the second stage were the com- motions excited by the noble but incautious Gracchi, the grandsons of the great Scipio. The growth of the * The subject is curious, and has received little attention. The main proof is to be found in Livy, lib. i. cap. 43. — " It is not surprising," says he, "that the present number of the centuries does not correspond to that established by Servius ; for, after the number of the tribes had been made up to thirty-five, the number of the centuries was so arranged, that for each tribe" (earum refers to trihus, not to centuriis), "there were now two centuries, a senior and a junior." The chief difficulty is, the reconciling of this statement with the known fact that the classes subsisted to the last. An obscure hint, contained in an old note to the passage (Drakenborch's Livy, note of Fulvius Ursinus, derived from the monk Pantagathus, who died in 1494), has been followed out by the celebrated Savigny, in a paper first published in 1805, in Professor Hugo's Civil Law Magazine : (Civilistisches Magazin, Berlin, 1812, vol. iii. p. 307). Savigny's theory is the following :— He supposes that each of the first five classes was divided into 70 centuries, receiving from each of the 35 tribes a senior and a junior century ; tliat, in addition to the centuries so formed, the equestrian centuries continued to belong to the first class, and that their number was raised also, but only to 35, not to 70, because these centuries, as Savigny holds (founding on a very explicit passage, Quinti Ciceronis De Petit. Consulat. cap. 8), were all juniors, composing not the whole equestrian order, but a body selected from it ; and that the sixth class continued to form only one century. In this way, the first class would contain 105 centuries, the second, third, fourth, and fifth 70 centuries each, and the sixth ] ; — making in all 386. (It may perhaps be remarked, that there is no clear evidence that the number of the eques- trian centuries was at all increased ; and Professor Hugo observes ; 1st, that probably no citizens of the first class were taken from any of the four Urban tribes ; and, 2dly, that it cannot be assumed as certain whether the subdivision into seniors and juniors extended lower than the first three classes.) The date of this alteration is fixed with much probability by Professor Schulze (Volksversamm- lungen, p. 75). In Livy's history (xl. 51 ; a. u. 573) is a difficult passage, describing an alteration in the mode of voting (sufFragia), which has been usually applied to the convention of the tribes, but which Schulze refers to that of the- centuries, on the ground that we know the former assembly to have never admitted sub- divisions, while the latter always admitted subdivisions of the very kinds which Livy here mentions. ( See Cicero De Legibus, lib. iii. cap. 19.) TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 83 people's collective power, and that of their personal %vretchedness, had of late kept equal pace. The exer- tions of Tiberius Gracchus, as tribune, were confined to the remedy of personal misery. His first measure, which was carried and allowed to fall asleep, was a new Agrarian Law, reviving that of Licinius, though -wdth several necessary mitigations : his second was an un- successful attempt to procure a grant from the treasury, for enabling the poor to stock the famis which his other act was to give them.* Tiberius, calumniated and intrigued against by the body of the patricians, and weakly aided by his few aristocratic friends, such as Appius Claudius, Scaevola the lawyer, and the orator Crassus, was at length (a. u. 620) deserted by the un- grateful people, and murdered. His younger brother, Caius, stepped into the breach, fired both by patriotism and by a burning thirst for revenge ; and he too fell (a. u. 632), without benefiting the indigent more than Tiberius had done. He procured, indeed, a renewal of his brother's agrarian law, and also caiTied through his other measure ; but both enactments were cunningly eluded. Another law of Caius, wliich experienced the same fate, was one for forming permanent magazines of grain, and delivering their contents to the poor at a price far below their value ; a proposition forming the first step towards that legalized pauperism, which, unaccompanied by political disfranchisement of the paupers, soon became systematic in Rome. In other changes which he ad- vocated, he attacked the prerogatives of the senate and the officers of state ; and, by giving to the equestrian order the exclusive right of serving as judices or jurymen, a privilege formerly belonging to the senators, he at- tempted to unite the fonner into a body having an in- terest separate from that of the senate. The last undertaking of Caius which requires notice, * Appianus De Bellis Civilibus, lib. i. cap. 9. Plutarchus in Tiberio Graccbo, cap. 8. Heeren, Kleine Schriften, vol. i. p. 179, et seq. Compare Hooke, book vi. chap. 7. 84 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY was likewise intended to strengthen the anti-senatorial party. He proposed that aU the inhabitants of Middle and Lower Italy should receive the Roman franchise. To a few Italian towns and districts citizenship had been granted, always under restrictions, and in most cases without votes. The rest, under various titles, as colonies, prefectures, and the like, were refused all such rights, and treated like conquered enemies: they paid heavy taxes, fi'om which all Romans were exempted ; they had to support expensive establishments of Roman governors, with their troops ; and, besides the various humiliations to which they were subjected, many of them were plundered and oppressed without protection or redress. All classes suffered alike ; and the noblest native of a country town, himself viewed as an alien, might every day see a wealthy Roman manumit hundreds of slaves, and thus raise them into the rank of citizens. These causes of discontent, remaining unremoved, pro- voked, in thirty years after the death of Caius, a general war against the Romans, in which there fell on both sides 300,000 men. In the year 666, the dominant na- tion, at leng-th humbled, passed successive laws, con- ferring the franchise on the whole Italian population as far northward as the Amo and the Rubicon ; and Julius Caesar extended the citizenship to the inhabitants of Upper Italy. Before and during the agitation kept up by the Gracchi, the Ballot* was gradually introduced into every proceeding of the National Conventions. The ground assigned for the measure w^as intimidation on the part of the new aristocracy ; and that body yielded to the popular demand, considering this grievance more tolerable than impeachments, or the loss of the public lands. The ballot was first introduced, in a. u. 614, in the voting at elections; and in G16 it was extended to the judicial votes of the people in all criminal causes, except im- ■ Tabellam — vindicem tacitse libertatis. Cicero De Lege Agraria, orat. ii. cap. 2. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 85 peachments for treason. In 625, during the heat of the agrarian agitation, it was adopted in their legisla- tive votes ; and, finally, in 630, it was applied to trials for treason.* We know that the degradation of the political assemblies proceeded after this time with tenfold rapidity ; that intimidation gave place to bribery ; and that voting became a profitable and easy trade. A new coinage of words became necessary, to describe the machmery of corruption. The " Interpretes" were go- betweens, who closed the bargain with individuals, or with whole tribes or guilds ; the " Sequestres" were the holders of the cash, employed with a view to evade the frequent bribery-laws ; the " Divisores" handed the money to the party, and bore the same name with the officials who delivered the ballots before the vote. The whole class of such agents were termed " Sodales" (good fellows) ; and they and those they bribed were included under the name of " Operge Campestres" (political ope- ratives). For the state offence of which the bribers were guilty, the laAvyers invented the name of " Decuriatio," or "Descriptio Populi."t But other causes of deprava- tion were also at work : the constituency of that place and time was the very worst subject on which the experi- ment could have been tried, even in its application to bodies simply electoral ; and the extension of the ballot to legiskitive and judicial votes, — a vice which the Roman constitution borrowed from the senates and tribunals of the Greek commonwealths, and transmitted to the Italian republics of the Middle Ages, — was a violation of prin- ciple which corrupted the system in every branch. The political ingredients of the poison which de- stroyed liberty, were completed by the moral deteriora- tion of the army. Caius Marius, on whose head rests the guilt of the civil wars, being made consul in a. u. 647, received among his troops the lowest class of citizens, • Schulze, p. 256. Cicero De Legibus, lib. iii. cap. 16. ■f Schulze, p. 162-169 : — Beaufort, Republique Romaine, livre iii. chap. 6. Cicero, in his Third Book De Legibus, dis- cusses at great length the principle and operation of the ballot. 86 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY who had never yet been allowed (for that was the Roman word) to serve as soldiers of their country. The precedent was followed by all the parties who successively possessed political ascendency ; largesses from the general or from the treasury, and promised grants of public lands, soon trained up a mercenary host, no longer the servants of the state, but the hirelings of their captain. The com- mander of the army was hencefoi-th the ruler of the commonwealth ; and if laws continued to be enacted, touching either the constitution or the administration, they were enacted for show, and the great men's obedi- ence to them was purely matter of condescension. 3. This is in brief the character of the last half-cen- tury of the republic. In reference to the constitutional history of the commonwealth, this age is almost use- less ;* but the Campus Martius and the Forum were never more interesting ; for they were the stage on which appeared Cato, Cicero, Caesar, and Brutus. Sylla, playing off the selfish alarms of the rich against the wanton wretchedness of the poor, became by war and murder king of Rome for three years, giving to his military usurpation the old name of the Dictatorship, though without any ground of analogy, t His finn hand protected public order and personal freedom, especially in the harassed provinces ; and he promulgated a code of constitutional laws, which are remarkable as a bold medicine applied unsuccessfully in an incurable disease. He anniliilated the democratic principles of the republic, and made the senate its sovereigns. He strengthened that council by enrolling in it 300 of the wealthiest knights ; he completely restored its judicial functions, and its ini- tiative and veto in all the proceedings of the conventions ; * Cicero strikingly characterizes the times in the observation which he says was addressed to his grandfather by the consul Scau- rus, just before the rise of Marius. " AVe do not at present ac- knowledge any laws of the constitution as subsisting : we are either concocting new laws, or trying to reinstate old ones which we have lost," — De Legibus, lib. iii. cap. 16. t Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la Prima Deca di Livio, lib. i. cap. 34. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 87 and he enlarged its control over the officers of the execu- tive. He re-established the Servian constitution of the centuries, and abolished the assembly of the tribes alto- gether. He deprived the plebeian tribunes of every pre- rogative except the veto, which he restricted to certain cases, probably those of personal aggression ; and he art- fully made their office contemptible, by declaring the holders of it to be ever afterwards ineligible to any public place. He lessened the power and influence of the elec- tive dignities of state, by increasing the number of the in- dividuals holding them ; and introduced a rule (which subsisted in law, if not always in practice, till the end of the republic), that persons should rise to the consulship through the inferior offices by a fixed gradation, and should not be a second time appointed till after an interval of ten years. The system scarcely survived its projector, who voluntarily abdicated in a. u. 678. In a few years the tribunes recovered their wonted influence, and the national assemblies were placed on their former footing. The senate, however, struggled to retain their new privileges, and in most particulars succeeded. Every one is familiar with the events which followed, and with the character of the actors. In a. u. G87, Cneius Pompeius, misnamed the Great, having contrived to render the populace manageable by the re-institution of the tribuneship, obtained powers which for a time laid the state at his feet. Three years afterwards, Cicero, elected to the consulship by Pompey's interest, crushed the insurrection of Catiline, with a firmness which his subsequent political conduct wholly wanted. The reso- lute and high-piincipled Cato was next, through the same influence, appointed a tribune of the commons. Julius Cjesar's rise followed : and his unjustifiable league with Pompey and Crassus, called the First Triumvirate, no sooner transpired than the small body of patriots de- serted the new oligarchy. Cicero and Cato were imme- diately punished by exile ; and Pompey's attempt to degrade his rival led to the invasion of Italy by Cfesar at the head of his devoted troops. The battle of Phar- bo THE POLITICAL HISTORY OP ITALY salia crushed the party of Pompey ; and Julius, though he never received the royal title, was truly king of Rome during the four years which closed with his assassina- tion by Brutus and the other republican conspirators. His reign was long enough for the refonn of much that was amiss ; but his usurpation resembled that of Sylla in little except the bloodshed which conducted to it, and the moderation with which the dominion, when once at- tained, was exercised. Caesar unequivocally aimed at the establishment of a military monarchy ; and while he checked the power of the people, and monopolized the public offices, he purposely degraded the senate, by giving seats to his o^^^l dependents, and even to foreigners.* The parties which had been recently formed for main- taining the cause of constitutional liberty, had strength- ened themselves by siding with the senatorial aristocracy against the combined forces of the successive oligarchies and their tools the populace. The slayers of Caesar, however, appear to have acted without a fixed plan, and received no efficient support from either of the two great factions. In truth their dream of freedom for Rome was nothing more than a dream. The Romans were fallen ; and it was better they should for a time serve one master than three or a hundred. This was exactly the opinion of the people themselves. The commonalty in the city, by deserting Brutus and his associates, significantly declared themselves unworthy to be free. The rest of the Italians were equally apathetic ; the foreign provincials were posi- tively hostile to the revolution ; and the tyrannicides had to levy forced and heavy taxes from the towns within their reach, in order to pay the hireling soldiers who composed the army of liberty .+ With the two battles of Philippi, in which Brutus and Cassius died, the repub- • The Romans resented the intrusion of the strangers, and ex- pressed their anger in pasquinades on Caesar's barbarian senate, several of which have been preserved. One placard in the streets was in the following terras : — '* If any new senator asks the way to the senate-house, it is particularly requested that no one will give him the information." Suetonius in Julio, cap. 80. t Taciti Annalium, lib. i. cap. 2. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 89 lican party was at an end ; a struggle of eleven years fol- lowed between Caesar's kinsman, Octavius, and his weaker rivals for empire, Antony and Lepidus, who had formed with him the Second Triumvii-ate ; in 722, the battle of Actium destroyed Antony, the last competitor ; and the conqueror founded the imperial power in Rome, becom- ing its first emperor under the title of Augustus. The System of Administration and Finance. — During the whole republican period, the interest of Italian his- tory centres in the capital. But the system pursued by the Romans both towards their dependent provinces, and towards the municipalities which, arranged in different classes, abounded in Italy, as well as abroad, opens a field of inquiry in which very important results may be gathered. It is, however, too wide to be fully embraced in a sketch like the present. At the end of the republican times, we have to con- sider the Italian peninsula as reduced, for the purposes of general government, into one united province, placed im- mediately under the superintendence of the supreme rulers of the state. Sicily formed a second province, admini- stered by a governor of its own, and subdivided into dis- tricts for judicial and financial purposes : Sardinia and Corsica together composed a third, having its principal seat of authority in the former island.* The municipal system in Italy was still complicated, since those towns which possessed a civic constitution continued to be classed as municipia, colonies, or prefec- tures ; distinctions involving differences of local govern- ment and right which are not altogether well ascertained. The municipia, however, the most favoured class, pos- sessed their own curise or town-councils, their magis- tracies, and their funds, separated from the general re- venue of the state, and appropriated exclusively to the public service of the community. The municipalities will present themselves more prominently to our notice, when we glance at the polity of the Lower Empire. • Sigonius de Antique Jure Provinciarum, lib. i. cap. 3, 4 : (In Graevii Thesaur. Antiquit. Roman, torn, ii.) yO THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY The financial system of the Romans must be examined rather more closely.* The national religion was supported by lands and other funds set apart for the purpose, and exempted from all public burdens. The heaviest expense of the state arose from the pay of the army and the necessary charges for its support ; besides which, there were the allowances to public functionaries, and the sums required for the purchase of grain in the frequent seasons of scarcity. The chief sources from which the public revenues flowed, were the following : — There were, in the first place, four principal sorts of impositions which lay primarily and originally on Italy, and may be regarded as having been the only burdens directly affecting those who possessed the full Roman franchise. 1. From the reign of Servius all the citizens were long subject to a property-tax (tributum), which, though not exacted every year, seldom failed to be so. Its amount was determined by the public exigencies for the time, and it was assessed in conformity to the returns made in the census last preceding. On the conquest of Macedon in a.u. 586, this tax ceased to be levied ; and although similar impositions were sometimes laid on in later times, commencing with one exacted by the second triumvirate in the year 711, we may consider the old property-tax to have never systematically revived after its first discontinuance.t 2. In all the seaports • Consult, for details on this head, Burmannus De Vectigalibus Populi Romani, 1734; and Hegewisch's excellent Historischer Versuch iiber die Roinischen Finanzen, 1804. A good deal may be learned also from Bnllengerus De Tributis ac Vectigalibus Populi Romani (in Graevii Thesaur. torn. viii. ) ; and from Bosse ; GrundzUge des Finanzwesens im Rbmischen Staate, 1804. But the principle of the leading taxes is distinctly unfolded nowhere, except in an admirable though short paper by Savignyon the Land- tax and Poll-tax of the imperial times, in the Transactions of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Berlin for 1822-1823 : (p. 27-71 : Ueber die Romische Steuerverfassung unter den Kaisern). ■f •• The census ceased at the end of the Macedonian war. All later accounts of property-taxes relate merely to insulated, transitory exactions, and to no systematic or permanent regula- tion." — Savigny, p. 56. TILL THE FALL OP THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 91 of the Roman dominions, there were collected duties ad valorem on merchandise imported and exported. The owners of the goods were obliged to declare their quantity and value ; undeclared articles were forfeited ; and the rules as to the officials and other matters were not unlike modem custom-house regulations.* In the year of the city 693 these customs were, on the instiga- tion of Pompey, abolished in the Italian ports, and were not re-established there during the existence of the republic. 3. From the year 398, the master of every manumitted slave paid a tax of 5 per cent, on his value ; and this imposition seems to have become very produc- tive. 4. A duty was early imposed on salt, which, ac- cording to a system adopted by some modern governments, was next converted into a state-monopoly. A second class of permanent revenues was derived from foreign conquests. For imderstanding the provincial taxation, however, we must clear the way by putting out of view those conj&scated lands, usually a third of a conquered province, which formed the Public Domain. The early abuses of these territories in Italy have been described, and it has only to be added, that before the accession of Augustus the whole was irrecoverably alienated. The foreign de- mesnes were less glaringly misappropriated ; for, if arable, they were either sold, remaining subject to a perpetual ground-rent, or let for a valuable consideration, or assign- ed for small annual payments, to the soldiers or other poorer citizens. Pasture-lands, and forests allowing pas- turage, were retained by the government, who le%'ied a fixed sum on every head of cattle that grazed on those tracts. In relation to the domain, in short, the state was in the position of a landlord or proprietor ; and this part of its revenue must be carefully distinguished from that which it derived from the provincial territories as a sovereign. We now pass to this second part of the revenue, arising * Burmann, cap. v. p. 58, et seq. 92 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY from lands which continued to belong in property to the subjects of the state. After all the Italians bad obtained the rank of Roman citizens, the rule was this, that all lands in Italy were free from taxation. The property- tax, into which the value of the soil, of course, entered, had been long abolished ; and therefore the Italian land- holder paid no tax on account of his estates, and no direct tax whatever except that on manumissions. But the rule farther bore, that all provincial lands should pay taxes ; and Cicero tells us how these were managed in his time.* In all the provinces, except Sicily, the lands were subjected either to a fixed tax in money, or to variable impositions, which were commonly farmed out in Rome by the censors. We know from other sources that these variable imposts, or the chief of them, consisted in proportions of the annual fruits, usually a tenth of grain, and a fifth of oil, wine, and garden produce. Cicero goes on to inform us, that all the estates in Sicily were in one or another of three positions. 1. The greater part of them, including indeed all except those which fall under the second or third heads, paid the same proportions of fruits (called decumas or tithe), with which they had been burdened in the time of Hiero, and the imposition was administered by that prince's rules. It was farmed out, but in small lots, which were set up to lease on the ground, and were usually taken by the tithe-payers themselves, at a very moderate rent or composition. 2. The lands of a few to^vns which had been reduced after resistance, paid the same sort of vari- able proportions of their fruits ; but the returns from these were leased out by the censors in Rome to the com- mon farmers of the revenue. In short, lands of this description were exactly in the same situation as most of those in other provinces. 3. The territories attached to seven towns which had aided the Romans in their wars, were exempted from all land-taxes. * Cicero in Verrem ; act. ii. lib. iii. cap. 6, and Savigny's ex- planations. TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 03 These were the usual rules of the provincial land-taxes, which soon became the principal source of the state- revenue. INIines and minerals were taxed separately ; and from the agricultural provinces, the principal of which were Sicily, Sardinia, Africa, and Macedon, ex- traordinary supplies of corn were exacted, when scarcity prevailed at Rome. Customs on merchandise were intro- duced in all the ports of the provinces, on the same system as in the havens of Italy. It has been stated at the commencement, that the senate always possessed the prerogative of taxing the people ; and it had also the whole management of the revenue ; for to it the Qufestors or provincial collectors accounted directly, without dependence on the proconsul or prae- tor who was the local governor. The more weighty branches of the revenue were farmed on leases of five years, all the taxes of a province being usually con- tracted for in one lot. The amount of expenditure re- quired for such speculations obliged the equestrian order, the capitalists of the republic, to form copartneries for taking the leases ; and the united wealth of these monied houses accelerated the growth of an undue influence, which its holders abused grossly, both in their political intrigues and in their oppression of the provincials. 94 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY CHAPTER II. The Political History of Italy under the Roman Empire, A. u. 722— A. u. 1229; or b. c. 32— a. d. 476. Fourth Age : The Heathen Empire (b. c. 32 — a. d. 306)— List of Emperors — Their personal Characters— Tenure of the Empire —The Political Franchise lost— The Military Force— The Fi- nancial System— The Two Exchequers— The Revenue — New Taxes and Burdens— Mode of Collection — The Municipalities — Their Prosperity — The general Decay— The Last Age of Hea- thenism — Fifth Age : The Christian Empire (a. d. 306 — A. D. 476) — List of Emperors— Disastrous External History — The Fall of the Empire in Italy— State of Public Feeling— Con- stantine's Administrative System — The Land and Poll Taxes — Ruin of the Municipalities — Their Constitutions — Singular Posi- tion of their Councillors. FOURTH AGE. THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN HEATHENISM. A. u. 722—1059 : or b. c. 32— a. d. 306. 32. Octav'ius Csesar, called, from B. c. 27, Augustus BIRTH OF OUR SAVIOUR. A. D. 14. Tiberius Caesar 37. Caius Caesar, called Caligula 41 . Claudius Caesar 64. Nero Caesar 68-69. Galba, Otho, Vitellius 69. Flavius Vespasianus 79. Titus 81. Domitianus A. D. 96. Nerva 98. Trajanus 117. Hadrianus 138. Antoninus Pius 161. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 180. Commodus 193. Pertinax, Didius Julianus 193. Septimius Severus 211. Bassianus, called Caracalla 217. Macrinus 218. Bassianus, called HeHoga- balus 222. Alexander Severus UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 95 A.D. 235-237. Maximinus, Gordianus I., Gordianus II., Pupie- nus Maximus, Balbinus 237. Gordianus III. 244. Philippus the Arab 249. Decius 251-263. Gallus, Hostilianus, Volusianus 253. iEmilianus 253. Valerianus 260-268. Gallienus, and the Re- bels called the Thirty Ty- rants A. D. 268. ClaudiuSjSurnamedGothicus 270. Aurelianus 275. Tacitus 276. Probus 282-284. Carus, with Carinus and Numerianus 284.Diocletianus ; assuming(286) Maximianus as co-em- peror, and (292) Galerius and Constantius Chlorus as Caesars 305. Galerius and Constantius Chlorus The three centuries and a half during which classical paganism was the recognised religion of the empire, embrace deeply interesting events in the personal history of the emperors and other celebrated men. They display extremes of vice and virtue as widely distant as those wliich marked the republican times ; although the sphere in which good men as well as bad now acted, was very different from that wliich had been open to their free ancestors. Augustus, whose real character was seen in the cold-blooded atrocities of his youth, assumed a seem- ing meekness along with the kingly power. The four Csesars who succeeded him were, each in his own way, cruel and worthless despots. Vespasian was a wise man ; his eldest son, Titus, was a good one ; the third emperor of the same family was one of the worst of the Roman tyrants. For more than eighty years after Domitian's murder, the throne was filled by a series of monarchs as prudent and just as the world has ever possessed : Trajan, the second in the list, was a model for sovereigns ; his successor was better as a prince than as a man ; and the two Antonines were better men than princes. But the century and a quarter which elapsed between the acces- sion of Commodus and the end of the heathen period, formed a gloomy age, of whose public wretchedness the shortness of the imperial reigns is one pregnant proof. Some of the autocrats were oppressors ; several, like Alexander Severus, Pertinax, and Tacitus, were vu-tuous and excellent persons; Septhnius Severus, Aurelian, 96 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY Probus, and others, were brave and successful soldiers ; and Diocletian, with whom the period almost closes, was a stem but most able ruler. The personal history of the emperors has been told so often and so well, that there is the less reason for regretting the narrow limits which here forbid more minute details. The pagan period commences by exhibiting the em- pire in its highest glory and prosperity ; it embraces two centuries during which the universal dominion of Rome seemed to stand firm ; and then, by a swift descent, the book of its annals leads us to a point at wliich the colossal fabric totters and is ready to fall. A volume would be required for delineating even in the barest outline the facts of those active ages, and the prin- ciples by which the events were ruled.'^^ The purpose which this chapter is designed to serve will be in some degree answered, if we survey in rapid succession a very few pouits, relating to the Tenure of the Imperial Tlirone, the Financial System of the empu-e, and its rules of Provincial and Municipal Government. The title by which Augustus pretended to the sove- reignty, was that of a free election by the people, re- newed from time to time. All names, forms, and cere- monies, which the free constitution held illegal, were carefully shunned ; and all that the spirit of liberty had honoured, were protected and brought paradingly for- ward. But the republicanism was a wretched mask through which every man of iaformation saw distinctly, though none was strong enough to tear off the disguise. From the very commencement of the first reign all the powers, both of the senate, the popular conventions, and the magistracies, were virtually and effectually secured to the emperor. The new prince united by degrees in his own * Gibbon's Decline and Fall, with all its faults, remains, and probably will always remain, the highest authority on all the great questions of the Imperial History, except indeed one, the very greatest, namely, the rise and progress of Christianity. The an- notations annexed by Mr Milman to a late edition of the work, are well calculated to neutralize its most dangerous errors. UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 97 person all the ancient offices of state ; or, at least, though he allowed tlie appointment of colleagTies, he intrusted to them no shai-e of the real administration. He founded, on his a^umption of the tribunesliip, a claim of personal in- violability, and on his title of Imperator, wliich we trans- late Emperor, a prerogative of absolute military com- mand, not only beyond the city, which was the repub- lican rule, but also witliin it ; an extension of powers which directly contradicted the old constitution. His generalship of the armies, indeed, aided by the official weakness and personal subserviency of the senate, con- stituted the true ground on which liis monarchy rested. But in appearance he was only the first of the senators ; the august forms of the assembly were treated with profound respect ; and the sovereign sheltered his ordi- nances under its name. The National Conventions were used with equal con- sideration. Their legislative functions, it is true, were immediately allowed to drop, and the people never had spirit enough to insist on claiming them : but for a good many years the citizens were regularly summoned to elect the magistrates of the state ; and, with a flat- tering deference to the distant Italian towns, Augustus framed regulations by which the votes of their muni- cipal councils were taken, and transmitted to Rome in a sealed record, to be counted along with those wliich the inhabitants of the city gave personally in the Campus Martins. But when, in the later years of his reign, the crafty emperor felt his OAvn strength, he restricted the elective franchise to a conge d'elire. His successor, Tiberius, taking from the people even this shadow of privilege, formally presented to them the officer whom he had himself selected, without so much as pretending that his nomination required to be confirm- ed by the meeting. Caligula restored the right of elec- tion, but almost immediately took it away again ; and in his time we may consider the last mai'k of free citizenship to have been blotted out. The power of Augustus in the capital was protected by liis body-guards, the famous Praetorian Cohorts. This VOL. I. .F 98 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY dangerous band, receiving double pay and honorary dis- tinctions, originally consisted of 10,000 men, afterwards of 15,000 or more, all of whom were Italians. Scptimius Severus remodelled them, increasing their number to 60,000, and filling up their ranks almost entirely from the barbarians of the transalpine provinces. Foreigners had been already admitted by Commodus into the legion- ary army ; and the step taken by Severus completed the ruin of military spirit in Italy. The soldiery had long before that time become the electors of the emperors. The family of the Caesars, whose jfiive successive reigns had given to the state the aspect of an hereditary mon- archy, was extinct with Nero ; but even he and his pre- decessor had been placed on the throne by the praetorian guards, on the promise of a large donative, w^hich became indispensable on the accession of every new prmce. Ves- pasian was raised to the sovereignty by the troops whom he had commanded ; Nerva was elevated in the same manner ; and no ruler made any attempt to curb the power either of the legionary soldiers or of the guards. But the influence of the army was sometimes eluded through the expedient introduced by Octavius, who nominated his successor during his own life ; and from the time of Hadrian, the person thus appointed received the honorary title of Caesar, that of Augustus remaining with the em- peror. The weakness of Marcus Aurelius, in giving the throne to his profligate son Commodus, produced a con- test among the soldiery, in the course of which the guards openly exposed the imperial honours to sale, and disposed of them to the highest bidder, Julianus, a rich old lawyer. The legionaries, liowever, immediately bestowed the empire on their commander, Septimius. Till the murder of the amiable Alexander Sevems, in- trigues in the palace alternated with mutinies in the camp in fixing the succession ; but for half a century after that event, every emperor, except Tacitus alone, was merely the general of one or another of the imperial armies, and was carried to the throne from his tent, usually passing over the dead body of his predecessor. Several of the princes thus selected were men of the UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 99 lowest origin and grossest ignorance ; some were foreign- ers ; and the list embraces Pannonians, Goths, and an energetic but prudent Arab robber. The fii-mness of the warlike Diocletian, who was the son of a Dalmatian slave, ensured the sovereignty in a regular succession to himself and Maximian, and to their natural or adopted heirs, till the death of Julian. Tlie Financial System of the republic was entirely abandoned by Augustus, and a series of important changes at the same time facilitated the growth of the imperial prerogative, and augmented the misery and weakness of the empire.* He readily acknowledged the right of the senate to administer the state-treasury (the ^rarium), and to impose and assess the taxes which were to fill its chests. But, reserving to hunself the military command, he established a second treasury (the Fiscus), which, though supplied from sources pointed out by the senate, was to be administered for the support of the army by the emperor, without control or interference. The fiscus, like the serarium, was theoretically admitted to be the property of the state ; but from the form of its superin- tendence, and the accessions it received, it was, as early as the time of Trajan, regarded as really the property of the sovereigns, its administrators. The provinces were divided into Senatorial, managed by the senate, and Imperial, managed by the emperors. The latter, which were the more productive, delivered their taxes and im- positions wholly into the fiscus ; and even in the other class of provinces, from an early period of the empire, the same exchequer received also all those state-revenues, which, by the practice of the republic, had been usually appropriated to the army. These included the income derived from the public woods and pasturages ; which came in this way to be considered as the Imperial Domain. In foct,the 86 rarium received even from the senatorial pro- vinces nothing except the customs. Farther, every new tax, with no important exception, was made payable into * On the imperial finances, consult (besides the authorities cited In the prccedincr chapter) Gibbon, chap. vi. But one indispensable source of information is Savigny's paper formerly referred to. 100 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY the fiscus. From the beginning, the two treasuries were practically under the control of the emperors ; and at last the aerarium completely disappeared, and the whole revenue of the state was delivered into the imperial ex- chequer. The date of this final step is uncertain ; but it was later than the reign of Commodus. The senate continued, till about the time of Diocletian, to possess the right of imposing taxes. The System of Taxation may be best considered in two separate periods, the earlier of which terminates about the reign of Marcus Aurelius. During this age the chief sources of the state-revenue were the following, some of which were ancient. The public lands yielded the same kinds of returns which have been already described ; the tax on manumissions was still exacted ; but the com- mon opinion, that the property-tax continued to be levied under the empire, may be unhesitatingly pronounced a mistake, arising from a misapprehension as to the land and poll taxes. Any property-taxes then really raised were merely occasional, and, as we shall see, the plan was soon altogether abandoned. The provinces continued to pay land-taxes or proportions of fruits ; but from the very earliest of the imperial reigns, there are traces of attempts to abolish the proportional impositions, and establish one uniform system of fixed land-taxes in money. The principal new burdens were these. 1. The customs, while they increased prodigiously in the foreign ports, were by Augustus re-established in those of Italy. 2. He also introduced a tax on inheritances and legacies, amounting to five per cent, on the capital, and payable in every case, unless the sum was trifling, or unless the successor or legatee was the nearest heir of the deceased. The wealth, the general celibacy, and the profligacy of the Roman nobles, combined to make this impost a most productive one. 3. The same emperor established a ge- neral excise of one per cent, exigible on all articles of con- sumption. 4. He imposed on bachelors heavy taxes, and disqualifications of inheritance, which continued in force till abolished by Constantine. 5. Several minor burdens, such as poll-taxes on provincials and others, and partial UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 101 assessments on the industry of traders and artificers, were added by different sovereigns. In the second period, extending from the Antonines to Constantine, there were introduced various changes, of which there were two that deserve notice. In the first place, Caracalla conferred the nominal franchise of Rome on all the provincials, in order to make them liable to the inheritance-tax, and other burdens leviable only on citizens. Secondly, a more important revolution, which is of obscure origin, but had commenced before the An- tonines, was, every where except within the Alps, fully accomplished about their times, and altered the entire system of public burdens. The old property-tax, as- sessed on a man's whole means of every sort, was quite abolished ; and there were substituted for it two sepa- rate imposts, a Land-tax, and a Capitation or Poll- tax. All the variable exactions levied on the provinces were gradually commuted for these two fixed ones ; but Italy was long allowed to remain on a different foot- ing, which may perhaps be traced to an early date in the empire. The district which was under the prefect of Rome, called Italia Urbicaria, was entirely free both from land-tax and poll-tax. The rest of the peninsula, styled Italia Annonaria, had to furnish the capital with quantities of corn, certainly not large, and exigible in kind. When Diocletian divided the empire with his colleagues, and Maximian received Italy and Africa as his share, the former country was subjected to the same land and poll taxes as the provinces. But the system will be most conveniently explained when we have reached the next period. In the Local Collection of the Revenue, the imperial rule introduced one great improvement. The system of leasing out the returns was at once given up, except in the customs and excise, which were allowed to remain as before. But any amelioration which this partial change might have produced in the condition of the Roman subjects, was more than counterbalanced by the new plan of provincial superuatendence, which was fram- ed with an express view to the collection of the revenue. 102 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OP ITALY Although it allowed good administration, if the supreme government was well conducted, it left the people de- prived of all peremptory check over their local rulers. Under the best monarchs, the provinces were much more equitably and kindly governed than in the last days of the republic ; l}ut under the tyrannical ones, their state was worse than it had ever been ; and the good princes had seldom time to repair the mischief done by their predecessors. One proof of general poverty is this ; that the emperors were very frequently obliged to remit long arrears of taxes due by whole countries ; and it is remarkable that such remissions were found necessary at the termination of some of the best reigns. Trajan's is an example ; for Hadrian, on his accession, had to forgive very heavy public debts.* Into those provinces which were senatorial, the senate continued to send proconsuls or praetors as Governors : into all of them, however, senatorial as well as imperial, the emperors sent Procurators to administer those finances which fell to the fiscus, naming these officers without consulting the senate. In the smaller provinces, for the sake of economy, the procurator of the fiscus was also appointed governor, with full judicial powers and mili- tary command. Freedmen, that is, emancipated slaves, were frequently, even by Augustus, named to that charge ; and Claudius introduced a yet more ruinous system, granting to all such persons, whether they were governors or not, jurisdiction without appeal in every matter regarding the imperial treasury. The better emperors in the second century of our era limited this authority ; but it was never wholly abolished. Judea was one of those small provinces in which the procurator was also governor ; Antonius Felix, its unprincipled adminis- trator, was the brother of Pallas, the favourite of Claudius, and both of them were freedmen. The historian tells us that Felix ruled with the power of a king and the soul of a slave ; and he was only one of a numerous class.t * iElius Spartianus in Hadriano, cap. 7. -|- Acts, chapter xxiv. Taciti Annalium, lib. xiL cap. 54: His- toriar. lib. v. cap. 9. UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 103 During the imperial times, the Municipalities of Italy suffered changes yet greater than those which took place in other branches of polity. Rome was the first town to receive a new plan of local administration. Under the republic, the internal administration of the capital had belonged to the principal officers of the general govern- ment ; but Augustus erected it and the district extend- ing to the hundredth milestone on each side, into a sort of province by itself, which was placed under an officer appointed by the emperor, and named, in imitation of an old title, the Prefect of the City. This functionary- was the imperial governor of the district, the head of its police, and its supreme criminal judge, to whose juris- diction all, with very few exceptions, were directly sub- ject.* Surrounded by his six lictors, he exercised, with no responsibility save to his master, the united powers of all the republican magistrates. The city was at the same time divided into fourteen regions, each of which had two police superintendents, called Curators, and as many paid informers or Denunciators. Vespasian again subdivided it into vici or wards, of which ever}' region contained seventy-nine or more ; and each ward received four resident inspectors, called Vicomagistri. A formid- able military police (the Vigiles), composed of 4900 trained slaves, was organized by Augustus, placed under a prefect, and divided into seven cohorts, each of which acted in two regions of the city. The other towns of Italy, as well as of the whole empire, gradually lost their distinctions of rank and title ; and after the abolition of the elective franchise, the name of Municipiumwas indiff"erently applied to all. The term, in- deed, was strictly and generally applicable ; for the muni- cipalities actually rose on the ruins of the commonwealth ; and a new system for their administration, begun by Trajan, and carried on by Hadrian, was completed by the Antonines. The funds of those burgal communities were preserved to them, and augmented by laws which facili- * Drakenborch de Prasfectis Urbi, cap. v'l. : De Jurisdictione. 104 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY tated their acquisition of property, botli real and personal ; their wealth enabled them in every instance to execute important public works, without imposing any local taxes ; the members of their Curiae or Town-councils, who were the administrators of the corporations, received honorary distinctions ; and almost the only unfavour- able symptom which showed itself, was the commence- ment of those strict obligations to serve the civic offices, which we shall immediately find to have afterwards become severe and ruinous. The flourishing state of the municipalities has, with much reason, been considered as one of the most influential causes of that strength which the empire so long possessed, notwithstanding . the abuses which were so common in every other de- partment.* But the state carried rottenness in its core. Political virtue, as a general quality of the Italians or of their fellow-subjects, was long ago extinct ; religion was dor- mant, and the sceptical philosophy of the educated classes was as immoral as the uninformed superstition of the millions ; the wealth of the empire was in every suc- ceeding century more and more concentrated in the hands of a few, and the mass of the people became constantly poorer and more abject. In the city of Rome, Augustus fed 800,000 paupers ; Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, gradually increased the number ; and their successors had a yet harder task to perform in supporting the mul- titudes who had neither possessions nor employment. In Diocletian's time, the emperors had assumed regal and oriental pomp. The public revenues, and the em- pire itself, were held to be their property, and their ex- penditure of the funds of the state for national ends was styled and considered a gift, not the performance of a duty. The nominal limits of the Roman dominion were nearly the same as in the peaceful reign of Augustus, embracing the richest and most cultivated portions of the earth, in the neighbourhood of the Mediterranean. * Consult, on the municipalities under the empire, Roth De Re Municipal! Romanorum : Stuttgard, 1801. UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 105 The boundaries, which were never permanently passed, were these : the Rhine and Danube, and the mountains of Scotland, in Europe ; the Euphrates and the Syrian deserts, in Asia ; and the sandy Sahara in Africa. But tliese frontiers were now suiTounded by active and war- like barbarians ; the great migration of the northern tribes had unequivocally commenced ; and the displaced nations, together with some of their invaders, pressed for- ward into the Roman provinces, and even into Italy itself. Under Aurelian, it was thought necessary, for the first time since the days of Servius Tullius, to fortify the im- perial city ; and Diocletian, dividing the administration of the empire, ceased to consider Rome as its capital. FIFTH AGE. THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE TILL ITS FALL IN ITALV. A. V. 1059—1229; or a.d. 306—476. A.D. 306. Constantinus the Great, pro- claimed at York 25th July 306 ; sole emperor from 323 ; transfers the seat of government to Constanti- nople 330 337. Constantinus II., Constan- tius, Constans, co-em- 340. perors Constantius, Constans, co- emperors 350. Constantius 361. Juhanus the Apostate 363. Jovianus 364. Valentinianus I., Valens, CO- emperors. Formal di- vision of the empire into Eastern and Western 367. (Eastern) Valens ; (Wes- tern) Valentinianus I. and Gratianus 375. (E.) Valeng; (W.) Grati- anus and Valentinianus II. 379.(E.)Theodosius I. the Great; (W.) Gratianus and Va- lentinianus II. 383. (E.) Theodosius I., Arca- A. D. I dius, co-emperors; (W.) j Valentinianus II. 392. (Whole empire) Theodosius I I. and Arcadius 395. (E.) Arcadius; (W.) Ho- norius 408. (E.) Theodosius II. ; (W.) Honorius 423. (E.) Theodosius II.; (W.) Johannes 425. (E.) Theodosius II.; (W.) Valentinianus III. 450. (E.) Marcianus; (W.) Va- lentinianus III. 455. (E.) Marcianus; (W.) Maximus, Avitus 457-474. (E.) Flavius Leo; (W.) Majorianus, Seve- rus, Anthemius, Olybrius, Glycerins 474. (E.) Flavius Leo IL ; (W.) Julius Nepos -174-475. (E.) Zeno; (W.) Ju- lius Nepos 475. (E.) Zeno; (W.) Romulus Augustulus 476. Italy seized by Odoacer 106 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY The accession of Constantine the Great was a mighty epoch both for Italy and for the world. He removed the seat of the government to Byzantium, or New Rome, afterwards called Constantinople, being influenced by the double reason, that the residence of the empe- rors was required nearer the disturbed frontiers, and that the Italian peninsula, still substantially a heathen country, was ill fitted to be the centre of a Christian kingdom. He established the gospel as the religion of the state, and paganism never again reared its head, except in the short reign of his able nephew Julian the Apostate. Constantine's own character, it is admitted, was an ambiguous one, and those of his successors offer few points of interest, if we except that of the strong-minded and enlightened Theodosius the Great. The faith of Christ, when it became the creed of the empire, had already received many of those debasing elements which in succeeding times continued to mingle more and more deeply with its essence ; and the imperfect morality of the times in private life was accompanied with but few instances of political wisdom or honesty, either in the rulers or in those whom they governed. The external history from Constantine to Augustulus, is composed of intrigues, seditions, and struggles, every year more unsuccessful, against the attacks of the north- em nations. The division of the empire into two, the Eastern and Western, first introduced in the year of our Lord 864, and permanent from 895, restored to Italy the advantage of being one of the seats of government ; but the separation produced no material increase of strength. One invasion followed another in a rapid succession, of which it is useless to enumerate all the steps. The West Goths (Visigoths) under Alaric in 400, were followed across the Alps in 405 by a new army of the same nation under Radagai, and these again were succeeded in 408 by the reappearance of Alaric's host, which, about 410, took and pillaged the capital. Attila the Hun, named the Scourge of God, invaded Italy in 452 ; and in 455, the Van- dals under Genseric plundered the imperial city during UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 107 forty days, carrying off the noblest of the citizens into Barbary as slaves. In 472 Rome suffered another sack from Ricimer the patrician, a claimant of the throne for his father-in-law Anthemius. More than one emperor had facilitated the progress of the barbarians by giving them lands within the frontiers ; everyone of them recruited his legions from among these fierce tribes ; and Constantine, imitated by his successors, acted still more unwisely, for he formed them into separate battalions, retaining their na- tional arms and customs, and commanded by their own chiefs. After this step, which enabled the Germanic soldiers to compare themselves with the effeminate troops of the south, it is surprising they did not sooner use the strength of which they wa-e conscious. But most of the northern leaders who invaded Italy in the fifth century had in fact obtained their military education in the im- perial camps ; and at last Odoacer, a prince of the Heruli, a nation which had advanced southward from the Pome- ranian shore of the Baltic, seized the country at the head of an army levied for the service of the emperor and re- ceiving his pay. It is impossible to read the epistles and contemporary histories of those times without being struck by one re- markable fact. The Italians and other Roman subjects might, it is true, be terrified by the approach of savage robbers like the African Vandals, but towards the north- ern invaders in general they entertained neither fear nor hatred. They knew, for they learned after one or two trials, Avhat they had to suffer from the so-called barbarians : they knew also what they had to endure under the imperial government ; and they were per- fectly careless which of the two classes of evils might fall to their lot. The paid armies of the emperors, and the tribes of the Teutonic chiefs, were allowed to fight for the possession of Italy, while the children of the soil looked on. This is a fact which by itself condemns the times of the lower empire as ages of misgovem- ment and misery, and such they truly were. All the particulars of their misrule and wretchedness, if united 108 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY in one catalogue, would make the heart turn sick. At present we must content ourselves with indicating a few sources of discontent, in the General and Local Administrations, whose progress during the heathen period has heen already related. Constantine divided the empire, after the example of Diocletian, into four great Prefectures. The Prefecture of Italy extended over the Mediterranean islands, and em- braced the countries to the north of the Alps as far as the Danuhe, with lUvricum and the African coast. He far- ther completed Diocletian's plan for separating the civU from the military government. Every prefecture was put under the civil superintendence of a Prefect, who succeeded to the title, as well as to part of the functions, which had recently belonged to the prefect of the Prae- torian Guard ; this office having from Severus till Dio- cletian been the first administrative and judicial as well as military post in the empire. The provinces, of which the four prefectures together contained 116, were under civil Governors, who held different ranks and titles. All of them without exception were lawyers. The army was placed under eight Generals, each having an extensive territory of his own ; and under these were numerous provincial commanders bearing the titles of Comites and Duces (counts and dukes), the former being the name of higher rank. The separation of the civil power from the military helped to secure the throne of the emperois, but it weakened the defence of the state against its foreign enemies, and no change which took place tended in the slightest degree to alleviate the burdens of the people. Oppression and deliberate cruelty had ceased to be the favourite crimes of the rulers ; but extortion and finan- cial injustice, long prevalent and ill checked in the pro- vinces, were now aided in their ruinous effects by new and most severe additions to the public taxes. Increased taxation was rendered necessary by the increased expenditure ; an 1 this was occasioned by the wars, the pay of the barbarians and other troops, the shameful extravagance of the luxurious court, the pro- UNDER THE KOMAN EMPIRE. 109 vision of corn and similar necessaries for the poor who flocked to the two capitals, and the continued mainte- nance of baths, public spectacles, and other establish- ments for the diversion of the people. The two principal additions were the following : — 1. The Aurum Coro- narium, or Crown-money, was, like our English bene- volences, termed a free gift, but, like them, was truly an enforced tax. It was demanded from the cities and provinces whenever the emperor, finding his ex- chequer empty, chose to intimate some happy event in his person or family, on which it was reasonable that his subjects should offer their congratulations. 2. The Lustral Contribution, the worst imposition of all, Avas a general tax on trade and productive industry, to which even the poorest day-labourer in the land was ruthlessly subjected. One leading regulation regarding this most impolitic exaction, though it bore the appearance of a merciful indulgence, proved the source of incalculable misery. Its collection was not enforced annually, but in the begin- ning of every fifth year the payments for the four years preceding were pressed with extreme rigour. The poorer classes, tempted by the seeming boon of delay, and finding it hard enough to gather the requu-ed sum for each season, allowed the arrears to accumulate, and then were utterly unable to satisfy the claim. Their goods were seized, and they were themselves imprisoned, chained, and scourged. A law of Constantino ascribes these severities to the officers of the exchequer, and forbids the heavier punish- ments, restricting the penalty to confinement under cer- tain regulations. But the practice continued, in spite of his law and those of his sons to the same effect. All the old burdens still remained, except those which had merged in the lustral tax, and in those next to be described. About the reign of Constantine the machinery of the Land-tax and Poll-tax, which, after this period, are com- monly spoken of together under the name of the Indic- tion, was brought into full operation in Italy as well as in the provinces, into which latter we remarked its Intro- 110 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY duction during the preceding age. The general prin- ciple was this ; that the Land-tax should be levied on all estates, whoever might be their possessors, and that the Poll-tax should be exacted from every person who had no territorial property, and at the same time no rank or honorary privileges confen-ing exemption. Such exemp- tion belonged to all the different degrees of nobility in- stituted by the later emperors, the lowest rank which bestowed it being that of the decurions of the muni- cipalities. All who were liable to the poll-tax were designated Plebeians, and were composed of three classes : — in the towns, those free citizens who had neither lands nor privileges, and who chiefly consisted of the artisans and labourers ; in the country, the coloni, or peasants attached to the soil, whose position will be explained in another place ; and the slaves both in town and country. The two latter classes were exceedingly numerous in comparison with the free urban inhabi- tants. Some who properly ranked in this new order of Commonalty enjoyed immunity on various accounts, as being the holders of certain public offices, or as soldiers, widows, and nuns ; but it was expressly en- acted that holy orders should be no ground of exemp- tion. For the purposes of the land-tax there was a general register of the lands in the empire, which con- tained returns made by every landholder, under severe penalties, of all particulars necessary for the valuation of his estates, and which specified the sum assessed on them proportionally to their value, the assessment being corrected periodically. But the land-roll contained also returns for the poll-tax ; for the proprietor was com- pelled to give up the names and number of his slaves, and also of his coloni and peasants of all classes. He paid the capitation- tax for every slave, and he also paid it for every colonus, being, however, entitled to recover the amount from the latter, if he could. This union of the two taxes, and the form of the land- valuation, wliich, dividing the ground into spaces called capita, gave the land-tax sometimes the name of Capitation, have been UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 1 1 1 the chief causes of the difficulties in understanding the subject. The apparatus used for the indiction was an- noying and arbitrary, the amount of the land-tax was usually excessive, and its exaction was cruelly rigorous. The Municipalities fared yet worse than the provinces. As Rome had no civic funds to tempt the government, and as its statues and buildings were the objects of an ignorant pride and admiration, it was for a time pro- tected by a continuance of its old supplies for the poor, and was then gradually abandoned to its o^vn destiny. Its internal administration remained substantially un- changed, and its Prefect, and the prefect of Constanti- nople, were made equal in rank to the four praetorian prefects ; in other words, these six officers held the second place in the empire. The other municipal communities were rich ; and though the extent to which Constantine carried his spo- liation of them is doubtful, it has been asserted, with some show of probability, that he seized a part at least of the property of every corporate town in the empire, be- stowing the plunder partly or wholly on the church. At ail events, it is certain that within a few reigns after his, the municipalities of Italy were almost all utterly beggared ; and their depression involved farther consequences. In the first place, their Councils were now authorized to tax the inhabitants for local pur- poses ; a measure which appears for the first time in the Eastern Empire under Arcadius. The system as to the holding of office, which had been growing for centuries, was rapidly brought to maturity ; and, as it presents several very singular features, a sketch of its chief peculiarities in the Western Empire just before its fall wil] be instructive in more respects than one, though the details are involved in some obscurity. The Magistracies and Councils still existed ; and till after Constantine the former may be described as having consisted of three classes at most, the Duumvirs, the -(Ediles, and the Curators. The first of these, who in some towns were the only magbtrates, were every where 112 THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ITALY those in whom was vested the jurisdiction belonging to the corporation as such. In civO. questions tliis juris- diction was confined to sums below a fixed amount ; and in criminal matters, except over slaves, it did not exceed the bounds which were necessary for maintaining the public police.* All judicial acts of the municipal judges were subject to revision by the governor of the province. The -^diles, where they were found as dif- ferent officers from the duumvirs, were nearly the same class of functionaries as those who bore the same name in the republic, or as the deans of guild in Scottish boroughs, though without jurisdiction. The Curatores Reipublicse corresponded to the quaestors of older times, being the treasurers of the corporation. But between the reign of Diocletian and that of Valen- tinian I., the emperors transferred the jurisdiction of the duumvirs, with considerable additions, to a new class of magistrates, whom they called Defensors. These novel authorities, and their mode of appointment, deserve espe- cial notice ; because, as we shall hereafter discover, their office formed in the dark ages the basis of the municipal government of Italy, and out of it rose the free states which covered the peninsula for some centuries after that period. By the rule which had prevailed in the Roman municipalities, from the earliest times till the institution of these officers, all the magistrates were elected by the curiae, and none but members of the curiae were admissible to the magistracy. The defensors dif- * There is a difference of opinion as to the exact amount of the criminal jurisdiction possessed by the duumvirs ; and the scourging of Paul and Silas by the magistrates of the colony Philippi (Acts xvi, 22) has been cited as a proof that such oflBcers possessed the unlimited right of inflicting corporal punishment on free men. But the just inference from this passage, with the Latin writers and the books of the civil law, is plainly this : The magistrates were entitled to punish corporally all offenders, whether free men or slaves, who were not Roman citizens. In the apostolic times this rule brought far the greater number of the free provincials under the full criminal authority of the municipalities. But, after Caracalla had made the franchise universal, the very same state of the law, continuing unchanged, left the magistracies no such extent of juris- diction except over the slaves. UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 113 fered in both respects. Any inhabitant of the place was eligible to the office, excepting indeed the members of the curiae, who at first were held expressly disqualified ; and the election was made by the whole laic commu- nity, to whom Honorius added, as electors, the decu- rions, and the bishops with their clergy. The term of office in the Western Empire, till the time of its fall, was five years. The appointment of the defensors required the confirmation of the prefect ; and that officer, not the governor of the province, was entitled to remove them for misconduct. Indeed, by the definition which is given of their functions, they are declared to have been in- tended as the protectors of the municipalities against all parties, and in particular against the proconsuls and other provmcial functionaries, on whose conduct they were empowered to report to the prefect. The Curiae survived the rise of the defensors, but their members, the Decurions, occupied a position which is quite unparalleled in the history of municipal insti- tutions. They received their office either by birth or by election. The former class were those whose fathers or grandfathers had been in place, and who were on this account alone compelled to serve. If the number of this class was not sufficient, according to the particular con- stitution of the city, they filled up their board by elect- ing persons from the community, being however directed to choose men of rank and wealth, when such could be found. Besides administering the public funds and, till the establishment of the defensors, electing the magis- trates (whose appointment required no approval by the governor), the decurions also nominated to all the sub- ordinate places held under the corporation. Among these, it is enough to specify that of the Irenarcha, an officer whose duties of arresting and interrogatmg crimi- nals and transmitting them, with protocols, to the pro- consuls for trial, assimilate the office to that of the procurator-fiscal in Scotland. The Decurions enjoyed honorary titles, and ranked as the nobility of their towns ; they were exempted from VOL. r. G 1 14 thp: political history of italy the torture, from disgraceful punishments, and from the crimmal jurisdiction of the governor of the province, who was bound, when they were charged with oflFences, to transmit them to the emperor for his judgment. They also possessed immunity from most public services ; and, if they became poor, they received allowances from the corporation. But, on the other hand, as soon as the property of the municipalities was confiscated, they l;ecame the subjects of a long series of enactments, surely the most foolishly tyrannical that legislation has ever produced. The whole system, of which law after law developed the links, was intended for the strange pur- pose of making the decurions personally liable for all shortcomings in the municipal funds, which had been seized by the very rulers who made these laws. The older regulations, which had imposed on these func- tionaries severe restrictions in the disposal of their pro- pert}-, and in their transactions with individuals as weU as ^vith the public, were as nothing when compared with the multiplicity of new rules, of which one or two must here suffice as specimens. The decurions w^ere, and indeed had always been, accountable for the very slightest neglect or omission in the discharge of their duties ; but they were now, besides being compelled to take office, bound to find sureties for its due perform- ance ; a father was liable for the acts of his son, unless the latter had been emancipated, or the parent had pro- tested against his election. All the members of the board were responsible for each other's proceedings ; and, in the earlier part of this period, the decurions, who had nominated a magistrate, were jointly and sever- ally held bound as sureties for him. When we re- collect that the only fands of the corporations now consisted in local taxes, to be wrung from an un- willing and impoverished population, and that the im- perial government was accustomed to order the exe- cution of extensive public works, leaving the decurions to find the money as they might, we shall not be sur- prised that the appointment to office was considered UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE. J 15 nearly equivalent to a sentence of confiscation, and that the unlucky nominees sought to escape by every sort of pretence, and even by voluntary exile. All such eva- sions were rigorously punished ; and when every method had failed in procuring members for the councils, the emperors took the last steps in their course of legislative folly. By some laws they made the holding of office a title to relief from civil disabilities, as in the case of bastards, who were thereby legitimized : by others they made it a punishment, impressing into the councils, like Valentinian I., the sons of veterans who refused service, or, like Honorius, clergjTnen whom the bishop had suspended. In the whole list of emperors from Constantine to Augustulus, none can be named as having legislated for the municipalities with any degree of fairness, except Julian and the two who bore the name of Theodosius. The only redeeming point in the condition of the curiae was, that their evils pressed on a class of persons nume- rically small ; for the richer citizens alone w^ere fixed on, and even of these many were able by money or favour to procure exemptions. The great mass of the people scarcely felt the evils of the municipal laws, and the sys- tem, if viewed simply in relation to its immediate effects on the state of society in general, would not have deserved that minute notice which has been here given to it. But it well merits the closest study, not less on account of its influence on succeeding times, than for its importance as an illustration of that universal misgovemment which harassed the Lower Empire and accelerated its ruin. 116 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. CHAPTER III. The Literature of Heathen Italy. PERIOD ENDING A. U. 1059, OR A. D. 306. Grecian Literature in Magna Grsecia and Sicily— Its Four Centuries — The chief Writers — Its decay after the Roman Con- quest. Roman Literature : First Age (to a. u, 550, or B. c. 204) : The Infancy of Literature — Its Progress after a. u. 500. Second Age (a. u. 550—722, or b. c. 204— b. c. 32) : The Formed Literature of the Republic : The Sixth Century of the City— Plautus, Terence, and Cato — The Seventh Century — Lucretius — Catullus— Sallust — Caesar — Cicero's Works and Influence. Third Age (a. u. 722 — a. u. 767, or b. c. 32— a. d. 1 4) : Literature at the Court of Augustus : Poetry — Patronage — Foreign Taste — Toleration— Livy — Propertius and TibuUus — Ovid — Horace's Works — The Character of Virgil's Genius — His National Poems — The Georgics — The Politics of the iEneid — Its Antiquarianism, Topography, and Poetry. Fourth Age A. u. 767 — 933, or a. d. 14 — 180) : Literaturefrom Augustus to the Times of the Antonines : The Character assumed by Litera- ture — The principal Authors — The Elder Pliny — Seneca — Lu- can's Life and Poem — The Works of Statins — Persius, Juvenal, and Tacitus. Fifth Age (a. u. 933—1059, or a. d. 180—306) : Literature from Commodus till the Accession of Constantine : In Italy no genuine Native Literature — The Greeks. FIRST AGE. TILL THE thorough FORMATION OF THE ROMAN LITERATURE : ABOUT A. U. 550, OR B. C. 204. A COMPLETE history of ancient literature in Italy and Sicily would embrace the mental cultivation of the Greeks as well as that of the Romans. For the Helle- nic colonies of the west were not less active in the pur- THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 117 suits of learning than the mother-country ; several illus- trious names in Grecian poetry and science belong by birth to the Italiot settlements ; and other Greeks, though natives of the old country, dwelt in Sicily or the adja- cent mainland, chiefly after the Sicilian princes had be- gun to patronise art and letters. The Roman literature, however, must be regarded as the main object in this sketch : and it will be enough if we glance rapidly at a few of the principal literary events which took place in the Greek colonies before their subjugation. Ch'eek Literature in Sicily and Magna Grcecia befm-e the Roman Conquest. — If we pass over the early Italiot legislators, whose age is uncertain, we shall find the oldest Greco- Italian names of celebrity in the middle of the second century of Rome ; and hence the duration of Grecian literature and philosophy in those countries extends to about four hundred years. The most ancient of their poets yield in importance to their philosophers ; the list of whom opens with Pythagoras, whose visit to Italy is understood to have occurred about the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, in the beginning of the third cen- tury of Rome. Among his most distinguished followers were Empedocles of Agrigentum, and Timaeus of Locri ; but before these philosophers, and little later than the great teacher liimself, the Ionian Xenophanes had found- ed, at Elea, his celebrated school. Epicharmus, a Coan, who spent his life in Sicily, and is said to have been an immediate disciple of Pythagoras, is also renowned as a poet ; and in his name the Sicilians claimed the honour of having invented comedy nearly a hundred years before it flourished at Athens. Among the Greek comic poets, from Aristophanes down to Menander, several of the most famous were Italiots, of whose works we have only fragments, such as Alexis of Thurii, who was the grandfather of Menander ; Sophron, w^ho in the time of the Middle Attic comedy invented the Mimes ; Carcinus, a Sicilian, and the two Philemons of Syracuse. At the end of the third century of Rome, when its inhabitants had hardly escaped from the hands of Per- 118 THE LITERATURE OP HEATHEN ITALY. sena^ Syracuse contained more men of high genius than any other city in the world. These were collected at the court of the first Hiero, during his short reign of ten years, and among them were the greatest poets of the age : Pindar, whose odes have immortalized liis Sicilian patrons ; the pathetic Simonides, who was buried in the city by Hiero ; and the sublime ^schylus, who died in the island at an advanced age, and is said to repose near the ruins of Gela. Early in the fourth century of Rome, Herodotus the historian, and Lysias the orator, a native of Syracuse, were among the colonists who founded the city of Thurii ; and about the same time Leontium possessed, in its citizen Gorgias, a rhetorician whose fame rivalled that of Lysias. The next illustrious names meet us in the last half of .the same century, at the court of the elder Dionysius, prince of Syracuse. Under him and his son, Sicily was honoured by the residence of Plato, though the nation derives no credit from the ingratitude with which its sovereigns treated the great philosopher and his distin- guished friend Dion. The life of Plato was preserved from the cruelty of the tyrant by the renowned mathe- matician Archytas of Tarentum. A mathematician of yet greater celebrity, Archimedes the Syracusan, devoted the best efforts of his skill in mechanics to the defence of his native town against the Romans, and was at length killed in the storming of it. Nearly contemporary with him, but chiefly resident at the capital of the Ptolemies, was his fellow-citizen Theocritus, the best known of all the Sicilian poets ; whose imitators, Moschus, also of the same city, and Bion, who at least lived in the island, if he was not born there, probably belong to a time little later than his. Immediately on the conquest of Lower Italy by the Romans, Greek began to fall into disuse. In a quarter of a century, more than one author of Grecian origin contributed to the infant literature of the Latins ; and, in the first years of Tiberius, Strabo complained that Magna Grsecia had ceased to be Greece, except in Taren- THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 119 turn, Rliegium, and Naples. In these cities, indeed, the language maintained a partial hold during the best times of the empire. In Sicily it kept its place still longer, as the dialect of common life ; and the modern tongue exhibits marked traces of it, mingled with Saracenic words, which at length aided the Latin in driving it out. Literature, however, became Latin at once, both on the mainland and in the island ; and after the sub- jugation of the latter, Greek was not used in the works of any eminent man belonging to those provinces, with the single exception of Diodorus Siculus, who lived in the times of Julius Csesar and Augustus, and composed a history of the world in forty books, of which there remain fifteen and some fragments. Roman Literature in its Infancy. — The literature of the Etruscans, if they ever had any writings worthy of the name, is quite lost to us, along with the language in which it was embodied. The Romans borrowed their theatrical representations from Etruria, introducing them for the first time, as it should seem, about the year of the city 889 : but the rude compositions of those ages have wholly perished. TUl the beginning of the sixth cen- tury of Rome, her literature was a blank ; unless we con- fer the name on such rude hymns as those of the Arval Brothers, or on the simple enactments of the Twelve Tables, or on those picturesque traditions which, speedily lost in their original shape even to the people them- selves, are known to us only by their substance, partially preserved in the later histories. Before that time, however, the language was de- veloped to an extent which has not been equalled by any other people possessing no native literature ; and in the works of their sixth centur}'', the Latin tongue appears in a purity and nervous simplicity, which the polish of the two succeeding ages injured rather than improved. In every thing, however, which regards both the spirit and the form, the art of composition must be considered as having been in its infancy at Rome during the first half of that century ; and the produc- J 20 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. tions of the time may most fairly be classed separately from those which succeed them. The first literature of the Romans, like that of every other nation, was poetical, or rather metrical ; and it assumed three forms, those of the drama, versified an- nals, and satires. The dramatic poems of their sixth century w^ere by far the most numerous. Their chief writers were natives of the conquered provinces in the south ; the subjects and the form of the vrorks, as might have been expected, were close copies fi'om the Greek ; and most of the dramas appear to have been mere transla- tions. Prose writing began nearl}?^ at the end of this period, and was soon applied to history and practical science. The earliest author of the time was Livius Androni- cus, an Italian Greek, whose works were chiefly tra- gedies, though he also translated the Odyssey into Latin iambics. His first play was acted in the year of the city 513, and he was alive as late as 546. Cneius Nee- vius, who followed him, was his countryman, being a Campanian, and, besides tragedies and comedies, composed a metrical history of the First Punic War. In his comedies he imitated the personal attacks of the old Attic stage, and, after having been repeatedly punished for his libels by the exasperated Roman nobles, he died in 549. To these names must be added those of Caecilius Statins, a comic poet, a native of Insubrian Gaul ; Mar- cus Pacuvius, a nephew of Ennius, bom at Brundu- sium, and a writer of tragedies ; Lucius Accius or Attius, also a dramatist, about half a century younger than Pa- cuvius ; and, lastly, the most famous author of the age, Quintus Ennius, a Calabrian {horn a. u. 514 — died 584). He was the dear friend of the Scipios and Lselius ; his genius was all but deified by the Romans till the Augus- tan age ; and the best poet of that era did not disdain to copy from him. His chief works were many tragedies and comedies, some epigrams and satires, and eighteen books of metrical annals. The successive heads of the Cornelian family were the kindest patrons of literature in those times. The THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 121 elder Scipio Africanus was one of the first Romans who set a just value on intellectual cultivation ; and the younger Africanus was distinguished for his successful prosecution of Greek literature, in an age in which that study began to be followed with universal zeal. On the defeat of Perseus, in the year 586 of the Roman era, the Macedonian hostages, among whom was Polybius, the historian, became his cherished friends. The banishment of the foreign teachers, effected soon afterwards by the gloomy Cato, did not damp the ardour either of Scipio or others ; the three great sects of the Hellenic philosophy were represented at Rome, about the end of the century, by the three ambassadors of the Grecian states ; and the enthusiasm for the newly imported literature was in- creased tenfold by the conquest of Greece itself. SECOND AGE. FROM THE FORMATION OF THE ROMAN LITERATURE TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE REPUBLIC t A. u. 550—722, OR B. c. 204—32. Of the productions of Ennius, as well as of the lesser poets, who were named along with him, we possess only fragments ; and our collection of complete Roman pieces commences with those of three writers, all of whom be- longed to the latter half of their sixth century. These works possess merit and fame enough to entitle them to be ranked as classical ; and, accordingly, in the analy- tical table which was given in the introductory chapter of this volume, the period of Roman greatness in litera- ture was, in order to include their age, reckoned as commencing about the year of the city 550, or 204 years before the Christian epoch. About the middle of the century we have the come- dies of the Umbrian, Marcus Accius Plautus (died a. u. 569) ; at a time rather later, those of Publius Terentius, a Carthaginian {born about 560 — died 594) ; and during the same age the works of Marcus Porcius Cato the Censor (519 — 607). Of the comedies of Plautus, which, about the time of the Antonines, existed to the number 122 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. of 130, we possess only twenty ; but the six plays of Terence still extant are perhaps all that he wrote. The antiquities of Rome have sustained a very grievous in- jury by the loss of Cato's seven books of " Origines," the earliest prose history of the city ; a work in whicli liis antiquarian learning had full scope, and which would have been useful even on account of his violent preju- dices. His remaining treatise on Rural Economy, hav- ing had its diction modernized by later critics, affords us little insight into the state of the language, though it is a very valuable reuord on the subject to which it relates. Plautus and Terence have reached us nearly genuine, and their works convert into certainty that sus- picion of weakness and a defective originality in the new Latin literature, which is suggested to us by the frag- ments of the lost dramatists.* All the scenes of both authors are laid in Greece or its colonies ; their plots, without exception, are borrowed in like manner ; and as to their dialogue, that of Plautus is manifestly an imitation, while Terence's seems even to be, from be- ginning to end, closely translated. Authors who wrote on this system, and patrons who applauded them for doing so, occupied a rank equally low ; but, besides the idiomatic vigour of style which distinguishes the one writer, and the unaffected purity of the other, both have merits of their o^\ti. Terence's delicacy of feeling, and his fine sense of propriety and symmetry, are evident in all liis adaptations of foreign stories and sentiments ; and Plautus, rude and boisterous in manner, has a vein of wild humour to which he sometimes gives full vent, by ingrafting on his Greek fables groups from Roman life, in a style of broad satire approaching to the freedoms of the old Attic comedy. The indecency of the stories, and the cool immorality of the characters^ are common to both poets ; but the vices they depicted were those of Athens, * The catalogue of lost tragedies, from which fragments have been recovered, extends, as given by Fabricius (Bibliotheca Latina), to about 125, besides other plays, whose titles are not known. Of the preserved titles, there is not one which does not prove the subject to have been taken from the Greek history or legends. THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 123 a luxurious and decaying community, not those of the sterner youth of Rome. After the taking of Carthage the diffusion of literature was rapid ; and on the reduction of Sicily, Roman refinement quickly reached its utmost height. In the interval between those two events, we meet with only one famous name, that of the satirist Caius Lucilius, whose works have perished ; but every department of intel- lectual exertion became more and more crowded with labourers. The cultivation of popular eloquence was general ; the Gracchi, in the beginning of the seventh century, were followed by the orator Crassus, who was consul in 658, and by Marcus Antonius, who was mur- dered in the Marian proscription of 667, along with Mu- cins Scsevola, the famous jurisconsult ; and in the end of the century flourished, besides men of smaller note, Cicero's formidable rival Quintus Hortensius. Histo- ries, now lost, were composed by this author, by the accomplished time-server Atticus, by Lucceius, and by Cicero himself, who also, with a few others, studied pro- foundly the philosophy of Greece. But the half century which elapsed between Sylla's dictatorship and the fall of the republic has left us more than names. From this period we possess works of the following writers : in poetry, Titus Lucretius Cams (668—702), and Caius Valerius Catullus (born 667— died after 706) ; in philosophy, oratory, and general literature, Marcus TuUius Cicero (647 — 710) ; in plii- lology and practical science, Marcus Terentius Varro (638—727) ; and in history, Caius Julius Caesar (664 — 709), Caius Sallustius Crispus (668—719), and Corne- lius Nepos. Even the first age of the empire, the most polished era of Roman poetry, possessed no genius superior to Lucretius and Catullus ; and though the former, if con- sidered as an artist, must rank below the writers of the Augustan age, the latter is quite their equal, being not less admirable in the mechanism of his poetry than in its conception. 124 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. The only work of Lucretius is his didactic poem " On the Nature of the Universe," in which he expounds the tenets of the Epicurean philosophy. His leading topics are ari'anged nearly in the following order. Commencing \vith the views of elemental nature held by his school, he next describes the properties of matter, and then proceeds to explain the essence of spirit. The theory of sensation follows, and is succeeded by the physical his- tory of the earth, and an account of the rise of society and development of religion ; after which the poem de- scribes and attempts to explain many of the ordinary phenomena of the material world, with some of its tem- porary derangements. These themes, though affording abundant sources of illustration in poetry, are evidently too abstract to form the main subject of any poem, even didactic ; and the work becomes yet more repulsive on account of the sceptical dogmas on which the reason- ing is founded, and the little art which is expended on the plan. Materialism, and the denial of divine exist' ence, lie at the root of the philosophy recommended by Lucretius. His attack on the false theology and super- stitious observances of the Greeks has, in many cases, an overpowering force ; but the temper of liis system infuses a cold spirit into the work, and gives it, at the same time, a character nearly unexampled in classical poetry, by stripping it almost entirely of those decora- tive accompaniments which the ancient mythology so lavishly supplied. The imperfect form of the poem, in which the principles of the sect are dogmatically set forth by the writer in his own person, and relieved only by rare imaginative digressions, is common to it with all didactic poems, except some of our o^vn times, in which the essential imperfection of that anomalous class of compositions has been in part remedied by throwing the work into a narrative shape. Lucretius, however, who had only the gnomologic verses of the Greeks as liis mo- dels, is more constantly argumentative than any philoso- phical poet who has succeeded him, and few tasks can be more tedious than the perusal of his poem from beginning THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 125 to end. This labour, indeed, is least irksome to the pro- fessed philologist, who, in the purity of the style and the bold structure of the versification, can forget the weary barrenness of the matter ; but even the student of poetry must frequently bow with delight to the enthusiastic imagination which inspires Lucretius, when he forgets that he is a teacher of philosophy, and is for a time wholly the poet. There occur every where short snatches of ima- gery, warmly and clearly conceived, and expressed with remarkable felicity ; and few things are finer than some passages of greater length, such as the opening address to the Divinity of Beauty, and the description of the rise of primeval religions, — a strain which has been equalled in its kind by no man, and approached by scarcely any.* We know little of this author's private life except that he put an end to his existence in utter weariness and despondency. The memoirs of Catullus, an opulent Veronese of the equestrian order, are scarcely less scanty, and he derives little honour from the best accredited incident of his life, his amour with the profligate sister of the unprincipled Clodius. The works of this writer are short poems, chiefly lyrical, in which he for the first time adapted the Greek measures to the Latin tongue. His alleged imitation of the Grecian poets must have some foundation in truth ; but it is scarcely so easy to believe that the chief objects of his study were Callimachus, and the other members of the artificial school of Alexandria. The love -poems, which are not the best, and the epi- grams, chiefly launched at Julius Caesar's minion Mamurra, are chargeable with voluptuousness and coarseness, though scarcely with more of either than belonged to most poets both of this age and the next. His rich imagination, his warm feeling, and his unsur- passed felicity of expression, qualities which form a character of pure ideality quite peculiar to him, are best exhibited in his verses addressed to friends, or com- * Lucret. De Rerum Natura, lib. v., sub finem. Compare Wordsworth's exquisite delineation of the same pictures in the Fourth Book of the Excursion. 126 THE LITERATURE OP HEATHEN ITALY. memorating favourite scenes, and in his few longer poems on imaginative subjects. Of the more tender class, we have delightful examples in the lines celebrating the Peninsula of Sirmio on the Lake Benacus, whose olive-groves now shade the ruins of the poet's villa ; in the plaintive Invocation written at his brother's tomb ; in the Epithalamium of Manlius and Julia, so full both of passion and fancy ; and in the Acme and Septimius, a short poem whose tone of romantic fondness, and de- licate sweetness of language, are most nearly approach- ed by Coleridge's " Love." Catullus had freer scope for his clear poetic vision in the two mythological subjects, the Atys, and the Marriage of Peleus and Thetis, which form liis longest works. The latter of these is full of fine thoughts and bright lyrical pictures, — a fragment, in- deed, but the fragment of a gem. The Atys is one of the most singular of poems, in the subject, the versifica- tion, and the tone of thought and imagery : all is wild and luxuriant, and its mysterious maenad inspiration is the more deeply felt the more it is studied. If the poets of the expiring republic are worthy to be set up against their successors in the first imperial court, the last republican period stands, in prose, infi- nitely higher than the Augustan, which has little that can be compared to the mass and variety of the older works of that class, and no great name but Livy's to rival those of Cicero, Caesar, Sallust, Nepos, and Varro. Varro, the most learned of the Romans, has left us a treatise on the Roman Tongue, and another on Rural Afiairs, both of which, highly useful m their kind, may be passed over with Nepos' work on Celebrated Cap- tains, whose chief merit is in the style. The greatest work of Sallust, which related the history of Rome from Sylla to Catiline, is lost ; and we possess only his short histories of the Jugurthan war, and of the Catili- narian conspiracy. These tracts are written with an antique purity of style, a nervous conciseness and full- ness of sentence, happily borrowed from Thucydides, and a high tone of moral feeling, which contrasted but too THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 127 strongly with the life of the author, a favourite of Julius CjEsar, and enabled by his patronage to accumu- late in the provinces wealth which he spent in luxurious debauchery at Rome. The historical works of Caesar, consisting of memoirs or commentaries on the Gallic and on a part of the Civil War, are too well known to require remark ; and theh- perspicuous simplicity, their grasp of thought and quickness of observation, with the purity of their phraseology, at once familiar and elegant, vouch for the truth of the praises confeiTed on him by his contemporaries as being even greater in the closet than in the senate-house or the field. Cicero's is by far the first literary name, not only of his own age, but of the ancient Roman world. In its rare union of warmth, practical sense, and astonishing versa- tility, his genius has scarcely any parallel ; and his in- fluence on the philosophical knowledge and opinions of modern Europe has been incalculable. The voluminous works of this great man, composed during the leisure hours of a life involved in the vortex of political conten- tion, embrace a wonderful variety of subjects. His his- tories in Greek prose and Latin rhyme are lost ; and the small specimens of his verses that survive leave no room for regret that we do not possess more. His important works are his Correspondence, his Orations, his Treatises on Rhetoric, and his Philosopliical Dissertations. The Correspondence includes letters from his family, and from Brutus, Cassius, Atticus, and other public men. Besides the high literary qualities and personal in- terest of these memorials, the collection is an invaluable fund of information on the history of the time, and the state of society and manners. Of his Orations we possess, in the common editions, fifty-six, of which two or three are incomplete, and one or two spurious. The merit of these compositions is unequal, and those on which the orator's fame must always rest are, besides the defence of Milo, the three sets of discourses directed against Verres, Catiline, and Mark Antony. The seven speeches which contain the accusation against Verres, 128 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. the rapacious and tyrannical governor of Sicily, are im- portant not only for their indignant eloquence and their sound political philosophy, hut for the light they inci- dentally throw on ancient art and luxury, and on the corrupt morals as well as the venal government of Rome. The four orations against Catiline soar higher in their vehemence and fiery force ; and the perfection of his eloquence was reached in some parts of the fourteen harangues against Antony, which their author called Philippics, in imitation of the invectives pronounced hy Demosthenes on the conduct of Philip. The second of these, the masterpiece of the series, is a tremendous attack on the clever but vicious Antony, who revenged by Cicero's murder the temporary unpopularity and eternal infamy to which that exposure of his vices consigned him. These three collections of orations, and a few of the others, such as the speech for MLlo, and the partly thankful, partly admonitory address to Julius Csesar on the pardon of Marcellus, are those in which we find most of that full vein of eloquence so admir- able in the author's own hands, and so easily degenerat- ing into tumid verbosit}^ when taken up by his imitators. The Rhetorical works are of great value, exhibitiag the art as it existed in a time and country which made oratory the universal study and indispensable qualifica- tion of its statesmen. The best of these treatises, the systematic essay " De Oratore," the historical work entitled " Brutus," and the illustrative sketch called " Orator," were the fruit of his most vigorous years. His Philosophical worlds, however, are those by which he has most benefited his own and subsequent ages. They nearly equal in bulk the collection of his speeches, and traverse a wide field of speculation. In no depart- ment of research was Cicero, in the strict sense of the terra, a discoverer, although his writings contain many observations of a highly original cast. His chief merit therefore consists in his having made himself extensively master of the Greek philosophy, and embodied its most practical branches in a form attractively eloquent, equally THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 129 divested of metaphysical abstruseness, and of rhetorical exaggeration. His writings, indeed, form only the por- tico to the temple of wisdom ; but the singular beauty of the approach invites the student, and its ease of access secures his progress to the sanctuary beyond. He was the first Roman, perhaps the only man of his time, who studied Aristotle's works, of which the manuscript lay neglected in Sylla's library ; but the sects whose prin- ciples he most fully elucidated were the Academics and the Stoics ; and, throwing most of his dissertations into the form of dialogues, he expounds the tenets, now of the one sect, now of the other. Some of his philoso- phical works have perished. Petrarch, who possessed the only known manuscript of the treatise " On Glory," lent it to a friend, by whom it was either sold or lost ; and the recently discovered essay " De Republica" has dis- appointed the hopes of scholars. His other tract on political philosophy, entitled " De Legibus," is inferior in interest to his ethical discussions, which, with the theo- logical works, were written after the overthrow of the republic by Caesar had for a time removed the author from active life. The books " De Finibus" expound the ethical doctrines of the three sects of Epicureans, Stoics, and Academics. The essay " De Officiis," one of his latest philosophical dissertations, inculcates the Stoical prin- ciples of moral duty, illustrating them with the finest skill and liveliness ; and the " Tusculan Questions," the most delightful of all his speculative writings, discuss, in the form of dialogues, held at his villa near Tusculum, some of the most important topics, religious and moral, — the duty of subduing the fear of death, of enduring pain and sorrow with courage, of overcoming passion,and of belie v- : ing in the all-sufficiency of virtue to secure genuine I happiness. I THIRD AGE. THE COURT OF AUGUSTUS. A. u. 722—767 ; or b. c. 32— a. d. 14. The first imperial reign, which is proverbial as the n Golden Age of ancient letters, has bequeathed to us a I VOL, I. H 130 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. few names and works fully justifying the praises which the era receives. Many of the forms which literature had assumed in the republican times, including all those which connected it with political life, decayed in- stantly, and of course. Oratory took refuge in the schools of the Greek rhetoricians, who could teach the manner of speech, but could neither breathe soul into the speaker nor furnish opportunity for exertion. For orators, therefore, we are no longer to look. Even philosophical and scientific studies, forced into the background, have left us no monuments belonging to the age now mentioned. History has given us only one name, though that one is Livy*s ; and, with this excep- tion, the greatness of the Augustan literature is confined to its poetical compositions. There is much poetry that has a warmer flow than we discover in these, — there is much poetry that possesses an infinitely higher moral worth, from its closer alliance with life and its closer sympathy with the great interests of mankind, — but there is scarcely any single work, and certainly no body of writings, equalling the perfection of the Augus- tan poems as works of art, none which unite so many of the qualities of poetry even in its essence, and none so faultless in the mechanism and outward form. The example of Augustus was followed by his cour- tiers, especially Maecenas and Pollio. The native Italians who prosecuted literature with success were liberally patronised, provided always that their knowledge enabled them to gratify the taste for Grecian learning, which was universal among the refined aristocracy. Indeed the nobles made no secret of their contempt for the Latin tongue, — while scraps of Greek occupied the same place in their familiar conversation which French once held in some circles of our own country. Litera- ture was allowed greater license in its politics than in its grammar. This reign, in fact, formed one long comedy, the scene of which was a supposed republic, the emperor being its first citizen, and the ministers of his mUd despotism playing the parts of republicans with THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 131 as much gravity as he did. Respect to the common- wealth, and praise of its institutions, were things of course, to be found in books as well as in ordinary life. It was only necessary for the author, as for the private citizen, to recollect that the free state had now for the first time reached perfection, and that, so far as it had pre- viously differed from its new condition, its burghers might be heroes, but its constitution was defective. Even if the understood limits of Augustan repubhcanism were sometimes transgressed by a warm-tempered poet, the crafty rulers let the offence pass, and were right in doing so. The literature of the day never reached the lower orders, scarcely indeed any order except the highest ; and those who did read and were able to understand, were quite incapable, both morall}'' and from circum- stances, of moving one step against the new political system. We have lost scarcely any author of this age, except some of those persons of rank, who, like Pollio, wrote with ease. In prose we possess Titus Livius, a native of Patavium or its neighbouring village of Abanum (a. u. 695 — 770). In poetry we have Publius Virgilius Maro, born in the neighbourhood of Mantua, and resident for the greater part of his life in Rome (683 — 734) ; Quintus Horatius Flaccus, a native of Venusia in Apulia (688 — 745) ; Publius Ovidius Naso, from Sulmo in the Pelignian district (710 — 770) ; Sextus Aurelius Propertius, an Umbrian, and Aulus Albius Tibullus, a Roman, both of noble birth.* The Greek %vriters of the day are beyond our limits. Diodorus, indeed, as a Sicilian, might seem to fall within them ; and Dionj^sius of Halicamassus must be named for his Roman History, and his residence of twenty-two years in the capital, spent in collecting materials for his works, and teacliing oratory to the young nobles. • The neglected poem of Gratius Faliscus on Hunting probably belongs to this age, and deserves to be mentioned as proving how feeble and mean it was possible to render the Latin of Cicero and VirgiU 132 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. Livy's Roman History consisted of about 140 books, and extended from the foundation of the city to the middle of Augustus's reign. Besides a few fragments and a complete epitome of the work, we possess only thirty-five of those books ; namely, the first ten, which bring the nan-ative down to the year of Rome 460, and the twenty-five which immediately follow the twen- tieth. These embrace half a century, ending with the year 587, the earliest event mentioned in them being Hannibal's siege of Sag-untum, and the latest the con- quest of Macedon. The historical value of Livy's work sufifers considerable diminution from the Grecian taste that prevailed in his day, from his neglect of constitutional questions, and fi-om his open partisanship of the aristocracy. But its literary excellence can scarcely be too highly estimated. In the animation and picturesqueness of the naiTative, in the heartiness of its patriotic feeling, and in its lively portraiture of the Roman character, it possesses qualities which make it the most fascinatmg of stories even to modern readers, and must have rendered it in the author's own age one of the most pleasmg sacrifices ever laid on the altar of national vanity. Of the language either of Livy or of the poets in his time it is needless to speak : their dic- tion is recognised as the standard of the Latin tongue. Among the poets who have just been named, Proper- tius and Tibullus, whose works consist of reflective and sentimental verses in the soft monotonous elegiac measure, are not characteristic enough to deserve much notice. Both are palpable imitators of the Greeks, and our preference may be left doubtful between the obtrusively learned imagery and vigour of thought which distinguish Propertius, and the plaintiveness which pervades the love-poems of Tibullus, Ovid stands infinitely higher. The careless elegance of his conversational style (the perfection of familiar Latin in its best days), and his sweetly flowing versification, qualified him well to be the poet of a refined society ; and his subjects were not less happy than was his capacity THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 133 for treating them. The loose sentiment, moreover, which degrades his amatory poems, was but too well suited to the profligacy of his age. The Metamorphoses, an in- terminable series of narratives drawn from the classical mythology, was, with the Art and Remedy of Love, one of the favourite books in the middle ages, and gave to the modems their first knowledge of the Greek fables. In many parts its richness of fancy, and in a few places its tenderness of feeling, are extremely delightful. The " Heroides," or letters of the heroic times, are artificial in their whole conception, with frequent touches of fine emotion and imagery ; the " Fasti," which detail the Roman legends in their relation to the calendar, are of the greatest use as an antiquarian storehouse ; and the desponding poems written from the poet's place of exile in Pontus, owed the interest which beyond any other of his works they excited in Rome, to his own history and situation rather than to their poetical merits. Horace and Virgil, like the rest, derived from Greece the forms of their poetry, much of its materials, and much of its inspiration; but one cannot help per- ceiving that the studies of both were different from those of most men of their time. The later poets of the artificial school of Alexandria had been the models of Propertius and Tibullus, and even of Ovid, while the same patterns had materially injured the far nobler poetry of Lucretius. Nor was this evil eff'ect altogether avoided by the two Augustan laureates ; but their dis- tinguishing characteristic was, that they went back to the old fountains of the Grecian poetical paradise, and from these drew their essential conceptions of the art. Apol- lonius Rhodius might give aids to Virgil, but Homer was his master ; Horace might abandon imitation of Pindar as equally unsuited to the bent of his own intellect and the temper of the age, but that great genius was still the prototype to which he looked back with admiring regret. If Ovid was qualified to please a luxurious generation by holding up to it its own image, Horace and Virgil were able to lead their contemporaries whil j they seemed only 134 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. to follow ; and on modem literature these two have exerted a greater influence than any other ancient poets. In spirit, though not in form, Horace's odes are as original as his satires. With the light playfulness of the court-poet they unite much of the practical energy which belongs to the man of action ; they frequently rise high in the visionary region of lyrical imagery and feeling ; and they sometimes, though rarely, flame out with a stern moral sublimity. This last and loftiest flight is prompted only by one source of inspiration, — the recollection of Roman greatness. From the imperial terraces of the Palatine Mount the lyrist casts his eye on the Capitol and Forum ; the bitter feeling of the moment is relieved by a burst of indignant scorn, or by a rapid sketch of republican grandeur ; and he then turns away, in homage to the powers he served, to weave again his links of mythologic fancy, or to inculcate with a poet's art his lessons of worldly wisdom. This character of acute observation, which he uses for the purpose of insinuating rather than teaching easy maxims of duty, constitutes the spirit of Horace's Satires. The form of these poems was of his own invention, for neither his own countrymen nor the Greeks possessed writings of the same kind till his time, though both had com- positions which received the same name. These Horatian satires and epistles, travelling a middle road between prose and poetry, are equally admirable in their mecha- nism and in their matter. As portraits of Roman man- ners in the age they describe, they are not more lively than instructive ; as works addressed to the nation whose weaknesses they paint, their skill of execution is un- rivalled. Virgil possessed neither Horace's sagacity of observa- tion nor his lively interest in contemporary life and po- litical relations. He was wholly the poet and the artist, endowed with all the qualifications of the latter character, and with many of the most exquisite gifts of the former. As a poet, every feature of his genius is subservient to one leading faculty, his unequalled sense of beauty, THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 135 clear, delicate, and ideal, which attuned the flow of his verse, ministered to his felicity of language, and dictated the themes on which his delighted fancy retired to repose itself. Primeval simplicity and grandeur, pas- toral life amidst the luxuriance of rural nature, heroic adventure seen through the mist of time, and antique worth exalted into calm greatness by imagination, were the elements of the world in which his thoughts dwelt ; and the purposes to which he turned these favourite visions, were equally well chosen for creating his fame among his contemporaries, and for preserving it with posterity. His Idylls, examples of an ill-invented species of poetry, an illegitimate drama to which no degree of skill can give much interest, were early attempts ; and, though works of high promise, they have much of the false Alexandrian taste, and develop but imperfectly Virgil's highest qualities. Some of them, however, were the means of introducing him to the patronage of Augustus and PoUio, before he had reached his thirtieth year ; and after writing a few more, he retired to the beautiful neighbourhood of Naples, where, in the course of seven years, he completed his Georgics, undertaken, it is said, at the suggestion of Augustus and Maecenas, who, alarmed by the general neglect of agriculture, wished to make the art fashionable. The choice of the subject, and the purely didactic portions of the poem, call for no remark. As a work of art it is superior to any composition of the author, perhaps to all the didactic poems ever written. Every thing is done to idealize the theme ; there is thrown about it a gorgeous veil of mythological and historical imagery ; and the scene is shifted from spot to spot of the most lovely landscape. The Georgics were completed about the time of Antony's final ruin and the elevation of Octavius to the uncon- trolled sovereignty. Virgil's last and greatest work, which was com- menced soon after, in the fortieth year of his age, had not received his last corrections when he died at Brun- 136 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. dusium, in his fifty-second. Politically considered, the legendary story which the uiEneid tells, was in itself perfectly harmless to the new dynasty ; and it may per- haps have been thought that it would even be useful in the foreign provinces, by magnifying the original greatness of Italy and Rome. In the way in which it was treated it directly served Augustus ; for, by recognising his claim of descent from the fabulous founder of the Greco- Latin race, it reared up in his favour a kind of divine right to the first magistracy of the republic. These pretensions of the Julian family, and the general study of Greek antiquities to the utter neglect of those indige- nous to the peninsula, were sufficient reasons why Virgil should adopt, as even Livy the historian did, the fable of the Trojan descent of Rome, instead of searching among the national legends for another hero and another tale. The true materials of Italian history, however, were clearly known to him ; and he has made most skilful use of his antiquarian knowledge, in the account he gives of the adventures of ^neas, and of the state of Italy in his times. A considerable portion of his historical de- tails, and a little of his supernatural machinery, are native to the soil, though these features are kept in studied subordination to the foreign outline. For some of the most lovely scenes of his beautiful coun- try, Virgil, in this poem, did the same service which Scott has performed for so many places in Scotland. In the neighbourhood of Rome, along the Tiber, and on the coast stretching soiithward from its mouth, which though now a woody marsh, was then covered by a chain of villas, lay numerous spots which thenceforward were irrevocably associated Avith the finest poetry and the most ancient legends of the country. In the vicinity of Naples, likewise, the favourite resorts of the luxurious aristo- cracy were elevated into the rank of mythological scenes ; their sulphureous fountains exhaled the breath of the buried giants ; the oyster-preserves became the lakes and rivers of Hades ; and the fashionable cemetery of the Augustan age, among delightful woods and vineyards, THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 137 and below the huge rock of Misenum, was, by the per- fection of flattery, pointed out as the Elysian plains, the habitation of the blessed. It would be an intrusion to enter into minute criticism on the merit of the work, in respect either to its plan or to its most prominent details. With no variety and little force of character ; with a hero about whose fate we remain perfectly indifferent, if indeed we do not rather wish success to his enemies ; with a tone of moral feeling which scarcely ever rises above decent worldliness, and sometimes sinks below it ; with a story whose baldness is only relieved by a few episodical tales, which, though exquisitely pathetic, are really excrescences on its design ; with all these de- fects and many more, the ^Eneid has always charmed, and will always continue to charm, every one who has a heart and fancy for the feeling and imagery of poetry, an ear for its most delightful melody, or an intellect quali- fied to appreciate the symmetry and perfection of its art. FOURTH AGE. FROM THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS TO THAT OF MARCUS AURELIUS : A. u. 767—933 ; or a. i>. 14—180. This period is commonly styled the Silver Age of Ro- man Literature. Reckoned to the death of Marcus Aurelius it endured more than a century and a half, and comprises fifteen reigns. The vicissitudes of learning were even more frequent than the changes of sovereignty, since several emperors patronised letters at one time, and persecuted them at another ; but the era in its lead- ing features was inferior both to the Augustan and the last republican age. Its inferiority in style was not its only defect, for taste in poetry and rhetoric was to a considerable degree corrupted nearly at the beginning of it ; and there usually existed a check on philoso- phical and political speculation, which fettered prose writing of every kind. In poetry this period gives us Marcus Annaeus Luca- nus, a Spaniard (a. d. 88 — 65) ; Valerius Flaccus, who 138 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. died young, in the reign of Domitian ; Publius Papinius Statins, a Neapolitan (61 — 96) ; Caius Silius Italicus (24—99) ; AulusPersius Flaccus of Volterra (34—62) ; Decimus Junius Juvenalis, a native of Aquinum {ah. 40 — ah. 120) ; the Spaniard Marcus Valerius Martialis {ah. 63 — ah. 103) : and the author or authors of the tragedies which go under the name of Seneca. The historians of the time were Caius Velleius Paterculus of Naples {ah. b. c. 18 — a. d. 31) ; Valerius Maximus, who was somewhat younger ; Caius Cornelius Tacitus, born at Interamna in Umbria {h. ah. 67 — d. in Trajan's reign) ; Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, a contemporary of Tacitus ; Lucius Annseus Florus, who wrote under Trajan ; and probably Quintus Curtius, or the author, whoever he was, of the Life of Alexander the Great. The highest philosophical and scientific names of the age are Greek. These commence with Strabo the geo- grapher, who was at Rome in the reign of Tiberius ; they include Epictetus, who was ^e son of a freedman of Nero, and was alive in the time of Hadrian ; and Plutarch, who visited Italy towards the end of Vespa- sian's government, and was not there later than the death of Domitian. At the end of the list of writers who cultivated the Grecian philosophy must also come the name of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who, educated by the celebrated Herodes Atticus, warmly promoted that revival of Greek learning which came to its height soon after his time. The mental science of the Latins 13 represented by Lucius Annseus Seneca, who was bom at Cordova {ah. b. c. 1 — a. d. 65) : and their physics by Caius Plinius Secundus, called the elder Pliny, a native of Verona or Comum (28 — 79). To these names may be added those of the Spaniard Lucius Junius Columella, a writer on agriculture, and a contemporary of Seneca ; Sextus Juhus Frontinus, the author of a work on the aqueducts, who flourished in the end of the first and be- ginning of the second century of our era ; and Aulus Cor- nelius Celsus, whose treatise on medicine is still extant. The jurisprudence of the time was more remarkable for its squabbles than its excellence. In rhetoric, Marcus THE LITERATURE OP HEATHEN ITALY. 139 Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher's father, scarcely de- serves mention ; but the theory of the art was expounded by Marcus Fabius Quinctilianus, supposed to have been a native of Spain (b. 42 — alive in 117) ; and its practice was successfully followed by the younger Pliny, Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (b. 62 — d. probably 114). Several of these writers, being of little importance for the purpose now in view, may be dismissed very briefly. In poetry, Virgil was the great model, and his pictur- esque groups and flowing versification were imitated by many men of letters in the imperial court. At the head of these imitations stands an epic on the Second Punic War, composed by Silius, a noble Roman, of ac- curate taste and amiable character, who, devoting to literature the evening of a busy life, was praised by Martial and the other hungry poets whom he fed. The poem of Valerius Flaccus on the Argonautic Expedition, is written in the same taste, though far richer in fancy ; but its merit rests less with the author than with ApoUonius Rhodius, whose plan and much of his mate- rials he borrows. Martial's Fourteen Books of Epigrams, in which he was the first to give to this species of com- position that sharpness of turn which characterizes it in modern times, are full of wit, invective, and ob- scenity ; and while they are clearly the productions of one who could have done far better, their chief value is as illustrations (to be used with due allowance) of the manners and the deplorable licentiousness of Rome in the reign of Domitian. The ten tragedies of the pseudo- Seneca would requhe and reward minute attention in a detailed history of Italian literature ; but as they are mere imitations of the Greek, with occasional infusions of the strong Roman spirit, and much of the lazy de- clamation of the times, it is enough to indicate them as the only existing remains of the nation in a branch of literature in which they never attained to excellence. Among the historians who have been enumerated, the servile Paterculus, the gossiping Valerius, and the epitomist Florus, may be dismissed in the same breath with the credulous and pleasingly rhetorical biographer of 140 THE LITERATURE OP HEATHEN ITALY. Alexander. The Lives of the Caesars, by Suetonius, have little literary merit, though great historical value, and are here chiefly to be noticed as the first instance of that rage for personal memoirs, which produced afterwards so many collections of scandalous anecdotes. Quinctilian's Institutions, equally admirable for the soundness of their precepts and criticisms, and for their own high literary excellence, may be allowed to pass with the same hearty praise which is due to the younger Pliny's Panegyric on Trajan, and his interesting, lively, and elegant collection of Letters. There still remain the most important literary names of the time, Seneca the philosopher and the elder Pliny, the poets Lucan and Statins, Juvenal and Persius, with Tacitus the historian. Pliny's thirst for knowledge, which expatiated over every department of human inquiry, maintained his mind in ceaseless activity, and finally cost him his life in the great eruption of Vesuvius, was a remarkable phenome- non ; but, unaccompanied as it was with creative genius or extensive powers of reasoning, it would not detain us, were it not that his only remaining work seems cal- culated to illustrate forcibly the general narrowness of intellect brought on by the state of the times. The thirty-seven books of his " Historia Naturalis," an en- cyclopaedia of ancient knowledge in natural history, geography, and art, are the only considerable treatise of the kind which the Latin empire has bequeathed to us. The notices contained in it possess importance from their number and variety, as well as from the fact that very many sources whence the writer drew his informa- tion are no longer known ; but the whole is heaped together without order or inference, and the most valuable facts, and the shrewdest observations, stand side by side with extravagant caricatures and foolish drivelling. Seneca, whose tutorship of Nero, and his murder by that wicked prince, are familiar to every one, and whose moral character remains soiled after every attempt to THE LITERATURE OF HEATHlia^ ITALY. 141 cleanse it, exercised on his age an influence scarcely less than that which Cicero had on the age preceding. His mode of writing was vicious, rhetorical, antithetical, and forced, but its strong colouring was the very thing which gave it an eff'ect in the eyes of an over-refined and declining generation. His overstrained stoical tenets were as well calculated for his age as for his style. His example, it is likely, precipitated the fall of Roman letters ; but in his OAvn days and for some time after- wards, it probably did good rather than harm. "We next approach one of the most interesting pheno- mena of Latin literature. The tutor of Nero's childhood introduced to the prince's acquaintance his own nephew Lucan, a boy of noble Roman parentage, bom in Spain, but educated in the capital from his infancy. When the emperor began to rule, his early companion be- came one of his cherished friends. The youth was en- thusiastically devoted to letters, a firm believer in the haughty doctrines of stoicism, and full of those recollec- tions of perished freedom and greatness, which the deceit- ful promise of the new reign tempted him, as well as many others, to express. Besides composmg some poems which are lost, he gave vent to his melancholy aspira- tions in his celebrated epic the " Pharsalia." He there depicted the death-struggle of the Roman republic, and avowed that his only consolation for the wretchedness of that fatal period, was the reflection that the fates had appointed it as the necessary prelude to the happiness of the state under the good Nero. The dream of the em- peror's youthful virtue speedily vanished ; and in the conspiracy of Piso against him, the disappointed poet of liberty took a share. He was put to the torture, sen- tenced to die, and, his vems being opened, bled to death, repeating, as he expired, verses from his own great work. He died at the age of twenty-seven, when his strong but over-fervid intellect had not reached its maturity. No literary work has been more severely criticised than the Pharsalia, and certain of the charges against it must be at once admitted. Its plan is inartificial and 1 42 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. wanting in invention, and it is meagre in poetical orna- ment of every kind ; it has much of Seneca's exaggera- tion, a little of his false antithesis, and very much of his declamatory tediousness ; it is indistinct in its grouping and incidents, which are seen as through a mist ; it wants variety of passion, and is sadly defective in the delineation of character, its personages, except the three leading ones, being mere shadows, of which each is like the other. In despite of all these heavy faults the poem is one of the grandest in any language ; and in some points of view no ancient Latin poem possesses half its interest and importance. The key-note of this Roman song is the sentiment of moral strength, of which Cato of Utica is the represen- tative. He, and not Cffisar or Pompey, is the hero, although he is not brought sufficiently into the fore- ground ; and the work, which is confessedly incom- plete, would conclude with his self-murder instead of reaching to Caesar's assassination, to which it is carried in the continuation by our republican countryman, Thomas May. Cato stands alone amidst ruins, without hope, but immovably firm : he knows that liberty is lost to Rome, and that her citizens have ceased to love it ; he enters into the contest with the feeling of a father at the funeral of his children ;* as his task of life draws nearer to its close, his greatness of soul rises into pious serenity ; the voice of the godhead, which has always spoken in his heart, calls him forward ;t and he hastens to obey and offer the final sacrifice to freedom. But this is not the prevailing religious temper of the poem. The sentiment which emerges when the poet himself speaks of heaven is terrible. He feels as if the gods had aban- doned the earth, or grown too weak to govern it ; and it is this emotion of despair that gives birth to some of those wild exclamations wliich, taken by themselves, sound so * Pharsalia, lib. ii. v. 297—303. t Ibid. lib. ix. v. 563—584. THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. 143 extravagant.* There is no sorrow in the tone of thought. Where grief is meant to be expressed the attempt fails ; and the poet's state of mind, in lookmg to his ideal of moral greatness in Cato, and his ideal of freedom in the fallen commonwealth, is that which he has himself so powerfully described as reigning in a household in which lies a fresh corpse, — a chilly feeling in wliich for a time grief is kept aloof by fear.t These are the outlines which determine the character of the poem ; but among the shades of the poetical colouring, none tends to give the Pharsalia so peculiar an air as the originality of its supernatural machin- ery'. The beautifully cold mythology of Greece has here no place ; the supreme powers which hover above the field of civil slaughter are the native divinities and native dead of Rome and Latium. In the begin- ning of the contest terrible portents in heaven and in earth affright the people ; the Etruscan rites elicit no prophetic answer ; a raving woman rushes through the streets of the city prophesA'-ing uncertain horrors ; the ghost of Sylla rises in the field of Mars ; and the dead Marius is seen to break open his sepulchre on the banks of the Anio. The atrocities of the Marian civil wars are brought forward in narrative ; the oracle of Delphi is consulted and remains dumb ; and the last supernatural terrors which close around Pompey are summoned by the spells of a Thessalian witch, whose incantation forms one of the most strongly painted scenes in the circle of poetry. A corpse is taken from the field of battle, and the spirit is forced to re-enter it, and tell what it has seen in the world of death. The tor- tured ghost has beheld the Decii and the Curii, the patriots of Rome, weeping and wailing, and Marius, Quis justius induit arma. Scire nefas : magno se judice quisque tuetur Victrix causa diis placuit, sed victa Catoni. Lib. i. V. 126—128. t Pharsalia, lib. ii. v. 21—28. 144 THE LITERATURE OP HEATHEN ITALY. Cethegus, and Catiline, bursting their chaios and shout- ing applauses.* The republican Lucan is succeeded by Statius, the court poet and kneeling flatterer of Domitian. Statius seems to have been a man of amiable dispositions and domestic habits ; and we are tempted to excuse that want of public virtue which was common to him with nearly the whole world, and for which the liveliness of his poetical genius makes some atonement. He wrote completely in the taste of liis times, with all their rhe- torical superabundance and tediousness, and all their display of Greek erudition ; and he wrote also with a cautious avoidance of every dangerous topic. His chief work, the " Thebais," an epic poem, in ten books, on the shocking story of the two sons of CEdipus, is by no means his best production, though far the most laboured. It has a want of symmetry and coherence, which, with its long-drawn diffuseness, and its exaggerated monotony of horror and cruelty, makes it more weari- some to read than will be agreeable to any who may wish to criticise it ; and altogether it impresses the mind as the work of a man who has thrown away on it much strong feeling, much fine poetical imagery, and a good deal of very picturesque description. The " Sylvse," five books of miscellaneous poems, chiefly in hexameters, are much superior to the epic ; being less tedious, less arti- ficial, and admitting better the kind of ornament which Statius likes to give. His fertile fancy, and his acute eye for the picturesque, find full play in several very pleas- ing poems of the collection, such as the Epithalamium of Stella, the Sorrentine Villa of Pollius Felix, and the prettily sylvan though somewhat aff^ected verses on the Fountain and Overhanging Tree in the Gardens of Atedius Melior, on the Caelian Mount. The few domestic poems evince extreme goodness of heart, and one of * ** Lucan's only Muses," says the cynical author of the Pur- suits of Literature, "were Caesar, and Brutus, and Cato, and the genius of expiring Rome." THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. ] 45 them, the Poet's Invitation to Claudia, his wife, is in some passages afFectingly tender. The picture of the age closes with the satirists Persius and Juvenal, and the historian Tacitus, all of whom we regard here chiefly as painters of life, in which view they require little illustration. The six satires of Persius, scarcely rising above the level of prose, and disfigured by an annoying obscurity, breathe a tone of upright feeling, which, beheld in the age of Nero, is like a sheltered island in a stormy sea ; and the moral advice of the writer is conveyed in a quiet and gentle tone, which contrasts strongly with the thundered menaces of Juvenal. The latter, an orator and man of business, who began to write verse in his fortieth year, has given us sixteen satires, forming an image of gene- ral depravity on which it is appalling to look, even after all the allowance we can make for overcharged declamation. The tone is invariably unpleasant, alter- nating from bitter sarcasm to indignant invective ; and the poet, with all his force and vehemence, is more strong in exaggerating than successful in painting to the life either action or character. His satires are in- structive and most valuable monuments ; but they are far from deserving the first rank in the class of writings to which they belong. The dark view of society which is taken by him is fully shared by Tacitus, whose histo- rical merits this is not the place to extol, and whose literary excellence as one of the most vigorous of all moral teachers, and of all painters of character, is uni- versally acknowledged, and calls for no proof. He wrote in a fortunate time, for scarcely any emperor but Trajan could have permitted the publication of such facts and observations as are contained both in his History and in his Annals ; and it required some courage even in Trajan to allow such sketches of the abuse of power to be circulated in liis dominions. Altogether, the relation in which Tacitus, and one or two similar writers, stood towards the reigning powers, is one of those anomalies which meet us so frequently in the imperial histor}\ 146 THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. FIFTH AGE. FROM THE ACCESSION OF COMMODUS TO THAT OF CONSTANTINE : A. u. 933—1059, OR A. D. 180—306. This period, little shorter than the last, was nearly a blank m the native literature and philosophy of It^y. The only great event in the mental cultivation of the age was the rise of a new philosophical school, that of the Latter Platonists, whose seat was Alexandria. The tenets of this mystical sect acquired their chief import- ance after tlie recognition of Christianity as the religion of the state ; and the influence which the writings of the Platonists had on the later fathers of the Church, makes it necessary here to name, among the Greeks, Ammonius Saccas, Plotinus, his pupil, who was the chief originator of the new opinions, and Porphyrius, whose writings are the text-book of the new Platonic theories. The re- awakening of philosophy among the Greeks did not come alone. Among authors who wrote in their lan- guage about this time, and who were more or -less inti- mately connected with Italy or its literature, we find Longinus, Arrian the annalist and philosopher, Diogenes Laertius, Herodian, whose history descends to the reign of the Gordians, and Dio Cassius, a Bithynian, who carried his Roman history, a useful though not impartial work, down to the year 229. Among the same writers, too, must be reckoned the physician Galen, a native of Per- gamus, who lived long in Rome. If none of these Greek names belongs to the first rank, they are yet such as the Latin literature had nothing to match. Among the Roman historians there were Justin, whose epitome is still extant ; the antiquary Cen- sorinus, who wrote in the reign of Gordian III. ; and those collectors of scandal, the authors of the Augustan History, a series of Imperial Memou's, from Hadrian to Carinus and Numerianus, wliich were written by differ- ent authors, and, though most curious as striking illus- trations of the times, are quite worthless when viewed as THE LITERATURE OF HEATHEN ITALY. ] 47 literary compositions. Among philosophers the Italians had Solinus, if that writer deserves the name ; in poetry they had the didactic verses of Medicine, written by Samonicus, who was honoured by Caracalla ; and they had the poem of Nemesianus, a Carthaginian, on Hunt- ing, composed in the time of Cams, or of his sons, as were the eclogues of the Sicilian Calphumius. Those who doubt the wretched state of Italian literature in the third century of our era, will be convinced by opening the volumes of any of the writers named in the last sen- tence. The philologist Aulus Gellius, whose amusing " Noctes Atticse" still remain, is of more value ; but he was not an Italian, nor educated m Italy. The African schools, with those of Gaul, were now the most flourish- ing in the Western Empire. In the peninsula itself no branch of philosophy or literature prospered, except jurisprudence, to which in this period belong the famous names of Papinian and Ulpian. 1 48 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE CHAPTER IV. Ai't in Italy and Sicily before the Conquest of Greece by the Romans. PERIOD ENDING A. U. 608 ; OR B. C. 146. The Connexion of Italian with Grecian Art — Art in the Greco- ItaUan Colonies. The Infancy of Art in Greece and the Colonies (ending about a. u. 294) : — The Temples — Existing Monuments of Architecture and Sculpture in Magna Graecia and Sicily — The Selinuntine Marbles. Grecian Art after ITS Complete Development (a. u. 294—608, or b.c. 460 — 146) : — Painting and Architecture — Extant Decorative Paint- ings and Mosaics — The Greek Architectural Orders — Ruins in Magna Graecia and Sicily — Sculpture in Two Eras : — I. The Era of Great Names (a. u. 294—454) :— Its Two Ages— (1). The Age of Phidias, Polycletus, and Myron — Existing Copies or Imitations of their Works — The Amazons— The Jupiter- busts — The Pallas-statues — The Colossi of the Quirinal Mount — (2). The Age of Scopas, Praxiteles, and Lysippus — The Niobe and her Children — The Fauns — The Cupids — The Venus- statues — The Figures of Hercules — II. The Era of Great Works ( a. u. 454—608) :— Existing Sculptures of this Time— The Venus and Apollo de' Medici — The Borghese Gladiator— The Farnese Hercules — The Germanicus and Cincinnatus. Art in Etruria AND Rome (till a. u. 608, or b.c. 146) : — Recent Elucidations of Etruscan Art — Its Character Grecian — Etruscan Fortresses — Temples — Tombs — Painted Vases — Sculpture and Castings — The She-wolf— The Decline and Revival of Art in Rome. In more than one metropolis northward of the Alps we may examine some isolated sections of classical art, but the southern country which those barriers enclose is still the only one in which we can study the whole CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 149 magnificent volume. The Roman and Grecian archi- tectural ruins still rise amidst the vineyards of Italian valleys, or on the silent expanse of Italian plains. The galleries of Italian palaces are still thronged with statues, as were the temples on whose fragments they are built ; while ancient painting itself, all but lost for ages, has again come to light, and adorns a modern Italian city. To these treasures we must add the numberless reliques which fill the antiquarian cabinets ; and we must also recollect, that of the masterpieces which enrich the museums in England, Germany, and France, a very large proportion have been discovered on the soil of Rome, or of her Cisalpine territories. In ancient Italy ait was always an exotic, — a fact which, in reference to the purpose now in view, will demand from us some knowledge of the history and character of Grecian art, as preparatory to our study of its remains in the former country ; for unquestionably very many of these were executed in Greece, while a large proportion of the rest are the works of artists thence derived, and almost all of them bear a clear im- press of the foreign character. The Greeks, in this de- partment not less gloriously than in others, were the makers of their own fortune ; and they shared the pos- session with their colonies from the shores of Asia to those of Sicily and Magna Graecia. The cultivated domain of literature, philosophy, and art, which their genius thus had won, devolved on Rome like an inheritance, which she, a spendthrift heir, enjoyed but did not augment. But these were neither the oldest nor the most direct obligations which Italy owed to the Hellenic race ; for, long before that people became the subjects of Rome, all the arts of design were naturalized among their colonists in the south of the peninsula and in Sicily. The coins of the Greek cities in these districts show art, in its earlier stages, to have advanced more rapidly there than even in the mother-country. To these older pieces, belonging to Sybaris, Tarentum, Caudonia, and Posidonia, succeed those of Syracuse, Leontium, and 150 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE Selinus, and, still later, those of the same cities and of Neapolis, Rhegium, and other towns ; all indicating that art in these settlements still kept pace with, if it did not outstrip, the progress of the nation from which its lessons were learned.* In the higher departments, the free municipalities of Lower Italy, and the princes of Sicily, vied with each other in cultivating native genius, and encouraging artists from JEgina and other schools of Greece. Of the pieces of statuary now remaining, which were confessedly the offspring of Grecian art be- fore the Roman conquest, we can in few instances trace the progress to the capital ; but there is no doubt that very many splendid works were found by the conquerors in Sicily and Magna Graecia. In architecture, numerous monuments still bear witness to the skill of the Italiot Greeks. THE INFANCY OF ART IK GREECE AND THE GRECIAN COLONIES : ENDING ABOUT A. 0. 294 ; OB B. C. 460. The earliest progress of Grecian art, and the much contested questions as to the aid which it received from the oriental nations, must here be left untouched. It is enough to say that, down to the 50th Olympiad, or about the year of Rome 174, it was marked by a rude and formal simplicity. In architecture, the colossal masonry of the Pelasgians gave way to the most ancient and mas- sive fonn of the Doric order, or to the Ionic, which presented lighter proportions even in its oldest shape. Sculpture was little employed, except in the temple- statues of the divinities, in which the deficiency of skill co-operated with an almost Egyptian reverence for precedents ; and the idols of wood and stone were as unadorned and rude as the hoary shrines in whose niches they were placed. The few antique vases, which alone can with any confidence be referred to this early period, exhibit painting in its very infancy. * Specimens of Ancient Sculpture, by the Society of Dilet- tanti, vol. i. 1809 : Preliminary Dissertation, pp. 24, 36, 37- CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 151 With the 50th Olympiad there begins, hotli in Greece and her colonies, a period of rapid advancement, which in little more than a century placed statuary, painting, and architecture, at the very threshold of perfection. Of this interesting era we possess several splendid monu- ments, both in architecture and sculpture, which chiefly belong to Sicily and Magna Graecia. The primitive idea of the Grecian Temple was that of a small chapel (the Cell a) with its sacred image ; and as its size increased, it did not lose the essential character of the closed mysterious sanctuary. The structure, roofed over, had no windows, and received no light but from the single door at its front, while the portico at this extremity, which originally may have formed the only ornament, not only was, in some instances, repeated at the oi3posite end, but enlarged itself into an external colonnade to receive the wor- shippers, and extended to the sides or the whole circuit of the edifice, in a single or double row of columns, forming a covered walk outside the walls. A second colonnade shut in the wide space of consecrated ground around the temple, which stood in the midst, gene- rally elevated on a majestic flight of steps. The cell or body of the fane continued to be a comparatively small building. It was the receptacle of the statue and altar of the divinity, and was accessible to none but the priests ; while the worshippers tlironged around in the sacred precincts, and beneath the porticos. The cell was sometimes circular, but most frequently an oblong rectangle. Its interior gradually underwent alterations, of which the most marked was the intro- duction of columns in this part for the purpose of strengthening the roof, and thus permitting a conveni- ent enlargement ; and these internal colonnades were frequently united with a plan by which the roof ran only round the building, covering the space between the walls and the internal columns, while an area in the centre was left open to the sky. There was thus fonned the species of temple called hypsethral, not unlike 152 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE the arrangement of the courts which composed the principal part of a Greek dwelling-house.* Of the hypaethral cell, with its internal colonnades, we have a fine instance in the majestic temple of Neptune at Psestum, which also exhibits, in its short crowded columns and gigantic entablature, the most characteristic specimen of that massy form of the older Doric, which was the ftivourite style among the Sicilian and Italian Greeks.t The desolation of these classical ruins now makes a picture very unlike that which the edifices them- selves must have presented to the ancient world, when the statue and the altar, illuminated by gorgeous lamps, decked the cell, when marbles, gilding, and paintings shone on the walls and fretted ceilings, and votive tablets hung thickly in the porticos without. To this period belong the three Sicilian temples in the citadel of Selinus, which are most worthy of notice for the sculptures on the metopes of their frieze, dis- covered among the ruins in 1823.:{: Three of the slabs, it is clear, are far more ancient than the rest, and are the only ones belonging to the age now under review. The first represents a naked Hercules carrying off, in a serio-comic posture, the conquered Cercopes. Th" subject of the second is Perseus killing Medusa, while * Quatremere de Quinc)', however, has propounded a theory which, if admitted, overthrows all our established notions as to the form of the ancient temples. He maintains that none of them, not even the largest, were in any part open to the sky ; that Vitruvius, in describing hypaethral temples, speaks of a plan which had never been executed; that the temple of Paestum was roofed entirely over with bronze, and others with flags of stone or wooden beams. He maintains also .that the cells were fully lighted by windows in the roof. Memoires de I'lnstitut Royal de France ; Classp d'Histoire, tom. iii. 1818. •f For PfEstum and the Sicilian Tem.ples, except the recently investigated ruins in the citadel of Selinus, consult Wilkins' An- tiquities of Magna Graecia, 1807. ^ By jMr Harris and Mr Angell. The marbles were seized by the Neapolitan government, and are now in the museum at Pa- lermo. Casts are in the British Museum ; and a description was published in 1826, by Mr Angell and Mr Evans. See also the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. ii. p. 144. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 153 Minerva stands by. The third, which is much broken, has a female standing and a male kneeling. The reliefs on these tablets, and the figures which, com- pletely detached from the wall, filled the pediments of the temple of Minerva at ^gina, and were discovered in 1811, rank among the most curious of all contributions to the antiquities of art.* If we were not entitled to presume that the Attic ^gina may have been in advance of the obscure Sicilian colony, both in the theory and the mechanism of art, the difference which exists be- tween the Selinuntine marbles and the -^ginetic, both in style and execution, might induce us to suspect that the former were considerably earlier works than the latter. Taken together, the two sets of fragments ex- hibit sculpture to us as Phidias found it. In the me- topes of Selinus, while the lines are firm, and the general contour of the human figure is traced with a tolerable approach to truth, the proportions are ludicrously clumsy, the attitudes are stiff and unvaried, and the expression of all the countenances is a slight and almost silly simper. In the iEgina marbles the expression of all the heads is uniform, but it is that of profound repose ; the outlines of the figures are hard, their proportions meagre, and the bones and muscles harshly marked ; but the truth of the details astonishes artists, and there breathe through the whole a strength and simplicity which not unworthily announce the approacliing ex- cellence of the Parthenon. ART IN GREECE AND THE GRECIAN COLONIES, FROM ITS COM- PLETE DEVELOPMENT TILL THE ROMAN CONQUEST : A. u. 294—608 ; or b. c. 460—146. About the 80th Olympiad (b. c. 460), architecture and sculpture reached their highest excellence among * The ^gina Marbles, having been restored by Thorwaldsen, are now in the Glyptothek of Munich. Their exact age cannot be easily fixed, but they certainly fall between the 55th and 77th Olympiads. 154 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE the Greeks, and the perfection of their painting belongs to the same epoch, or one very little later. From that time till the taking of Corinth by the Romans, in the third 3'ear of the 158th Olympiad, Greece encountered many political vicissitudes ; but there is little reason to suspect that the disturbances of the country affected the arts to any greater extent than depressing them at one place to raise them at another. None of them, it is true, preserved the transcendent character of the earlier age ; and the artists of the Achaean league were distin- guished by different qualities from those of the great Macedonian dynasty, as the genius of these again had differed from that which illuminated the times of the Peloponnesian war, and the golden reign of Pericles. But though there was change, there was no degradation ; or, if there was, it appeared in architecture only, and even there the deviation from purity of taste was as yet but slight. Painting and Architecture. Even after the discoveries of the last century in Campania, it is difficult to seize fully the tme character of Grecian painting, as exliibited by its first masters ; and it goes for little to be told of the accurate and noble drawing of Polygnotus, of the softer and more imaginative beauty which followed it in the works of the Italian Zeuxis, and his rival Parrhasius of Ephesus, or of the union of high theory with mechanical per- fection, which is attributed to the Ionian Apelles and Protogenes of Rhodes, the great painters of the Mace- donian times. In the latter ages of the period, after the foundation of Alexander's empire, this art was extensively applied to the internal decoration of build- ings, when still-life and architectural drawings became common. The practice of painting on terra-cotta vases, formerly so popular, fell into disuse, or was cornipted ; and most of the Apulian specimens, from Canusium, Barium, and other cities, exemplify the artificial man- nerism which then prevailed. On the other hand. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 155 Mosaics appeared for the first time at Pergamus ; and the celebrated Drinking Doves, which were the subject of an early composition, have been supposed to be pre- served in an imitation discovered in the Villa of Ha- drian.* A Mosaic lately found, representing one of Alexander's battles, is an example of an animated style, not exactly accordant with Grecian principles ; but it is executed with skill, and is very instructive.t In architecture, between the time of Phidias and the siege of Corinth, much was done of which we possess magnificent remains, and very much that has perished without leaving a shadow. The Doric order, in the hands of the Attic artists, attained a simple majesty of grace perfectly true to its original character. The Ionic, invented by the Asiatic Greeks, and developed by them in the form which has been recognised as the rule of the order, was used by the Athenians as a fit subject on which to exercise their fancy and love of ornate beauty ; and about the 85th Olympiad appears the graceful Corinthian column, whose proportions gradually arranged themselves in a light and slender symmetry harmonizing with its style of ornament, in which the Ionic volute became subordinate to rich groups of natural foliage. It is worth while to notice, that in the time of Pericles, the earliest portion of the period now before us, we discover in at least one of the great temples of Greece the keyed arch;:|: an invention which it v/as difficult to unite harmoni- ously with the prevailing horizontal lines of the orders, • Capitoline Museum ; Stanza del Vaso, No. 101. •f In the museum of Naples : discovered at Pompeii, in the House of the Faun, 10th October 1831. X See (at sections 107 and 109) the excellent *' Handbuch der Archiiologie derKunst" (2d edition, Breslau, 1835) : by Miiller, tho celebrated author of " The Dorians," The authorities are, Plutarch, in Pericle, cap. 13, compared with Julius Pollux, ii. 54, and Senec. Epist. 90, assigning to Democritus (who died about the 1st year of the 94th Olympiad) what he calls the inven- tion of the arch and key-stone ; though, as the keyed arch unques. tionably existed long before in Rome and elsewhere in Italy, De- mocritus in all likelihood only borrowed it. 156 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE and which, borrowed probably from Italy, the Ro- mans soon received back. The architecture of Greece, when thus perfected, was applied in every conceivable shape. In the free days of the nation, she and her colonies erected fortifications, theatres, odea, stadia, and temples ; and her Macedonian conquerors employed her artists in constructing princely palaces, tombs, and even cities, like those of Alexandria and Antioch. Of edifices not within our proper limits, it will be enough, from the first and purest stage of this period, to call to mind the magnificent group of temples at Athens. In Sicily the example was eagerly followed. The great temple at Agrigentum belongs to this period ; some of those at Selinus do so likewise, as well as that of iEgeste. In Magna Graecia all the ruins of Paestum, excepting the temple of Neptune, may be traced to the same age, though several of them scarcely do justice to its spirit ; and to it also may be referred a few less important re- mains in the same region. Both there and in Sicily the Doric order was mvariably used, and the two others are nowhere to be seen, except on coins belonging to those colonies. Domestic architecture attained elegance in Sicily much earlier than in the mother- country.* Sculpture, Grecian sculpture, as it appeared from the time of Phidias till the Roman conquest, requires more minute illustration ; and it may be convenient to divide the period into two eras. The first of these reaches from the 80th to the 120th Olympiad ; and, in a duration of about a century and a half, includes two successive ages of art, both adorned by very celebrated names. The second era, of about the same length, from the 120th Olympiad to the 158th, though it furnishes fewer great masters than the former, has bequeathed to us works of the highest excellence. * Stieglitz, Archaolonjie der Baukunst der Griechen und Rbmer, vol. i. : Historical Introduction. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 157 I. lu the first section of the earlier period five artists must be named, — Phidias, Polycletus, IMyron, Pytha- goras, and Calaniis. All of these had some points in common, and in particular the freedom with which they treated their subjects as compared even with their im- mediate predecessors. That strange union of accurate drawing w^ith stiffness of attitude and design, and other similar contradictions, which are to be observed in so many statues of the age preceding Phidias, have been explained by the best critics, as arising from a designed adherence to older models, the sacred and patriarchal idols of the shrines for which these more modern works were destined. In the Phidian age itself this hieratic style was discarded, even in the simple figures ; and freedom of manner was furthered and perfected by the increased demand which that age made for statues and reliefs, as ornaments for unconsecrated buildings. In the time of Pericles, or very soon after it, art was com- pletely secularized ; for, without being banished from the temples, it was introduced into every public place, and into many private dwellings. For the sacred edifices the artists had to frame images of the gods, and reliefs of mythic legends ; for the agorce, theatres, and porticos, there were similar reliefs or statues, and other statues representing statesmen or athletae ; and for the gratifi- cation of individual taste or vanity, there were ideal or portrait statues, with reliefs and groups from mytholo- gical stories ; while the introduction of sculpture into private mansions became, in the following age, yet more common, and added to its former subjects copies of the celebrated works produced in the era immediately under our notice. While the artists of the generation of Peri- cles were guided by a minute study of the human frame, for which the national costume, modes of life, and public spectacles, afforded them remarkable opportunities, the highest among them differed not less in their favourite subjects, than in their mode of treating them ; and their characteristics exercised a strong influence on art in all succeedins: times. 158 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE Confessedly at the head of sculpture in his age stood the Athenian Phidias, and the Attic school over which he presided. We can scarcely presume that he had quitted the studio of his master Ageladas before the commencement of the 80th Olympiad. Besides giving attention to painting and architecture, he embraced statuary in all its branches, mcluding even the antique but already neglected art of carving on wood. His more usual employments, however, were, sculpture in marble, which had not yet become the favourite material for statues, — the working in metal, both by casting and chas- ing (the latter being in fact the celebrated Toreutic art of the ancients), — and the union of all those modes of procedure in the construction of the Chryselephantine statues, which were compositions of gold and ivory, with other substances, usually gigantic in size and gorgeously decorated.* The number of works attributed to this great sculptor, several of which were colossal, is as in- credible as the number ascribed to Raffaelle ; unless, indeed, we suppose the ancient artist, as well as the modern, to have given his name to productions which he only designed, and allowed his scholars to execute. In all his works which were considered successful, the subjects are such as call for majesty of conception rather than beauty. His Olympic Jupiter, and his Minerva Parthenos for the Acropolis of Athens, both colossal statues, were the embodied images of that mythic grandeur which reigned in the Homeric hea- ven. Polycletus, an artist of Sicyon, and a fellow-pupil of Phidias, led the way in an opposite path of art, and found, many more imitators. He did not reach the sublimity of his rival in the representation of divi- nity ; but his works displayed a completeness of finish, an exactness of proportions, and an ideal beauty, which he delighted in applying to the execution of human, and * The explanation of the Chryselephantine works is the im- mediate purpose, though far from occupying the whole discussion, of Quatreraere de Quincy's splendid work, Le Jupiter Olympien ; Paris, 1815, folio. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 159 especially of youtliful figures. Myron of Eleutherae, who also studied under Ageladas, resembled Polycletus in his choice of subjects, and was celebrated for his truth to nature, and a perfect imitation of life, without high feelmg or individuality of character. Both Polycletus and Myron executed several celebrated statues of Ath- letfie, as did Pythagoras of Rhegium, who deserves notice here as the greatest sculptor of Magna Graecia. Calamis, the last named of the five great artists of the time, who was perhaps an Athenian, appears to have been rather older than the others, and is charged with betraying more of the antique stifihess than they. To him are ascribed a list of perished works which indicate a love for the devo- tional and elevated, and amongst others an Apollo Pro- tector, erected in the agora of Athens, and supposed by some, with little reason, to have been the prototype, or even the original, of the Apollo Belvedere.* With the exception of architectural sculptures, no original works of those great masters are known to exist. But several antique statues are recognised as being copies, or, which is more likely, free imitations, either of their mventions, or of those executed by other less famous statuaries belonging to the same age. The Amazon of Polycletus was publicly adjudged superior to those of Phidias, Ctesilaus, and several in- ferior sculptors. The beautiful Amazon of the Vatican, a figure in the act of springing forward,t with its repeti- * Giambattista Visconti : II Museo Pio-Clementino, torn. i. p. 27; tav. 14, 15; 1782: but compare his son's remarks in the Musee Francais, Article " L'ApoUon du Belvedere." + ISliiller's explanation (Handbuch, §417-2). The statue is in the Museo Pio-Clementiuo, Galleria delle Statue, No. 18 : en- graved in the Musee Fran9ai5. There is a copy in the Capitol, and several elsewhere In this and other references to the museums of the Vatican and Capitol, the present places of the several an- tiques, and the numbers afiBxed to them, have been verified by a consultation of the only full catalogues of those galleries which have yet been published. These are contained in the 2d and 3d volumes of the German Guide-book to the City of Rome (Beschrei- bung der Stadt Rom), commenced in 1830 under the editor- ship of M. Bunsen, and written by that distinguished scholar, by Gerhard, Platner, Rostell, and other German antiquaries. The 160 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE tions, are also regarded as copies or imitations either of the statue of Phidias, or of that of Polycletus;* and the wounded Amazon of the Capitol,t preserves the idea of the work of Ctesilaus. INIyron's Hercules, and his equally celebrated Cow, have perished ; but seve- ral excellent imitations have given us his Discobolus, a bent figure of great truth and merit. | The concep- tion of the Jupiter-head invented by Phidias may undoubtedly be traced in those noble busts, of which several are extant, with the clear powerful forehead, on each side of which the hair falls backwards like a lion's mane ; the deep, large, majestic eyes ; the placid, finely formed lips, and the full beard descending on the mus- cular breast. § The Pliidian Minerva has scarcely be- queathed us any thing so good ; but there are several statues which retain the leading idea, with many acces- sories of the figure, and three at least may be said to be- long to the age of the sculptor himself, and to preserve " verymuchjindeedjof the graveand dignified beauty which was his characteristic. 1 1 On the brow of the Quirinal formidable bulk of this learned work disqualifies it for serving as a popular manual ; but it is almost faultless as a text-book for the systematic student of classical antiquities, * Of Phidias : Miiller, ut supra ; Thiersch, in his Epochen der bildenden Kunst unter den Griechen ; 2d edition, Munich, 1829. — Of Polycletus : Gerhard, in the Beschreibung, vol. ii. part 2, p. 168. t Capitoline IMuseum, ^reat hall, No. 9. A copy, ill-restored, in the Louvre, No. 281 (Clarac's Catalogue, 1830). + Among other copies that of the Vatican ; Museo Pio-Clemen- tino, Sala della Biga, No. 10 ; and another, perhaps the best extant, in the British Museum; Room x. No. 41 ; (Catalogue of 1832) ; engraved in the Dilettanti Specimens of Ancient Sculp- ture, vol. i. plate 29. § In the \'atican, the grand colossal bust from Otricoli, Mus. Pio-Clem. Sala Rotonda, No. 3, engraved in the Musee Fran- cais, and in the Museo Pio-Clementino, torn. vi. tav. i. (1792). Another in the Florentine Gallery. II The colossal Pallas of Velletri, now in the Louvre, No 310; engraved in the Musee Francais. The Giustiniani ^Minerva of the Vatican, Mus. Belvedere, Braccio Nuovo, No. 23. The colossal Minerva of IMr Hope's Collection, engraved in the Specimens, vol. ii. No. 9. A duplicate of Mr Hope's statue is in the Museo Borbonico of Naples : JNIarble statues, No. 125 ; (Catalogue of 1831.) CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 161 in Rome still stand two colossal and singularly striking figures in marble, eacli reining in a horse. They give to the hill its modern name of Monte Cavallo, and bear respectively on their pedestals, in Latin characters, the names of Phidias and Praxiteles. Antiquaries entertain very discordant opinions regarding them ; but artists are almost unanimous in declaring them to be copies (one of them excellent) of Greek works in the style of the times to which those mighty masters belong. Till within the last quarter of a century, the students of ancient art were compelled to glean their knowledge of the Phidianage from these and a few other antiques, none of them rising above the rank of copies or imitations. But with the removal of the Elgin Marbles to England, and their public exhibition in the British Museum, there opens a new era for our acquaintance with ancient statuary. The most important of these monuments are the admirable sculptures of the Parthenon, consisting of (1.) the reliefs of the metopes, or slabs which, separated by triglyphs, ran along the frieze of the peristyle, or external colonnade ; (2.) the uninter- rupted series of reliefs which adorned the frieze of the cella ; and (3.) the statues of heroic size, completely disengaged from the walls, which filled the tympana, or triangular spaces of the pediments at both ends of the temple. The two sets of reliefs are unequal ; but their design, as well as the superintendence of their execution, undoubtedly belong to Phidias ; and the lofty beauty of the statues of the pediments, authorizes us to assign to him a more immediate share in their production. The study of these wonderful reliques is essential, as a preparative, to the due appreciation of those later pieces of sculpture, which, till the exhibition of the Elgin ^larbles, formed the highest specimens of ancient art. The Phigaleian Marbles, discovered in 1812, and also transferred to the British Museum, are palpably modelled after the metopes of the Parthenon ; but though in- ferior, both in conception and execution, they are works of high excellence, and prove the immediate influence VOL. 1. K J 62 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE which the school of Phidias exercised on the rest of Greece, as some of the recently found metopes of Selinus exhibit its influence on the Sicilian colonies. As to the mechanical department, statuary may be considered as having then reached its height ; and while bronze, and the various complex compositions of which that or similar materials formed a part, continued to be the favourites, marble became gradually more com- mon, though for a long time it was not frequent enough to allow us to look for many existing specimens except in architectural ornaments. The application of sculp- ture, however, became every day more extended ; and with the swift rise of the Macedonian monarchy there began a system of patronage, perhaps exceeding in its amount that which had been enjoyed in the days of Peri- cles. The munificence of Philip and Alexander gave birth to that school of art which was marked for us as occupying the second age in the period ending -svith the 120th Olympiad. The great names of the time are Scopas, Praxiteles, and Lysippus, of whose works we have some traces, with Leochares and Euphranor, whose character we must take on trust. Scopas and Praxiteles, with Leochares, may be considered as the successors, in spirit as well as in locality, of their countryman Phidias ; while Lysippus and Euphranor in like manner followed the path opened by Polycletus, whose birthplace Sicyon was also that of Lysippus. "With decisive differences of character, Scopas, Praxite- les, and Lysippus, had common tendencies. In the style and execution of their works it would be unreasonable to expect the continuance of that broad, massive, severe classicism which marked the newly emancipated age of Phidias ; and it would be hopeless to look for a preservation of the grand and simple spirit of invention and arrange- ment, which had distinguished that master individually from other sculptors of his time. The members of the new Sicyonic, as well as those of the new Attic school, in- spired art ynth a greater softness of design as well as of CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 163 execution, and, departing from the negative indication of general forms, they for the first time introduced indivi- dual character. But the great feature of their vrorks may he said to have been beauty, — a beauty which, bor- rowing its outward form from the most careful study of nature, was yet the representative of internal loveliness and repose of soul, — a beauty which, while it wanted the sublimity of the oldest races of the gods, still breathed the air of Olympus, — a beauty which had in it more of the expression of human feeling than elder art had allowed, but was too loftily ideal to exhibit the energy of passion. Scopas may without hesitation be described as ap- proaching nearest to the spirit of Phidias. We read of his works as embracing subjects from the legends of Venus and Eros, from those of Bacchus and the Maenads, and a magnificent group of Neptune with other sea-divinities and Achilles, which afterwards stood in the Circus Flami- nius at Rome. We do not possess any trace of these masterpieces, unless we conclude that, as is more than probable, the character exhibited by some of the later re- presentations of Bacchus and his Maenad-nymphs is founded in that of his figures. His Apollo, however, in the character of the Lyre-player, which Augustus set up in his temple of Apollo Actiacus on the Palatine, is in all likelihood substantially preserved in the fine statue of the Vatican, in a long flowing dress, almost feminine.* The temple of Apollo Sosianus in Rome possessed a group of Niobe and her Children, which the ancients pas- sionately admired, doubting, however, whether it were the work of Scopas or of Praxiteles.t On the assump- tion that the leading figures of the celebrated family of * :\Jus. Pio-Clem. Sala delle Muse, No. 17. Found with the statues of the Muses (now in the same hall) in the villa of Cassius at Tivoli. But both Ennio Quirino Visconti and his father suppose the statue a copy of the Apollo which was erected with the Muses of Philiscus in the Portico of Octavia, and was the production of Timarchides, an artist who seems to have flourished a short time before the Roman conquest. II Museo Pio-Clementino, torn. i. p. 30, tav. 16, and IMusee Francais. t Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvi.'cap. 4- 1 64 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE Niobe, which was, in 1588, found at Rome near the gate San Giovanni, and is now in the Florentine gallery, convey to us the character of the classical group com- memorated by Pliny, modern critics are inclined to at- tribute the original to Scopas. Of these sixteen statues, six at least, it is quite manifest, do not in any way belong to the story ; and the opinion is all but universal, that even those which are really parts of the series are only copies or imitations of the work so celebrated in antiquity. Among the figures which may certainly be re- garded as connected with it, we have the mother clasping the youngest daughter to her breast, and looking up to heaven ; a dead son lying on the ground ; a son who has fallen on his right knee ; an older son in flight with his mantle wrapt round the left arm ; a wounded daughter ; a young boy in flight ; another older son in the attitude of the fleeing youth first mentioned ; a daughter in flight ; and finally, the Paedagogus. To these, on the strength of Thorwaldsen's opinion, we may add a statue of the Florentine gallery usually called a Narcissus, a kneelmg youth, whose left hand presses a wound on his back.* The figures now enumerated are of very unequal execution. The daughter on the mother's left, and the dead son, are admirable, being indeed only second to the group of the mother and the youngest daughter. In this sublime composition, the heroic grandeur and ener- getic life of the elder figure, and the fixed air of agony which animates the beauty of its countenance, are per- haps the most exquisite things which Grecian art has * See Miiller, Handbuch, § 126 : Thiersch, Epochen, p. 3b8, &c. Of several figures there are good repetitions. The dead son is both at Dresden and Munich. There are several antique busts of the mother, one of which, wonderfully grand, is in Lord Yarborough's Collection : (Engraved in the Dilettanti Specimens, vol. i. plates 35, 36, 37). The fleeing daughter is repeated in the Vatican (IMuseo Chiaramonti, No. 174) ; and the son fallen on his 1-nee is in the Capitoline IVIuseum (Galleria, No. 40). A fragment of a group in the Vatican (Mus. Pio-Clem. Galleria delle Statue, No. 40), representing a female figure sunk down and supported by a male, has also been supposed a Niobide group. The Niobide statues are illustrated by the well-designed reliefs of a sarcophagus in the Vatican (Mus. Pio-Clem. Galleria de' Candelabri, No. 36). CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 165 bequeathed us, and the most characteristic production of that highest age, which united in perfection life with repose, the intensity of feeling with the purest sense of the beautiful. Ancient writers mention numerous works of Praxite- les, chiefly, like those of Scopas, in marble ; and they describe several of them with a minuteness which en- ables us to point out some existing antiques as being at any rate coincident with his inventions in subject. A few of these statues are at once so beautiful and so cha- racteristic, that it is not rash to go a step farther, and pro- nounce them to belong to the many productions which, in some cases close copies and in others imitations of the elder masters, were brought forward to gratify the luxury and taste of the later Greek period or the earlier times of Imperial Rome. The most celebrated works of Praxiteles belonged to the Dionysiac mythology, to the legends of Venus, or to those of Apollo. In all of them he delighted to represent a tender and expressive loveliness, wliich in the Bacchic scenes partook of the wild enthusiasm of the mysteries, while his Venus and his Amor finely united with their human beauty the dignity of godhead ; and his Apollo, youthful or even boyish, was still the divinity of the temple. Of all these classes of works, we possess in the galleries of Italy at least hints and recollections. In the Dionysiac figures, besides forming that youthful conception of the character of Bacchus which appears in all subsequent statues, Praxiteles is also believed to have invented the poetical figure of the Satyr or Faun, discarding the older monstrous shapes, and retaining little of the animal lineaments except the pleasingly characteristic features and the air of wild playfulness. His Athenian Satyr, it is generally ad- mitted, has been imitated in the figure of the boyish Satyr with the Flute, leaning on the trunk of a tree, which occurs in several repetitions of excellent design.* * In the Vatican, Braccio Nuovo, No. 93 ; found at Circeii. In the Capitoline Museum, Galleria, No, 12, 166 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE Of the Apollo Slaying the Lizard there are also several imitations possessing much natural grace.* In the Vati- can is a youthful Cupid, one of the best works of anti- quity, in imperfect preservation, but equally admirable for its skill of execution and for the force and originality of its expression, w^hich is that of a tender, pinmg, al- most sorrowful, beauty. There are strong reasons for be- lieving that this fine torso is an imitation of a Praxitelcan statue, either his Eros of Parion or that of Thespioe.t But by far the most famous productions of this master were his statues of Venus, especially the undraped one of Cnidos. This celebrated figure is minutely described by Lucian, and is represented on the coins of the island ; and it is, in the first place, quite clear, that the Venus de' Medici is neither this work nor any copy of it. The coins and the description farther allow us with much probability to fix on two existing specimens as copies or close imitations of the Cnidian Venus ; and these display such unlikeness of character to the Medicean, as to aid the certainty of the conclusion which refers to a later age than that of Praxiteles, the statue in which " the goddess loves in stone." Of these two copies one, not of first-rate merit, is in the Vatican, the other has pass- ed from the Braschi palace in Rome to the Royal Gallery of Munich. ;|: We cannot, however, fairly appreciate the changes of character which the Venus underwent in the liands of the statuaries, unless we begin with the speci- men lately discovered at Melos.§ This admirable work is conceived and executed in the boldest and purest style of ancient art ; and both the broadness of the manner, the * In the Villa Borghese of Rome ; a bronze in the Roman Villa Albani : in the Vatican : in the gallery of Florence; and elsewhere. t Mus. Pio-Clera. Galleria delle Statue, No. 2. The museum of Naples possesses a much more entire duplicate : Statues, No. 312. J Mus. Pio-Clem. Galleria delle Statue, No. 38. Glyptothek of Munich, No. 135 (Schorn's Catalogue of 1833). The Munich statue is slightly given in the twenty-second plate to Flaxman's Lectures on Sculpture. § Louvre, No. 232 : discovered in 1820, in the amphitheatre of the Greek island of INIilo (Melos) : heroic size. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 167 fidelity to nature, and tlie blended loveliness and majesty of the figure, make it far the nearest in character to the Phidian age of all the Venus-statues which remain. If we pass from the partially draped Venus Victrix of Melos to the Cnidian Venus of Munich, we shall remark, in the complete unclothing of the figure practised here by Praxiteles, as by Scopas on another occasion, the first steps in that secularization of art which at length made it the handmaid of luxury or sensuality; but the nudity in this case is excused by the accessories, and the charac- ter of the Cnidian statue is even liigher and purer than that of the Venus de' Medici. Its face and figure are scarcely less beautiful than those of the Florentine statue, but both are nobler, and the head more ideal, while the attitude has more of female dignity and less of female softness. The execution is exquisite ; and, if we must hold the statue of the Vatican to be a copy at second- hand, we are under no necessity of having recourse to this supposition in regard to the other. Lysippus, who had the sole privilege of representing Alexander the Great in statuary, as Apelles had in painting, andPyrgoteles in seal-engraving, was celebrated for improvements in some details of art, for his careful study of nature, and for his introduction of a light- ness and slendemess of proportion, which gave to his figures an imposing appearance of height. His works were greatly admired at Rome, and are the subjects of several anecdotes. His athlete-statue, called the Apoxyo- menoSy was placed by Agrippa at the gate of his baths ; but Tiberius carried it ofi^" to the palace, on which the people at the theatre with one voice called for its restitu- tion, and it was restored. His Alexander as a child was gilded by Nero, and destroyed in the attempt to remove the coating of metal.'"^ His numerous works, the sub- jects of which had much of an heroic character, were cast in bronze, and we neither possess any original statue of his, nor probably the immediate imitation of any. • Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv. cap. 19. 168 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE His portraits of Alexander, however, are the originals of those heads, some of them fine ones, which preserve the features of the Macedonian exalted into ideality by an admixture of the Jove-like hair and form.* The statues of Hercules by Lysippus enjoyed great celebrity ; and one of them, the Colossus of Tarentum, was removed by Fabius Maximus to the Capitol of Rome, whence it passed to Constantinople. Earlier artists, some of whose works remain, had partially fixed the leading character- istics of the Hercules figure, — the strong proportions of the limbs, and the lion- like shape of the head, borrowed from the Jupiter. But under Lysippus the forms assumed both a Titanic massiveness of parts and a vigorous majesty of expression unknown before. The Farnese Hercules of the Neapolitan museum cannot be consider- ed as a close copy from him, and must belong to a time considerably later ; but the character of the hero, as he represented it, may be assumed as generally imi- tated in the Farnese statue, and the expressive grandeur of the head is given with yet bolder proportions, in a colos- sal marble bust found at the foot of Mount Vesuvius.t II. In a few years after the death of Alexander we lose all traces of the great names that embellished his reign, and enter on the long period which extends from about the 120th Olympiad to the taking of Corinth. During the greater part of this time art was lavishly patronised by the princes among whom the Macedonian empire was partitioned ; and when some of these d^Tiasties had decayed, the loss was far more than compensated by the temporary revival of freedom under the Achaean League, the last effort of Greek independence. * A fine colossal bust in the Capitol (Room of the Gladiator, No. 13), engraved by Winckelmann in the INIonumenti Inediti, No. 175 : a statue of the king arming himself, formerly in the Rondanini palace in Rome, now at Munich (Glyptothek, No. 152) : a small equestrian statue found at Pompeii, m the museum at Naples (Gallery of Bronzes, No. 83). The head of the dying Alexander in the Ducal Gallery at Florence. ( ?) t British Museum, Room ii. No. ID : engraved in Combe's Marbles of the British Museum, Part i. No. 11. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 1 69 In sculpture those times were astonishingly fruitful and most singularly successful. Without anticipating the dissent which will hereafter he entered to a theory representing this age as the last period of high art, a few facts regarding it are, on any assumption, quite certain. There is sufficient evidence of very remarkable varieties in the spirit of statuary after Alexander ; but, on the whole, it was characterized in its best works by a tone of greater softness and refinement, by a more careful study of anatomy, and by a greater energy of expression, than the schools which had preceded it. The subjects were in many cases original inventions ; in others the artist was a mere copyist of statues, groups, or reliefs, already cele- brated ; and in many other instances he studied some earlier figure of excellence, made himself master of its leading character, and exercised his own genius in exe- cuting a work on the same su])ject, which should retain something of the older model, united with original fea- tures, proportions, or expression. The Venus de' Medici, which now adorns the Floren- tine gallery, and once graced the imperial villa of Hadrian at Tivoli, is an example of this last kind. Its author, Cleomenes of Athens, has engraved his name on the pedestal, and it may be inferred that his age fell within a century and a half of the time of Praxiteles, and certainly not later than the 145th Olympiad.'^ Between the reign of Alexander and the entire fall of Greece innumerable figures of the goddess were executed, for temples, for other public places, or for private dwel- lings, and forming either single statues, or groups with Eros, Mars, and other divinities. An immense number of such works have been found both in Greece and Italy, very many of them below criticism, many more of con- siderable merit, and a few of very high excellence indeed, * Thiersch, Epochen, p. 288, &c. Miiller, however (Handbuch, § 160), adopting with some strictness Pliny's notion of a decay of art about 01. 120, followed by a revival just before the Roman conquest, places the Venus a little later, but still before the taking of Corinth. 170 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE among which, by universal consent, the Medicean Venus occupies the first rank. This exquisite statue is known to every one. It is not a repetition of the figure which has been already mentioned as identified with the Cnidian masterpiece of Praxiteles. Its attitude is considerably different, and its air has more of a shrinking timid grace, which corresponds well with the delicate proportions of the figure. The lovely countenance has smaller and more finely cut but less ideal features, and the style and execution display a high finish as well as a minute obser- vation of anatomical particulars, which contrast especially with the broader manner of the noble statue of Milo. Of the numerous antiques which, like the Venus de' Me- dici, represent the goddess leaving the bath, and which partake of the same expression, the best is that of the Capitol,* — a figure less ideal and less delicately youth- ful than the Florentine one, but remarkable for its close adherence to nature in form, and for its masterly exe- cution, especially in the imitation of the flesh. In the Tribune of the Florentine gallery, which con- tains the Venus, is a beautiful figure of a boyish Apollo, called the Apollino, leaning on the trunk of a tree, and crossing his right arm above his head. This statue, equally admirable for its beauty of form and for its graceful air of repose, has much of the character of the Venus, and may be properly compared with it in a review of the age to which that work is referred. Other qualities of art at this time are illustrated by the statue, commonly though wrongly, called the Fight- ing Gladiator, which, like the other chief ornaments of the Borghese gallery, is now in Paris.t This celebrated statue, whose artist, Agasias of Ephesus, has inscribed his name on the trunk which supports the figure, repre- sents a soldier on foot, who defends himself against an * Capitoline Museum, Stanza del Gladiatore Moribondo, No. 9. Found in Rome, in a house beside the Suburra, where it had pro- bably been placed in one of the baths. •f* Louvre, JNo. 2(32 : found early in the 17th century, among the ruins of the imperial palar.e at Anti^im. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 171 assailant placed higher than he, probably a horseman. In point of expression, it forms a marked contrast to the Discobolus of Myron, already cited ; and in execution it exhibits an equally remarkable departure from the broad massive manner displayed in another Discobolus. This other ••■ is a figure in repose, upright, and holding the discus in his hand ; and, clearly belonging to an early but high stage of art, it has been presumed an imitation of a celebrated bronze by Naucydes of Argos, who was a little younger than Polycletus, and perhaps his scholar. This Discobolus of Naucydes is excellent for its propor- tions and its breadth of style. The Borghese Gladiator is most minute in its develop- ment of muscles and other details, and this minuteness, admirably true, is united with great force of general effect ; but when we look to its expression, the statue of Myron, which was peculiarly admired for its character of life, seems coldness itself beside the newer work. The mo- ment selected is the very crisis of the fight ; the figure of the warrior is thrown violently forward, and turns to the left, while his face looks upward in the opposite direc- tion ; the shield is held up, and the right arm drawn back for a thrust. Every thing denotes a strained and desperate exertion ; the veins are swollen, the muscles in severe tension, and remarkably developed ; and the coun- tenance, in its fixed eyes and parted lips, is full of eager and breathless watchfulness. In leaving this age of Grecian sculpture, it is sufficient, besides referring to the Farnese Hercules, which pro- bably belongs to it, to mention two other specimens. The portrait-statue which has been improperly named Grermanicus, the production of a Cleomenes, the son of another Cleomenes (perhaps the artist of the Venus), is a work of excellent proportions and execution, but little ideality and less expression ; and the so-called Cin- cinnatus or Jason, a bending figure of a man tying his •In the Vatican, Mus. Pio-Clem. Sala della Biga, No. 8: found by Gavin Hamilton on the Appian Way. 172 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE sandal, has proportions which seem to indicate that the statue is a portrait, while the air and attitude have induced antiquaries rather to refer it to some ancient heroic fable.* We have now traced the fine arts of Greece down to the point at which they merge in those of Rome, and before proceeding farther, we must look back on their progress in the Latin city and her nearest Italian pro- vinces, down to the same epoch ; remarking, meanwhile, that the Greek colonies both in Sicily and in Magna Grsecia, which the Romans subdued before they carried their arms beyond the Adriatic, had recently begun to sink in art as well as in commerce and political strength. ART IN ETRURIA AND ROME BEFORE THE ROMAN CONQUEST OF GREECE. PERIOD ENDING B. C. 146 ; — OR A. U. 608. Till the Romans came into immediate contact with the Greeks, first in Lower Italy, and then in the mother- country, they derived their art, in all its branches, al- most entirely from the Etruscans. The history of archi- tecture, painting, and sculpture, among this people, which was long a riddle unsolved in all its parts, has lately been studied in a more intelligent spirit, and with the aid of more insti-uctive monuments. The conclusions which have been reached by the antiquaries of the present age, are on many points yet involved in the old doubts and contradictions ; while several of the most important sub- jects of inquiry are not only deficient in general interest, but would demand a very minute investigation, if they * The Germanicus( Louvre, No. 712), is supposed by Clarae to re- present Marias Gratidianus (Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiii. cap. 9; lib. xxxiv. cap. 6) ; and by Thiersch to represent Flamininus, the con- queror of Greece. In either view, the statue forms, so to speak, the link between the Greek ;md the Greco-Roman sculpture. — The Jason is in the Louvre, No. 710. It derives this name from Winckel- mann (lib. vi. cap. 6), and has smgularly heavy limbs, with a small head (perhaps not the original), and an energetic but undefined expression. Both statues came from the Villa Montalto or Negroni in Rome, where they stood in the gardens of Sextus the Fifth. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. J 73 were to be discussed at all. A few facts, however, denied, unknown, or very imperfectly apprehended, even by such writers as Winckelniann and Lanzi, may noAv be con- sidered as quite ascertained. In particular, the theory which claimed high originality for the Etruscans, deny- ing or extenuating their obligations to the Greeks, is completely overthrown ; and in painting and statuary the defeat is signal. There are, indeed, many traces and some undoubted monuments of an early species of art peculiar to their province ; but this indigenous style disappears before it has emerged from rudeness ; and in every stage, which claims any regard on its own merits, art in Etruria is to be held strictly as a branch of Grecian art, and was perhaps exclusively practised by artists of that country. It was in this Greco -Etrurian school that the Romans learned the few lessons which they condescended to receive ; but, after the conquest, art was for a time stationary, and then retrograde, except perhaps in archi- tecture ; and even this pursuit made few advances till the conquerors revived it in a new form, along with sculp- ture and painting. The most ancient and remarkable of the architectural works of the Etruscans, the fortifications of their towns and citadels, will invite our notice again amidst some of their magnificent ruins, where they exhibit a character which it is generally very difficult to discriminate from that of the Pelasgic walls. But, passing from this obscure question, our attention is next drawn, though only in ancient description, and without existing monuments, to a style of sacred architecture which the people of Etniria taught to the Romans, and which they themselves had undeniably learned from Greece. The Tuscan or Etrus- can order is in principle identical with the Doric ; and, indeed, according to the most probable theory of its origm, it is nothing else than the oldest form of the latter, received by the Italian tribe from its inventors before its rules were fuUy developed.* The Etruscans • Stieglitz, part i. section 4. vol. i. pp. 140, 150. 174 ART IX ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE gave lighter proportions to the columns, placed them on bases, made them support a less heavy entablature, dis- posed them at wider intervals, and altered the forms of some of the component parts both of these members and of those which they sustained ; and the temples, to which the colonnades thus composed communicated their cha- racter, received also modifications in the ground-plan as well as in the internal aiTangements, to suit the purposes of the national ritual. This style was the earliest in the Roman places of worship ; the CapitoUne temple of the Tarquins was a specimen of it ; and that of Ceres, near the Circus Maximus, dedicated in the year of the city 261, was taken by Vitruvius as the model of the order. The sepulchral architecture of the Etniscans pre- served, even after they had ceased to exist as a nation, much more of original character. The most remarkable of its remains, wliich are chiefly subterranean, may be easily reduced to a few classes. Most of those, for in- stance, in the Necropolis of Vulci, on Lucien Bonaparte's estate called Canino, are chambers or suites of chambers, excavated in the soft rock, entered by descending gal- leries or staircases, and without any erection rising above the ground. Others, like those of Tarquinii, near Cor- neto, are in the interior similar to the tombs of Vulci, but are covered by larger or smaller mounds of earth. We have an example of a third class in that huge sepulchre or collection of sepulchres at Vulci, which the peasants call the Cocumella ; being a cluster of excavated cham- bei*s, over which is piled one immense tumulus, more than 200 feet in diameter, and composed externally of heaped soil, but having internally considerable masses of stone- work. A fourth kind are hevm in the perpendicu- lar sides of cliffs, like those in the forest of Bomarzo, and have either plain entrances or ornamental facades, some of which form complete Doric fronts, with volutes and other decorations foreign to the order.* In the few • See Miiller, Handbuch, sect. 170; and consult Micali's work and its plates. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 175 which were raised above ground, and composed entirely of masonry, the favourite form seems to have been that of a conical tower, which in some cases contained the sepulchral chambers ; while in others, as in the struc- ture called the Tomb of the Horatii at Albano, it was only an embellishment, and rose from a quadrilateral build- ing, in which the body was laid. From those ancient burial- cities we derive most of the knowledge we possess as to the other arts of Etruria. A few painted walls had been early discovered and de- scribed, and sepulchral urns, with some other kinds of monuments, have long been accessible in different mu- seums ; but the discoveries of the last few years have been beyond all comparison rich, and on one estate (that of Canino), as many vases have been dug up in one year as had been placed in all the cabinets of Italy during the preceding century.* The Necropolis of Vulci has as yet been by far the most fertile in antiques, some of which have been carried to Berlm, while several thousand vases, besides similar monuments, are still possessed by the owner of the lands, and a few have been found by other proprietors. Tarquinii has furnished comparatively a small proportion, its sepulchres having been apparently ransacked. Agylla or Caere, now the picturesque and dirty little town of Cervetri, has not been examined with so much attention as its ancient fame deserves ; but a good many painted vases, and other utensils of terra-cotta,with some very richly ornamented tombs, have been discover- ed in its Necropolis. At Chiusi, the ancient Clusium, * The discoveries in Etruria are most fully detailed in the Annali and Bullettino of the Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, a society established at Rome in 1829, under the direction of Ger- mans. The most minute and valuable account which has yet ap- peared in English, is contained in a paper by Mr Millingen, already cited, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol, ii.; 1834, Mr Millingen's interesting communication brings its narrative no farther down than 1829; and for more recent dis- coveries, none of which, however, possess the importance of the early ones, reference must be had to the transactions first above named. Consult also Sir William G ell's Topography of Rome and its Vicinity, vol. i, article " Etruria-" J 76 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY BEFORE THE Porsena's city, many similar remains of early art have been excavated. With the exception of the Clusian vases, almost every painting which has been lately discovered, whether on such vessels or on the walls of tombs, is decidedly Grecian. The subjects, embracing mythology, religion, and funeral- ceremonies, symbolical groups, and scenes from ordinary life, have evidently the same origin ; the vases resemble, in every essential particular, those of Sicily and Magna Graecia, to the best of which many of them are quite equal both in design and in execution ; and the names of potters and painters, which, by a peculiarity not previ- ously detected, are inscribed on most of the Vulcian vases, are without exception Greek, many of them Attic, and all written in Greek characters. If there could be a doubt as to the origin of the Etruscan vases, it would be re- moved by a comparison with those of Chiusi, most of which, both designed and executed in an inferior style, are quite different from the Vulcian, and even the clay of which they are formed is coarser ; while besides this, some specimens found in Vulci and elsewhere, and exactly resembling the Clusian ones, have Etruscan inscriptions, though the Clusian have none.* The vases, which we thus recognise as Grecian, exhibit specimens of art in all its stages, from the rudest of the archaic or hieratic paintings to the finest design and finish of the Macedonian times, or, at latest, to the age immediately preceding the Roman conquest. The only material question regarding these monuments which can be con- sidered as still unsettled is, whether they were moulded and painted in Etruria, or merely imported from abroad as articles of commerce. The light which these interesting discoveries throw on the painting of the Etruscans, is reflected on their sculp- ture and its kindred processes ; and hence the similarity to the Greek style, both in their bronzes and their terra- • The Clusian vases are chiefly in the Grand Duke's gallery at Florence. CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. J77 cottas, is at once explained. But here, as in architecture, the immediate application of art to religious uses pre- serves a greater independence both in the subjects and in their treatment ; and the energy and harsh pro- portions, sometimes reacliing the height of caricature, which are not infrequent in the sepulchral paintings, are much oftener to be traced in the bronze and terra- cotta figures. As examples, it may be enough to cite the Chimaera of Arezzo and the Aruspex or Orator, both bronzes,* and the renowned She- wolf suckling Ro- mulus and Remus, a bronze of the Capitol, a work whose stiff accuracy and strong expression make it an excellent specimen of the time when the Etruscans were most successful in art ; because, if it is not the group which was struck by lightning at Caesar's death, it is probably that which was dedicated in the year of the city 458, and stood beside the Ruminal fig-tree.t Of the Etrus- can skill in chasing, we have farther examples in num8< rous candelabra, paterae (mystic mirrors?), and other utensils of the temples and sepulchres. Terra-cotta was the favourite material, for in the best da^^s of the nation sculpture in stone was little practised, and the few specimens of it which exist belong almost without ex- ception to the period when art began to decline among them. This decline soon followed the conquest of the pro- vince by the Romans, and there is sufficient evidence to show that it was attended by a corresponding depression among the conquerors. It has been always known, that, down to their connexion with Greece, the works of art in all its branches which existed in Rome proceed- ed from the hands of Etruscans. But we may now think more highly than we could have done before the recent discoveries, of the buildings and statues which were so executed from the reign of Tarquin to the final conquest of Etruria ; whilst we must also believe, that • In the Gabinetto dei Bronzi Antichi of the Ducal Gallery of Florence, -f- Dionys, Halic. lib. i. cap. 79.— Liv. lib. x. cap. "^S. VOL. I. L ] 78 ART IN ITALY AND SICILY, &c. after the latter event, the Romans, like their new sub- jects, relapsed into a comparative rudeness, which, for centuries, was interrupted by no improvement that deserves notice. The victorious people condescended to borrow from the conquered their sacred architecture, their roads and bridges ; but in all beyond this they refused instruction. In the court of the early Roman's house, his ancestors were represented by rude waxen images, and the gods in the temples had figures of terra-cotta. The waxen portraits were in time trans- ferred to sliields, and at last a few bronze statues of popular statesmen appeared in the forum.* When, after the Samnite wars, Rome extended her conquests into Magna Grsecia, the stem spirit of the nation was softened by degrees; and the spoils of the enemy, always in part devoted to the temples, were applied to the erection of sacred statues, which none but the artists from the sub- dued towns were found capable of executing worthily. So early as the year 459 of their era, a colossal statue of Jupiter stood on the Capitol ; and the taste for art spread with rapidity, till it was permanently rooted by the con- quest of Sicily, and raised to a passion by the wars in Greece and Asia. * The earliest, the statue of Hermodorus, about a.u. 304. The other instances, down to a. u. 448, are collected by Hirt, Geschichte der bildenden Kiinste bei den Alien; Berhn, 1833, pp. 271, 272. ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE, Ac. 179 CHAPTER V. Ai't in Italy from the Conquest of Greece till the Accession of Constantine. A. D. 608—1059 : or b. c. 146— a. d. 306. The Fate of Grecian Art under the Romans. Roman Akchi- TECXURE — Gradual Innovations on the Greek Style — Eminent Architects — Illustrations from Existing Ruins in Rome — Tombs — Domestic Architecture — Its Rules Illustrated — A Heathen Dwelling-house and Christian Monastery. Roman Paint- IKG — Vases and Wall-paintings — Herculaneum and Pompeii — Frescoes— Mosaics. Roman Sculpture — lis History till the Times of the Antonines : (a. u. 608—933, or b, c. 146 — a.u. ISO): — The Stages of its Progress— Illustrative Specimens — The Apollo Belvedere — The Laocoon — The Antinous-statues — The Torso Belvedere— The Pallas-statues— The Diana— T/^e Sxib- jects of Sculpture during the same Period — Selection of Ciassified Specimens — Roman and Greek Portraits — INIythological Subjects — The Twelve Gods — Venus-statues — Apollo-groups — The Bac- chic Legends — TheAriadne — The Dancing Faun — The Barberini Faun— The Fable of Eros — The Borghese Centaur — The Heroic Legends — The Meleager — The Farnese Bull — The Portland and Medicean Vases— The Iliac Table — Menelaus as Pasquin — Doubtful Subjects — The Psetus and Arria — The Papirius — The Dying Gladiator — The Imitative Styles — The Archaic — The Egyptian — Sculpture after the Antonines : (a. u. 933 — 1059, or a. D. 180 — 306): — Its Monuments — Chiefly Reliefs on Sarcophagi — Symbols — Love and Psyche — Ariadne — Endymion — The Genius of Mortality — Orientalism. The Topography of Ancient Art in Italy and Sicily — Architecture — Painting and Sculpture. The capture of Corinth presents tlie first remarkable instance of the Roman system of universal plunder. 180 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE Statues and pictures were removed from Greece in thou- sands ; and when the subjugation of that country and its colonies was confirmed, the artists were employed to work for their new masters, while the treasures of art already accumulated seem to have been still unexhausted by all the robberies of consuls and emperors. Archi- tecture was prosecuted with equal zeal, but not quite so exclusively by Greeks. In the best times of the empire Italy, but more par- ticularly Rome and some favourite spots in its neigh- bourhood, presented a scene of such magnificence as no other age or region has ever paralleled. Within and around piles of building, whose massive grandeur seemed the product of more than human skill, there were throng- ed, besides many inferior ornaments, statues and paint- ings which peopled the imperial city with the legends of those antique times, whose poetry was religion. Of this unequalled pomp the whole peninsula even at this day abounds with fragments. But it is not easy to trace, step by step, the history of Roman art after the lessons received from the Greeks. One or two important facts, however, are quite fixed ; and, in the first place, it is certain that it can, in none of its branches, be traced in any degree of excellence farther down than the time of the Antonines. If we assume the reign of Marcus Aurelius as the last age in which it emulated in any degree its ancient glory, the duration of high art among the Romans, commencing with the siege of Corinth, will extend to three centuries and a quarter. During the whole of this period, we may consider their architecture, though subjected to many changes of taste, as quite worthy of a great nation. Painting we must admit to have decayed, almost from the commencement of the period, and never to have regained eminence. The history of sculpture is not so well ascertained. It has been asserted b}^ some, that its fate was exactly similar to that of painting ; an opinion originating with Winckel- mann, who has the distinguished merit of having first systematized the antiquities of classical art. But a philo- TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTIXE. 181 sopliical discoverer is often like one who carries the lamp in exploring a mine, and who, from his position, is unable to see objects which the light he holds up makes plain to others. Perhaps no antiquary of the present day asserts, to its full extent, the doctrine of the great archaeologist ; and m our own country, the weight of authority de- cidedly inclines to that opinion which ascribes to the Roman age of sculpture a farther development of the art, and considers many masterpieces as works of that time.* * Winekelmann, in his great work, the Storia delle Arti del Disegno presso gli Antichi, refers (besides antiques whose dates are admitted) the so-called Dying Gladiator to the interval between Phidias and Alexander the Great, and the Laocoon to the age of Alexander. To the period between that king's reign and the taking of Corinth, he gives the Farnese Bull, the Torso of the Belvedere, and, with a little hesitation, the Belvedere Apollo. But his hypo- thesis goes farther in its consequences ; for, founding chiefly on the Grecian subjects and style, which he was the first to recognise in the ancient sculptures of Italy, he virtually refuses to assign to the Roman times any work belonging to a high class of art In Ger- many, his system is still substantially held by Meyer, Hirt, and Miiller. The opposite theory, which was first propounded in that country by Thiersch, has been, with some modifications, adopted and illustrated by Gerhard, and is vehemently combated. But Thiersch's theory, however excellently stated, is less original than it appears ; and to students of art among ourselves it probably will not seem at all startling. It is true that no English writer has both stated the elements of such a doctrine, and applied them to a classification of ancient monuments ; but in criticisms on particular works of art, almost all our good connoisseurs have been inclined to bring the dates very far down indeed; and the aesthetical principles w^hich have been lately inculcated in England, may fairly be regarded as having anticipated, or perhaps suggested, Thiersch's view. If we adopt from Fuseli (Tenth Lecture on Painting, Works by Knowles, vol. ii. p. 381-386), the chronological classification of works" of art into three styles, the Essential, the Characteristic, the Ideal, we shall find it impossible to believe that the last step was reached till Ibngafter the conquest of Greece ; and indeed, from the examples which that author gives, he seems himself to have fully admitted this consequence. Flaxman, again, without laying down any broad principle, is quite unequivocal in his critical opinion and his in- stances. " After this time, however," the close of Pliny's list of artists, "the Laocoon, and some of the finest groups and statues, seem to have been executed. Nor can we believe, from the ad- mirable busts and statues of the imperial famihes, that sculpture began to lose its graces till the reign of the Antoniuei." — (Flax- raan's Lectures on Sculpture, 18.29, Lecture III.) " Grecian 182 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE ROMAN ARCHITECTURE. The Romans had already adopted the general forms of the Greek architecture ; and it is tolerably clear that they exerted little originality of invention till the times of the Caesars. But Augustus had scarcely ascended the throne, Avhen the first steps were taken in the formation of that mixed style wliich characterized the most remark- able fabrics in Rome. The rules of the Grecian archi- tects were still recognised as the canon of taste ; and in sacred buildings they were not for some time violated unless in particulars of internal aiTangement, which appear to have depended on the ritual of the temple- services, and to have become fixed before the imported system was fully understood. These changes chiefly affected structures of the Tuscan order ; but in no long time, the three foreign orders, the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian, all but superseded the other style, and were used from or before the time of Augustus, according to precepts drawn from the edifices and writings of the Greeks. The Roman or Composite, which appears for the first time in the Arch of Titus, is a mixture, in the capital and some other members, of the Ionic with the Corinthian, united with even lighter proportions than those of the latter. It does not seem, and certainly does not deserve, to have been ever cultivated so far as to form the groundwork of a new architectural school. The characteristic style of the Romans was fashioned on different principles. It was used in those unconse- crated buildings in which religious precedents had no force, and vastness of dimensions was the primary re- quisite. For the people, whom the emperors feared and wished to please, and in a less degree for the adorn- genius continued its admirable productions under the Roman em- perors. The fine groups of INIenelaus and Patroclus, Haemon and Antigone, Paetus and Arria, Orestes and Electra, the Toro Far- nese, and the Laocoon, were executed between the latest years of the Roman republic and the times of the last Caesars."— (Flax - man, Lecture VII, j TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 183 ment of the city, were designed the batlis, theatres, amphitheatres, circuses, and some other fabrics more practically useful. The amphitheatres, and similar edifices, demanded an extent both of ground-plan and elevation, which the structures of the Greeks had never reached, and their architecture was ill calculated to admit. The kej'^cd arch was introduced for strength ; and the distinguishing feature of the Roman style was the union of the arch with the Grecian orders. This combination has been censured as a deviation from purity of taste ; but it seems to have ti-uly originated in the peculiar nature of the demands made on the art ; and for a time the arch was not allowed to become a prominent part of the edifice, being used only in the internal construction, while in the external fronts ap- peared the Grecian columns and entablature. Of the architects who effected these changes, we know next to nothing. Some of them appear to have been Italians of the native races ; such as the celebrated Vi- truvius, born at Formise ; Cocceius Auctus, who by the command of Agrippa excavated the hill of Pausilypus, near Naples ; Celer and Severus, the architects of Nero's Golden House ; and Rabirius, who built Domi- tian's Palatine Palace. Apollodorus, who erected the grand Forum of Trajan, and was executed by Hadrian for criticising the temple of Venus and Rome, was a Syrian, born at Damascus. To Detrianus are attributed Hadrian's Tomb and the Bridge in front of it. In Rome itself we may trace most of the changes in the national style. We see the pure Greek, probably belonging to the last days of the republic, in the church of Santa Maria Egiziaca ; and in the Pantheon we have a splendid example of the richest form of that school, or rather of a form in which the multiplicity and variety of parts overstep the limits of Grecian art, but where the principle of the orders is not infringed except in the arches of the internal recesses. In the Theatres and Amphitheatres the elements of the new architecture are fully developed. Sometimes choosing plains for 184 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE the sites, in opposition to the rule followed by their teachers, the Romans had to rear stupendous masses of masonry in order to gain the huge dimensions required. Here the arch was in its proper place, and vaults rose above vaults in magnificent galleries, forming the body of the fabric, wliich was masked outside by Grecian colonnades. The Circus, an extensive enclosed space, borrowed from the Stadium and used by the Italians from the earliest times for races and other games, fur- nished, though in a less degree, opportunity for the same kind of building as the amphitheatre. In the Triumphal Arch, the same principles exhibit themselves in another shape. The arch becomes not only the essence of the building but its most prominent feature. Square pil- lars support it, and it again sustains the entablature ; but the Greek columns are not wanting. They stand out before the pillars as excrescences, which bear no part of the erection ; and their uselessness is exposed rather than concealed by the statues which are placed on them. In the earliest triumphal arch, that of Titus, the character just described is not quite reached ; but in that of Septiraius Severus it is, and the example is faithfully followed in the construction of the Arch of Constantine. The art, if it was to retain any prmciple of the Grecian, had only one step more to take, that of bringing the column into immediate contact with the arch, and resting the latter directly on the former, — a style Avhich became common after the reign of Titus. The Triumphal Column was a far nobler idea than the arch, and in that of Trajan the architecture leaves little room to wish for improvement, either in design or in execution, although, if such structures are critically analyzed, they must always suggest the notion of something incomplete or fragmentary. In the three huge vaults of the BasUica of Constantine, or Temple of Peace, we see the remains of a buUding on whose character it is not easy to pronounce, but in which, at whatever time it may have been erected, the essence of the Greek style appears to be entirely lost. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. IMh The Romans, who had perhaps horrowed tlie idea of their gigantic triumphal columns from the diminutive l)illars of the Grecian graves, preferred in their own sepulchral architecture the massive Etruscan piles, to which, however, they generally adapted the parts and ornaments of the several orders. The plain surrounding Lvome is covered with the mins of huge towers erected as jilaces of burial ; and the internal arrangements of the .ave-chambers, with their small niches for urns, or LJieir long recesses for sarcophagi, are illustrated by some of these, and by the Street of the Tombs at Pompeii. To this little town of Campania, likewise, we owe all our knowledge as to the domestic architecture of ancient Italy. Some of the more perfect remains enable us to identify the most important parts of a Roman dwelling of the middle class. The exact construction of a huge house in the capital, of the kind which was called an insula, partitioned out among numerous poor families, and rising to the utmost height allowed, we possess no means of determining ; and we have scarcely better materials for describing an imperial palace or villa. The Roman houses resembled the Grecian in the smallness and inconvenience of the private chambers as compared with the public apartments, to which the habits of both nations gave so much importance. They agreed also in the want of external ornament, which in the capital was, for a time at least, enforced by law ; the richness of decoration being reserved for the interior. The plan also of these habitations resembled the Gre- cian in those inner courts, partly open to the sky, which foiTQed the central portions, and from which the smaller rooms branched out. But the semi-feudalism of the Italian customs introduced a material alteration in the interior of their dwellings. In a Greek house, one had only to cross a short vestibule in order to reach the peristyle or colonnaded court, which was the central point of the habitation ; and although the women's apartments were shut off from the rest, this was the only division in the mansion, and the whole seemed 186 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE intended for the reception of none but friends and equals. The Romans, on the other hand, whose women were not confined, did not assign to them exclusively one portion of their houses ; but they divided their dwelKngs strictly into a public and a private part, in the former of which the owner received his clients and other dependents, who had no right to penetrate into his domestic re- tu-ement. The public quarter was reached immedi- ately on passing the vestibule ; and it consisted (with occasionally some smaller apartments contiguous) of an Atrium or Cavaedium. This was a court, roofed over, except a space in the midst, which contained a reser- vou- (impluvium) for the rain from the eaves, or the water of a fountain. The atrium in its simplest shape, called the Tuscan, had no columns, and its roof was merel}'' composed of four beams crossing each other, the quadrilateral space betvreen their intersections being left open to the sky ; but in other cases pillars were added, forming, if they were more than four, the Corin- thian atrium, which differed little from the peristyle. In this court the powerful Roman transacted busmess ; and a closed door or curtain, sometimes with the inter- vention of a Tablinum or charter-room, separated it from the private part of the dwelling. In this latter portion there was usually one Perist^^le as in the Greek houses, but sometimes more ; and in the best mansions a portico, at the retired side of the building, skirted a garden, which, though always diminutive, seems to have admitted of being made very beautiful, with its narrow walks, its vases of flowers, its trellised plants supported on stone pillars as at Naples in the present day, and its seats of masonry placed beside fountains, and beneath an ai-bour or awning. The piling of one story above another may be con- sidered as ha\ing been almost wholly confined to houses of the lower class. Ai-istocratic residences covered large spaces of ground, and seldom rose higher than one floor. The Ccenacula, or upper chambers, used as eating rooms, in which the Christians so frequently met, in the apos- .VN CI E ^^ T DAVE L LI^ G HOU SE X- ^ylODER^ COyXTl^ T . j ii,,. I. (TRorvB FLAX of- the ffoi'M-: ,<, r. i.vx 1 . ,n /'i):\rPEJi. PtTBlISHED BY OLTVEB i- BOYD, EDINBURGH. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTIXE. 187 tolic age, as well as afterwards,* were a late inven- tion, and do not appear to have been ever built in man- sions above the middle rank. When they were added in dwellings on the common plan, they were usually placed in the front portion of the building, above the atrium, wliich in that case was completely covered over. But in no houses, and least of all in those belonging to the first class of society, were the different portions uniform in height, or covered by one roof. A mansion of considerable size, indeed, presented from without, or in a bird's eye view, a very curious scene. The external fronts to the streets were dead walls, pierced, if at all, by only a very few windows or loop- holes, situated far up, and admitting light without pre- senting any prospect. The atrium, and the chambers surrounding it, might be nearly of the same elevation ; but in all other quarters of the edifice, the height of eacli apartment was separately determined by rules drawn from its other dimensions.t The dwelling, therefore, as seen from any higher ground, exhibited a straggling and irregular mass of buildings, with flattish roofs ; and the mean habitations which, let to persons of the lower ranks, composed part of the cluster, towered above all the rest. The atrium, peristyle, and garden, formed, in different quarters, openings which could be overlooked from the flat roofs ::|: while these were in many places disposed in terraces like those modem ones still so com- mon in the neighbourhood of Naples, and were like them converted by vines and other creeping plants into covered walks and bowers. The annexed plate will illustrate not only the lead- ing arrangements of an ancient dwelling-house, but the first and principal stages of the influence which these have exercised on the architecture of modem Italy. Figure I. is a ground-plan of the House wrongly called • Mark, xiv. 15. Acts, xx. 8. Fleury, ISIceurs des Chretiens, *:r. xiii. t Stie2;litz, Archaologie der Baukunst, part ii. sect. 13. I Plauti Miles Gloriosus, act ii. 188 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE that of Pansa, which is the most regular of the private residences disinterred at Pompeii, although several others have a greater variety of parts. Figure II. is a similar plan of the admired Church and Augustin Mo- nastery of Santo Spirito in Florence, which, designed hy the celebrated arcliitect, Brunelleschi, about the middle of the fifteenth century, was completed before the end of the sixteenth. From the monastery to the modern palazzo is a step much shorter than from the ancient Roman dwelling to the monastery of the middle ages.* The House of Pansa covers an area of about 800 feet by 100, surrounded by streets on all its sides. The chief entrance is by the door A, Hanked with pilasters, and introducing us by a short vestibule into the Atrium, which is Tuscan, paved with marble, and has in its centre the usual basin, beyond which, at B, is a pedestal for the altar of the household gods. The small apartments C, C, C, on each side of the court, miay have been guest-cham- bers, store-closets, or work-rooms for the female slaves; and D, D, are recesses with stone seats. We shall form a very gorgeous scene if we figure this hall and its chambers in their original condition, with landscapes and historical pieces painted on their walls ; while mosaics, gilding, and marbles decorated the floors, walls, and roofs ; and statues, flower- vases, fountains, and classical furniture, alternated to complete the picture.t We now quit the public quarter of the dwelling. Leav- ing on our left the room E, and on our right the dimi- nutive closet F, in which there is still a bedstead, we proceed either through the tablinum G or the narrow passage H, into the large and handsome Peristyle, which * The house of Pansa is figured and described in the work of Mazois, and in all the recent Enghsh publications on Pompeii. The outline of the other figure is taken from plate 75 of the Ar- chitecture Toscane (par Grandjean de Montigny et Famin, Paris, 1815). — In both of our figures the spaces open to the sky are left white. The plan of the church will aid us a little when we come to the basihcan architecture. t See the splendid restoration, in plate 36 of Sir William Gell's Pompeiana, First Series, 1819. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 189 is adorned ])y a colonnade, and a basin in the central space. The two recesses I, I, beside one of which is a private door to the street, are similar to those at D, and were exedrse, the usual scenes of the afternoon slumber. The sleeping- rooms of the family were J, J; K was the kitchen, which still possesses its stoves, while its scullery L has dwarf walls as stands for the oil jars and cooking utensils : and beyond these is a small court M commu- nicating by a door with the side street. The room N is genei-ally supposed to have been a lararium, or chapel for the images of the household divinities ; is believed to be an eating-room (triclinium) or saloon (cecus) ; and P, a spacious apartment raised two steps above the floor of the peristyle, and opening into the portico by a large window at its farther end, is undoubtedly another banqueting-hall. Either through P, or by the passage Q,, we reach a covered portico of two stories, about which parasitical plants have once been trained. It communicates with the small bedchamber or cabinet P- ; and through its pillars the Roman looked out on his garden, a rectangular area of about 1 00 feet by 85, at present a total wreck, but still showing a ruined reser- voir in one corner. We have now surveyed those several Compartments of the building which composed the resi- dence of the proprietor, excepting the upper rooms, which are all destroyed, but which certainly covered some at least of the apartments on the ground floor. The remainder of the edifice, represented in those parts of the figure w^hich are distinguished by the darker of the two shades, and are marked with numerals in- stead of letters, was disconnected, partially or entirely, from the owner's mansion. A small separate dwelling- house 1, in which four female skeletons were found, communicates with the apartment 0, and may have been either leased out, or used as a hospitium or lodging for visiters : the shops 2 and 8, opening into the adjoining rooms of the interior, admitted of being occupied by the master of the house, probably, according to the modern Italian fiishion, for selling the wine and oil produced 190 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE on his lands. All the other external compartments ap- pear to have been quite separated from the principal habitation. The suites of chambers 4, 4, were distinct dwelling-houses, probably possessed by tenants ; 5, 6, 7, and 8, embrace together complete accommodation for a baker's trade, including in their order a wood-cellar, a bakehouse (with its oven, furnaces, tables, troughs, and three handmills), a store-closet, and a shop open to that street in which is the principal front of the mansion ; and 9, 10, compose a smaller baking establishment. The apartments 11 and 12 are shops, in which, as also in 3, are staircases, formerly leading to upper rooms, probably the dwellings of the tradesmen ; and 13, 14, and 16, are small shops of one story, which, like almost all those in Pompeii, have only three side-walls, the front being quite open as in the modern Italian shops, which are closed at night by wide folding-doors, like those of an English coach-house. The Coenobite Monasteries, like that in Figiu-e II., bear in some particulars less resemblance to the ancient houses, than is exliibited by those belonging to the Car- thusian and other Eremite fraternities, But the building here represented is at once a celebrated specimen of archi- tecture, and a good illustration of the point which it is intended to explain. From a side-chapel of the splendid church, a very fine vestibule A, lined with columns, and erected by Andrea Sansovino, introduces us into the octagonal sacristy B, built, as well as its inner room b, by that architect's master, Cronaca. The same passage opens at one end into a small uncovered court C, and at the other into the monastery, wliich has two principal cloisters. The First Cloister D, D, planned by Parigi, is a covered arcade, enclosing alarge paved court E, open to the sky, and having a fountain in the midst. The poi*tico communicates, at the side nearest the sacristy, with an oratory F, and at the other with the wing G, G, which contains the apartments assigned to the menials of the establishment, for their lodging and the performance of TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 191 their duties. This quarter may he entered from the square in front of the church by a private door leading into the vestibule H ; beyond which, and by the un- covered court K, the wing- is divided into two ranges, till it reaches its terminating pomt in L, the refectory of the lay brothers. The first cloister, touching the church on its third side, is shut in on the fourth by an oblong building of two stories, of which the ground floor M is the refectory of the monks. The covered passages mm at the ends of this edifice conduct us into the Second Cloister N, N, which was commenced in 1564 by the famous Ammanati. The portico of this hand- some court is formed by a Doric colonnade, whose en- tablature is broken by three arches on each of its four sides ; and P, the area in the midst, is laid out in grass- plots, surrounding a fountain and pond. At one side of this cloister is Q,, the refectory of the novices, opening into R, a small uncovered court enclosed by a roofed portico with columns. At the opposite side is the long private corridor S, S, leading to the open court T and the great staircase U, by which we ascend to the upper floor of the buildmg M. This floor, not unlike in situation to the ancient coenacula, contains a gallery, along which are disposed the cells of the monks. ROMAN PAINTING. In Greece the masterpieces of the great artists in this department were easel pictures ; and both vase-painting and painting on walls, were regarded as subordinate branches of the art, or mechanical applications of it. In Rome, the latter alone, in which two natives, Fabius Pictor and Pacuvius, had excelled, was ever in favour. From the time of Augustus downwards, the art indeed was chiefly valued in a form wliicli was just that of mo- dern house-painting ; but to which, thus occupying the highest place in the scale, a dexterity was applied that has left admirable specimens. On many vases of Greece and Italy, on the walls of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and of some ruins on the Pala- 192 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE tine and Esquiline Mounts, and also in a few tombs in Rome, Etruria, and elsewhere, have been preserved such examples as leave us indeed doubtful in regard to the precise height of excellence which called forth the admi- ration of antiquity, but yet enable us to pronounce with some confidence on the leading characteristics of this path of ancient ai-t. It had much of the character of sculpture. In those historical pieces which were its highest efforts, the groups were simple, all placed in the foreground, and might hare formed the subject of a bas-relief. When backgrounds were introduced, they were ill-executed, the linear perspective being nowhere accurately observed, and the aerial perspective almost entirely neglected. The objects are exhibited in a clear broad light, with no attempt at those opposed masses of brightness and shadow to which some modern schools owe so much. The relief of single figures, however, is often wonderful, especially when they are painted on dark grounds, like the celebrated Female Dancers ; the draw- ing is often very fine, and, where defective, is skilfully disguised by shaded outlines ; and for grace and expres- sion, many of the paintings from Pompeii and Hercu- laneum, which were no more than furniture pictures of two small country towns, are quite surprising, even after we have allowed for the delicate taste of the nation and the popularity of this particular branch of art. It would be useless to enumerate even the best of those historical, mythological, or poetical compositions, which contribute to mal^e up the list of about 1600 ancient pic- tures, now in the Royal Museum at Naples. The subjects are, almost without exception, from the Greek mytho- logy and traditions. The Sacrifice of Iphigenia, and the Parting of Achilles and Briseis, are perhaps the most admirable of the series ; while some Bacchic subjects, especially the Female Dancers, and the Fauns balancing on ropes, are almost equally excellent in design ; and the adventures of Hercules, Ariadne, and Endymion, with other mytliic legends, furnish many very beautiful groups. Landscapes are rather numerous, but not very TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 193 successful, as might have been inferred from the character of the art. They generally include buildings, and thus approach to the style called Scenographia, which con- sisted of architectural designs or perspective views, some- what after the fashion of the ornaments which we see on the outside of the modern Genoese palaces. In the Augustan age, this artificial style became quite fanci- ful, and formed itself into the Arabesque or Grotesque manner, which Vitruvius so bitterly condemns, and the moderns so warmly admire. Of this latter, introduced in Rome by the painter Ludius, of whose architectural land- scapes Pliny gives a lively description, we have many fine specimens in the Neapolitan collection, taken both from the interior of houses and from the garden- walls. Without dwelling on the processes of the ancient art, now lost, on which, particularly the Encaustic method, so much has been said, it may be enough to mention, that in no case do either the Greeks or Romans appear to have painted in oils, even in their pictures on wood or canvass ; and that in painting on the plaster of the walls, they certainly used not only w^ater-colour, or distemper, in the ordinary way, but also the fresco process, of which some Pompeian pieces exhibit visible traces. Mosaics are likewise not imcommon ; and although the greater pro- portion of those found in Campania are coarse, and only well-adapted for their purpose, as floors to entrance- halls and the like, yet some are singularly good. In leaving the history of the pictorial art,it maybe well to mention the last great masterwhose name has been pre- served. This was Action, who lived in the reign of Ha- drian, and whose picture of the wedding of Alexander with Roxana, so lavishly commended by Lucian, is re- called by the subject, though certainly neither copied nor even imitated in the design, of the curious ancient painting called the Aldobrandine Marriage.* * In the Vatican ; lately in the Appartamento Borgia, third room : but understood to have been removed in the summer of 1838. Discovered about the end of the sixteenth century on the wail of an ancient chamber near the arch of Gallienus. VOL. I. iM 194 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE ROMAN SCULPTURE. THE HISTORY OF SCULPTURE TO THE TIMES OF THE ANTONINES : A.u. 608—933, OR B.C. 146— a. d. 180. We have not many names of artists belonging to this period, and cannot, in any instance but one, peremptorily assign existing works to persons mentioned as famous in their own times. Most of those whose names have been preserved came from Attica. The earliest of them, how- ever, Pasiteles, who flourished in the last century of the republic, was a native of Magna Grascia, and worked both in the toreutic art and in bronze castings, attaining a distinguished reputation as a skilful modeller. This merit belonged in even a higher degree to Arcesilaus, who was likewise a worker in bronze, and constructed in that material the statue of Venus Genitrix, in Julius Caesar's Forum. We know little as to the sculptors of the Augustan age ; but in Nero's reign we find the name of Xenodorus, whose colossal figure of that emperor evinced a decay in the mechanical art of casting in metal, which was either the cause, or more probably the effect, of the preference the Romans gave to marble. To the time of Titus we may safely refer the three Rho- dians, Agesander,Polydorus, and Athenodorus, the artists of the Laocoon ; and it is proper to close the list with these names, since of the statuaries who executed Hadrian's splendid designs we know almost nothing. It is enough simply to allude to the practice of sculpture in gems, and to the manufacture of medals and coins, both of which departments attained, under the emperors, a very high degree of excellence. If the best of their medals, and the few exquisite cameos, are excelled by any Grecian works, it is only by a very few belonging to the Macedonian times. The opposing theories as to the merits of statuary in the Roman age having been already stated, we may venture to assume, as substantially correct, the opinion which assigns to that period a farther develojjment of Grecian art. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 195 The progressive changes of sculpture exliibited them- selves in the Subject, the Expression, and those pervading characteristics which are embraced under the somewhat vague term " Style." Its revolutions in all these par- ticulars in the Roman period, and its dissimilarity to the earlier art of Greece, may be illustrated by a very few works of the first class, which can with confidence be set down as executed in the imperial times. To the age of Nero belongs the Apollo Belvedere, whose Roman origin has long been generally admitted.* The reign of Titus gives us the Laocoon, whose date is fixed by a passage in Pliny, too long overlooked, + From the time of Hadrian, we have the portraits of the unfortunate Antinous, in all their numerous repetitions and variations.;!: The Apollo, a statue of the heroic size, represents the god m the moment when he has shot the arrow to destroy the monster Python, or the giant Tityus ; or ac- cording to another opinion, highly poetical and attractive, it exhibits him in that scene of ^schylus, in which he rescues Orestes and expels the Furies from the sanctu- ary of Delphi. The victorious divinity is in the act of stepping forward. The left arm, which seems to have held the bow, is outstretched, and the head is turned in " In the Vatican ; Mus. Pio-Clem. Cortile di Belvedere, No. 96. Discovered, about the end of the fifteenth century, among the ruins of Nero's favourite villa at Antiura. t In the Vatican ; Mus. Pio-Clem. Cortile di Belvedere, No. 78. Discovered in 1506 on the Esquiline, beside the ruins called the Sette Sale. Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvi. cap. 5. The passage, like too many others in Phny, is not absolutely unequivocal ; but violence must be done to the test, before it can be understood as any thing else than a direct assertion, that the three Rhodian artists executed the group expressly for the palace of Titus, and con- sequently during his reign. See Gerhard and Thiersch. " The style of this work, as well as the manner in which Pliny introduces it in his history, gives us reason to believe it was not ancient in his time." — Flaxman, Lecture III. J A celebrated portrait-statue in the Capitol, Stanza del Gla- diatore, No. 6; another in the Museum at Naples, Statues, No. 392 ; a very fine Bacchus-bust in the same collection, Bronzes, No. 46 ; and others innumerable. 196 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE the same direction ; but the poise of tho body is rather the opposite way. The whole is full of life and anima- tion, and both in attitude and proportion the graceful majesty of the statue is unsurpassed. The effect is com- pleted by the countenance, where, on the perfection of youthful godlike beauty, there dwells the consciousness of triumphant power. The excitement of anger has just passed from the eyes, but has left the trace of scorn curl- ing the lips, gently inflating the nostrils, and elevating the head and bust, and the whole glorious figure. The Laocoon presents to us the famous scene from the Trojan war, described by Virgil ; although, as one of the most acute of modern critics has convincingly shov\Ti, the sculptor, directed by the principles and limits of his art, has departed widely from that treatment of the sub- ject which might have been suggested by the verses of the poet. The priest, seated on a slab or altar, and his two young sons, are struggling in the folds of the huge serpents, The youths, though good in concep- tion, are indifferently executed ; and it is in the prin- cipal figure that we perceive those qualities which make the group the most intensely expressive of all classical works. Indeed, both in the subject and in its treat- ment, no piece of antique sculpture in any degree approaches its dramatic and tragic force. It displays, with extraordinary skill, the desperate struggle of mind against suffering : the agony is complicated and un- utterable, the endurance is sublime. The serpents are writhed about the body of their victim, and one of them bites fiercely into his left side, which quivers and starts with the pain. Throughout the whole frame the muscles are swollen, the nerves are convulsed, the breath is suffocated in the breast, and the limbs rise in their vain effort to shake off the force that chains them. The face is raised to heaven, and over the lower part of it protracted suffering has spread an appalling exhaustion ; the mouth is sunk, and the nostrils in- flated ; the eyes and eye-brows exhibit the fiercest pang of the struggle between the firmness of the will and TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 197 agony both of body and of mind ; and on the forehead, and over the whole aspect of the head, rests that inexpli- cable expression of strength Avhich is the keynote of the composition. Antinoiis died mysteriously, probably the victim of that gloomy superstition which strangely accompanied general scepticism. The affection of Hadrian deified the unfortunate and beautiful youth who had perhaps died to save him ; and the artists filled the Roman empire with images of the lamented favourite. He was represented as a divinity,- in the Greek style as Bacchus, Apollo, or Mercury, or in the fashionable Egyptian taste, as Osu'is ; and numerous statues are either indivi- dual portraits, or heroic and ideal embellishments of his head and figure. Many of them possess the highest merit, in a style of extreme and anxious finish. In very many the likeness is striking, and the character ex- ceedingly remarkable. The breast is broad and promi- nent ; the face is a fine, but wide and somewhat heavy oval ; the eyebrows are massy ; and the full lips and the whole attitude of the figure are inspired by a deeply elegiac air of sadness. As to the progress of style indicated by these noble antiques, even the uninitiated can distinguish between the extremes of the series, between the elaborate mi- nuteness and polish of the Antinous, and the compara- tive ease and breadth of manner in the Apollo ; and still more readily can they trace the change from the severity of the Niobe to the style of the Apollo or the Laocoon. Nicer points of difference are for the eye and taste of the artist, or the well informed antiquary ; and there are suffrages enough of both kinds to justify the assertion of a progress, in the order in which the works have now been described. The distinction of style admits of yet another illus- tration ; for the first sculptor of the age in which we Live, unhesitatingly pronounces the famous Torso of the Belvedere Hercules to belong to the imperial times, and io resemble in style such works as the Laocoon. 198 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE This incomparable statue is a mere fragment, and much less fitted for the uninstructed lover of the beautiful, than for the accomplished connoisseur. From Michel Angelo to Thorwaldsen, the first artists have regarded the Torso with an admiration, rendered only the more reverential by its state of ruin. The head and arms are wanting, and the legs as far up as the thighs ; while the breast and part of the back are much broken. In the remains of the trunk the character has been uni- versally admitted, since Winckelmann analysed it, to be that of ideal divinity, — the hero after his deification. The accidental parts of the human figure, such as the vems, are invisible, and only the essential characteristics of the frame are indicated. The contours are those of gigantic, overwhelming strength ; the muscles are powerful to a degree surpassing reality, yet flowing and quite free from harshness ; and the proportions are broad and massive in the extreme.* The differences in subject and expression are more easily appreciated, and there are ample materials for com- parison. One short series of examples may here suffice. Early sculpture, setting out from the sacred style of the temple-idols, represented its figures in profound repose, as in the Pallas of the Villa Albani : but in the colossal Pallas of Velletri, already described, the stiffness is broken up, the head is gently bent, and the right arm raised ; and in later statues of the same goddess, she is often represented in motion, and sometimes in quick and vigorous action, as in that of speaking (the Pallas Agoraia), or of preparing for combat (Promachos). We * Vatican, iMus, Pio.-Clem. Vestibule, No. 1. " Thorwaldsen, although the fact does not weaken his admiration of this master- piece of antiquity, characterizes the style as one which, in respect of the whole system of the muscles, and the mode of treating them, and in respect of a sort of refinement on the most refined, evidently belongs to the later ages of the plastic art. He has not intimated this opinion publicly, i. e. in print ; but 1 have heard him repeatedly express it in conversation, with that clearness and cer- tainty which befits a mind like his, imbued with all the greatness of the antique." — Thiersch, Epochen, p. 332. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 199 have no representations of Minerva which go much be- yond this ; but in one work of the highest order, the Diana of Versailles,* Avhich may be very fitly contrasted with the Pallas-figures, the attitude is that of humed and eager motion, a liveliness of action not approached by an}'' specimen which can be confidently referred to the ante-Roman times. Now the attitude of this statue much resembles that of the Apollo Belvedere ; the sizes correspond as well as the style of the execution, and there is also a striking general likeness of air and expression. Certain it is that neither of them was designed for a temple ; and it is a pleasing and plausible supposition, though not capable of proof, that the two were fonned as counterparts, and together adorned some magnificent hall of Nero's Antian villa. The animation of expres- sion in the face of the Apollo is not paralleled by any representation of the god, except some busts which are clearly copied from it ; the hasty quickness of the atti- tude is equally in advance of all the other figures ; and the character of the head appears to borrow details from several other antiques, and (excepting busts) to be copied by none. It would be equally impossible to produce any good work of ancient times which treats a subject so actively tragic as the Laocoon. If the Apollo is beyond the calmness of Greek subjects, the Laocoon is as far beyond the Apollo. It hovers on the very verge of that extremity of action, which even modem sculpture would shrink from treating. On the power of expression which it possesses it is needless to say a word. The Niobe is nearest to it in subject : let the two be compared. Both are strong : but the strength of the one is sup- pressed, absorbed, motionless ; that of the other is active, fiery, uncontrolled by any thing except that fine sense of art which Grecian minds never lost, and which even in this later stage preserved an equipoise, contrasting beautifully with the exaggerations of modem statuary. * La Diane a la Biche, Louvre, No. 178. The place where this statue was found is not known. 200 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE THE SUBJECTS OF ROMAN SCULPTITRE DURING THE SAME PERIOD. In the preceding sketch of the revohitions of ancient sculpture from the age before Phidias to that of Ha- drian, some masterpieces which still exist in Italy, and a few which once adorned her palaces or temples, have been incidentally named as explanatory instances. But the Italian galleries possess many more antiques of sin- gular excellence, and some which scarcely yield to the best of those already specified. Certain of these cannot be passed over, among which, although some undoubted- ly belong to the older Grecian period, a much larger num- ber must be assigned to the ages now under oui* notice ; and it is conceived that by aiTanging such specimens according to their subjects, they will be best apprehend- ed as exponents of thought and illustrations of history and national character. Two things must be premised. In the first place, we are not to believe that many of the existing sculptures were devoted to the purposes of worship. The notion flatters the imagination, but is unfounded. The crowds of reliques which, after lying for centuries beneath tlie ruins of ancient palaces, villas, tlieatres, orbasilicoe, have reappeared to adorn the modern galleries, were in almost every instance the ornaments of those secular buildings, and not of temples. The list of sacred images, too, does not perhaps include any one of the highest rank. But, in the next place, we do severe injustice to classical art if we adhere to the opinion, that the very best works we possess are nothing more than copies from older and better efforts of genius. Many admirable antiques, executed with much skill and feeling, are doubtless copies ; but many others certainly are not. The Niobe may be a copy : the Venus is not one, nor is the Apollo, nor the Laocoon. The true state of the case has been already suggested. In the golden age of art there were conceived ideal forms of some of the favourite objects of represen- tation ; and the conceptions so framed, obtaining a sanc- tion almost religious, affected all subsequent works, TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTIKE. 201 which treated either the same suhjccts, or others cog- nate to them. For the highest artists of every age after Phidias, this was all : a fence was drawn around certain subjects, but within the line there was ample room for original invention. The Venus de' Medici is a work whose inspiration was drawn from the elder statues of Praxiteles and of Phidias, but it is one whose grace and beautA^ are its own ; it was stolen as genius steals from genius, it was stolen as Phidias stole from Homer. It is surprising how little nationality Roman art displays, and it is humiliating to discover how little invention there is even in that small section of it which is in any sense native. For the early legends and the later histories of their race the people found poets and annal- ists ; but their sternness of character, aided perhaps by political causes, barred them from finding a sculptor or painter even for the noblest scenes of their annals or then- poetical traditions. The imperial achievements adorned triumphal arches and columns with reliefs, in a style which, notwithstanding much skill of execution and even of design in its earlier efforts, has scarcely been too harshly treated by being compared, in respect of its tameness and dryness of conception, to the paragraphs of a military gazette. The statues of the emperors, however, of which the series is tolerably complete, give an extremely favourable view of the progress of sculpture, and strongly confirm the notion of its continued excellence. The Greeks who formed such works, wanted only the inspiration of their own beautiful mythology, and the melancholy remem- brance of their fallen land, to evolve such conceptions as the most exquisite of the imaginative compositions. The imperial statues were sometimes simple portraits, like that of Augustus in his pontifical robes,* and many in the military dress. Of the equestrian portraits the most celebrated is the bronze statue of Marcus Aurelius ; a work remarkable for the dignity of the emperor's figure, * In the Vatican, Mus. Pio-Clement. Sala Rotonda, No. 14 202 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE and the uncommon expression of life in the somewhat clumsy horse. This is one of the very few antiques which have never been under ground. We find it mentioned in the Notitia, a work written in the middle of the fifth century of our era, at which time it stood in the Forum near the arch of Septimius Severus, and was called the Horse of Constantine. In 966, Pope John XIII. hanged on it the rebellious prefect Petrus ; and in 974 the corpse of the Antipope Boniface was thrown down beneath it. In 1187 it was transferred to the front of the Lateran, where it stood when Rienzi, on his great festival, made the nostrils of the horse discharge wine for the people. In 1538 Paul III. removed it, under the direction of Michel Angelo, to its present place in the square of the Capitol.* Other imperial statues were ideal and heroic, and generally naked, a class which is best represented by the Antinous ; and some of these works were colossal. There are many admired female busts and statues belonging to the im- perial families, the most interesting of which are certainly those of the elder Agrippina, the unfortunate wife of Germanicus.t Portrait sculptures of the republican times scarcely occur. There is, however, amongst other instances, a very remarkable bust full of character, which is recognised as representing Scipio Africanus.:|; The celebrated heroic statue of the Palazzo Spada in Rome, is probably (though the point is disputed) a likeness of Pompey, and perhaps is the figure at the foot of which Julius Caesar fell. The best, and, it may be, the only genuine bust of Caesar himself, is in the collection at Naples.§ As to Roman literary men, we have genuine but not exact busts of * Fea, Dissertazione sulle Rovine di Roma, appended to his Translation of Winckelmann (1783-4), vol. iii. p. 410. t Extant, if the subject is not misconceived, in several repeti- tions ; especially in Naples, Statues, No 131 ; and in the Capitol, Stanza degl' Imperatori. X Capitoline Museum ; Galleria, No. 50. § Museo Borbonico, No. 175 ; but see the Museo Pio-Clemen- tino, torn. vi. tav. 38. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 203 Terence, Sallust, Horace, Seneca, and some others ; many pretended heads of Cicero, and some true ones.* There are a few excellent portraits of private or un- known persons, of which the Germanicus already men- tioned is perhaps the best as well as the oldest specimen. Herculaneum has furnished some admirable examples of this class. Three are in Dresden ; and the family of the Herculanean Nonius Balbus are at Naples, and consist of two small equestrian statues and seven figures on foot, of which five are female.t Portraits of eminent Greeks of elder times were either copied after likenesses taken from the original, or formed by invention, in a style which was sometimes extremely felicitous. Instances of the former class are very nu- merous. Among the best are some busts, and one or more statues, of Demosthenes; other full lengths of Athe- nian orators ; a very admirable statue which, on most insufficient grounds, has been named Aristides ;X two fine sitting figures in the Vatican, of which one is inscribed as a portrait of the poet Posidippus, and the other, from its likeness to known busts, is believed to represent the more celebrated Menander.§ Of the ideal class the grandest example is the majestic head of Homer, extant in several repetitions ;|| and a highly characteristic crea- tion is the Silenus-like head of Socrates, imagined by Lysippus, and preserved in a good many busts.*!! But in the art, as in the literature of Rome, subjects • Cicero, in the Glypothek of Munich, No. 224; bust from the Mattel palace in Rome, now belontring to the Duke of Wellington. f Museo Borbonico, Nos. 65,66 ; "and Nos. 45, 47, 50, 62, 55, 57, 60. X At Naples ; Museo Borbonico, No. 38S. § INIus. Pio-Clem. Galleria delle Statue, Nos. 24 and 25. il At Naples, Mus. Borb., No. 348; and British Museum, Room HI., No. 25. Inferior examples ; Capitoline Museum, Stanza de' Filosofi, Nos. 44, 45, 46. IT Capitoline Museum, Stanza de' Filosofi, Nos. 4, 5, 6 ; and else- where. The room containing these busts furnishes many examples of Greek portraits belonging to both the classes mentioned in the text. See Visconti, Iconographie Grecque, 1811; tome i. pp. 49-59, 163-169. 204 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE from the authentic annals, either of their own nation or of their Hellenic neighbours, bore a very small pro- portion to those derived from the Grecian mythology and legendary history. Of the works taken from the circle of the Twelve Olympic Divmities, the most remarkable have been already described. The best are unquestionably the Jupiter, Apollo, Venus, I\Iinerv^a, and Diana ; and the origin of some of these classical conceptions has been traced to the Phidian age or near it. It remains to direct attention, in the first place, to a few others of the best Venus-statues in the Italian galleries. In the Vatican, it is enough to notice the fine Venus Anadyo- mene, and the beautiful though injured Crouching Venus, which bears the name of its artist Bupalus.'* The Neapolitan Museum possesses, in the Venus Victrix of Capua, a statue of the highest ideal beauty ;t and a collection of figures in another room of the same gallery, is useful as exhibiting copies, for the most part indifi^er- ently executed, of almost every kno^^^l character of the goddess. In the Florentme gallery, the fame of the Venus de' Medici has eclipsed at least one very lovely figure, — the half-draped Venus with the Diadem.:|: An equal decline in art and in female modesty is displayed by some existing antiques, which represent Roman ladies, of imperial or princely rank, and of ordinary face and form, invested with the attributes of the Venus, and not shrinking from her exposure of the person. § Before the idea of the Apollo reached the point developed in the masterpiece of the Belvedere, his statues had undergone a series of changes, which set out from a muscular and * Braccio Nuovo, No. 42 ; and ]\Ius. Pio-Clem. Gabinetto delle Maschere, No. 5. f Mus. Borb. Statues, No. 104. i In the small (second) corridor of the great gallery. § The Venus and Cupid of the Vatican ; ]\Ius. Pio-Clem. Cortile di Belvedere, No. 46 ; found among the ruins of the so-called Temple of Venus and Cupid in the vineyard of the monastery Santa Croce in Gierusalemme, and believed to represent the wife of Alexander Severus. ^ TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTIXE. 205 manly character, illustrated hy more than one example,* and passed after the i\Iacedonian ages into the more usual representation of a youth who has not yet reached matu- rity. Of the boyish forms of those later times, there are several extremely beautiful specimens ; the best of which are perhaps the Lycian Apollo of the Florentine gallery, a figure of exceeding loveliness and repose ;t and the Apollo with the Lyre and Swan at Naples, probably in its outlines the most perfect of all the statues of this divinity. :|: Of the sculptures representing the god in scenes of his legend, the Apollo Belvedere is far the most successful ; but there appear to have been many groups of this class, none of which remain entii'e. To such we must refer the numerous representations of Marsyas, suspended to the pine-tree ;§ and to the same story the most probable opinion assigns the expressive statue of the Whetter at Florence, || an old man with mean features and a Tartar skull, who crouches down whetting a knife, but looking up with an air of fixed curiosity. Of the Mercury statues, it is enough to cite the celebrated one of the Vatican, long mistaken for an Antinous, and equally admirable for the excellent pro- portions of the ti-unk, and the beauty and godlike repose of the head.^ Of the inferior divinities, the classes to which we owe the most interesting antiques are two. The first embraces the Bacchic legends; the second those of Cupid, the Greek Eros. Of all the symbolical fables of ancient times, these two cycles were at once the most profoundly significant. * Mus. Capitol. Salonc, No, 7 (in the ancient style) ; anoliier of similar character, but of a later period, in the same museum, Stanza del Gladiatore, No. 17 ; found at the Solfatara near Tivoli. t The Apollino of the Tribune. J Mus. Borbon. : Statues, No. 72. § Two examples in the great gallery of Florence ; western cor- ridor. II The Arrotino of the Tribune, called by some the Slave Vindex. The idea in the text belongs to the Abate Fea. See note to his translation of Winckelmann, vol. ii. p. 314. 'J Mus. Pio-Clem. Cortil? di Belvedere, No, 56. 206 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE and the most poetical. The mysteries, which in their successive stages possessed so much of piety, of imagina- tion, and of vice, were founded on the Bacchic traditions, which abounded in picturesque representations of the physical qualities of the material world. The fable of Eros had, in its most complete form, a more elevated and spiritual design. And first, of the Dionysiac or Bacchic legends. The character of the leading divinity himself, was that of youthful, voluptuous, almost feminine beauty ; but of the few good statues in which he appears unaccom- panied, Italy perhaps possesses only one, besides frag- ments.* Several antiques represent him attended by youthful Satyrs, by Eros, Ampelos, or other mythological personages ; and his meeting with Ariadne on the isle of Naxos has furnished, besides pictures and reliefs, one of the finest pieces of sculpture in Italy, the recumbent colossal Ariadne of the Vatican, a statue equally noble in design and execution, and belonging either to the independent age of Greece or to the very earliest period of the Roman sovereignty. t The other actors in the mystic revel are more frequent than Bacchus himself. We have already traced the formation of the figure of the Sat3'rs, wliom the Italians called Fauns ; and to the examples then named we must add two bronzes of the Neapolitan collection, a Drunlcen Faun, and another croNvned with an oaken garland,:|: together with two statues of the Florentine galler}^, namely, a superb Torso, and the celebrated Dancing Faun, so inimi- table for life and grace, and so worthily restored from its ruins. § But Italy has now lost the grandest of all * The Bacchus of the Villa Ludovisi in Rome (generally inac- cessible). The fine colossal Torso of the Farnese collection, now at Naples ; M us Borb. Statues, No. 19"). Probably the best per- fect statue is that of the Louvre, No. 154. t Mus. Pio-Clem. Galleria delle Statue, No. 51 ; sometimes, though wrongly, called a Cleopatra. * Mus. Borb. Bronzi, No. 6 and No. 60. § The Torso in the Little Corridor ; the Dancing Faun of the Tribune, restored by Michel Angclo. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 207 the satyr statues, the colossal Sleeping Faun of the Barberini gallery, a work in the very best style of art, and perhaps belonging to the time, if not to the hand, of Scopas or Praxiteles."^ The Silenus is not rare ; and there are at least three masterly groups of this person- age, carrying in his arms the infant Bacchus, all appar- ently copies of some renowned original.t Pan belongs to the Bacchic scenes, and is represented in some excel- lent statues ;;j; but both he and the female votaries, as well as the Satyrs, and the wildest and most picturesque scenes of the Dionysiac rites, are chiefly to be sought in reliefs. The same thing is true of the figures of Centaurs, which in one view might be ranked in the Bacchic cycle, while, m another, they as properly come into the class of the legends of Eros, who, in several groups, is represented, by a significantly poetical fiction, as taming those fierce and anomalous beings.§ The most meritorious of the single statues of Cupid have been abeady alluded to ; and it must be noticed, that in many bas-reliefs, especially of the later ages, Cupids appear in a kind of obscure allegory as genii, represented often with extreme grace, not only in cliildish sport, but in the games of the circus, and in a playful imitation of all the employments of human life. Several sleeping figures may be added to the * In IMunich, Glypothek, No. 96. Found at Rome, in the moat of the Castle St Angelo, into which it had probably fallen with the other statues, which, in 637, the Greek soldiers of Belisarius hurled down on the heads of the besieging Goths. t The best (from the Borghese gallery), in the Louvre, No. 709 ; Vatican, Braccio Nuovo, No. 126; Munich, No. 115, acquired, like the Vatican statue, from the RuspoH palace in Rome. J Pan and Olympus, in the Florentine Gallery, eastern corridor ; the magnificent statue of the Holkham Gallery (from Italy); Speci- mens of Ancient Sculpture, vol ii. plate 27. § Vatican, Mus. Pio-Clem. Sala degli Animali, No, 82; Capitol, Salone, No. 2 and No, 4. The last enumerated is an inferior re- petition of the famous Borghese Centaur, Louvre, No, 134. The Capitcline and Borghese Centaurs were found in Hadrian's Villa, and belong to his times ; and the Borghese and second Capitohne groups are curious on account of the head, which is a close imita- tion of that of the Laocoon, both in features and expression. 208 ART IxN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE list ;* and the only other specimens deserving attention, are those taken from the fable of Eros and Psyche, the legend which shadows forth the soul as a lovely female child, wandering through the eartli to seek that heavenly love from which sin has parted her. This is an Italian conception, though built on a Greek foundation ; the representations of various points of the story, which are so common on reliefs and gems, all belong to the Roman times ; and some of the most poetical are of too late a period to deserve notice as achievements of art. In many of them, Eros is represented as tormenting the butterfly, the emblem of Psyche, whose figures always have the wings of that msect ; and in one gem he is portrayed as hunting it, a subject which is also found in one of the Florentine statues. In another group. Psyche kneels to Eros, and is forgiven.i But the works which are at once the most pleasing in composition, and the most successful in execution, are the numerous copies of the graceful embrace of Eros and Psyche, — a scene which became a favourite before sculpture had altogether sunk, and was so often repeated, that almost every great gallery in Europe possesses an antique copy of it. :|: Of the legends drawn from the heroic ages, none has furnished so many works of a high order as that of Her- cules. In statuary the most celebrated representations are the Farnese and Belvedere figures already described. Several groups exhibit the infant hero strangling the serpents ;§ others show him in manhood, M'ith Telephus, Omphale, or others. Numerous reliefs as well as paint- ings, but scarcely any good statues, are founded on the fables of Theseus, of the Labdacidae, of the Argonautic adventure, and of Jason and Medea. Among statues relat- * Two in Florence, and one in the Royal Gallery at Turin. •f Louvre, No. 496 ; Borghese Collection. Ij: Museo Capitolino; Stanza del Gladiatore, No. 3 One in the Florentine Gallery. § A very fine colossal marble in the Gallery of Turin : a repeti- tion of it at Florence : a bronze (No. 69) in the Museum of Naples, which, however, is said to be only a copy made about the sixteenth enturv. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 209 ing to others of the heroic legends, the best is the Meleager of the Vatican ;* and to the story of the Dioscuri belong the Florentine and other figures of Leda. From the Theban traditions we have many reliefs, and some statues and groups, the most famous of which is the imposing but desperately mutilated group of the Farnese Bull, repre- senting the tragical fate of Direct The Thessalian tra- ditions give the Marriage of Peleus and Thetis as the theme of the reliefs on the celebrated Barberini or Port- land vase, a work of the time of Alexander Severus, but distmguished by the beauty of the material, which is a vitreous composition imitating sardonyx.:}] The same legends introduce to us the incidents of the Trojan war, which are common on reliefs ; and there is one supposed statue of Achilles, with several busts. § The Sacrifice of Iphigenia is figured on the elegant Medicean vase of the Florentine gallery ; and the famous Iliac Table of the Capitol represents in a series of reliefs the chief events of the same war in their relation to the traditional origin of Rome. 11 A group of Menelaus bearing the corpse of Patroclus is extant in several mutilated copies, of which the two least injured are in Florence ;^ there is another Iragment of great merit in the Vatican ;** and a fourth lias undergone a very singular fate, being the battered figure which stands at the corner of the Braschi Palace in Rome, and, under the name of Pasquin, fathers the local witticisms of the modern Romans.tt * Belvedere, Mus. Pio-Clem.: Vestibule, third division, No. 1. Found in a vineyaa-d on the Janiciilan Mount, ■f" At Kaples. Lately removed from the garden of the Villa Reale to the Court of Inscriptions in the Royal Museum. X British IMuseum, Room xi. Found about 1591, vrithin s sarcophagus in a tomb near Rome on the Frascati road. The sarcophagus is in the Capitol (Stanza deli' Urna), and is covered with reliefs representing the adventures of Achilles. § The Borghese Achilles in the Louvre, No. 144 ; a copy of ■»ery unequal execution. II Mus. Capitol. Stanza del Vaso, No. 37. H In the Pitti palace and on the Ponte Vecchio. ** Belved. Mus. Pio-Clem. Stanza de' Bnsti, No. 26. ff See the Museo Pio-Clementiuo, tom. vi, tav. 19, andtherela- VOL. I. Ji 210 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OP GREECE The subjects of the works which have been now point- ed out are in most cases certain. There are, however, a great many statues, as well as reliefs, o: which the sub- jects are extremely doubtful. In some of these (and perhaps in more than the antiquaries are willing to admit) the artists seem really to have had nothing far- ther in view than the representation of a fine model in a spirited and expressive attitude, generally taken from some act of familiar life. As instances we may take two delightful figures of Children, one of whom lauglis from beneath a Silenus mask, and the other exerts his pigmy strength in attempting to strangle a goose.* In other works, however, the attitudes and grouping are too significant not to have been intended as a picture of some particular event. Of monuments belonging to this class three may be na,nied, all possessing very lofty qualities, — the Paetus and Arria, the Papirius with his Mother,t and the Dying Gladiator.;}; In the first of these groups a beautiful woman, wounded and fainting, is supported by a male figure, of a character neither ideal nor Grecian, who is in the act of plunging a short sword into his own neck. In the second, a majestic female grasps and seems to address a youth, who looks up to her with respect and attention. The third is famUiar to every one, and is incomparable for the pathetic force with which it expresses the pain and lassitude of approacliing death, in the air of the wounded man, fallen to the ground, and feebly propping himself on one arm. The names just assigned to these three works are those by which they are best known ; but, since Winckelmann wrote, it is generally admitted that they are wrong, though all the three belong to the period now before us. The first has been named Canace with the Slave ; it has ^vith less tive text. Many of these pasquinades are in the form of short dialogues between Pasquino (the IMenelaus), and jMarforio, a colossal river- god, No. 1, in the court of the Gapitoline Museum. • Mus. Capitol. Stanza del Fauno, No. 15 and No. 21. ■f Both in the Roman Villa Ludovisi. :|: Mus. Capitol. Stanza del Gladiatore Moribondo, No. 1. I TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 211 probability been called Haemon and Antigone ; and it has also been supposed to represent a scene from some of the Roman battles, a barbarian killing his wife and himself to escape slavery. Of the theories regarding the second, the most plausible is that which recognises in it Electra tutoring tiie young Orestes for his task of ven- geance. The Dying Gladiator has stronger claims to his old name than either of the others ; and besides the dramatic pathos which belongs to the subject in this view, it would be deeply interesting to conceive a Grecian artist filled with melancholy inspiration by the departed glory of his race, and representing, in this sad composi- tion, one of the most pitiable victims of his stem masters. There are difficulties in the way of this hypothesis, but the figure is imquestionably neither that of a Greek nor of a Roman, and the newest opinion describes it as that of a barbarian wounded in one of the imperial wars, and forming part of a group on some lost monument.* THE IMITATIVE STVLES OF SCULPTURE. The art has hitheiio exhibited a gradual and natural development ; but a few works of the Roman times dis- play an artificial and forced taste which it is worth while to notice. The reliques of this class are of two descriptions. The first consists of pieces which copy the ancient stiflPness and harshness of the Greek archaic or hieratic style. In Greece, even in the best ages of art, this de- signed imitation of antiquity had place to a certain extent in many of the temple-statues. Some Roman efforts of the kind may be accounted for on the same principle ; but in many instances the copying of the ancient man- ner was solely an affair of caprice or fashion, and such specimens, though important to the antiquary in the way of illustration, are apt to create mistakes in the chrono- logy of art. In many cases, however, the imitation is incomplete, and is thus detected. Two instances may * See the Beschreibung, vol. iii, part 1. p. 248. 212 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE be sufficient. One is a highly-finislied relief of three female figures in the Vatican : * the other is a remarkable though mutilated quadrilateral altar in the Capitol, beautifully sculptured with reliefs, which represent the labours of Hercules, but which, though strictly antique in some particulars, in others display characteristics that seem to indicate the age of Hadrian.t To that time belongs the second class of imitations. These are the reproductions of Egyptian sculpture which were introduced by the emperor's peculiar taste, and of which his villa at Tivoli and some other ruins have furnished great numbers. Such copies are easily distin- guishable from the genuine works of the East. They have no hieroglyphs, — they are highly and minutely finished, — the forms, the anatomy, and the expression, are Greek or Roman, — and, in short, they have little which entitles them to the foreign name, except the sub- jects (chiefly Egyptian divinities) together with the dress and attributes. SCULPTURE AFTER THE TIMES OF THE ANTONINES : A. u. 933—1059 : or a. d. 180-306. Thus far those works and ages have been reviewed in which sculpture claims study by its own merits. The museums of Italy, however, and particularly those of Rome, are thronged with monuments which, belonging either to the very end of the classical period, or to the centuries which intervened till the fall of the empire, are as productions of art almost universally worthless, but possess great interest as illustrating the prevailing modes of thought and of religious feeling. They are chiefly sarcophagi, the practice of burying the dead having by the time of the Antonines nearly superseded that of burning ; and these stone-coffins are covered with sculp- tures in relief, embracing a great variety of subjects. Some are discovered crowned with portrait-busts ; others * Museo Chiaramonti, No. 358. ■f Mus. Capitol. Stanza Lapidaria, No. 13 : from Albano. See the Beschreibung, vol. iii. part 1. p. 149. TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 213 have reliefs exhibiting family groups, or scenes which seem to be taken from real life ; and many represent mythological subjects, in which it is difficult to trace any peculiar adaptation to their purpose. But in very many cases the scenes of the sepulchral reliefs have a symbolical meaning easily discernible ; and these give us a most interesting glimpse of the theological notions current in the pagan world during the early ages of Christianity. In some the symbolical allusion is direct and simple ; such, for instance, as figure combats of the heroic times on the sepulchre of a soldier, or adorn the grave of a dead youth with the story of the slain Adonis, or of Ganymede carried off by the eagle. In many others the symbol is more abstruse ; as, for example, in those incidents from the fable of Love and Psyche, often so beautifully and tenderly conceived, and yet executed in a style of the ut- most coarseness, which marks the tomb as being literally the worst manufacture of a bad manufactory. Bacchic scenes are also very frequent, in many of which the ini- tiation is assumed as the type of death, and the god as the divinity of the realm of shadows. In some of these the sensual characteristics of the rites are disgustingly prominent ; in others there is a pure poetical pathos. The same idea seems to be the prevailing one in two very favourite subjects ; the Repose of Ariadne and that of Endymion. The sleep is that of death : Dionysos and Luna, the divinities of the dead, approach the sleepers with love and pity; but the slumber of the grave continues unbroken. The idea is also indi- cated by the Cupid-like youth, the Genius of Mortal Life, sleeping, or with his hands crossed above his head, leaning on the cypress-tree ; while in other reliefs he bends over the inverted torch, or holds the butterfly, the emblem of the soul, or the bird, the symbol of the manes. Some sarcophagi have the voyage of the departed spirit to the island of Kronos, and numerous other devices bearing reference to the metaph3^sical notions taught in the later schools of Grecian philosophy. 214 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE In many reliefs we can perceive the solemnity of tliis symbolic and religious meaning gradually losing it- self; and we discover the utter abuse and misappre- hension of it, in such works as those which show us Endymion visited by a female figure whose face is clearly a portrait, or which crown other goddesses with fashionable Roman head-dresses. The complete de- parture from the classical mythology, which had been evinced at an earlier period by the Egyptian copies, now displayed itself in the numerous amulets on gems and rings, and in such reliefs as those representing the Syrian worship of Mithras by the slaying of the bull. These and other scenes were frequent on Italian marbles, about the time when Alexandria is known to have abounded in the cabalistic Abraxas gems. TOPOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ART IN ITALY. Ancient Italy, as we have seen, besides importing many works executed in foreign countries, was itself the seat of three distinct developments of the fine arts. There was, first, in Lower Italy and Sicily, a large district where they were practised with high success by Grecian colonists. Secondly, there was another, chiefly comprised in Etruria, in which the indigenous Italian population cultivated them with more or less dependence on Greece. And thirdly, after the fall of that nation, the whole peninsula, but especially the metropolis, became the residence of foreign artists, and the receptacle of the works which they executed for their Roman masters. The existing monuments of ancient Architecture are scattered over the whole country. The topographical chapters of this volume will point out the principal re- mains, and make it now almost unnecessary to say, that by far the richest field of this class of antiquities is in Rome and Latium, which contain an extent of classical ruins nowhere equalled within the same space. Of antique Painting and Sculpture in all their modi- fications, almost every monument which Italy now possesses has been found on her own soil, having been TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 215 either executed there, or imported before the fall of the emph-e. But the country, especially within the last hun- dred years, has lost an immense number of sculptures, which, though some of them may be found in every kingdom of Europe, are far most abundant in the Louvre. The history of the museums of Italy would form an interesting chapter of illustrations for her political and moral history. Thousands of antiques lay buried for centuries beneath the mins of the buildings which they had adorned, and the few statues and other monu- ments which stood in different parts of Rome in the middle ages, were either neglected or misinterpreted. Even in the bright though short interval of enlighten- ment which shone on the fourteenth century, there still prevailed an ignorance as to archaeology, of which we may take as a specimen the fact, that Petrarch gravely calls the pyramid of Cestius the tomb of Remus. Attention to art revived with the final revival of letters ; and after the excavations commenced by Pope Paul III. in the first half of the sixteenth century, which discovered the Farnese Torso, Hercules, Flora, and Venus Calli- pygos, the search for classical reliqucs was unintermit- ted, and many galleries were formed. The private col- lections have now, with very few exceptions, merged in the public museums, at the head of which stand those of Rome, Florence, and Naples. The City of the Popes contains two public Museums of Antiques, those of the Vatican and the Capitol. The former, which has no equal in the world, presents many works of the highest order, and its almost innumerable specimens of a lower class constitute of themselves a most instructive school for the study of heathen mytho- logy and customs. Its chief treasures are contained in the department named the Museo Pio-Clementino, which was opened by Clement XIV., and enlarged by Pius VI., embracing both the monuments previously procured, and very many new acquisitions. A second depart- ment, far less valuable as well as less extensive, derives its name of the Museo Chiaramonti from its founder 216 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE Pius VII. A third, and yet smaller one, the Braccio Nuovo, was added in 1821. The finest works of the Vatican are its marble sculptures and its bronzes ; but it contains also some excellent mosaics, a very few ancient paintings, a good many terra-cottas, and an ex- tremely curious gallery of inscriptions, partly heathen, partly belonging to the early Christians. There is a small collection of Egyptian monuments, begun by Pius VII. in 1819 ; and an Etruscan museum has been opened by Gregory XVI. The whole number of antiques in the Vatican falls little short of 4000, without reckon- ing the inscriptions, which amount to upwards of 3000. The Museum of the Capitol, founded by Clement XII., with which may be classed the collection in the Palazzo de' Conservatori on the opposite side of the square, is immeasurably inferior both in extent and value. It, however, contains several masterpieces, and its chief im- portance in other respects consists in its collection of portrait-busts and statues. The Private Galleries in Rome are now lamentably fallen. The collection of the Villa Albani still contains many interesting monuments, but most of its treasures are to be sought at Munich and in the Lou\Te. In the latter museum also is the first and most famous collec- tion of the Villa Borghese ; and that which has been since formed is of far inferior worth. The Famese gallery has been transferred to Naples, and that of the Villa de' Medici to Florence. The antiques of the Barberini Palace are chiefly in England and at Munich ; those of the INIattei Palace and Villa, and the Villa Negroni, are principally in the Vatican ; and those of the celebrated Giustiniani Palace are scattered over all Europe. The Villa Ludovisi possesses a few sculptures universally acknowledged as masterpieces. The Ducal Gallery of Florence, contained in the build- ing Degli Ufizj, is scarcely less rich in classical sculp- ture than in modem painting. Its best antiques are the statues of the Roman Villa Medici, which include several works of the very highest excellence. Its bronzes and TILL THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE. 217 vases are also valuable, its sarcophagi and busts, though less so, are nevertheless interesting, and its collection of Etruscan monuments is large and increasing. The Royal Gallery of Naples, called the Museo Bor- bonico, embraces several extremely precious depart- ments. Its splendid collection of marbles amounts to more than 500 pieces. Its bronzes and bas-reliefs are also very important, and it possesses a small Egyp- tian museum. The Borgia, Albani, and other galleries, have contributed, -with the Farnese, to enrich it ; and it has received immense accessions from excavations both in Magna Grsecia and in the neighbourhood of the city, of which the most celebrated and productive are those of Herculaneum and Pompeii. To these two towns it owes its unequalled collection of about 1600 antique paintings, which, having been skilfully de- tached from the walls of the disinterred buildings, are preserved under cover in the halls of the museum. In Sicily, Palermo and Catania contain some private collections of antiques, and several towns in Italy pos- sess public galleries of moderate extent and worth. The Royal Museum of Turin, established under the direction of Maffei, contains a few good Grecian and Roman marbles, a considerable number of inscriptions, and an excellent Egyptian department, in which has been in- corporated the first of Drovetti's well known collections. At Brescia the recent discovery of an ancient temple has given interest to the formation of a museum ; and that of Verona, although containing little except inscriptions, derives fame from Maffei its founder and historian. The collections of Venice, consisting partly of antiques found in her provinces, partly of works from Greece, are com- paratively insignificant ; and, besides the Public Gallery in the library of St ]\Iark, the most remarkable pieces are the four Bronze Horses, which, however, are more noted for their adventures and undoubted antiquity than for their plastic merit. Brought by the Roman general Mummius from Corinth on its capture, they were removed by Constantine from Rome to his Hippodrome 218 ART IN ITALY FROM THE CONQUEST OF GREECE.